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# Guampedia
The Online Resource About Guam
## Posts
### [Guam Women's Club](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-womens-club/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Women’s Club was the first women’s organization on Guam. It was founded in February of 1952 and formally incorporated as a non-profit organization on 10 March 1953. The original incorporator members included Patricia M. Ehrhart, Betty Pilgrim, Bethia C. Sessions, Phyllis H. Tyng, Melba Shriver, Isabel T. Guzman and Agueda I. Johnston.
**Content:**
# Guam Women's Club
View more photos for the Guam Women’s Club entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622367183501).
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## Guam's first civic women's organization
The Guam Women’s Club was the first women’s organization on Guam. It was founded in February of 1952 and formally incorporated as a non-profit organization on 10 March 1953. The original incorporator members included Patricia M. Ehrhart, Betty Pilgrim, Bethia C. Sessions, Phyllis H. Tyng, Melba Shriver, Isabel T. Guzman and Agueda I. Johnston.
## Mission
The purposes of the Club are:
- To investigate, discuss and seek improvement of conditions within the Territory of Guam which affect the general welfare, education and health of the population;
- To engage in research on local, Pacific-Asiatic and World problems;
- To lend support to other civic and service organizations in their efforts to better local conditions;
- To extend the public benefit phases of the Club to as many persons as possible;
- To engage in fundraising activities for the purpose of securing funds to be used for public benefit programs.
The Club is governed by a twelve-member executive council comprised of an elected board of directors, chairpersons of the membership, luncheon, and publicity committees who are appointed by the president and approved by the board of directors, an immediate past officer of the club and the club historian who is appointed by the president.
## Membership
Membership is limited to 200 women. A member in good standing must sponsor all applicants for membership with the club. Any woman residing on Guam is eligible to apply for membership with the club provided she is willing to participate in club activities.
There are four classes of membership: active, life, associate and honorary members. The general membership of the club meets on the last Friday of every month from August through May.
## Community contributions
Early activities of the Guam Women’s Club included fundraising, lobbying for legislation, various island beautification and clean-up campaigns, educational programs, youth programs and programs for the elderly and ill.
Some notable early projects of the club were: the re-establishment of the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) in 1952, the creation of the Padre Palomo and Latte Stone parks in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), the lobbying for legislation that resulted in the creation of the village post offices, the Guam flower, and canine control; the creation of a scholarship program for college/university students and the creation of the Guam Youth Building Fund which was used for the construction of youth recreation centers which were located on the Paseo in Hagåtña just in front of the Paseo Stadium, and at the Agana Swimming Pool.
Fundraising activities have been the primary focus of the Guam Women’s Club in recent years. The annual Mardi Gras Celebration first organized by the Club in 1954 has become the signature fundraiser for the Guam Women’s Club Scholarship program. This celebration was fashioned after Mardi Gras celebrations from around the world, and held just before Lent. The scholarship program was created in 1952 with a $150 scholarship awarded to a Territorial College (now the University of Guam) student seeking a teaching certificate. In 2006, the Guam Women’s Club scholarship program supported three full-time University of Guam students.
Other fundraising events organized by the Guam Women’s Club have allowed the club to provide cash donations to other community non-profit organizations such as the Salvation Army, the Guam Symphony, the Sugar Plum Tree, the Get Healthy Guam Coalition, the Guam Girl Scouts, the Guam Humanities Council, Erica’s House, Ayuda Foundation, the Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association, the Annual Christmas Drop, the Bookmobile, Island Girl Power, Sanctuary Incorporated, the Alee Shelter, St. Dominic’s and numerous other charitable and service organizations.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Women's Club
---
### [Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom)](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** “Tamuning” is a Carolinian word which was given to the area where Carolinians settled beginning in 1849, after a typhoon devastated Lamotrek and Satawal. It may be that Tamuning is the name of the Carolinian chief’s clan.
**Content:**
# Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom)
View more photos for the Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622353836821).
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
“Tamuning” is a Carolinian word which was given to the area where Carolinians settled beginning in 1849, after a typhoon devastated Lamotrek and Satawal. It may be that Tamuning is the name of the Carolinian chief’s clan. The American administration relocated the Carolinian population of Tamuning to Saipan in the early 20th century. Another name for Tamuning during the 19th century was Maria Christina. The ancient CHamoru/Chamorro name for the area was “Apurgan” or “Apotgan.”
Other major parts of modern-day Tamuning include Tumon (the island’s tourism district) and Harmon (the island’s industrial park). The original meaning of “Tumon,” known as “Tumhun” in the 17th century, has been lost. Harmon is named after Lieutenant General Millard F. Harmon, commanding General of the U.S. Army Air Forces/Pacific Ocean Areas (AAF/POA). Harmon, along with Brigadier General James R. Andersen, were lost at sea during a flight from Guam to Honolulu on 25 February 1945. Both men had Guam airfields named after them, but Harmon field was returned to the government of Guam and has since become an industrial park.
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, there were 19,685 residents living in the Tamuning, Tumon, Harmon village.
## Village officials
Louise C. Rivera is the mayor and Albert M. Toves is the vice mayor.
## Village description
The main geographic features of this region are the low plateau of Oka (Saupon) Point which divides Tumon and [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) bays, and the Tumon Bay area which is enclosed by high cliffs leading to relatively flat Upper Tumon/ Harmon areas.
Tumon, with its beautiful white sand beaches and protected waters, has developed over the last four decades into Guam’s tourism center while Tamuning has become a major commercial and residential area. Harmon, the sight of the post-World War II airfield, is now an industrial park.
## Village history
Tamuning and its surrounding areas have a rich history. The large number of[ latte stones](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) and other archeological finds around Tumon Bay are evidence that Tumon Bay, with its freshwater springs and excellent inshore fishing, has long been a major population center of the island. During the Spanish conquest of Guam in the late 17th century, Tumon (Tumhun), Ipao, and Apotguan were all listed as major villages.
However, with the resettlement of CHamorus during the Spanish-CHamoru wars, the area was completely emptied of people. For the next two centuries, the area was primarily used for ranching, hunting, and fishing. The village of Tamuning was established in 1849 by Governor Pablo Perez, as a refuge for a group of [Carolinians](http://www.guampedia.com/carolinians-on-guam/) whose islands had been destroyed by a 1848 typhoon.
During the [US Naval Era](http://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), several changes came to the area. Unhappy with the cultural practices of the Carolinians, Governor Seaton Schroeder transported them to the neighboring island of Saipan, north of Guam, in 1901, which was then under the administration of Germany. Schroeder also established a [leper colony](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/) at Ypao in 1902 which lasted until 1912 when its inhabitants were exiled to the Philippines, most never to be heard from again. During Guam’s American naval era, people began to settle permanently in this part of Guam and established the village of [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) which was centered at the current location of the San Miguel Brewery building in Harmon but included what is now considered Tamuning and Tumon. Tumon was a popular fishing and salt-making area during these years.
[World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) brought many changes to the Tumon-Tamuning region. Life went on as usual for the Dededo villagers who did not have to leave their homes during the war, but Tumon Bay was fortified by the Japanese and ranchers were restricted from the area.
Before Guam was reoccupied by the US military in 1944, most residents in this area were forced into Japanese concentration camps. After the war, when CHamorus began to return to the area, they discovered that their former homes and ranch lands were to be used by the US military for the new Harmon Air Force Base, which stretched from Two Lovers Point and Ukudu (Okkodo) to what is now the intersection of Airport Road and Marine Corps Drive. Much of the land in Tumon Bay was also now off limits because it had been designated as an Army Air Corps recreation area.
As the war came to an end the Unpingco, Santos, Pangelinan, and Leon Guerrero families returned to ranching and fishing in Tumon at the same time that the military was still using the area as a recreation zone. A conflict arose in 1949 when the military threatened to condemn the entire area before the signing of the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) in 1950. As the military bulldozers came through, Segundo Unpingco stood in front of them with his shotgun. In order to prevent public outcry, the condemnation was stopped. Areas such as Ipao, and the present-day sites of Matapang Beach Park and *Guma’ Trankilidat* (a housing division for elderly residents under the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority) that had been used by the military as recreation sites were then turned over to the Government of Guam.
The result was that Tumon remained in local hands. By the 1950s, Tumon families were building permanent houses where their ranches had been. In 1952, St. Williams Catholic Church was built to accommodate this community. However, by the 1980s, rapid development was changing life in Tumon and many of these residents ended up moving to other parts of the island and the continental US.
Tamuning also changed radically after the war. Before the war, Tamuning was a ranching area owned by the Perez, Dungca, Sanchez, Rivera, San Nicolas, Sablan, Palting and Rojas families. However, in the late 1940s, the village transformed radically as these families as well as many other refugees from Hagåtña began to build permanent houses in the new municipality. By 1952 Tamuning had 2,364 residents and by 1960 there were 4,232.
In the 1960s, Tamuning became Guam’s most ethnically diverse community as CHamorus were joined by statesiders, Filipinos, Hawaiians, and Asians who came to Guam with the military, the Civil Service or tourism-related industries and settled in this new urban center.
There are three village fiestas for three patron saints. Tamuning celebrates the feast day of Saint Anthony in June, and Saint Victor in August. Tumon celebrates its fiesta for Blessed Diego de San Vitores in January.
Ancient CHamoru area names include Fafai, Gogna, Naton, Ypao, Mamajanao, Oca, Saucio, Dungca, Satpon, Lipog, and Alupat.
**[*By Michael R. Clement, Jr.*](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/)**
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Blessed Diego Luis de San Vitores Church**
This church, located in the heart of Tumon was originally dedicated as St. William’s Church in 1952. It replaced the small chapel built in 1948 at the site of the San Vitores monument. The parish priest had the chapel removed because beachgoers were using the confession booths as changing areas. Following the beatification of [Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) by Pope John Paul II in 1985, the church was renamed in San Vitores’ honor. This church, like the San Vitores shrine, has long been a pilgrimage church attracting Catholics from all over the island. This is especially true now that most of the original residents of Tumon have moved out of the village since the building boom of the late 1980s.
**St. Anthony Catholic Church**
This church is located on Chalan San Antonio. It is the church of the Tamuning community that developed in the years following World War II. The first church built in Tamuning was St. Victor’s Chapel, which opened in 1946. The name has since been changed to St. Anthony, but St. Victor remains a patron saint of the village.
**Schools**
Chief Brodie Memorial School, Tamuning Elementary School, John F. Kennedy High School, Lyndon B. Johnson Elementary School, St. Anthony Catholic School, and St. John’s School (public and private schools) are all located in Tamuning.
### Historical
**San Vitores Monument**
This monument marks the sight where [Blessed Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) was killed by [Chief Matå’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/) on 2 April 1672. San Vitores is credited with bringing Catholicism to Guam and his death sparked the Spanish-CHamoru Wars. CHamorus have been maintaining this site since the day he was murdered and it has long since been a pilgrimage site for Catholics from all over the island. In 1940 a concrete monument was placed here, but it was damaged during World War II. In June 1968, a new monument was dedicated.
**Ypao Beach Park**
Governor Joseph Flores Memorial Park, more commonly known as Ypao Beach Park, is Tumon’s largest and oldest beach park. It is on the site of an ancient CHamoru burial ground, which are known to exist throughout Tumon. It was also the location of a leper colony established by the US Naval government, from 1902 until 1912 when victims of leprosy were banished to the Philippines. Today, Ypao Beach accommodates residents and tourists. The park is a popular weekend location for local festivals, barbecues, and parties.
The waters off the park are part of the Tumon Bay Marine Preserves, where fishing is limited and the taking of marine life is prohibited. This is an effort of the local government to preserve the island’s marine resources.
### Recreational
**Cushing Zoo**
The zoo is located next to Matapang Beach Park and is Guam’s only zoo. It was founded by [Frank and Margie Cushing](http://www.guampedia.com/cushing-family/) who came to Guam as a circus act to entertain the troops in the 1950s. Their children continue to run the family business.
**Guam Premier Outlets**
This outlet mall sits along Chalan San Antonio. There are many shops and vendors for customers to peruse, a food court, and movie theaters. Many restaurants and grocery stores surround the area.
**Matapang Beach Park**
This park is dedicated to the CHamoru [Chief Matå’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/). Today, numerous outrigger canoes are based here, used by local canoe clubs.
**Tumon- Tourist District**
Tumon is the island’s tourist district. The white-sand beach front properties are lined with luxury hotels. In an area known as Pleasure Island, high-end shops, restaurants, bars, dance clubs, and various other establishments share the space with hotels.
**Two Lovers Point**
This imposing cliff marks the northern border of Tumon Bay and is a popular tourist attraction offering dramatic views. [Two Lovers Point](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-dos-amantes-folktale/), or *Puntan Dos Amantes,* is said to be where two lovers jumped to their deaths during the early Spanish period, with their hair tied together.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Louise C. Rivera, Mayor, 2013- Present
- Francisco C. Blas, Mayor, 2005-2012
- [Concepcion B. Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/concepcion-balajadia-duenas/ "Concepcion Balajadia Duenas"), Mayor, 2001-2005
- Luis SN Herrero, Mayor, 1997-2001
- Alfredo C. Dungca, Commissioner/Mayor, 1985-1997
- Gregorio A. Calvo, Commissioner, 1965-1985
- Eugenio I. San Nicolas, Commissioner, 1957-1965
- Jose P. Castro, Commissioner, 1948-1957
- Simon A. Sanchez, Commissioner, 1946-1948
## Vice mayors/assistant commissioners
- Albert M. Toves, Vice Mayor, 2021-Present
- Kenneth C. Santos, Vice Mayor, 2013-2020
- Louise C. Rivera, Vice Mayor, 2005-2012
- Nancy T. Leon Guerrero, Vice Mayor, 2001-2005
- Concepcion B. Duenas, Vice Mayor, 1997-2001
- Teresita C. Borja, Assistant Commissioner/Vice Mayor, 1989-1997
- Peter S. Calvo, Assistant Commissioner, 1985-1989
- Alfredo C. Dungca, Assistant Commissioner, 1977-1985
- Maria SN Leon Guerrero, Assistant Commissioner, 1969-1977
- William B. James, Assistant Commissioner, 1965-1968
- Gregorio A. Calvo, Assistant Commissioner, 1961-1965
- Manuel C. Perez, Assistant Commissioner, 1956-1961
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
*GlobalSecurity.org*. “Andersen AFB.” Last modified 5 July 2011.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 5, *Focus on the Mariana Mission*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1995.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom)
---
### [Seaweeds Overview](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweeds-overview/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Seaweeds, or marine benthic algae, constitute the primary plant life in the marine waters around Guam. Seaweeds serve as the primary producers of nutrients made through the process of photosynthesis whereby carbon dioxide and water are converted to sugar and oxygen.
**Content:**
# Seaweeds Overview
#### Table of Contents
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## Primary plant life
Seaweeds, or marine benthic algae, constitute the primary plant life in the marine waters around Guam. Seaweeds serve as the primary producers of nutrients made through the process of photosynthesis whereby carbon dioxide and water are converted to sugar and oxygen. There are 229 species of seaweeds reported from Guam waters. The species fall within four plant Divisions characterized by the dominant pigments and the chemistry of their stored food products – 22 species of filamentous *Cyanophyta* (filamentous *cyanobacteria* or blue-green algae), 70 species of *Chlorophyta* (green algae), 28 species of *Phaeophyta* (brown algae) and 109 species of *Rhodophyta* (red algae).
Seaweeds do not have the specialized vascular tissue found in higher plants that transport raw material and food throughout the body. The root-like structures are primarily attachment organs, i.e., holdfast. Seaweeds can take many forms, size and consistency, such as the filamentous brown *Feldmannia*, the blade-like red *Halymenia* and large calcareous green *Udotea*. Although the calcium carbonate rock-like alga *Hydrolithon* is normally not considered seaweed, it does belong to the Division *Rhodophyta* and is included in the total species counts of seaweeds for Guam.
Seaweeds manifest a variety of reproductive strategies, e.g., fragmentation, asexual reproduction via spores and sexual reproduction via sperm and egg cells.
Seaweeds are also the source of commercial “colloids,” gelatin-like products used as food preservatives, such as agar from *Gracilaria* and *Gelidiella*, and carrageenan from *Hypnea* and *Eucheuma*. The genus *Eucheuma* is extremely rare in Guam waters and the yield of agar from Guam’s *Gracilaria* is low. *Gelidiella acerosa* and *Hypnea pannosa* are small seaweeds, up to 6 cm high, and not abundant in Guam.
Only the green seaweed *Caulerpa racemosa* is harvested and eaten as a vegetable by Guam residents. A second seaweed, *Gracilaria tsudae* or *chaguan tasi*, has been avoided as of April 1991 when three individuals died by ingesting the seaweed.
## Serve as shelter and food
Seaweeds serve as shelter and food for fish and invertebrates, and as substrata for smaller seaweeds (epiphytes) and invertebrates. In selected sectors of the lagoon environment and reef slopes, the major component of the sand can consist of the calcareous flakes of the green alga *Halimeda*. The crust-like or rock-like coralline algae are most dominant on the reef margin where the breaking high-energy surf occurs. The corallines also serve as cementing agents on loose coral substrata.
Many seaweeds have evolved secondary metabolites – natural chemicals that are not necessary for basic cellular and physiological life processes. The secondary metabolites in such seaweeds as *Hormothamnium* (blue-green alga) and *Portieria* (red alga) are noxious and serve as defense mechanisms against the numerous herbivorous fish and invertebrates that inhabit the waters around Guam.
[***By Roy T. Tsuda, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/roy-tsuda/)
## For further reading
Lobban, Christopher S., and Roy T. Tsuda. “Revised Checklist of Benthic Marine Macroalgae and Seagrasses of Guam and Micronesia.” *Micronesica* 35, no. 36 (2003): 54-99.
Paul, Valerie J., ed. *Ecological Roles of Marine Natural Products*. Ithaca: Comstock Publishing Associates, Cornell University Press, 1992.
––––. “Marine Natural Products.” *Marine and Coastal Biodiversity in the Tropical Island Pacific Region*. Vol. 2, *Population, Development, and Conservation Priorities*, 311-23. Edited by LG Eldredge, JE Maragos, PL Holthus, and HF Takeuchi. Honolulu: East-West Center and Pacific Science Association, 1999.
Tsuda, Roy T. “Seasonal Aspects of the Guam Phaeophyta (Brown Algae).” In *Proceedings of the Second International Symposium on Coral Reefs*. Edited by AM Cameron, BM Cambell, AB Cribb, R. Endean, JS Jell, OA Jones, P. Mather, and FH Talbot. 43-48. Vol. 1. Brisbane: The Great Barrier Reef Committee, 1974.
Tsdua, Roy T., and Frieda O. Wray. “Bibliography of Marine Benthic Algae in Micronesia.” *Micronesica* 13, no. 1 (1977): 85-120.
Tsuda, Roy T., and Harry T. Kami. “Algal Succession on Artificial Reefs in a Marine Lagoon Environment in Guam.” *Journal of Phycology: An International Journal of Algal Research* 9, no. 3 (1973): 260-264.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Seaweeds Overview
---
### [Seaweed: Gracilaria](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweed-gracilaria/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The notoriety of the red seaweed, Gracilaria tsudae, (Division Rhodophyta, Class Rhodophyceae, Order Gracilariales, Family Gracilariaceae), known as chaguan tasi on Guam, was triggered by the death of three Guam residents who ate the seaweed in April 1991.
**Content:**
# Seaweed: Gracilaria
 Gracilaria tsudae, known as chaguan tasi on Guam, triggered the death of three Guam residents who ate the seaweed in April 1991. Image provided by Roy Tsuda.
#### Table of Contents
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## Chaguan tasi (Red seaweed)
The notoriety of the red seaweed, *Gracilaria tsudae*, (Division *Rhodophyta*, Class *Rhodophyceae*, Order *Gracilariales*, Family *Gracilariaceae*), known as *chaguan tasi* on Guam, was triggered by the death of three Guam residents who ate the seaweed in April 1991.
The seaweed had been gathered from the reef flats of Tanguisson on the west coast of Guam and was sold at the local flea market. Besides the seven patients treated at the [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/), private practitioners treated two people and four minimally affected people did not seek medical care. All had ingested the same batch of seaweed. Two previously fatal poisonings from the ingestion of Japanese species of *Gracilaria* (Rom), *G. chorda*, and *G. verrucosa*, occurred in Sakata in 1980 and in Tokyo in 1982, respectively.
*Graciliaria tsudae* (Abbott & Meneses) Abbott was initially described in 1987 as *Polycavernosa tsudae* based on specimens collected from Saipan, Guam, and Yap. Four years later, the species was transferred to the genus *Gracilaria*. The names *Gracilaria edulis* (= *Gracilaria lichenoides*) and *Gracilaria coronopifolia* have been used interchangeably, but mistakenly, in past publications to describe this species on Guam. *Gracilaria tsudae* is documented only from the west coast of Guam, i.e., Tanguisson, Tumon Bay, Nimitz Channel, Sella Bay and Fouha Bay.
Both local residents and Japanese tourists are familiar with *chaguan tsai* and *ogonori*, respectively, as a desirable and edible seaweed. *Gracilaria* contains agar, a colloid (gelatin), used in commercial food preservation and as a microbiological growth media.
Initially, the causal agent for the food poisoning on Guam was mistakenly thought to be palytoxin since the zoanthid *Palythoa tuberculosa* was also present on the Tanguisson reef flat. The leaking oil from the grounds of the adjacent Tanguisson Power Plant and the release of sewage via the Northern District Sewage Outfall at a depth of 18 meters just north of the seaweed site were considered by the Guam Environmental Protection Agency.
However, these two factors do not seem to be the direct cause for the toxic seaweed. Specimens of *Gracilaria tsudae* from Sella Bay and Hågat were also reported to be toxic. *Prostaglandins*, a class of metabolic regulators, have been previously isolated from Australian *Gracilaria edulis* and from Japanese *G. chorda* and *G. verrucosa*, and were also considered as the possible toxin.
## Toxin likely came from algae
*Epiphytic cyanobacteria* (blue-green algae) growing on the seaweed are now considered as the likely origin of the toxin, since the chemistry of the *Gracilaria* toxin seemed similar to toxins in cyanobacteria. Cyanobacteria were observed on the surface of toxic *Gracilaria coronopifolia* in Hawai’i.
Analysis by researchers at Tohoku University of *G. tsudae* collected from Tanguisson reef flat on May 2002 revealed a slight toxicity in the seaweed, that is, the injected mouse became sick but it recovered. In mid-May 2002, schools of juvenile herbivorous rabbitfish, *Siganus spinus* and *Siganus argenteus*, consumed the entire stand of *G. tsudae* from the reef flats of Tanguisson.
Further studies are needed to ascertain whether or not the toxin is being accumulated and concentrated in the fish. Tanguisson reef flats remain closed to fishers and collectors.
[***By Roy T. Tsuda, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/roy-tsuda/)
## For further reading
Abbott, Isabella A., Zhang Junfu, and Xia Bangmei. “*Gracilaria mixta*, sp. nov. and Other Western Pacific Species of the Genus (Rhodophyta: Gracilariaceae).” *Pacific Science* 45, no.1 (1991): 12-27.
Barriault, Louis, Serge L. Boulet, Kenshu Fujiwara, Akio Murai, Leo A. Paquette, and Mari Yotsu-Yamashita. “Synthesis and Biological Evaluation of Analogs of the Marine Toxin Polycavernoside A.” *Bioorganic & Medicinal Chemistry Letters* 9, no. 14 (July 1999): 2069-2072.
Fujiwara, Kenshu, Akio Murai, Mari Yotsu-Yamashita, and Takeshi Yasumoto. “Total Synthesis and Absolute Configuration of Polycavernoside A.” *Journal of the American Chemical Society* 120, no. 41 (1998): 10770-10771.
Fusetani, Nobuhiro, and Kanehisa Hashimoto. “Prostaglandin E2: A Candidate for Causative Agent of ‘Ogonori’ Poisoning.” *Nippon Suisan Gakkaishi* 50, no. 3 (1984): 465-469.
Gregson, Richard P., John F. Marwood, and Ronald J. Quinn. “The Occurrence of Prostaglandins PGE2 and PGF2a in a Plant – the Red Alga *Gracilaria Lichenoides*.” *Tetrahedron Letters* 20, no. 46 (1979): 4505-4506.
Meneses, Isabel, and Isabella A. Abbott. “*Gracilaria* and *Polycavernosa* (Rhodophyta) from Micronesia.” *Micronesica* 20, (1987): 187-200.
Nelson, SG, and RN Tsutsui. “Browsing by Herbivorous Reef Fishes on the Agarophyte *Gracilaria edulis* (Rhodophyta) at Guam, Mariana Islands.” *Fourth International Coral Reef Symposium*. Manila, 18-22 May 1981.
Yotsu-Yamashita, Mari, Robert L. Haddock, and Takeshi Yasumoto. “Polycavernoside A: A Novel Glycosidic Macrolide from the Red Alga *Polycavernosa tsudai* (*Gracilaria edulis*).” *Journal of the American Chemical Society* 115, (1993): 1147-1148.
Yotsu-Yamashita, Mari, Tetsuya Seki, Valerie J. Paul, Hideo Naoki, and Takeshi Yasumoto. “Four New Analogs of Polycavernoside A.” *Tetrahedron Letters* 36, no. 31 (1995): 5563-5566.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Seaweed: Gracilaria
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### [Acculturation in the Spanish Era](https://www.guampedia.com/acculturation/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The introduction of Spanish culture to the CHamoru/Chamorro people began with early Spanish visitors to the Marianas in 1500s. Spanish influence on the culture and language continued throughout the duration of the Spanish Era, which lasted from 1668 to 1898.
**Content:**
# Acculturation in the Spanish Era
#### Table of Contents
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## Schools provided for change
The introduction of Spanish culture to the CHamoru/Chamorro people began with early Spanish visitors to the Marianas in 1500s. Spanish influence on the culture and language continued throughout the duration of the [Spanish Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), which lasted from 1668 to 1898. When the Spanish first arrived, they discovered naked islanders who lived in small villages. The Spanish saw them as superstitious non-Christians who recognized chiefs as their leaders and who, in their opinion, were uncivilized and lacking proper religious and political practices. However, the Spanish also believed that the Chamorros possessed the potential to become more productive citizens within the constructs of a Westernized culture.
## Style of dress
During the late 17th century when [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) priest [Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) established a mission in the village of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), the main objectives of the Spanish were the [Christianization](http://www.guampedia.com/transmission-of-christianity-into-chamorro-culture/) and colonization of the region. Determined to introduce a more “civilized” appearance to the islanders, San Vitores taught the Chamorros how to make Western-style garments by piecing together the woven mats that Chamorros already produced. San Vitores himself wore these garments as a means of convincing the islanders that the woven pieces of clothing were suitable forms of attire.
## Educational facilities
San Vitores established [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/), a boys’ school or seminary, in 1669 in the village of Hagåtña. Initially, students were drawn to the school with the promise of receiving small gifts. These boys, ages four through 11, who attended the Colegio received lessons in Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic, penmanship, Spanish grammar, geography, history, and good manners.
By the mid-19th century, the curriculum included music, ethics, carpentry, iron-working, and agriculture. Instruction was provided by two male teachers who were educated at the Normal School in Manila. In 1844, the enrollment at the school was approximately 300 to 400 students and by 1886, 500 boys were enrolled at the school.
The [Escuela de Niñas](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/), or School for Girls, was also located in the capital city of Hagåtña. The school building included two classrooms which could accommodate up to 150 students. One teacher and an assistant (*ayudante*) taught the young girls, also ages four to 11 years of age. The curriculum consisted of classes in Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic, sewing, and embroidery. In 1886, the Escuela de Niñas had an enrollment of 356.
Both the Colegio de San Juan de Letran and the Escuela de Niñas were overcrowded facilities during the 19th century, prompting an official request for the construction of additional schools on the island. The funding for the institutions came from an endowment called *obra pia* from Queen Mariana of Austria.
The other institutions established were referred to as Schools of Primary Letters, and were built in the other villages and also provided educational instruction to children, ages four to 11. These schools were located in the villages of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat") (with the outlying barrio of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/)), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/ "Malesso’ (Merizo)") (with the outlying barrio of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/ "Humåtak/Umatac") and [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/ "Humåtak/Umatac")). Additionally, there was a school constructed in the barrio of Santa Cruz, adjacent to the capital city of Hagåtña, due to the large student population in the area. The capital city of Hagåtña included the outlying barrios of Anigua, [Asan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1235), Tepungan, [Sinajana,](http://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) and Maria Cristina (present day [Tamuning](http://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)).
## New politics, new religion
As can be seen in the school curriculum, Chamorros were introduced to an array of Western subjects and fields of study. A society with strong oral traditions, Chamorros were taught to read and write using pen and paper. Fields of study such as geography, arithmetic, history, and Christian doctrine were taught to provide the students with what was viewed as the basics of an education. Trades such as carpentry, iron-working, agriculture, sewing, and embroidery were included in the curriculum and promoted as skills which could provide income.
By 1887, approximately 35 percent of the population had received primary instruction in one of the schools on the island. Eleven percent of the total population had learned how to read and write.
The Spanish administration of the Mariana Islands introduced many changes to the islanders’ lifestyle. A new political structure was placed upon them as was a new way of worship. San Vitores and his [Jesuit brothers](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) as well as the [Augustinian Recollects](http://www.guampedia.com/augustinian-recollects/) helped to Christianize the Chamorros with the promise of salvation.
The Spanish colonization of the Mariana Islands introduced the Western world to the Chamorros and forever changed the direction of their lives.
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
García, Francisco Olive y. *The Mariana Islands, 1884-1887: Random Notes.* 2nd ed. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Santa María, Gregorio de. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1844-1852*. Edited by Marjorie G. Driver and Omaira Brunal-Perry. MARC Educational Series no. 21. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1996.
Vara de Rey y Rubio, Joaquín, Luis Santos Fontordera, and Luis Cadarso y Rey. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1890-1894.* Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Acculturation in the Spanish Era
---
### [Educational Institutions During the Spanish Era](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-educational-institutions/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Education of the local population was one of the colonizer’s concerns under the Spanish administration (1668-1898). With the arrival of the Jesuit Father Diego Luis de San Vitores in 1668, the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán was established in the capital city of Hagåtña. Boys who lived in the immediate surrounding area, as well as a number of selected young men that showed promise, were taught at the Colegio. Girls were sent to the Escuela de los Niñas or School for Girls.
**Content:**
# Educational Institutions During the Spanish Era
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## Schools built in Hagåtña, Hågat, Malesso', and Santa Cruz
Education of the local population was one of the colonizers’ concerns under the Spanish administration (1668-1898). With the arrival of the [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in 1668, the [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/) was established in the capital city of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Boys who lived in the immediate surrounding area, as well as a number of selected young men that showed promise, were taught at the Colegio*.* Girls were sent to the [Escuela de Niñas](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/) or School for Girls.
## Schools of Primary Letters
Other institutions, referred to as Schools of Primary Letters, were built in the other *pueblos* or villages and provided educational instruction to children, ages four to 11. As such, these schools were located in the villages of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) with the outlying *barrio* or community of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), [Malesso](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)‘ with the outlying *barrios* of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) and [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/). A school was also constructed in the *barrio* of Santa Cruz, adjacent to the capital city of Hagåtña, perhaps due to large student population in the area. In addition to Santa Cruz, the capital city included the outlying barrios of Anigua, [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/), Tepungan, [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), and Maria Cristina, or the present-day [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
Similar to the Colegio, the school in Santa Cruz was constructed of stone masonry (*[mampostería](http://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/)*) and a tile roof. This structure, though in disrepair during the late 19th century, measured approximately 44 feet long, 16 feet wide, and 11 feet tall.
All of the schools in the island were funded by the endowment (*obra pía*) provided by Spain’s queen regent Queen Mariana of Austria. This funding source provided the salaries for the nine male and five female teachers in the villages, as well as the capital city of Hagåtña.
In contrast to the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán and the school in Santa Cruz that both were built out of stone masonry, and the school in Hågat that was constructed out of wood, the remaining schools on the island were built out of the impermanent materials of cane and thatch.
Boys were taught in the areas of reading, writing, Christian doctrine, grammar, arithmetic, geography, history, literature, and manners. The girls received instruction in the subjects of reading, writing, Christian doctrine, sewing, and embroidery.
Initially, students used sticks as writing implements and banana leaves in lieu of paper. By the late 19th century, pens and paper were provided at the schools for the students to use.
At the end of 1886, enrollment statistics at the schools in the different villages were as follows: Hågat (113 boys, 116 girls), Malesso’ (45 boys, 44 girls), Inalåhan (33 boys, 22 girls).
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Vara de Rey y Rubio, Joaquín, Luis Santos Fontordera, and Luis Cadarso y Rey. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1890-1894.* Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Educational Institutions During the Spanish Era
---
### [Financial Support of Education](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-financial-support-of-education/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** During most of the Spanish administration of the Mariana Islands (1668-1898), Spain provided a subsidy or situado to cover the administrative costs associated with the colonization of the islands.
**Content:**
# Financial Support of Education
#### Table of Contents
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## Galleon trade supports colonization
During most of the Spanish administration of the Mariana Islands (1668-1898), Spain provided a subsidy or *situado* to cover the administrative costs associated with the colonization of the islands. These funds were primarily dependent upon the success of the [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) in the Pacific. Galleon ships en route from Acapulco to the Philippines transported freshly-minted silver from Mexico (New Spain) as the primary form of currency for the purchase of Asian goods, specifically Chinese products. The subsidy for the Marianas Islands originated from the Royal Treasury of Mexico and was administered by government authorities in the Philippines.
By the early 1800s, the galleon trade in the Pacific was waning. In effect, this decreased the amount of support available to Spain’s possessions in the Pacific. The last subsidy from the Treasury of Mexico was received in 1810. The last galleon to visit Guam was the Magellen in 1815. In 1817, the Mariana Islands were transferred to the Superior Government of the Philippines in Manila as a province and a much smaller annual subsidy was provided by the Treasury of the Philippines.
## Queen Mariana of Austria provided endowment
With regard to the field of education, primary instruction was consistently funded by an endowment fund established in 1673 by Queen Mariana of Austria (the namesake of the Mariana Islands) specifically to support the administrative costs and maintenance of the schools on the islands. This endowment fund of 3,000 pesos was known as an *obra pía* which literally translates into “pious or charitable work.”
As such, the [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/), the school or seminary established by [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and other primary schools received this annual subsidy from the Treasury of Mexico to fund the salaries (*haberes*) of teachers and assistants, as well as the costs of furniture, supplies, and maintenance of the schools in the islands. The *obra pía* was administered by a special officer under the supervision of the Governor-General of the Philippines.
Similar to the reduction of the administrative subsidy for the archipelago, by the early 1800s, the *obra pía* could not sustain the educational needs of the islands, and funds from the municipal treasury *or caja municipal* were needed to supplement the original endowment fund provided by Queen Mariana.
In 1890, there were 15 teachers and two aides employed throughout the schools in the Mariana Islands. The two teachers with degrees received 15 to 20 pesos a month while those without degrees received three to five pesos a month.
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Vara de Rey y Rubio, Joaquín, Luis Santos Fontordera, and Luis Cadarso y Rey. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1890-1894.* Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Financial Support of Education
---
### [CHamorus/Chamorros: A People Divided](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorros-a-people-divided/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The people of the Mariana Islands archipelago, collectively known as CHamorus, call as their homeland an area in the Pacific comprising 15 islands with a total land area of less than 400 square miles. The history of the CHamoru people dates back 3,000 to 3,500 years, when seafaring peoples migrated from Island Southeast Asia and settled in the Marianas.
**Content:**
# CHamorus/Chamorros: A People Divided
#### Table of Contents
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## History drew divisions
The people of the Mariana Islands archipelago, collectively known as CHamorus/Chamorros, call as their homeland an area in the Pacific comprising 15 islands with a total land area of less than 400 square miles. The history of the CHamoru people dates back 3,000 to 3,500 years, when seafaring peoples migrated from Island Southeast Asia and settled in the Marianas. But history would eventually draw divisive lines that have permanently etched not just the political landscape of the Marianas, but the social and cultural landscape of its people.
Though the people of the island chain’s two political territories, Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, today hold US citizenship and live under the US flag, they live in a politically divided land – a result of political demarcations that date back to the 19th century.
Much of what we know about the history of the CHamoru people comes from historical accounts from European expeditions dating back to the 16th century. Stumbled upon by explorer [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) in 1521, the islands were dubbed “*Islas de los Ladrones*,” a phrase meaning “Islands of Thieves” that stemmed from the explorer’s encounter with the indigenous population. Landing in Guam, Magellan’s expedition used the stop to rest and replenish his crew’s food supply. For reasons not recorded the islanders took items from Magellan’s ship including a small skiff. Magellan retaliated by attacking the islanders, killing seven villagers.
Representative of the possible cultural misunderstandings that arose in the West’s first encounters with the civilizations of the Pacific, the incident was a vivid example of the conflicts – both overt and subtle – that would later arise between the indigenous people and the powers that would come to rule over them. What the explorers viewed as thievery, the islanders may have viewed as reciprocity – an important tenet of the CHamoru culture that continues to be practiced today. In the end, the name given by Magellan ultimately was used by other explorers to refer to the entire chain of islands.
Later renamed the Mariana Islands in 1668 by Jesuit missionary [Diego Luis De San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in honor of Spain’s Queen Mariana de Austria, the island archipelago was officially claimed under the Spanish throne by explorer [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi ](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/)in 1565, some 40 years after Magellan’s landing. The Marianas remained under Spain’s control until the end of the 19th century, when world events would permanently sever the island chain, leaving it to be separately dominated by competing ruling powers.
## US takes Guam
In 1898, the United States signed the Treaty of Paris with Spain. The agreement, which was enacted in April 1899, ceded Guam and the Spanish-controlled Philippines to the US for $20 million. The[ fate of the remaining Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/partition-of-the-marianas/) was defined in a separate agreement between Spain and Germany, signed soon after the Paris treaty concluded. The agreement ceded the remaining Mariana Islands, as well as the Marshall Islands, Caroline Islands, and Palau to Germany – the cost of which equated to $4.2 million.
Though American rule over Guam would continue for most of the 20th century, German rule over the Marianas was short-lived, ending abruptly during World War I when Japan took control of the islands. Officially conveyed as a Japanese Mandated Territory in 1919 by the League of Nations, the Marianas again came under control of a dominating power, but this time its overseeing authority was an ally of the United States.
Though not ruled by opposing powers at that point, the division within the island chain was distinct. On one side its people lived under the political and ideological influence of the East; on the other, the West – a distinction that would impact the separate evolution of the culture and its language. Despite this, however, the two territories existed in what might be described as a passive coexistence prior to World War II. But what one war made allies, another war made enemies.
## World War II takes a toll
It was as a result of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) that the political divisions between the two territories extended to a clear, and perhaps irreversible, separation between its people. Guam, having fallen to the Japanese at the start of the war, put CHamorus across enemy lines during the thirty month Japanese occupation. CHamorus from Saipan and Rota were recruited by the Japanese military to serve as interpreters, police investigators, and staff assistants. As such, the people in the enemy-occupied territory of Guam were subject not just to the authoritative and often brutal hand of the Japanese military, but also to that of other CHamorus.
Viewed as collaborators by Guam’s CHamorus, the CHamorus of the other Mariana Islands were thus inextricably associated with the bitter memories of the Japanese occupation. So deep was this blow to CHamoru solidarity that, in the few years after the war ended, CHamorus from Guam welcomed a new naming convention that would distinguish them from the CHamorus of the rest of the Mariana Islands. CHamorus in Guam decided to call themselves Guamanians.
There was a reunification movement in the 1960s however. The people cast their vote in the matter, with the people of the Northern Marianas wanting the reunification, and the people of Guam choosing against it. Guamanians felt that reunification would be rewarding the Saipanese interpreters and that Guam’s economy would not be able to handle the cost of bringing the Northern Marianas standard of living up to that of Guam’s. The people of the Northern Marianas thought the reunification would help them gain US citizenship.
## Two American entities
Though the end of World War II would see a re-unification of the Marianas under one American flag, the United States maintained the political division between the two territories. Administered separately by the US Navy, Guam was governed as a flag territory, and the Marianas as a US trusteeship. In the post-war period, the islands saw significant changes to their political, social, and economic infrastructures.
In Guam, the transition toward a greater semblance of self-rule came in the form of the [Organic Act,](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) which was enacted by the US Congress in 1950. Among its provisions, the enabling document delineated a three-branch system of government for Guam and granted US citizenship to the island’s people.
In contrast, the Marianas trusteeship signed its own agreement with the US toward the end of the trusteeship period. In 1975, the trusteeship formally re-defined its relationship with the US by adopting a new political status in association with the United States, officially forming the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. The residents of the CNMI were officially granted US citizenship at the end of the trusteeship in 1986.
In contrast to the Guam agreement, the CNMI covenant granted its people greater political autonomy, including control over immigration and labor. By the turn of the 20th century, though no longer political enemies by virtue of their governing authority, the Mariana Islands archipelago seemed permanently fated to evolve as a divided region – a historical experience not unlike that of other colonial territories across the Pacific.
[***By Gina E. Taitano***](http://www.guampedia.com/gina-taitano/)
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Public School System, 1991.
Rainbird, Paul. *The Archaeology of Micronesia*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
*The CNMI Guide*. “[The CNMI Guide – The History of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana islands](http://www.cnmi-guide.com/history/).” Last modified 18 July 2013.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** CHamorus/Chamorros: A People Divided
---
### [Partition of the Marianas](https://www.guampedia.com/partition-of-the-marianas/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A diplomatic history 1898-1919. The Marianas archipelago was first inhabited some 3,500 years ago by people who originally came from Island Southeast Asia. Today the indigenous inhabitants are known as CHamorus/Chamorros.
**Content:**
# Partition of the Marianas
View more images for the Partition of the Marianas entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622402562355/).
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** The following is a reprint, in part, from *Guam History Perspectives,* Volume 2, with permission from the author.
## A diplomatic history 1898-1919
The Marianas archipelago was first inhabited some 3,500 years ago by people who originally came from Island Southeast Asia. Today the indigenous inhabitants are known as CHamorus/Chamorros. In 1521 [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) and his crew stumbled upon these islands in his attempt to discover a western route to the Spice Islands.
The islands were colonized by Spain beginning in 1668 and renamed the Mariana Islands after Maria Ana de Austria, queen regent of Spain. Spanish colonialism provided a form of political unity for islands that already possessed a common cultural heritage but never before had been united under one government.
From the end of the Manila galleon trade in 1815 until the end of the 19th century, the Marianas colony was left to languish as an outpost of Spain’s Philippine colony.
## American expansionism sparked in 1887
Why, when the entire Philippine and Hawaiian archipelagoes were take by the United States in 1898, was Guam the only island taken of all the islands in the Marianas archipelago after the Spanish-American War? That question, however, must be prefaced by another: How did the United States become a Pacific colonial power in the first place?
US territorial acquisitions in the Pacific developed in connection with commercial interests in the China trade and its relation to the Hawaiian Islands. As early as 1842 the United States had announced a special interest in Hawai’i. In 1875 the US signed a reciprocity treaty with the Hawaiian kingdom, and in 1887 the renewal of the treaty included the exclusive right of the US to use the Pearl River harbor on the island of Oahu. American business interests in Hawai’i invited American annexation of the islands in 1893, which sparked the expansionist spirit of America.
Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and Naval historian Alfred Thayer Mahan, among others, wrote strongly in favor of annexing Hawai’i. Their reasoning was that the move would protect both the west coast of America and the proposed Panama Canal from foreign forces.
But they were also committed to propelling America from an isolated, fledgling nation to a great world power with a global economy and a first class Navy to protect it.
President Benjamin Harrison was in favor of annexation at the time, but as a lame duck president he was unable to act. His successor, Democrat Grover Cleveland, was an anti-expansionist, and so no action was taken on annexation during his term. The issue of annexing Hawai’i became a major plank in the Republic Party platform of 1896, and following William McKinley’s inauguration as president, a new treaty of annexation was negotiated and signed on 16 June 1897. However, the US Senate was unable to garner enough support for annexation, and the issue remained in committee.
What brought about American colonial expansion in the Pacific was US opposition to the Spanish administration of Cuba. American expansionists and the yellow journalism of William Randolph Hearst’s and Joseph Pulitzer’s newspapers had been propounding the cause of American intervention because of what was portrayed as Spain’s barbaric administration of that island.
Tensions became so high between the US and Spain over Cuba that in 1895 the US Navy Department began considering plans for war against Spain. Although most Americans thought of war with Spain only in terms of Spain’s Caribbean islands, naval planners also took into consideration Spain’s Asiatic Fleet based in the Philippine Islands. Thus, the 1896 war plan written by Lt. William Warren Kimball, staff intelligence officer for the Naval War College, included an American attack on the Spanish fleet in the Philippines.
When the McKinley administration took office in the spring of 1897, Secretary of the Navy John D. Long and Assistant Secretary Theodore Roosevelt, asked the Naval War Board to reconvene and reexamine the plan of the previous administration. The board deliberated the war plan again in June 1897. Roosevelt was the *ex-officio* head of the Office of Naval Intelligence at the time. The Naval War College, therefore, looked to Roosevelt for advice on executive policy upon which to base its plans. Roosevelt was a staunch advocate of a strong Navy and worked diligently at preparing the US Navy for war with Spain.
He discussed his war plan with President McKinley on 20 September, toward which the president was reportedly “most kind.” In that discussion, Roosevelt outlined the necessity of defeating the Spanish fleet in the Philippines and possibly capturing Manila.
Although no specific mention of Guam is made in the war plans, the board must have been aware that reinforcements leaving San Francisco for Hawai’i and then the Philippines would necessarily have to pass near the Spanish Marianas. Sound naval strategy would require the destruction of any Spanish warships in the harbor of San Luis de Apra (referred to today as Apra harbor), Guam.
To ensure that he had an aggressive admiral in charge of the Asiatic Squadron, Roosevelt conspired with commodore George Dewey to have the latter appointed to that post. On 21 October 1897 Dewey arrived at Nagaski, took command, and was briefed on the role he was to play should war develop between the US and Spain.
At this same time Whitelaw Reid, publisher of the *New York Tribune* and a staunch McKinley Republican, was sent to London to represent the president at the celebration of the 60th anniversary of Queen Victoria’s accession to the throne. McKinley also charged Reid with the task of quietly determining whether Spain might be willing to sell Cuba to America. The answer he received from Reid was unequivocal: Spain would never sell the brightest jewel in her crown.
McKinley had not developed a cohesive foreign policy when he entered office. He had built his political base on business interests and wanted to be a businessman’s president. He did not want to have a war during his presidency, hence his business-minded effort to avoid war by attempting to buy America’s way out of the Cuban problem.
But McKinley’s hopes to avoid war were dashed when the American battleship *Maine* exploded at anchor in Havana Harbor on 15 February 1898. Some 260 American servicemen died.
“Remember the Maine. To Hell with Spain!” became the war cry. America’s naval leadership, especially its assistant secretary, immediately began preparations to put Kimball’s war plan, as modified by Roosevelt, into effect.
On 25 February 1898, a day when Secretary Long had decided to rest at home, Roosevelt cabled Dewey at Hong Kong:
> In the event of declaration of war with Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coat, and then (begin) offensive operations in the Philippines.
On 11 April, President McKinley asked the US Congress for authority to use the military and naval forces of the US to expel Spain from Cuba. Congress adopted the war resolution early on the morning of the 20th, although officially it was the 19th. The president signed it the same day. On 24 April the president endorsed the recommendation of the Navy bureau chiefs that Dewey should attack the Philippines.
Dewey sailed into Manila Bay on 1 May 1898 and destroyed the Spanish fleet. On 4 May, after fully assessing his victory, he advised the president of the situation and requested further orders. The message did not reach Washington until 7 May.
## Guam's role in the Spanish-American War
Unofficial news of Dewey’s victory reached the US on 2 May. The message was wired from Hong Kong to British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain, who passed it on to John Hay, the US ambassador to England, who immediately passed it on to McKinley. On 4 May, before official word had been received from Dewey, President McKinley approved the recommendation to send troops to begin the attack on the Spanish garrison holding Manila and to carry out his earlier verbal instructions. This decision altered the American republic fundamentally. It created the empire that exists to this day in both the western Pacific and the Caribbean.
Incredibly, McKinley did not even know where he was sending his troops. Journalist H. H. Kohlsaat visited the president at about this time and recorded McKinley’s comments:
> When we received the cable from Admiral Dewey telling of the taking of the Philippines, I looked up their location on the globe. I could not have told where those darned islands were within 2,000 miles!
The Naval War Board wrote to Secretary of the Navy Long on 9 May to induce him to secure Dewey’s lines of communication to Manila by capturing Spanish Guam. Long wrote these orders to the commanding officer of the USS *Charleston* on 10 May, but they were sent much later. Four ships, the Charleston and three transports, left Honolulu on 4 June bound for Manila to reinforce Dewey’s position in the Philippines. Captain Henry Glass, commander of the squadron opened the orders of 10 May while under way. They instructed a stop at Guam where he was to:
> use such force as may be necessary to capture the port of Guam, making prisoners of the governor and other officials and any armed force that may be there.
By 3 June, the day before Glass’s squadron left Honolulu and more than two weeks before the capture of Guam, President McKinley had decided on the minimum concessions Spain would have to make to end the war. Spain would have to evacuate Cuba and cede to the US Puerto Rico, a port in the Philippines, and an island in the Marianas.
So the decision was made then that the spoils of war would include at least one island in the Marianas, and the US never wavered from this position, which ultimately came to pass. It is probable, then, that the US would have taken Guam even if it had decided not to take the Philippines.
On 20 June, Captain Glass captured the undefended Spanish outpost of Guam. The next day he ordered the American flag to be flown and the US national anthem, “The Star Spangled Banner,” to be played. The flag raising was probably the first public demonstration of America’s intention to acquire territory in the Pacific as a result of its attacks on Spanish holdings.
Leaving no troops behind as an occupying force, Glass’s squadron departed Guam for Manila on 22 June. According to the Berlin Treaty, which had been in effect since 14 June 1899, a colonial power could not lay claim to territory it did not occupy. Therefore, on 23 June, Jose Sisto, the treasurer of Guam and the only Spanish government official to escape capture by Glass, claimed the right to act as governor of the Marianas and declared that—under the Berlin Treaty—the Marianas still belonged to Spain.
## The Peace Protocol
By 18 July, the Spanish government recognized that its cause was lost and asked France to help arrange for a termination of hostilities. Consequently, on 26 July a message requesting a cease-fire was delivered to the US president by the French ambassador to the United States.
Meanwhile, Admiral Mahan, who had joined McKinley’s Naval War Board upon the departure of Roosevelt, wrote to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge on 27 July that he was not comfortable with annexing the Philippines.
> Might it not be a wise compromise to take only the Ladrones and Luzon; yielding to the ‘honor’ and exigencies of Spain the Carolines and the rest of the Philippines?
On 30 July, the president’s response to Spain’s request for a cease-fire was delivered to Jules Cambon, the French ambassador in Washington. Although stated more eloquently, the terms were almost the same as those in his June 3 note to Ambassador Hay. Ceding Puerto Rico and the other Spanish islands in the West Indies and one of the Marianas was considered compensation for the losses and expenses of the US during the war, and of the damages suffered by Spanish citizens during the last insurrection in Cuba. The armistice protocol incorporating this language was signed on 12 August 1898.
Interestingly, Manila was captured the day after the armistice was signed. This was not the breach of protocol that Spain made it out to be. The cease-fire message was sent from Washington at 4:30 p.m. Friday, 12 August, which in Manila was 5:30 a.m. Saturday, 13 August. It was received in Manila on the afternoon of the 16th, three days after leaving Washington.
Although the peace treaty left the political status of the newly gained islands to congress, Whitelaw Reid made clear his position on political status for the territories. In a letter to Ambassador Hay on 11 August he warned:
> If we don’t insist strenuously that the territorial government is for all time, we shall be in worse danger than ever in our whole history from the demagogue who will want to make new states.
Whitelaw Reid’s position has been maintained for more than a century.
With America enthusiastic over the prospect of a military defeat of Spain, the resolution to annex Hawai’i that had been languishing in Congress since the spring of 1897 was revived. On 4 May 1898, Congress introduced a new resolution that passed in the US House of Representatives on June 15 and in the US Senate on 6 July. Hawai’i came under American control on 12 August, ironically the same day that the armistice protocol to end the war with Spain was signed.
The Naval Committee of the Senate then asked the Naval War Board to advise what coaling stations should be acquired by the United States. Mahan sent a 32-point response to Secretary Long. He said:
> \[I\]t will be always desirable that the station ceded be an island, whose boundaries are defined by the surrounding water… \[The Naval War Board\] is also of the opinion that, if at all possible, any stations that may be acquired should become wholly the property of the United States, with so much of the surrounding land and water as may be needed to establish adequate protection against an enemy… The Island of Guam, before mentioned, one of the Ladrone Islands, is comparatively small, being about thirty miles in length, with an excellent harbor, a little less than 1,500 miles from Manila, and 3,500 miles from Hawai’i…As it is observed that by the protocol lately signed between the United States and Spain, the former is to “select” one of the Ladrones, and as the Board is not fully informed as to the precise character of the harbors in the other islands of the group, it is recommended that before a “selection” is made, one of our cruisers should be sent to the Ladrones to examine the different harbors and to recommend the most suitable one.
Mahan said that a coaling station at Guam, with others at Samoa, Luzon and Hawai’i:
> would largely meet the needs of the US for naval stations, both for transit to China and for operations of war…; for naval stations, being points for attack and defense, should not be multiplied beyond the strictly necessary.
Here it seems that the man who had become famous for his 1890 treatise on the influence of sea power, the need for a big Navy, and the larger policy for America was becoming fainthearted. Reluctant at first to take all of the Philippines and willing to settle for Luzon and the Marianas, a month later Mahan was willing to settle for just one island in the Marianas. Mahan contradicted himself by initially holding that the surrounding land and water should be taken to provide adequate protection from an enemy and then suggesting that only one island should be taken. It is impossible for one island in the Marianas to be protected from an enemy dwelling on another island a mere sixty-four kilometers (forty miles) away. By not advising that the US should take all of the Marianas, if it was going to take any, Mahan cost America dearly in 1941.
Part of the answer to why only Guam was taken, therefore, is that there was no pressing military need for the rest of the Marianas. Mahan, America’s leading naval historian of the time and supposedly America’s leading naval strategist, advised against taking any more islands than were absolutely necessary. In his opinion, only Guam was needed, and in the end only Guam was taken.
## Was only Guam captured, or all of the Marianas?
When the treaty ending the Spanish-American War was finally signed on 10 December 1898, the US had gained Guam, Puerto Rico, and all of the Philippine Islands. Thus the US became a colonial power in the Pacific. But the key question remains: Why only Guam—why not all of the Marianas?
The answer is not necessarily that this was the recommendation of Mahan and the Naval War Board because, as events developed, there were several opportunities for the acquisition of the Marianas between the time of the Naval War Board’s recommendation and the signing of the Treaty of Paris. The answer entails other questions: Did the US have the option to take all of the Mariana Islands? And did the US capture all of the Marianas or only the island of Guam?
Capt. Glass’s orders of 10 May, as they appear in the 1898 congressional documents, are not titled “Seizure of Guam,” but “Seizure of the Ladrone Islands.” But Glass’s orders specified the capture only of Guam, and Glass’s letter to then-Spanish Governor Marina demanded the surrender only of Guam.
Rear Admiral Stephen B. Luce advised Senator Lodge, also on 10 May, that the islands should be taken in their entirety. He said that arbitration between Spain and Germany had already determined that the Carolines were part of the Philippines. Therefore, the Carolines would go to the US if the Philippines did, and the same would hold true for the Marianas. Lodge responded in agreement on 12 May.
Journalist William M. Laffan of the *New York Sun* visited President McKinley in July and subsequently advised Lodge that the president was considering taking control of the Philippines, the Marianas and the Carolines first, and deciding later what should be kept. Similarly, Lodge wrote to Roosevelt on 12 July, pleased that the president had taken the initiative to acquire the Marianas.
Lodge advised against taking only one island in the Marianas group, which he said would open the door to many troubles. Because Germany, the European power most critical of American foreign policy, was casting longing looks at the Marianas, Lodge held that the US would not want Germany so near.
When Lodge wrote his account of the Spanish-American War, and specifically about the capture of Guam in the Marianas, he spoke of the conquest of “those remote islands, which were henceforth to know new masters.”
During his interview with French Ambassador Cambon on 3 August, which eventually led to the signing of the peace protocol, President McKinley suggested that all of the Marianas might be taken. The president said that the question of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the other West India islands in the Ladrones, admitted no negotiation.
While the negotiations were going on, the peace commission conducted several hearings in Paris. Major General F. V. Greene, as noted in the Treaty of Peace 1899, reminded the peace commissioners of the political status of the islands:
> The government of the Philippine Islands, including the Ladrones, Carolines and Palaos \[Palau\], is vested in the Governor-General, who, in the language of the *Spanish Official Guide* or *Blue Book*, is the sole and legitimate representative in these islands of the supreme power of the Government of the King of Spain.
Others also thought the entire Marianas chain had been taken. Representative E. D. Crumpacker told the House of Representatives on 25 January 1899:
> We have added to the national domain the Hawaiian Islands, Porto Rico (sic), the Philippines and the Ladrones.
At least certain German observers also expected the Americans to take all of the Marianas. According to the *Deutsche Warte*, 20 August 1898:
> The United States has annexed Hawai’i, and as spoils of the war, the Ladrone Islands, with a coaling station in Guam Island, have fallen to her share.
Peace Commissioner William P. Frye thought all of the Marianas were in American control. He said during a commission meeting:
> We hold Porto Rico (sic) and the other islands in the West Indies and the Ladrones as an indemnity in lieu of money.
Commissioner Frye questioned Commander Royal B. Bradford, chief of the Bureau of Equipment and US Navy adviser to the commission, about the Navy’s contention that all of Luzon in the Philippines was in the military possession of the US when only Manila had actually been captured. Bradford responded:
> Simply because we have captured the seat of government and practically all of the Spanish forces.
Commissioners Frye, Cushman K. Davis, and Whitelaw Reid came to agree with Bradford. They wrote to the Secretary of State on 25 October:
> Spain governed these Islands \[the Philippines\] from Manila; and with the destruction of her fleet and the surrender of her army we became as complete masters of the whole group as she had been… The Ladrones and Carolines were also governed from the same capital by the same Governor-General.
This line of reasoning regarding the extent of the captured territory proved sufficient for America to gain ownership of the entire Philippine archipelago. It would have also been sufficient for America to gain ownership of the rest of the Marianas and Carolines.
## Treaty negotiations and the Germans
Records of the negotiations that resulted in the Treaty of Paris and the end of the Spanish-American War indicate that one of the reasons all of the Mariana Islands were not taken by the US was that in 1898, America was still a neophyte at international diplomacy. But Germany had a vested interest in the Philippines and Asia, and German diplomats developed and maintained a firm and unified position and achieved their desired goals.
The negotiations began in Paris on 1 October 1898, with the introduction of American and Spanish commissioners. President McKinley chose his five commissioners expertly:
- Whitelaw Reid, a Republican and an avowed expansionist, was the owner and editor of the *New York Tribune*.
- Senator Cushman K. Davis, chair of the Foreign Relations Committee and Senator William P. Frye, both Republicans, were also expansionists.
- Senator George Gray, the only Democrat among the five, was an anti-expansionist.
- William R. Day, who stepped down from his post as US Secretary of State to head the delegation, favored taking only the island of Luzon and a string of smaller islands, including Guam, that would provide the US with stepping stones to the Asian marketplace.
At the second conference it was agreed that the protocol of August 12 would be the basis of negotiation. Significantly, the protocol did not call for the cession of the Philippines to the United States: instead, it stipulated only that:
> the United States is entitled to occupy and will hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace.
Similarly the protocol identified only an island in the Ladrones, to be selected by the US.
This language did not preclude the US from taking all of the Marianas or all of the Philippines.
On 14 October, US Commander Bradford emphatically expressed his opinion regarding the acquisition of all of the Marianas. He recommended taking not only all of the Marianas but also all of the Carolines. He used the annexation of Hawai’i as an example:
> Suppose we had but one, and the others were possessed of excellent harbors… Suppose also the others were in the hands of a commercial rival, with a different form of government and not over\[ly\] friendly. Under these circumstances we should lose all of the advantages of isolation.
After an extensive tour of the US, McKinley reached a decision: He would demand all of the Philippines. On October 26, three days after Frye, Reid, and Davis recommended taking all of the Spanish holdings in the western Pacific, including the Philippines, the Eastern and Western Carolines and the Marianas, McKinley had Secretary of State John Hay send a two-paragraph message to the peace commissioners in Paris. The first reiterated America’s claim to conquest of the islands. The second paragraph said:
> Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can see but one plan path of duty—the acceptance of the Philippine archipelago.
What happened to the Marianas? Almost every expert who had been asked had said that the Marianas were part of the Philippines and had recommended that they be taken. All of the Philippines were taken, purportedly because separating them could not be justified on political, commercial or humanitarian grounds.
Apparently then, either the president was merely biding his time on the issue of the Carolines and the Marianas, as he had done on the Philippines, or somewhere within the political, commercial, or humanitarian arenas, partitioning the Marianas could be justified. But where?
The answer comes from the files of the German foreign office.
Historically, Germany had become an imperialist power in 1884 with its annexation of New Guinea. In that same year the German-Spanish rivalry over the Carolines began. Spain put forward a claim on the basis of discovery. Germany’s Bismarck government thought that the Carolines were not worth a conflict. To save face, Bismarck suggested arbitration by Pope Leo XIII who predictably adjudicated the Carolines to Spain in 1885. Spain was to obtain (or maintain) sovereignty over the Carolines, but German traders would have free access to the Islands. Germany was given control of the Marshall Islands.
In 1889 the US and Germany nearly came to blows over the question of the partition of Samoa. In 1897 the German parliament approved a five-year building program that would give Germany a fleet of 19 battleships. In November 1897 Germany occupied Kiaochow By in Shantung, China and subsequently received a 99-year lease on the bay in addition to military and railway privileges. By the time of the outbreak of hostilities between America and Spain, Germany was also in control of the Bismarck Archipelago to the northeast of New Guinea.
On 11 May 1898, ten days after Dewey had sunk the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay, Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of Kaiser Wilhelm II, telegraphed from Hong Kong to Bernhard von Bulow, German foreign affairs secretary:
> A German merchant from Naila has stated in a way most worthy of credence that a rebellion has justified itself in the Philippines and will succeed; that the natives would gladly place themselves under the protection of a European power, especially Germany.
He said there were three possibilities for the Philippines:
> 1. a protectorate, possibly under Germany
> 2. the division of the island group between European powers, in which case Germany would naturally acquire her share or
> 3. the neutralization of the Philippines under the guarantee of the powers.
Most European leaders did not believe that the US would ever assume control over all of the Philippines and were shocked when it did. It is not surprising, therefore, that Germany showed interest in the Philippines when it became apparent that they might be available for acquisition.
On 2 June, the German Kaiser ordered a large naval squadron to Manila in order to form an opinion on the Spanish situation, the mood of the natives, and foreign influence upon the political changes. Its commander, Vice-Admiral Otto von Diederichs, the German naval officer who had successfully forced German interests into Kiaochow the year before, made things unpleasant for Dewey by steaming around the bay in apparent disregard of the American siege. News of von Diederichs’ actions generated considerable anti-German sentiment in the US.
On 9 July American Ambassador to Berlin Andrew Dickson White, a Democrat and anti-imperialist, met with German Undersecretary of State Oswald von Richthofen, who told Ambassador White that “the acquisition of Samoa \[as compensation for Hawai’i\] and of the Carolines \[as satisfaction of national pride after the papal adjudication of 1885\] would be desired for Germany; furthermore one or two positions in the Philippine group and the Sulu Archipelago would be wanted.”
White, in turn, dropped an unauthorized hint that the US would most likely not want to keep any of the western Pacific islands. He told von Richthofen that, in his opinion, the US would want to keep no more than a coaling station or two.
Ambassador White cabled Secretary of State Day on July 12 that the US should be “friendly to German aspirations” to assure Germany’s friendly cooperation. On the 13th, White telegraphed Day that he had again met with a representative of the German government (presumably von Richthofen) to discuss the Philippine situation. White said he (White):
> also referred to the Ladrone Islands and to the reports of their capture by our transports, as an incident in their voyage to Manila, and asked \[von Richthofen\] in a jocose sort of way whether Germany would have any use for them. \[Von Richthofen\] seemed to think the matter well worthy of consideration.
White also telegraphed Day that assurances as far as our government can see its way to give them may save the US later troublesome complications.
Thus Ambassador White, without any direction from Washington, was willing to give to Germany practically everything America had captured. When these messages were relayed to President McKinley, he expressed surprise and warned White to be more reserved in his conversations. Nevertheless, no doubt could have been left either in the president’s mind that Germany was seriously interested in the fate of Spain’s Pacific colonies or in the Kaiser’s mind that America had yet to formulate a unified position on what to do with its newly captured territories.
German representatives also approached Ambassador Hay in London. On July 14 he telegraphed to Secretary Day that Germany desired very little. They wanted a few coaling stations, and hoped that in the final disposition of the Philippines, that might be arranged.
On 27 July, after a personal visit from Count Paul von Hatzfeldt-Wildenburg, the German ambassador in London, Hay expressed his true sentiments to Lodge:
> \[T\]he Vaterland \[Germany\] is all on fire with greed, and terror of us. They want the Philippines, the Carolines, and Samoa—they want to get into our markets and keep us out of theirs…There is to the German mind, something monstrous in the thought that a war should take place anywhere and they not profit by it.
When the peace protocol was signed on 12 August, Germany realized that attempting to deal directly with the United States would be fruitless. The next day the German foreign office in Madrid was asked to find out what Spain would accept for the purchase of Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Yap. Although no price was settled on, a secret agreement was reached on 10 September 1898, whereby Spain promised Germany preemptive rights to Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Yap upon the conclusion of peace. Arrangements could also be made for whatever else the US did not take and Germany might want. The US suspected Germany’s covetousness—as previously noted, Bradford had predicted that Germany would purchase any Spanish-held islands not obtained by the US.
Three of the five American peace commissioners, Reid, Davis and Frye, advised President McKinley by telegram that any territory not taken by the US would fall into the hands of hostile competitors. The president had already prepared a telegram, dated 26 October, that advised the American commissioners of his decision to take all of the Philippines. Probably as a result of the commissioners’ 25 October telegram, however, the president hesitated, reconsidered, and then telegraphed his decision to the commissioners on 28 October. In it the president reiterated his decision to acquire the Philippines, but he made no mention of the Carolines or the Marianas, leaving the question open in the minds of the peace commissioners.
On 10 November, Whitelaw Reid said the US would be willing to give Spain US$12 million to US$15 million for all of the Philippines, Carolines, and Marianas. The response to the possible acquisition of the Carolines, Marianas and Philippines arrived from Washington on 14 November. The president still insisted on the retention of all of the Philippines and wanted an effort made to acquire the most eastern of the Carolines, meaning Kosrae. American business interests wanted a cable station there to link Hawai’i to Guam and Asia, and American Protestant missionaries based in Boston wanted to maintain their half-century old mission on the island. Again, neither the Marianas not the rest of the Carolines were mentioned. It is clear, then, that there were neither economic nor religious reasons strong enough to compel the president to show interest in the rest of the Marianas.
The message from the secretary of state also suggested that either Commissioner Day or the secretary of the commission, John Basset Moore, had made some sort of commitment to the German ambassador in Washington that might interfere with the acquisition of Kosrae. This was to be only the first mention of possible collusion between the American peace commissioners and representatives of the German government.
On 15 November the American commissioners prepared an ultimatum to be presented to the Spanish commissioners: either accept the cession of the Philippines or move for adjournment and return to war. The Americans offered the full US$20 million authorized by the president but did not demand any islands other than the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico. Although Davis, Frye, and Reid argued for the inclusion of Kosrae, they finally agreed to a phrase suggested by Day that left that island’s future open to discussion after Spain agreed to relinquish the Philippines.
A key figure in the negotiations was George Herbert Munster, Germany’s ambassador to France. He had been living in Paris for 13 years prior to the Spanish-American War and was well known in diplomatic circles. When the American commissioners arrived in Paris for the peace negotiations, the Kaiser telegraphed Munster to make a point of seeing Whitelaw Reid every day. Munster and Reid had known each other since 1889, and “when their friendship was renewed they had frequent opportunities for talk.”
On 15 November, the same day that the Americans had prepared their ultimatum for the acquisition of all the Philippines, Munster dined with the American peace commissioners, and afterwards they discussed their positions. The Americans said they were going to ask only for Kosrae in the Carolines. That night Munster informed the foreign office in Berlin that the Americans had agreed as far as the other islands (Pohnpei and Yap) are concerned, to respect the arrangements between Spain and Germany. This statement is significant because it implies that Munster had revealed the secret Spanish-German agreement and had received some commitment from the peace commissioners. Munster probably did not reveal too much, though, as indicated by later developments.
On 21 and 22 November Munster was directed to dissuade the Americans from taking any other islands and to inform them that Kosrae in Particular lay within Germany’s sphere of influence. To accomplish this Munster turned his attention to his friend Whitelaw Reid. When Munster repeated Germany’s claim that Kosrae was within the sphere of influence of the German Marshall Islands, Reid pulled out a map and showed Munster that Kosrae was far to the southwest of the Marshall’s and was rightly part of the Carolines. It appeared that Munster was now renewing Germany’s 1885 claim to the Carolines. Reid then told Munster that he thought Germany was interested not only in Kosrae but also all of the Caroline Islands. Munster parried:
> I agree with you precisely; and I tell you these Colonial Department people are all alike—all savages, who can’t eat without gorging—not civilized sufficiently to know when they have had enough, and unable to resist the sight of raw meat! They are tiresome, these colonials.
Munster informed Reid that if America did not interfere with Germany’s acquisition of the Carolines, the Palau Islands and the Marianas with the exception of Guam, then Germany would waive any claim to the Sulus in return for a coaling station on one of them.
Munster spoke with Reid again on 25 November, continuing his effort to sway the American away from Kosrae. But Reid stood his ground and told him that if the Spaniards accepted the ultimatum for the Philippines, the Americans would proceed with attempting to gain control of Kosrae. Munster then told Reid that it would be best if he telegraphed Reid’s position to Berlin and left the problem for the German foreign office to settle in Madrid or Washington.
If Whitelaw Reid’s diary can be believed, as of 25 November Reid still did not know the nature of the secret agreement between Germany and Spain because he wrote after that 25 November meeting with Munster:
> The impression left distinctly upon my mind…was that his government was jealous of our proposed acquisition…and was probably anxious of…in some way laying claim to the Carolines.
On Sunday, 27 November, John B. Jackson, the American charge d’affaires in Berlin, was asked to call at the German foreign office and was met by Baron von Richthofen. There Jackson was presented with a copy of Munster’s telegram stating what Reid had told Munster of the American demand for Kosrae. Jackson was also shown instructions that had been sent to Baron Speck von Sternburg, the German charge d’affaires in Washington, regarding Munster’s report of his conversation with Reid. In addition, von Richthofen referred to his own conversations with Ambassador White in the previous July. Baron von Richthofen pressed the points that the German public felt that Kosrae lay within its sphere of influence and that if the US took it, Germany would probably do nothing untoward, but that lasting friction would develop between the two countries.
Jackson then asked von Richthofen if Germany was negotiating with Spain for the Carolines. Von Richthofen replied that he knew Germany was ready to acquire them at any time, but that no negotiations were taking place. What von Richthofen omitted saying was that Germany had already made a deal and was trying not only to protect it but also to enhance it.
Von Richthofen then suggested that if the US would forget about Kosrae, Germany would not oppose an American taking of another island in the Marianas. The door to the Marianas was opened again but quickly shut. In his telegram to Washington reporting on the conversation, Jackson advised that Germany would not in any way oppose the taking by the US of another of the Ladrones in the place of one of the Carolines. But at the end he added:
> My personal opinion is that German public opinion is so sensitive about the Carolines that the German Government might be willing to negotiate exchanging the most northern of the Marshall Islands as a cable station if we persist in taking Kosrae from Spain.
This long telegram from Jackson to Secretary of State Hay was received and translated for the president at 3 pm on 27 November.
As Jackson suspected, this same diplomatic scenario was being repeated in Washington between Speck von Sternburg and Secretary of State Hay. On Monday morning, 28 November, von Sternburg told Hay that the American possession of Kosrae would be “for America without importance, but for Germany a thorn in the flesh.”
Hay took it to the president, who must have already seen the message from Jackson. On 30 November Hay reported to von Sternburg that the US had no desire to disturb its friendly relations with Germany and would consider another island for a cable station, possibly in the Marshall’s.
On 28 November in Paris, Spain had reluctantly accepted the ultimatum regarding the Philippines. The American commissioners, unaware of the president’s decision, proceeded with their plan to acquire Kosrae. On November 30 the commissioners offered to pay US$1 million for Kosrae in addition to the US$20 million for the Philippines, should Spain agree to the sale. Spain declined.
The next day, 1 December, the peace commissioners received a dispatch from Washington dated November 30 to the effect that the Germans were objecting strenuously to the US acquisition of Kosrae. This was in response to Jackson’s message and von Sternburg’s visit to Hay. According to Hay, the Germans claimed to have received assurances from the American commissioners that nothing would be done to interfere with German rights and interests. Hay said:
> The President is not aware of such assurances, but wishes you to be governed by them, if they have been given.
Bernhard von Bulow later reported that the:
> American peace delegates in Paris declared to our ambassador there (Munster) that, in accordance with special instructions from President McKinley, the American government had decided to respect the secret negotiations in September between Germany and Spain.
Again it seems that the American peace commissioners had been made aware of Germany’s secret arrangement with Spain and that the American delegation agreed that they would not interfere with that agreement. This contention is supported by reports from both Munster and von Bulow.
The Spaniards apparently believed that the ultimatum they had accepted on November 28 was binding; the US would take only the Philippines and Guam in the Pacific, thereby allowing the Spanish government to be free to negotiate the disposition of the rest of its island holdings. On 2 December the Spanish minister of state’s offer to sell to Germany the rest of the Carolines, besides Kosrae, Pohnpei, and yap, was readily accepted. When Germany expressed interest in the Marianas (excluding Guam), Spain also offered the Palau Islands.
The same day Spain offered a deal to the American peace commissioners. In return for an “open door” concession to Spain in Puerto Rico and Cuba, the same as had been provided for them in the Philippines, Spain would cede all of the Carolines and the Marianas to America. For the first time all five American commissioners agreed on the complete acquisition, as long as the door was restricted to only five years, and sent that suggestion to Washington. The response arrived on the morning of Sunday, December 4:
> The President is still of the opinion that preferential privileges to Spain in Puerto Rico and Cuba are not desirable. He would even prefer that (a) treaty should be made on (the) basis of ultimatum rather than risk the embarrassments which might result form such concessions.
Historian Wayne Morgan has expressed the opinion that this meant the president did not want to risk the embarrassment of a protest in Congress from “tariff protectionists and jingoes” during the treaty ratification hearings should such a concession be granted. This proved to be America’s last chance to gain control of all of the Marianas as a result of the Spanish-American War. On 10 December the peace treaty between the US and Spain was signed, with only Guam among the Marianas going to America.
Spain accepted in principle the German deal for the Carolines, the Palau Islands, and the Marianas (except Guam) on 5 December. Negotiations continued until 20 December when an agreement amending the 10 September arrangement was reached.
The treaty between Germany and Spain could not yet be completed, however, because the question of Kosrae remained unresolved. That issue came to rest after 17 January 1899, when Commander E. D. Taussig, captain of the US gunboat Bennington, laid claim to Wake Island. Germany decided not to contest the issue, and the American effort to gain control of Kosrae was dropped.
The question of the Marianas, however, was still not fully resolved. In January 1899, Germany, concerned about the high price Spain was asking, considered taking only the Carolines. Germany even asked Japanese Foreign Minister Shūzō Aoki if Japan would be interested in buying the Marianas. But then Spain compromised, and Germany, without ever having participated in the war, concluded its negotiations with Spain on 10 February 1899, agreeing to pay 25 million pesetas (16,750,000 marks or US$4,200,000) for the Carolines, the Palau Islands, and the Mariana Islands (except Guam).
The Kaiser was so pleased with the successes of his foreign office that he rewarded von Bulow with the title of count. Munster received the title of prince for his efforts.
## Senate opposition
One last event had to occur before the American acquisition of the newly conquered territories could be completed. The treaty to end the Spanish-American War had to be ratified by the US Senate. Stiff opposition came from anti-expansionists, primarily Democrats, who argued that the American republic had neither the right nor the authority to acquire lands that lacked any foreseeable chance of becoming fully integrated states.
As the Senate vote loomed, the expansionists did not have the two-thirds majority necessary for ratification. At the last moment, William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic Party presidential hopeful, arrived on the scene and convinced several of his supporters, who were anti-expansionists, to vote for ratification and allow the expansionists to have their day. He said that during the next election they would then campaign against the Republicans and their imperialistic mode.
On 6 February 1899, with these few extra votes in hand, the Senate voted 57 to 27 in favor of ratification of the Treaty of Peace to end the Spanish-American War. The margin was a mere one vote over a two-thirds majority.
Thus, without the self-motivated political gamesmanship of William Jennings Bryan, the US Senate would have defeated the treaty and the US would not have gained possession of the Philippines, Guam or Puerto Rico. The Marianas would not have been partitioned. But the Rubicon had been crossed, and the United States of America became the last nation to join the family of imperialists. Bryan’s hypocrisy was widely recognized. He lost the 1990 election to McKinley by an even larger margin than in their 1896 contest.
## Outcomes
Germany eventually established district offices at Saipan, Yap, and Pohnpei. While the new American naval government taught the CHamorus in Guam the English language and the rudiments of American political principles, the Germans taught the CHamorus and Carolines in the northern Marianas the German language and work ethics.
Professor Gerd Hadach, who has written extensively on the subject of the German Marianas, states:
> The background for the acquisition was national prestige in the age of imperialism. Emperor Wilhelm took a personal interest in the Navy and colonial expansion, and if any colonies were for sale, the German government would be a potential buyer. It is obvious from the German records that the German government, and possibly the Spanish government, always assumed that the armistice was final, and that the US (was) only interested in Guam. If the US government had changed (its) mind and claimed all of the Marianas, the German government would certainly have acquiesced, as they did not have a strong motive.
Why, then, did the US not take all of the Marianas instead of only Guam? The answer is complex: in part because there was no pressing military need, in part because there were no perceived economic advantages, and in part because too often the right hand (the peace commission) did not know what the left hand (the president, his ambassador, and the secretary of state) was doing. And most assuredly the US did not take all of the Marianas because Germany wanted them and, being experienced in negotiating, maneuvered for them and was prepared to pay for them. To paraphrase McKinley’s justification for acquiring all of the Philippines, there were neither military, economic, nor humanitarian reasons strong enough to compel America to acquire the Marianas in their entirety.
As with all national policy decisions, the responsibility for the decision on the partition of the Marianas rests ultimately with the president. Despite the blundering of Ambassador Andrew White in Germany, despite possible indiscretions by Day or Moore with the German ambassador in Washington, despite all the machinations of the German foreign ministry in Paris, the final decision was made by McKinley upon Spain’s last desperate effort to regain some financial advantage from its lost colonies in the Caribbean and the Pacific.
The president was more concerned about Senate ratification of the treaty than the effect the treaty would have on the island people. The debate between expansionists and anti-expansionists was fierce. It is probable that the president, in conference first with Secretary of State Day in June and then in October and December with Secretary of State Hay, was satisfied to take what had been gained in their “splendid little war” with Spain and hoped their friends in the Senate could get the treaty ratified.
In hindsight, however, had McKinley claimed the Marianas early on, perhaps as part of the armistice protocol, the treaty debate would have been no different and America would have stood on much firmer ground in 1919 and 1941. For with the Marianas in American hands, the US could have given up the Eastern and Western Carolines to the Japanese in 1919 without jeopardizing the security of the strategic naval base at Guam in the Marianas. And with the Marianas fully fortified in 1941, Japan might instead have turned its martial spirit toward its traditional enemy, Russia.
[***By Don Farrell***](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/)
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. “The Partition of the Marianas: A Diplomatic History, 1898-1919.” *ISLA: A Journal of Micronesian Studies* 2, no. 2 (1994): 273-301.
–––. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Marianas.* Translated by Elfriede Craddock and edited by Scott Russell. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1986.
Lodge, Henry C. *The War with Spain.* New York: Harper and Brothers, 1899.
Pratt, Julius W. *America’s Colonial Experiment: How the United States Gained, Governed, and in Part Gave Away a Colonial Empire.* New York: Prentice-Hall, 1951.
Yale Law School, Lillian Goldman Law Library. “[Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain: December 10, 1898](http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/sp1898.asp).”
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Partition of the Marianas
---
### [Gender and Guam History Textbooks](https://www.guampedia.com/gender-and-guam-history-textbooks/)
**Published:** April 9, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Women in Chamorro history. The importance of women in Chamorro history is well documented, and many Guampedia entries reinforce this point. In the Chamorro cosmology, from the moment of creation, men and women worked together.
**Content:**
# Gender and Guam History Textbooks
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Women in Chamorro history
The importance of women in CHamoru/Chamorro history is well documented, and many Guampedia entries reinforce this point. We do not have to dig deeply into obscure records to find evidence of this. Our oral histories are rich with these accounts, beginning with creation. The female goddess [Fu’una](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/) worked alongside her brother, Puntan, to create the world. In the Chamorro creation account, women were not demoted to an after-thought, as if pulled out of a rib a day later. This is a matter of critical significance. In the Chamorro cosmology, from the moment of creation, men and women worked together.
## Representations of Chamorro women in textbooks
Chamorro women hold power in society and are worthy of historical attention. This important point was disregarded by Spaniards whose accounts for over 200 years failed to mention a single female chief, or *maga’haga*, by name. Yet not only are the Spanish to blame. Indeed, none of our modern textbooks convey the message of female importance. The 1964 classic, *A Complete History of Guam*, names only one woman in the entire book, and she isn’t even Chamorro. In Guam’s first published textbook, Carano and Sanchez identify only Queen Mariana de Austria as a woman worthy of historical attention, compared to 88 men.
The most current text, the 2nd edition of *Destiny’s Landfall* by Robert Rogers, came out in 2011. This book contains 167 men and seven women (4 percent women), which is surprising given its recent publication. Further surprising is that of the seven women, only two are Chamorro – [Katherine Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/katherine-aguon/) and [Agueda Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/).
The issue of women’s invisibility in history is part of a bigger problem in the Pacific. This problem is the invisibility of most islanders, male or female, in history books. But after civil rights activism around the world in the 1970s spread to the Pacific, self-determination and decolonization movements grew. These political movements were accompanied by an intellectual activism, as well. Conservative, Eurocentric histories that focus attention on white men and islanders of high rank have been the subject of debate around the region. The call has been for “Islander-Centered” histories. These histories not only focus on islanders but are told from the indigenous perspective.
## Sirena and the power of Chamorro mothers
Another example from our oral history concerns the Chamorro mermaid, [Sirena](https://www.guampedia.com/sirena/). The mermaid is a universal figure. Mermaid stories can be found since ancient times in maritime societies from England and Russia to India and Japan. Just about any place near water, even freshwater, has mermaid stories. The word, Sirena, is a Spanish word, “el sirena,” deriving from Latin, “Siren,” which itself was derived from Greek, “Seiren.” The siren is a mermaid, but also a dangerous woman or a temptress. Mermaids in legends around the world are sexy, femme fatales who lure sailors with their enchanting singing. Even the Walt Disney version, Ariel in *The Little Mermaid*, contains an element of this seductiveness.
Yet our Sirena story is a very different one. It is uniquely not about seduction. Our mermaid story is not about a voluptuous temptress. Ours is a story about respecting one’s mother, a story demonstrating the immense powers of motherhood. Sirena’s mother acts out the ancient Chamorro proverb roughly translated by Dr. Robert Underwood as, “I gave you birth, I can kill you.” The figurative meaning of this proverb, and the moral of the Chamorro Sirena story, is to obey your mother…or else. The Chamorro Sirena story acknowledges the power of one’s mother. This speaks to a unique aspect of our culture and history – the idea that a woman can be, at the same time, an ordinary mother and an extraordinary powerhouse.
## Indigenous perspectives on history
For our part here, beginning in 1992, the Government of Guam created and funded the *Hale’-ta* project. The Hale’-ta series was self-consciously created to be an islander-centered. The whole goal of the series was to re-tell Guam’s history from the Chamorro perspective. Yet even the Hale’-ta books don’t do much better about including women in its pages. The primary textbook, for example, *I Magobetna-ña Guam: Governing Guam: Before and After the Wars (1994)*, mentions only 10 women in the whole book, compared to 205 men.
Thus even our most islander-centered books remain trapped in old patterns. Like the Western historical tradition, they largely exclude women’s contributions. One factor is that most islander-centered histories still focus on political and military history. These types of histories feature stories of kings, presidents, governors, and military leaders. In all these categories, women tend to be underrepresented.
In recent years, some projects have begun bringing women into the historical limelight. These works are critically important in filling the historical silences. Yet many of the women featured in these projects still fit comfortably within the standards of conservative Eurocentric history. They continue to be the elites – wealthy, powerful, and educated. While bringing elite women into the historical spotlight does open doors for more female names in the books, it does not significantly change the historical, male-dominated canon.
A second tactic employed by some feminist scholars is more problematic. This strategy elevates Chamorro women above Chamorro men as the perpetuators and protectors of culture and language. In this argument, Chamorro women are the true movers and shakers of Guam. This often-repeated argument is problematic in several ways. In part, it inaccurately marginalizes men who also play important roles in their families and communities. The theory that women are the ones perpetuating culture implies that men do not. This theory is not fair or evidence based. It also suggests that women are engaged in a struggle over culture against men. For if women are the ones protecting the culture, then it must be the men who are harming it. This example challenges us to exercise caution when falling back on these clichés.
## Decolonizing our history
To come to a deeper understanding of our history, researchers and writers must avoid either ignoring or exaggerating the roles of both men and women. Since ancient times, men and women worked together, cooperatively and interdependently, for the good of their family and clan. Sometimes women took leadership, and sometimes men did. And that’s part of the beauty of our history. Chamorro men and women worked together to deal with the challenges of a new religion, a new capitalist economy, new forms of government, and encroaching western value systems.
While the 1970s called for Islander-Centered histories, current trends call for decolonizing our history. Decolonizing history should mean going beyond the old stories of society’s elites, both indigenous and non-indigenous. Decolonizing history should mean appreciating the joint struggles of both men and women. It calls for identifying the sometimes ordinary people doing extraordinary things to serve their families, villages, and communities. It means capturing the laughter and songs, as well as the disputes and debates, that are part of our history.
***[By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)***
**Editor’s note:** Parts of this essay were published previously as Anne Perez Hattori, “Textbook tells: gender, race, and decolonizing Guam history textbooks in the 21st century Alternative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, Vol. 14(2), 2018, 173–184.
## For further reading
Camacho, Olympia Q. *Legends of Guam*. Hagåtña: GDOE, 1986.
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Textbook Tells: Gender, Race, and Decolonizing Guam History Textbooks in the 21st Century.” *AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples* 14, no. 2 (2018): 173-184.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
Underwood, Robert A. “Hispanicization as a Socio-Historical Process on Guam.” Unpublished Manuscript. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
**Categories:** Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection, Education, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays
**Tags:** Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection, Education, Gender and Guam History Textbooks (Indigenous Lenses
---
### [Guam and Its Three Empires](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-and-its-three-empires/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Few peoples in the world have had continued colonial status for the past 330 years. However, the CHamoru people can claim this unfortunate distinction. It all began when Ferdinand Magellan, and his three small ships stumbled upon the Mariana Islands 6 March 1521. Totally exhausted, sick with scurvy and half-starved, Magellan and his crew were fed and the ship’s stores replenished. Magellan stayed just long enough to take vengeance on the islanders’ for their theft of his ship’s skiff, and, reportedly, carve out human entrails for his sick crew.
**Content:**
# Guam and Its Three Empires
View more images for the Guam and Its Three Empires entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622373061823/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: Colony since 1565
Few peoples in the world have had continued colonial status for the past 330 years. However, the CHamoru/Chamorro people can claim this unfortunate distinction. It all began when [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/), and his three small ships stumbled upon the Mariana Islands 6 March 1521. Totally exhausted, sick with scurvy and half-starved, Magellan and his crew were fed and the ship’s stores replenished. Magellan stayed just long enough to take vengeance on the islanders’ for their theft of his ship’s skiff, and, reportedly, carve out human entrails for his sick crew.
It was a tragic beginning to colonization for the CHamorus.
## Spanish take charge
Because of the CHamorus’ perceived aggressive ways, Magellan was not interested in claiming the islands for Spain. Sailing out of New Spain (Mexico), [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/), a prosperous landowner from Mexico City, officially took Guam as a formal possession of Spain in 1565. But a continuous Spanish colonial presence did not begin on Guam until 1668, after King Philip IV of Spain approved[ Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/)’, S.J., mission to Guam. San Vitores needed several years of heavy-duty politicking and persuading to get his vision funded. For this he depended on Queen Mariana and her Jesuit confessor, Father J. E. Nithard.
Fr. San Vitores was Guam’s first governor (head of colony) and his main order of business was, of course, to Christianize the CHamorus. This led to the priest’s murder in 1672 by [Chief Matapang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/) and 27 years of CHamoru resistance that was brutally put down by Spanish force of arms.
Three priests—Frs. Francisco Solano, Francisco Ezquerra, and Peter Coemans—followed San Vitores as head of colony till 1674 when the first military man, Captain Damian de Esplana, originally assigned to the Philippines was stranded on Guam. Because of his military rank, the Jesuits requested Esplana to serve as head of the mission.
It was not until 1681 that Captain Antonio Saravia was appointed the first official Military Head Commander (later governor) of Guam upon the authority of King Charles II of Spain. One of Saravia’s first acts was to persuade all the CHamoru leaders, then loyal to Spain, to take and sign an oath of allegiance. They promised to “abide by any law which His Majesty might be pleased to impose upon us.” This show of loyalty was celebrated with cannon and musket fire, shouts, and triton trumpet shell blasts. For the next 217 years and 50-some foreign governors, the CHamorus would live as both citizens and subjects of Spain.
In 1698, after 27 years of war, the Spanish had largely subdued the CHamorus and imposed a governing structure. A network of dirt tracks connected five districts each with a *pueblo*, or main village, and church. A priest and a soldier were assigned to each *pueblo*. Leading CHamorus were identified and designated as *principales*. The *principales* were assigned some village duties and used to persuade all the CHamorus in the surrounding area to take up residence in the main village.
The village priest headed both the church and school with upkeep being done by CHamorus. In 1680 Guam had nine priests and three lay brothers and a population of about 7,000. This was a considerable reduction from the 50,000 estimated at San Vitores’ arrival. The population, reduced by the Spanish-CHamoru War, was further reduced by epidemics in 1688 and 1693 that began from diseases brought by Spanish ships.
The 217 years of Spanish colonial rule on Guam was theocratic and autocratic. Toward the end of that period, however, a royal order of 1885 introduced an element of village-level democracy. The order allowed free use of crown land by CHamorus and the election of local officials called *gobernadorcillo*, or mayor, from among the principalia class. This was a major change for the islands, with elected officials replacing appointed ones.
## Americans were next
Such a change, important as it was, had no impact on the continued decline of Spain’s empire, by 1898 but a shadow of its former self. Aggressive and ambitious, the United States had established itself as a player in the arena of world geopolitics. Irritated by Spain’s autocratic rule of Cuba and the mysterious explosion that destroyed the battleship, USS *Maine*, then in Havana’s harbor, the US declared war on Spain in April 1898.
In June, Captain Henry Glass quickly took Guam and sailed on to the Philippines. In August a protocol was signed ending the fighting and in December the Treaty of Paris was agreed to whereby the US paid $20 million reparations for all the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Guam.
The transfer of Guam’s sovereignty did not involve the CHamorus and other than the assignment to the US Congress the power to determine the civil rights and political status of the CHamorus, there was no explicit obligation placed on the US to cultivate self-government or improve the political, social, or economic well-being of the indigenous people. The authority to administer Guam was soon transferred to the US Navy, whose appointed governors would assume complete and unquestioned authority of Guam and its people. From the beginning, Guam was and still is but a piece of real estate needed by the American empire for its strategic purposes.
Guam’s first US Naval governor arrived in August 1899 and the last one ended his term when the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was signed in 1949. As with the Spanish, American military rule was autocratic, the one-man rule of a commanding Naval officer. Be that as it may, some of the Naval governors took initiatives to enlarge CHamoru participation in government.
Governor Roy Smith (1916-1918) established the first Guam Congress. This group of 34 members was made up of village commissioners, deputy commissioners and other prominent CHamorus, all appointed by the governor. However, the “legislators” were told in no uncertain terms that they were merely an advisory body with no authority to debate political rights or status issues.
Guam’s greatest Naval governor was [Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/), 1929-1931. Bradley worked to forward recommendations to Washington, DC that Guam’s people be granted US citizenship and a bill of rights. While his efforts were ignored by US leadership, he went ahead and established Guam citizenship and a Guam Bill of Rights. He reconstituted the Guam Congress as a bicameral elected body and called for the direct election of village commissioners. However, the Navy brass in Washington was not happy with Bradley’s initiatives in the area of expanded civil rights for Guam’s people and recalled him at the end of his term.
## World War II brought Japanese
US Naval rule of Guam was violently interrupted by the 1941 attack of the Empire of Japan’s forces. The Imperial Japanese Navy’s 54th Naval Defense Guard ruled Guam for the purpose of establishing the Greater East-Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. This ideology was intended to liberate Asian peoples from European colonialism and establish one political and economic bloc centered on Japan.
Japan’s grand vision resulted in [repressive and harsh rule](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/). Japanese forces would occupy Guam for nearly three years between December 1941 and July 1944. Attempts to implement the sphere ideology came crashing to the ground as an occupying military government had to immediately transform itself into a fighting force which was crushed in less than a month by the overwhelming power of the US military. Guam then reverted to the American empire.
## Americans come back
What remained steady and increasingly persistent both before and after the Pacific War was the CHamoru call for political rights and civilian rule. This began in 1901 with a petition calling for a permanent civilian government. In 1917 at the opening of the first Guam Congress, Tomas Calvo Anderson asserted:
> It is high time that there be granted to the people, respectful, loyal and devoted to the Great American nation, the same rights that have been granted to the different states, territories and possessions… Our ideals are realized by the giving of that which by right should be granted, that is to say, the defining of the status of the CHamoru people.
Again in 1926 and 1929, the Guam Congress adopted and endorsed petitions for the grant of US citizenship to CHamorus. A few years later, the *Guam Recorder* of 1933 contained two statements, one by congressmen Manuel F. Ulloa and Dr. Ramon M. Sablan and a second by Guam Postmaster James Underwood calling for American citizenship. In response, Naval Governor Captain George A. Alexander endorsed this effort by transmitting the citizenship petition to the White House signed by 2,000 CHamorus.
###### Dead silence from Washington DC
In spite of dead silence from Washington, DC in response to all these petitions, the push for citizenship and civil rights continued with the efforts of local political leaders and men of prominence. In 1936, Baltazar J. Bordallo and Francisco Baza Leon Guerrero made the long trip to Washington using donations from school children and their own funds to personally lobby the US Congress for a citizenship bill. Introduced into both the 75th and 76th Congresses of 1937 and 1939, the bill eventually failed because of Navy opposition and the specter of war.
After the war—one during which CHamorus demonstrated great loyalty to the US – some 600 Guamanian war veterans could and did become naturalized American citizens. In a January 1947 resolution the Guam Congress requested [Governor Charles A. Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/) (a vice admiral) to ask the US Congress to grant American citizenship to Guamanians and pass organic legislation establishing civilian government. The Navy Department postponed action on this request while it awaited the results of the Hopkins Study concerning Guam and American Samoa. That study had been commissioned by President Harry S. Truman’s secretary of defense to inspect and recommend changes in the government of American Samoa and Guam as well as one completed by a cabinet level committee.
Both groups made nearly identical recommendations. They proposed that congressional legislation provide civilian government via an organic act, American citizenship, a bill of rights, and local legislative powers be established by law. Friends of Guam on the US mainland, including former Governor Willis W. Bradley, then a congressman from California, were lobbying for these changes and making Guam’s plight a national issue.
However, what really broke the Navy opposition and got President Truman’s attention was the [1949 walkout of the Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) over a serious disagreement with Governor Charles A. Pownall. Besides refusing to grant subpoena powers to the congress — the reason for the walkout — he also declared their seats vacant and stated that he would fill them by appointment.
The walkout and the heavy military hand were reported in both *The New York Times* and *The Washington Post* and caught Truman’s attention. In early 1949 the president ordered the Department of Interior to draft an organic act for Guam, approved it in May, and had it introduced into the 81st Congress. Hearings were held on Guam in late 1949 that led to numerous changes to the draft. Even the Navy testified in favor of the organic legislation, after all it already had about 36 percent of Guam’s land under its control.
###### Organic Act signed
In mid-1950, the US Congress passed the [Guam Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) and President Truman signed it into law on August 1. Only one CHamoru was present at this event. This was former Guam Congressman [Carlos P. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/), then an American citizen and student at the Georgetown University Law School. Taitano had been the key contact to the national press that got Guam’s plight into the newspaper headlines. At a 1998 celebration of the 48th anniversary of the act, he publicly stated that the approval of the Organic Act:
> …was the beginning of the decolonization of Guam. Unfortunately, almost half a century after… the CHamorus are still trying to set up an island government without the bounds or restraints of colonialism. It is our hope that before another 50 years have passed… we would see the passage of the Guam Commonwealth Act, now before the US Congress.
>
> Carlos P. Taitano
The major provisions of Guam’s Organic Act provided American citizenship; a bill of rights; a civilian administration and local three branch government that included a civilian executive that retained many of the powers of the former Naval governor and who, just as under the US Navy, would be appointed by the US president, a 21-seat unicameral legislature, and a judiciary.
The act also identified and reserved over 36 percent of Guam’s land for US military use and declared Guam to be an unincorporated Territory of the US The act has been amended numerous times by Congress since 1950; notable amendments included those for an elected governor and lieutenant governor, an elected delegate to the US Congress, and most recently, a Guam Supreme court as a separate and pinnacle body of the island judiciary system. Although these changes improved the Organic Act, the government was not yet one of or by the people.
###### Still under United Nations watch
CHamorus certainly accepted the 1950 act as a large political step forward since it lifted the heavy yolk of military rule. Nevertheless, they did not have an opportunity to vote on it. Strictly speaking, an act of self-determination had not been taken and Guam remains on the United Nation’s list of non-self-governing territories. As an unincorporated territory, Guam continued as a strategically located piece of real estate belonging to the American empire.
The Organic Act of 1950 was a major step forward for Guam’s home rule and a model for the rest of the Pacific at that time. The act greatly accelerated political activity with the formal establishment of the Democratic and Republican parties in the 1960s, fierce competition (bi-annually) for legislature seats, and beginning in 1970, battles for the governor and lieutenant governor offices (every four years). Control of the legislature and governorship has oscillated between the Republicans and Democrats, stimulated by dynamic personalities such as Democrat Ricardo J. Bordallo and Republican Joseph F. Ada. The 1998 gubernatorial contest between Democrat Carl Gutierrez, the incumbent, and Ada, attempting to make a political come-back, culminated in an unprecedented post-election controversy that made its way to the Supreme Court of the United States for final resolution in favor of Gutierrez in 1999.
The same excitement evolved in the heated 2002 race between former Congressman Robert Underwood and his running mate, Senator Tom Ada, as they went nose-to-nose with Senators Felix Camacho and Kaleo Moylan, the sons of Guam’s first elected governor and lieutenant governor. In 2002, the sons won, but it took some underhanded campaign maneuvers to pull off an upset. Camacho and Underwood faced off again in 2006 with different running mates. Camacho won again by a slim margin.
###### Other islands of Micronesia unshackled
In contrast to Guam’s “status of no status,” the island peoples of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) surrounding Guam were not shackled by the unincorporated territory doctrine of the US Supreme Court’s Insular Cases. According to this doctrine, the US Congress retains plenary authority over all unincorporated territories (such territories were not recognized as integral parts of the United States) and could decide which Constitutional protections and rights it might (or might not) extend to such territories. In contrast, the peoples of the TTPI were governed by the 1947 Trusteeship Agreement which, unlike the Treaty of Paris, clearly delineated obligations of the US government that included “the development of the inhabitants of the trust territory toward self-government or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of the trust territory and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned.”
Because of this fundamental difference in legal doctrine, the TTPI leaders could and did negotiate political status change with the US on a more or less equal basis. In negotiations with the US, the TTPI leaders (excepting the Northern Mariana Islands) rejected both territorial status and commonwealth status. Finally, in the mid 1980s (1994 for Palau) the various TTPI entities approved and signed compacts of free association with the US that resulted in political independence. In the case of the Northern Mariana Islands (also a part of the TTPI), the leadership there concluded a covenant agreement that established a commonwealth relationship with the US in 1975.
All the while, the US citizens on Guam stood by and watched amazed and even angered at how they were being ignored. Guam delegate to the US Congress, Antonio Won Pat remarked:
> Whatever the needs—whether real or imagined—of the Pentagon in the western Pacific, the willingness of Washington to deal so generously with non-citizens while denying their fellow Americans equal treatment can only be viewed with suspicion and resentment by the people of Guam.
###### Ford approves Commonwealth but plan shelved
The highest reaches of the US government got wind of this suspicion and resentment. In response, the National Security Council commissioned a study in September 1973 of US national objectives, policies and programs for Guam. After the resignation of President Richard Nixon, President Gerald Ford reviewed the study, approved it, and directed that:
> The US negotiator should seek agreement with Guamanian representatives on a commonwealth arrangement no less favorable than that which we are negotiating with the Northern Marianas.
President Ford’s directive of 1 February 1975, issued through Secretary State Henry A. Kissinger was never carried out and the Guam study and the directive remained secret for nearly 30 years. Furthermore, the Department of Interior essentially subverted President Ford’s directive by never informing Guam’s political leaders of the study or presidential action on it.
Throughout the period 1980-1997, CHamoru leaders embarked on a serious effort to improve Guam’s political status through the Commission on Self-Determination that was established by the Guam Legislature in 1980. Totally unaware of President Ford’s directive of 1975, the Commission wrote a draft commonwealth act that was approved by the Guam electorate. The draft was introduced into every session of the US Congress during the tenures of delegates Vicente Blaz (1985-1992) and Robert Underwood (1993-2002).
Guam’s commonwealth quest came to a standstill in 1997. At Congressional hearings on the act, John Garamendi, representing the Clinton Administration, rejected the provisions to do with CHamoru self-determination as well as immigration and labor control in the commonwealth bill. Congress remained uncommitted. At the present time, Guam’s government and people remain a creature of the Organic Act and a piece of property of the American empire. Speaking very recently about the Organic Act and political change, former Congressman Underwood summarized the US-Guam situation in these words:
> Today, I think people want the relationship between the federal and Guam governments defined so that it can’t be changed arbitrarily. We hope to increase our autonomy and enhance our participation in federal decision making in a way that enhances our economy as well as our autonomy.
>
> Robert A. Underwood
[***By* *Donald R. Shuster, EdD***](http://www.guampedia.com/donald-r-shuster/)
## For further reading
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
McHenry, Donald F. *Micronesia: Trust Betrayed*. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1975.
*Pacific Daily News*. “Centennial Timeline.” 21 June 1998.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Taitano, Carlos P. “American Citizenship: A Centennial Commemoration.” Keynote address, Plaza de Espana, Hagåtña, GU, 1 August 1998.
Underwood, Robert A. “Forum on the Organic Act.” Brief remarks, Guam Humanities Council Forum, University of Guam, Mangilao, GU, 7 December 2005.
US Department of State. “Trusteeship Agreement.” In *1980 Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands 33rd Annual Report*. Majuro: MOPS, 1981.
Willens, Howard P., and Dirk A. Ballendorf. *The Secret Guam Study: How President Ford’s 1975 Approval of Commonwealth Was Blocked by Federal Officials.* Mangilao and Saipan: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Spanish Era, US Naval Era, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Guam and Its Three Empires
---
### [Spanish Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-gallery/)
**Published:** March 22, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A collection of images representing the Spanish Era (1668 - 1898) of Guam and the Mariana Islands.
**Content:**
# Spanish Era Gallery
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Rare-17-Trading_Wars-Featured-Image1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/01-0079-W72-Spanish_Galleon.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/MC-31.231_Embed.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/0009-M8-29-MC-31-242-Euro-Isle-Trans.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Concepcion-copy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/207-Mariana_of_Austria_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/0028-ML2-04-Social-Classes.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/0009-M23-Spanish-American-PTDC0017.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/GC-24038-1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/23-Hineti_redo1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/003-FL-Hunting_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Commander-officers-1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/GM-Boxer-Codex-Trading.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/0028-ML2-01-Family.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2-DSCF0002-01.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/42-Maris-Pacifici-Victoria_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/GC-24042_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/L292-1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0067-DR-06-George-Anson.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Poli-Bios-GC-24052_1200.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/MC-1-9-Acapulco.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Trinidad-Route.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/1_tpz_The_Success_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/0067-DR-02-Iles-des-Larrons.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Commander-officers_1100.webp)
[ Explore more photos and images in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623504783105/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Spanish Era Gallery
---
### [About Guam/Guåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/about-guam/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam, the largest and southernmost of the Mariana Islands chain, has a unique and complex cultural history. Located in the Western Pacific in the geographic region known as Micronesia, Guam is well known for its strategic military and economic position between Asia and the North American continent, but is less known for its remarkable history and resilient people.
**Content:**
# About Guam/Guåhan
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Map
## Details about the island
**Indigenous people:** [CHamorus/Chamorros](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-guams-indigenous-people/), who first settled the island about [3,500 years ago](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=19534)
**Capital:** [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/)
**Leadership:** Governor [Lourdes A. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/), Lt. Governor [Joshua Tenorio](https://www.guampedia.com/joshua-f-tenorio/), Congressman James Moylan, Legislative Speaker Frank Blas Jr., Chief Justice Robert J. Torres Jr., Attorney General Douglas Moylan
**Political Status:** Organized, unincorporated territory of the United States since 1950. Considered a US colony and was previously a colony of Spain, the US, Japan and then the US again after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
**Economy:** Mainly supported by [tourism](http://www.guampedia.com/evolution-of-the-tourism-industry-on-guam-2/) particularly from Japan, Korea, and the United States armed forces. The US military is the secondary economic force.
**Slogans:** [*Tano I Man Chamorro*](http://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-chamorro-as-an-ethnic-identifier/) (Land of the Chamorros). As the United States westernmost territory: “Where America’s Day Begins.”
**Villages:** Assan-Ma’ina, Tutuhan (Agana Heights), Hågat, Barrigåda, Chalan Pågo-Otdot, Dedidu, Hagåtña, Inalåhan, Mangilao, Malesso’, Mongmong-To’to-Maite, Piti, Sånta Rita-Sumai, Sinahånña, Talo’fo’fo, Tamuneng-Tomhom (Tumon)-Harmon, Humåtak, Yigo, and Yo’ña
**Land Area:** 214 square miles (549 square kilometers ) including outlying islands
**Location:** Latitude 13.28 degrees North and Longitude 144.47 East, largest and southernmost of the Mariana Islands in the Micronesian region of the Pacific
**Official Languages:** English and Chamorro
**Time:** Chamorro Standard Time (Greenwich Mean Time +10)
**Population:** 168,783 (2020 US Census)
**Currency:** US Dollar
**Climate:** Between 75-86 degrees Fahrenheit (26-30 degrees Celsius) Averaging 81 degrees Fahrenheit (28 degrees Celsius)
**Seasons:** Dry season between January and May; Rainy season between August and November
**Rainfall:** Annual average is approximately 80 inches (2,509 millimeters)
**Guam Territorial Bird:** *[Ko’ko’](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/)* or Guam Rail
**Guam Territorial Tree:** *[Ifit](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-trees-ifit/)* or Ifil (*Intsia Bijuga*)
**Guam Territorial Flower:** *Puti tai nobio* or Bougainvillea
## Guam's Historic Eras
Guam, the largest and southernmost of the Mariana Islands chain, has a unique and complex cultural history. Located in the Western Pacific in the geographic region known as Micronesia, Guam is well known for its strategic military and economic position between Asia and the North American continent, but is less known for its remarkable history and resilient people.
Inhabited for thousands of years, the Marianas are home to one of the oldest Pacific Island cultures. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Marianas Islands were one of the first places to be settled by seafaring peoples, possibly from Island Southeast Asia more than 3,500 years ago. Although it is uncertain whether the islands were settled in waves of migration or all at once, the Mariana Islands appear to have been continuously occupied by people who shared the same culture and language that eventually became known as Chamorro.
Guam not only has a unique ancient history, but a complex colonial history as well. Guam is the site of the first Roman Catholic mission and formal European colony in the Pacific Islands. In fact, the last 400 years of Guam’s history are marked by administrations of three different colonial powers: Spain, the United States, and Japan.
With each administration came new challenges and changes for the Chamorro people. As a [Spanish colony](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), the Chamorro people adapted to influences regarding religion, social organization, and cultural practices from Spain, Mexico, and the Philippines.
The ceding of Guam to the United States as an unincorporated territory after the Spanish-American War in 1898 introduced Chamorros to democratic principles of government and the modern American lifestyle, while keeping them subjects of a sometimes oppressive [US Naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/).
Guam also had a unique position in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), when Japan invaded the island shortly after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. For the next three years, Guam was one US territory occupied by Japanese forces, and the Chamorros were thrown into a war not of their making, until the Americans returned in 1944 to reclaim the island.
The political maneuverings after World War II and the post war buildup led to even more expansion of US military interests in Guam and the rest of Micronesia, with Guam becoming a hub for economic and commercial development. The easing of military restrictions for entering Guam and the establishment of a local, civilian government have made the island an ideal place for people from all over the world to visit, go to school, find jobs, or pursue a variety of economic interests.
The different eras of Guam’s history are highlighted with moments of resilience, strength, adaptation, and innovation as the Chamorro people have found ways to adapt to the challenges of cultural and historical change. Today, Guam has a diverse population that enjoys a rich, multicultural, modern, and urban lifestyle, but in its heart endures the spirit, language, and culture of the indigenous Chamorro people, for whom Guam has always been “home.”
## For further reading
Guam's Ancient Past
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/physical-anthropology-of-ancient-guam-and-the-mariana-islands/)
Guam's Political Status
[ Learn More ](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-political-status/)
Guam's Geography
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/geography-of-guam/)
Chamorro Values
[ Learn More ](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)
Guam's Villages
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/villages-heritage-sites-and-island-life/guams-villages/)
Guam's Historical Eras
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-seven-historical-eras/)
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources
**Tags:** About Guam/Guåhan
---
### [Bela: Wake or Vigil](https://www.guampedia.com/bela-wake-or-vigil/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Every human culture recognizes and accepts death as a natural part of life. Rituals, though, are often used by a society to sanctify death and help give closure to those experiencing the loss of a loved one.
**Content:**
# Bela: Wake or Vigil
 Lorenzo M. Blas Family - Pre-WWII. Courtesy of Mark Borja Lord.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Both a happy and sad occasion
Every human culture recognizes and accepts death as a natural part of life. Rituals, though, are often used by a society to sanctify death, and help give closure to those experiencing the loss of a loved one. In CHamoru/Chamorro culture, the commemoration and celebration of death, or *finatai*, is both a happy and sad occasion. For those left behind, death is a chance for the extended family and friends to gather together and pray for the repose of the individual’s soul. It is also a time to offer comfort and solace, and to fulfill traditional reciprocal obligations.
The description that follows reflects the strong influence of Roman Catholicism, combined with indigenous CHamoru cultural attitudes that have shaped contemporary mortuary practices in the Marianas. It should also be noted that the *bela*, or overnight vigil, has changed from customs observed before and shortly after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). Even today, families may modify some of the particular practices according to various circumstances.
## Contemporary CHamoru funeral traditions
The more recent traditional ritual for death in CHamoru society is comprised of three parts: the *bela* (wake or vigil), the funeral, and the burial. The *bela* is the time of visitation and viewing of the embalmed body of the deceased. It provides an opportunity for visitors from around the island to come and pay their respects. The *bela* usually takes place several days after the individual has died, but before the day of the funeral and burial. Traditionally the *bela* was held overnight into the following day just before the burial. Historically, this time span would accommodate travelers from across the island on a trip that may have taken several hours.
If a person is *chachaflek*, or near death, the extended family usually gathers together to be with the person dying and to console one another. Some members of the family may begin to plan for the *bela*, as well as make arrangements for the funeral. They will also prepare for the *lisåyon måtai*, or the nine nights of rosaries that will be said once the individual has died.
The *bela* takes place in the home of the deceased, usually in the living room or main area of the house. The body is displayed in the coffin, usually surrounded by floral arrangements and candles, and chairs are set up for people to gather and pray together. If the body is brought to the house before noon, then the noontime rosary is led by a *[techa](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=374)*, or traditional prayer leader. A prayer vigil and several rosaries will continue throughout the day, usually one every four hours, as people arrive for the viewing.
Visitors may use the time of the prayer service to offer words of comfort or remembrance of the deceased. Most will stay for the evening rosary to console the family and have something to eat. Although the extended family will provide most of the meal, other relatives and friends typically bring refreshments for the guests.
The body may be kept at the family home overnight until the next morning, when it is taken to the church for the funeral services. As the body is moved, weeping and other demonstrations of grief are conveyed. In the past, there was only a Mass and no further viewing of the body at the church. The priest would offer Mass and lead the *responso*, a set of special prayers for the dead, and afterwards, the body was taken to the cemetery for burial. In earlier times, as the family and other mourners would proceed to the cemetery, homes along the processional route would light candles and place them on their windowsills as a sign of respect.
Nowadays, the *bela* is held in the church, with the viewing occurring right before the Mass. At this time, another rosary is prayed, and the deceased’s family receives the line of visitors who come to the church to pay their respects. Often, visitors will give *ika’*, or monetary gifts meant to help the family defray burial costs as well as to fulfill obligations of reciprocity.
As the family is generally preoccupied during the viewing, a book may be available for visitors to sign and to help the family know who stopped by. A separate record of monetary gifts is kept as a reference for repayment of future obligations. The immediate family takes one last opportunity to view their loved one before the coffin is closed and the funeral mass begins. It is not uncommon for intense emotional outbursts and crying to be witnessed as loved ones express their sadness. During the Mass, family members may participate in different parts of the service, and a relative or close friend may offer a eulogy.
When the Mass has ended, the priest leads the casket out of the church. The pallbearers who carry the casket are usually male relatives of the deceased and are distinguished by their white dress shirts and black armbands. The funeral procession continues to the cemetery where the final burial rites are given. As the coffin is lowered into the grave or placed in its receptacle, mourners drop flowers over the coffin and sing hymns. After the burial, another meal or refreshments may be served at the family home.
Beginning that evening, the immediate family will begin their *lisåyon familia*, a series of rosaries prayed for the next nine nights in private. They will continue to mourn until the first year death anniversary. The celebration of this one-year anniversary represents a time for the extended family to gather once again to pray and commemorate the deceased’s new life and end of the mourning period.
## Early notions of death and funeral practices
The Spanish missionaries who first encountered the CHamoru people believed them to be pagans because the natives did not have any Christian practices. The CHamorus believed strongly in the power of their ancestral spirits or *[aniti](https://www.guampedia.com/aniti-2/)*, who were invoked both for protection and favor, and were appeased through continued respect and [worship](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1124).
According to the accounts of the first [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=522) missionary on Guam, [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), the souls of those who died a violent death were believed to go to a type of hell called *Sasalåguan*, the dwelling place of a demon who tormented these souls. Those who died by natural means went to an underworld paradise.
San Vitores also described the [funeral ceremonies](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11295) of the early CHamorus. Individuals near death had a basket placed by their head to invite the spirit to inhabit the basket should the spirit return to visit. At death, the body was anointed with fragrant oil and carried to the houses of relatives for the spirit to choose a home as a refuge when visiting earth.
Expressions of grief were tremendous, with a great deal of tears, fasting, and rattling of shells. Mourners would weep and sing doleful songs continuously for several days, as people would gather around the body of the deceased, which they decorated with flowers, palms, shells, and other appropriate funerary items.
Persons of higher status had even more elaborate funerals. There were more songs expressing intense sadness; the streets were highly decorated with palms and funeral arches, and the destruction of coconut trees, houses and boats was offered as signs of grief. The deceased was then buried with the status objects representative of their life on earth.
Today, while most CHamorus are Christians and believe death marks not only the end of life on this earth but also the beginning of eternal life, aspects of these early cultural traditions remain as a part of contemporary mourning practices. For example, the gathering of family and friends for continued prayers in the *lisåyon måtai*, *lisåyon familia,* or *lisåyon guma’* and the first year anniversary rosary reflect the tremendous respect CHamorus had for the dead. The prayers and chanting of the *techa* during the rosary often are likened to the traditional chanting and wailing of mourners for the deceased.
The CHamoru practices of reciprocal giving and sharing of food, resources, and support such as *[chenchule’](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=282)* and *ika’* are still important in CHamoru society, most especially at times of death. Indeed, the *bela* and other funerary practices help to solidify social ties, and bring comfort and hope to the bereaved family.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. “Death: The Expression of Grief.” In *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
–––. “Reciprocity, Reunification and Reverence among Grieving Chamorros in Guam: An Ethnographic History of Death Rituals.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume Two. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Saipan: The Ethnology of a War-Devastated Island*. 2nd ed. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Catholic Changes, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Bela: Wake or Vigil
---
### [Emmok: Revenge](https://www.guampedia.com/emmok-revenge/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The CHamoru expression inafa’ maolek (making it good for each other) expresses a core CHamoru value. A life of harmony is taken to be the highest form of human achievement by the CHamoru people.
**Content:**
# Emmok: Revenge
 An illustration of *emmok* (revenge) from Ancient Chamorro (CHamoru) Society courtesy of Bess Press, Inc.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Part of Chamorro reciprocity
The CHamoru/Chamorro expression *[inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/ "Inafa’maolek: Striving for Harmony")* (making it good for each other) expresses a core Chamorro value. A life of harmony is taken to be the highest form of human achievement by the Chamorro people. Harmony within the community, with the ancestors, and with the natural environment is understood to be the most important aspect of a meaningful adult life. Harmony is valued more than being right or even correcting a wrongdoing.
*Emmok* (revenge) is both a concept and a practice that appears in the *inafa’maolek* conceptual constellation and cultural practices.
Another concept that helps give shape to the constellation of Chamorro cultural and philosophical values is reciprocity. Positive forms of reciprocity are [*chenchule’* ](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)(gifts of money or food) and *ayuda* (assistance or help), and negative forms entail revenge. *Todu manatungo’* (consensus) primarily among family clan leaders, plays an important role in the decision-making process. Social position, rank, and senior age play a substantial part in maintaining social order and cooperation.
[*Mamåhlao* ](https://www.guampedia.com/mamahlao-shame/)(behaving with respect and deference) is highly prized; one of the worst things one could do is to publicly ridicule or shame another person. Thus, social pressure and other limitations are placed on the competition for rank and social status. Social harmony is not a constant. Just as one cannot always depend on nature, one cannot always depend on others. At times, social interdependency totally breaks down. Feelings are hurt, someone is shamed, and conflict arises.
Warfare and revenge are part of the reciprocal relationship. Just as gifts require an exchange or repayment, so do insults and harms. Because the individual is interrelated with the family-clan, to insult or harm one is to harm all, and may require conflict or vengeance. The ancient Chamorro wars were, as best we can gather, rather humane in that they did not go to the extreme of annihilating the whole clan. In ancient times, the conflict usually ended after someone was wounded or a few warriors were killed. Some form of payment, often tortoise shell money, could be used to sue for peace.
*[Kåntan Chamorrita](https://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/)* (folk songs and proverbs) are primarily spontaneous and extemporaneous, which reveals the value placed on the individual’s wit and intellect to hold forth when put on the spot. Some of the songs were recorded by anthropologist Laura Thompson in 1947. Although these songs are from the 20th century, they have their roots in antiquity, and they express the importance of interrelatedness. An important example related to this concept is the following:
**Chamorro/CHamoru****English Meaning**An numa’ piniti hao taotao, nangga ma na’ piniti-mu.When you hurt somebody, be expecting to be in pain.Maseha åpmamam na tiempo, un apåsi sa’ dibi-mu.For even if it takes time, surely you’ll pay for the pain you’ve caused.[***By James Sellmann, PhD***](https://www.guampedia.com/james-sellmann/ "James Sellmann")
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1989.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Mariana Islands*. Translated by Elfriede Craddock. MARC Working Papers no. 45. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Haverlandt, Ronald. *Of Ocean Foxes & Guilty Wolves: The Beforetime People, Their Epic Response to Modern Power*. Unpublished Manuscript. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Underwood, Robert A. “What is a Family?” *Pacific Daily News*, 18 November 1979.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Emmok: Revenge
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Body Modification](https://www.guampedia.com/body-modification-in-ancient-guam/)
**Published:** December 15, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Tooth staining. Unlike clothing or hairstyles, body modifications are changes made to the body itself that are of a more permanent nature. Among the CHamoru people, the most remarkable examples of these kinds of modifications were tooth etching and staining.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Body Modification
#### Table of Contents
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## Tooth staining
Unlike clothing or hairstyles, body modifications are changes made to the body itself that are of a more permanent nature. Among the CHamoru/Chamorro people, the most remarkable examples of these kinds of modifications were tooth etching and staining. The Spanish missionaries described women as going to great lengths to stain their teeth as a sign of beauty.
While [betel nut ](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/ "Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects")chewing itself will stain teeth, the CHamorus did it purposefully, especially on the tooth’s visible surface. This purposeful staining was achieved by applying other substances, in a process mentioned by the missionary, Father Peter Coomans. He wrote:
> In order to do this, they mix black coloring with some gum to make it long-lasting. They often reserve an entire day to anoint that one tooth…\[the entire process\] will take up as many as 14 days, during which time the teeth must not touch anything. That is why they suffer continuous torment, with only a funnel used to give sustenance to their body so they do not die.
It is likely that tooth staining was a process associated with elite or high status CHamorus, as afterwards, a feast would be given to celebrate the occasion.
## Tooth etching
An even more striking modification was tooth etching. Etching the tooth surface involved cutting or incising lattice-like grooves into the surface of stained incisors (or front teeth) to produce a decorative effect. The grooves were etched only on the visible surfaces of the teeth. Only a few tooth remains dating from the late prehistoric period of the Marianas have been found that actually exhibit etching, but it was not described in accounts by Spanish explorers. As historian Scott Russell notes, there is no evidence of the tools or techniques available in accounts or the archeological record to explain how or why this practice emerged.
## Tooth sharpening
There is at least one account from the 16th century that mentions another type of modification―tooth sharpening. In this description of the faces of the natives, the author wrote:
> The mouth is very big and the teeth are sharpened like those of a dog, and more so, and they stain them with a red varnish that cannot be removed and which is to preserve their set of teeth … This is something that the Moros of this land \[i.e., the Philippines\] do as well.
The author does not mention how or why this was done, but the practice apparently died out in the years preceding the establishment of the Catholic mission by[ Fr. Diego Luis de San Vitores ](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/ "Father Diego Luis de San Vitores")in the late 17th century.
## No records of tattooing
Tattooing is probably the most well-known type of modification recorded among different cultures, including Micronesian islanders. However, it is uncertain if the CHamorus practiced tattooing themselves. There are no records of tattooing observed by the early Spanish explorers, nor have traditional tools been identified that might have been used to color the skin.
Archeologist [Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson](https://www.guampedia.com/rosalind-hunter-anderson/) asserts, however, that this lack of evidence in CHamoru culture does not necessarily mean the CHamorus never marked their skin with tattoos. She looks to evidence from nearby, related cultures in Micronesia, including Yap and Palau, that have tattooing traditions. Hunter-Anderson also puts forth the possibility that the practice may have died out prior to the arrival of Europeans, and therefore, no record would remain. She notes, though, that perhaps the particular social and cultural circumstances of the CHamorus made tattooing an unnecessary practice for distinguishing social classes or restricting members of society, as is often the purpose of tattoo traditions.
In any case, people today are still fascinated by the ornamental practices of the CHamoru people, from jewelry, to clothing to body modification, and try to incorporate it into designs and fashion.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Hunter-Anderson, Rosalind L. [“On the Question of Tattoo by Ancestral CHamorus.”](https://www.guampedia.com/on-the-question-of-tattoo-by-ancestral-chamorros-2/ "On The Question of Tattoo by Ancestral CHamorus/Chamorros") In *Guampedia*, last modified 18 December 2019.
Yatar, Maria Santos. *With the First Canoe: Traditional Tatu of Micronesia*. 1992.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Chamorro Culture, Creative Expressions, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Body Modification
---
### [Dr. Judy Selk Flores Collection](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-judy-selk-flores-collection/)
**Published:** April 21, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Collection provided by Dr. Flores to accompany relevant entries.
**Content:**
# Dr. Judy Selk Flores Collection
**Editor’s note:** Collection provided by Dr. Flores to accompany relevant entries. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from Dr. Judy Selk Flores. View collection [here](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/.).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/0002-JFCO-37-CONTAGAM.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Chamorro-Craft-Masters-1995.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/Tool-Making-ADZETGMP.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Jesus-Crisostomo.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/ROCTARFI_600.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/0002-JA-03-Legend-of-Sirena.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/POTLIWAV.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/PWJEWEGM_Gold-Jewelry.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Guahayi_tpz1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/POTLILIC.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/I2-JFART-16-RIC1994.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/ASPEARPT.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Sinahi01_tpz1920.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/ADZECBGM.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Spirit-of-the-Nunu-Tree_tpz1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/0002-JFLT-13-SLPENGM.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Floren-Pualino_tpz.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/POTLIGM.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/159-nasion-chamoru_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Cave-Art-Featured-Image.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Flores-Burego-Inalajan-Featured-Image.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Belembautuyan_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/ABEADCP-Body-Adornment-Header.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Minagof-Happiness_tpz1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/0002-JFPT-05-POTLATCO.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/ROCCHUTU_600.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-41-Chamoru-Items.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/BURSPOCR.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/ABEADSGM.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/0002-JFCO-04-CONAGUAR.webp)
[ Explore More Images ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157627434784975/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Dr. Judy Selk Flores Collection
---
### [Judy Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-flores/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Judy Selk Flores, originally from Colorado, moved to Guam at age eleven when her parents accepted teaching jobs in 1957. The family was the first off-island American family to be housed in the southern village of Inalåhan, where Flores grew up immersed in the rich cultural traditions of the village.
**Content:**
# Judy Flores
#### Table of Contents
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## Batik artist
Judy Selk Flores, originally from Colorado, moved to Guam at age 11 when her parents accepted teaching jobs in 1957. The family was the first off-island American family to be housed in the southern village of [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/ "Inalåhan (Inarajan)"), where Flores grew up immersed in the rich cultural traditions of the village. She learned to speak CHamoru/Chamorro fluently and married into the culture. She and her husband, Juan N. Flores, have two grown children and seven grandchildren.
Artistically inclined from an early age, Judy Flores earned a degree in art education from the University of Guam and taught art in secondary school for 10 years. During her early years of teaching, she began experimenting with the wax and dye art media of batik, which became her primary medium of artistic expression. Flores used the batik medium to paint vivid impressions of CHamoru cultural scenes and activities that were rapidly disappearing in the 1970s. As she continued her master’s and PhD research, her paintings reflected her increased interest in CHamoru history and cultural values.
In the days before Guam had art galleries, Flores marketed her work through art fairs and through consignments with small gift shops. Her work was often chosen by Guam officials as gifts for visiting dignitaries. As the tourism economy developed, hotels, restaurants, and professional offices commissioned batiks by Flores. The Percent-for-the-Arts law of 1989 required that all public buildings, including hotel properties who received tax exemptions, were required to spend one percent on local art.
Flores was among several artists who produced large works for the Hilton Guam Resort & Spa, which still hang in their lobbies, foyers, and guest rooms. During the 1970s and 1980s, a vibrant artistic community flourished through art festivals at Turtle Cove, Ipao Park, Plaza de Susana, and Jeff’s Pirates Cove.
Flores was a founding member of the Guam Visual Arts Guild, whose members organized the annual Kaleidoscope Weekend of Arts Workshops for over 10 years. In 1981, she founded Guahan Art, a student art development organization that encouraged talented young artists to demonstrate, display, and market their work.
She worked for Senator Carmen Kasperbauer’s Legislative Committee on Culture in 1981 on legislation to create the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA). She later was invited to join the first CHamoru artists’ organization, ”*Acha’ot Guahan Siha*.”
She exhibited at the CAHA Gallery, the Creative Hands Exhibit at the Isla Center for the Arts, The Guam Gallery of Art, and sold her work through Colorful Creations, a gallery/gift shop. Her sister, Amy, opened the Framed, Etc. gallery in Anigua in 2002, which features her original paintings, limited edition prints, and reproductions in cards, books, and glass.
## For further reading
*Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency*. “[Artists – Guam CAHA](https://www.guamcaha.org/artists).” 21 February 2025.
Humanities Guåhan. *Picturing Guam Teachers Resource Book*. Hagåtña: HG, 2011.
*I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. VoI. 3. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2002.
Leon-Guerrero, Jillette. *Seeing Guam Through Our Eyes.* Agana Heights: Guamology Publishing, 2010.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Judy Flores
---
### [Genevieve Perez Ploke Snow](https://www.guampedia.com/genevieve-perez-ploke-snow/)
**Published:** April 14, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** First CHamoru Woman US Naval Officer. Genevieve Perez Ploke Snow (1941 -2011) was born in Hågat, Guam on 15 March 1941. As an infant and toddler during World War II, she survived the Japanese occupation of Guam, raiding of her house, capture of her father (CPO John F. Ploke, Zentsuji POW), starvation, emaciation, dysentery, witnessed the torture and execution of some of her family and friends during the forced march to Manenggon, and the near execution of her grandfather, Antanacio Taitano Perez, as a suspected American spy.
**Content:**
# Genevieve Perez Ploke Snow
#### Table of Contents
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## First CHamoru/Chamorro Woman US Naval Officer
Genevieve Perez Ploke Snow (1941 – 2011) was born in [Hågat,](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat") Guam on 15 March 1941. As an infant and toddler during World War II, she survived the Japanese occupation of Guam, raiding of her house, capture of her father (CPO John F. Ploke, Zentsuji POW), starvation, emaciation, dysentery, witnessed the torture and execution of some of her family and friends during the forced march to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat"), and the near execution of her grandfather, Antanacio Taitano Perez, as a suspected American spy.
But by the war’s end in 1944 she was blessed with complete amnesia of her childhood, though filled with nervous energy all her life from it, which is part of what kept her so active and restless.
When her father returned from the Zentsuji POW camp, Genevieve (known as “Snooky”) was drafted to sing and dance for the USO. Her little brother John (known as “Pinky”) also entertained with her at schools and on TV. Their performances gave much happiness to a people rebuilding in the war’s aftermath and to GIs missing their families back home. USO performers were brought to Guam at first but after a while a woman named Dixie Dot in the USO started recruiting CHamorus/Chamorros and others on Guam to entertain and called them Talents of Guam. Besides Snooky, Joaquin Arriola planned the piano, William Sablan played the guitar, Julie Duenas Camacho, Pauline Ploke Peterson and Irene Ploke Sgambelluri danced the hula. Diana Zeien Ysrael did acrobatics and Harriet Chandler and Madeleine Zeien Bordallo sang and danced. Josephina Guzman also sang, accompanied by Juan Blas, both of Barrigada.
Sgambelluri said they performed for about two years with their uncle Pedro Camacho serving as their manager. Duke Navarro also performed a sword dance along with musicians Victoria, Lorenzo and Joaquin Iriarte of Barrigada. They weren’t paid in money but rather with fresh fruit, sugar, soft drinks, liquor and canned goods. They performed on a wooden stage at Sumai (by then Naval Base Guam) for all the branches of the military and even performed on seven aircraft carriers that came to Guam.
Pinky sang Elvis Presley songs and other song popular songs at the time like “How much is that doggie in the window?”
Sgambelluri said that Snooky was the star of the show. She was so cute and sang so well and was so friendly, everyone loved her. They called her the Shirley Temple of Guam. Snooky and Pinky were celebrities on early Guam TV stations. This began a lifelong affinity Genevieve had for singing, dancing, music and being an entertainer.
In 1957, she was Guam’s Liberation Day Queen. She was a graduate of George Washington High in Guam and later Creighton University in Nebraska. Genevieve worked as an editor in Guam, assistant to the governor of Guam, was a reporter for the Modesto Bee and public relations director for St. Luke’s Hospital in Washington state.
She was commissioned in 1965 as Guam’s first woman US naval officer.
She separated from the Navy at the rank of lieutenant in order to care for her young son and become a military wife since her husband was busy leading combat missions over Vietnam and flying recon into Soviet airspace with Strategic Air Command. There, Genevieve was active in support of military wives and returning POW events.
In the Navy, Genevieve served as a personnel officer, public relations officer and supported the operations of NAS Glenview, NAS Alameda and also the Blue Angels.
She later worked for 10 years with Kaiser Hospital before retiring to Lake County, Calif. as a substitute school teacher. Active to the end and despite cardiac double bypass surgery in 2008, Snow is remembered by friends as a sweet lady who was much the gadabout, adventurer, always on the move, highly energetic, filled with loads of fun and laughs. She was a the social butterfly and hula dancer performing for Lake County’s Vietnam Veterans, VFW, MOAA, Clear Lake Performing Arts and other groups.
Snow died 22 April 2011, at the age of 70 years old.
**Editor’s note:** This biography was originally written in 2014 for a series on the first women of Guam, women who did things first in their fields, as commissioned by the Guam Women’s Chamber of Commerce.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Performance Arts, Post WWII Era
**Tags:** Genevieve Perez Ploke Snow
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-era-gallery/)
**Published:** March 22, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Illustrations and images representing Ancient Chamorros/CHamorus.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Era Gallery
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/0006-GL-16-Chamorro-Enslavement.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/0067-DR-02-Iles-des-Larrons.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/Chamorros-Trading.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-20-Chamoru.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0006-GL-077-Mariana-Things.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0006-GL-21-Proa.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rare-48-Chamoru-CustomsB_1920.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/GM-Boxer-Codex-Trading.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/Rare-47-Rice-Farming_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Tattooing.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rare-41-alahas-Guinahan-Famaguon_1920.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-19-Trading_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/Rare-8-Fishing_1920.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Rare-17-Trading_Wars-Featured-Image1100.webp)
[ Explore more photos in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623504598981)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Era Gallery
---
### [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In March 1602, Franciscan lay brother Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora deserted a ship off the shores of Rota, an island just north of Guam. Although he was only in the Mariana Islands for seven months, he provided an invaluable historical contribution through descriptive written accounts of the lives, customs, and culture of Chamorros/CHamorus in the early 17th century.
**Content:**
# Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora
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## Early 17th Century observations
In March 1602, Franciscan lay brother Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora deserted to ship off the shores of Rota, an island just north of Guam. Although he was only in the Mariana Islands for seven months, he provided an invaluable historical contribution through descriptive written accounts of the lives, customs, and culture of CHamorus/Chamorros in the early 17th century.
Fray Juan Pobre and several other Catholic missionaries were en route to the Philippines to continue efforts to convert the natives to Christianity. The new Spanish governor of the Philippines at the time, Pedro Bravo de Acuña, ordered their ship to stop in the Marianas at Rota to recover any survivors of the Manila galleon *Santa Margarita* . The *Santa Margarita* was wrecked near Rota the previous year after being badly damaged during a typhoon upon leaving the Philippines.
Before leaving Mexico for the Far East, Fray Juan Pobre and other clerics told the Philippine governor that they wanted to leave some missionaries in the Mariana Islands to convert the islanders, but this request was denied because of reservations that the missionaries would be unprotected. In 1596, the king of Spain gave then-Philippine Governor Francisco Tello de Guzman permission for Catholic missionaries in the islands with soldiers for protection.
As Fray Juan Pobre had already resolved to remain in the islands, when the ship pulled into Rota and the Islanders came in droves in their canoes to barter with the Spaniards, he took the opportunity to jump ship. Fray Juan Pobre, knowing the Chamorros desire for iron, held a large knife out to draw them closer to the ship, and then dropped into their canoe. Another Franciscan lay brother, Fray Pedro de Talevera, followed suit.
While on Rota, Fray Juan Pobre learned of a Spanish survivor of the *Santa Margarita* named Sancho. Fray Juan Pobre’s accounts are based on his experiences in Rota and on his conversations with Sancho who had lived in Guam and his descriptions of the Chamorros’ ways of life, their customs, and their values which they taught to their children. Some of the Chamorro behaviors Sancho described was their kindness to one another, their expert skills as seamen and fishermen, their respect for one another, their peaceful nature, and their marriage and death rituals:
> The men and women are hard workers, not lazy, and have little regard for those who do not work. While they are very young, they make their sons and daughters work and teach them to perform their tasks. Consequently, the very young know how to perform their tasks like their parents because they have been taught with great love. So great is their love for their children that it would take a long time to describe their praises.
Fray Juan Pobre was struck by the non-Christian Chamorros’ seemingly Christian ways. While in the Marianas, Fray Juan Pobre met Spaniards and Spanish servants, who were either survivors of shipwrecks or had jumped ship, but refused to be “rescued” by passing galleons:
> …and the negroes were very happy to be with them. But I would scold them and tell them that they were not good, as far as refusing to leave on the ships was concerned, because, as Christians, they ought not remain to die among these barbarians. They would answer, saying, These barbarians treat us as Christians, but the Christians treat us like barbarians.
Fray Juan Pobre’s accounts paid close attention to the everyday lives of Chamorros in the Marianas:
> During the year, they get together at special times or for festive occasions. These gatherings include not just the people of a particular village, but those of others as well, and they reciprocate with festivities and banquets, saving their salted fish for such occasions. Two or three thousand people gather for some of these feasts, though usually not more than one or two hundred, possibly a thousand, depending upon the resources of the fiesta’s host.
>
> They also get together to hold debates: those representing one side meeting in certain barn-like structures, those of the other side, in others. One debater will get to his feet and begin to argue, or to make up ballads, or to poke fun at those across from him, who are from another village. When the first group has finished, someone from the opposing side gets up and begins to argue against the first side. In this fashion, as I have said, people from many villages get together to debate from eight o’clock in the morning until two in the afternoon, when they eat. Some individuals bring food, but the usual thing is for the people of the village where the gathering takes place to provide the food.
>
> From these debates, animosities are apt to develop (as happens with all disputes) especially when they want to appear as if they know it all. The wisest *indios* gather for these debates, some will have learned the skill, called *mari*, when very young. These debates are the most spirited of all events; consequently, dissentions arrive, which result in one village challenging the other. When this happens, they proceed to an agreed-upon spot, either quite peacefully or lunging at each other, they skirmish with their slings, and sometimes they throw darts a each other. Since I have been among them, I have seen several disputes, but all have been settled peacefully.
In October 1602, the galleon *Jesus Maria* piloted by the captain of the ship, which Fray Juan Pobre and Fray Pedro de Talavera abandoned, pulled into Rota waters. The captain was successful in getting Fray Juan Pobre on board so they could sail to the Philippines. Fray Pedro de Talavera, who left Rota after agreeing to start mission efforts in Guam, was left behind with another Franciscan friar who became lost on shore during the search for Fray Juan Pobre. They were retrieved five months later by another passing galleon in March 1603.
***By*** [***Shannon J. Murphy***](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/) ***and*** [***Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](https://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion
**Tags:** Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora
---
### [Adventurer: Oliver van Noort](https://www.guampedia.com/oliver-van-noort/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 1597 the Dutch began raiding into the Pacific, hoping that by attacking the Spanish colonies and ships they could force the Spanish to grant them independence. In 1598 the Dutch launched an expedition to the Pacific under Admiral Oliver van Noort, who was acclaimed a hero for striking at the Spanish and completing the fourth expedition (after Magellan, Hawkins, and Cavendish) to circumnavigate the globe.
**Content:**
# Adventurer: Oliver van Noort
#### Table of Contents
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## Dutch expedition
In 1597 the Dutch began raiding into the Pacific, hoping that by attacking the Spanish colonies and ships they could force the Spanish to grant them independence. In 1598 the Dutch launched an expedition to the Pacific under Admiral Oliver van Noort, who was acclaimed a hero for striking at the Spanish and completing the fourth expedition (after Magellan, Hawkins, and Cavendish) to circumnavigate the globe.
Van Noort first sighted Guam on 15 September 1600, approaching the island on the east side. He wrote that a canoe came alongside when they were still half a league away, and soon many more came out in their canoes with fish, coconuts, bananas, yams, and sugarcane to barter for iron.
## Noted CHamoru's swimming abilities
Van Noort made note of the how strong the CHamorus/Chamorros were and about their excellent swimming abilities. He also said they were tricksters:
> We were coasting the island which runs south and north about seven or eight leagues according to our estimate. We doubled the south cape, from which we saw a low point coming out where we thought we could anchor and the canoes were coming out from all sides to barter. There must have been over 200 canoes and aboard each two, three, four and five men, pressing together noisily, shouting hiero, hiero, which means iron, iron. Because of the pressing we must have crushed two or three underneath our keel; but, they did not care, because they are very good swimmers, know how to upturn their canoes and put back everything that was in it.
>
> These islands bear their true name of Ladrones, because everybody there is inclined to steal, and is very subtle at it, even remarkable, because they cheated us in various ways in trading with them; by placing a handful of rice on top of a basket of coconut leaves; it looks as if there was much inside, but upon opening it, one finds only leaves and other things, because when bartering they place their canoes behind or on the side of the ships without coming aboard, and one must tie a piece of iron to a cord, and take in exchange what they give.
>
> Some of them came aboard the ship, where they were given some food and drink, and one of them seeing one of our people who had a sword in hand, who was doing his turn at guard duty, grabbed it from him and leapt overboard with it, diving under the water. We aimed a few shots at others who had also stolen some things: but they all jumped overboard to avoid the shots, and the others who were not guilty did not care at all.
>
> These people live in the water as well as on land, according to our opinion, because they know how to dive so skilfully, the women as well as the men, which we noticed when we threw five pieces of iron into the water which one single man went in to get all from below, something that amazed us very much.
Van Noort also commented on the canoes:
> Their canoes are very beautiful and well made, such as any that we have seen in the Indies, being about 15 or 20 feet in length, and one feet and a half wide: They knew how to handle them well, sailing before the wind rather skillfully, without turning around to tack; rather, they sail against the wind with the other end forward, leaving the sail as is, which is made of reeds like dressed sheepskin.
>
> Some women came aboard as well completely naked as the men, except that they had a green leaf before their middle. They wear their hair long and the men shorn just like we see at home, Adam and Eve in paintings.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy)
## For further reading
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 8-11. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1996-1997.
Madrid, Carlos. *Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877*. Saipan: Northern Mariana Islands Council for Humanities, 2006.
**Categories:** Adventurers, Ancient Guam Era, Early Historic Accounts, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Adventurer: Oliver van Noort
---
### [Japanese Stragglers on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-stragglers-on-guam/)
**Published:** July 2, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Hiding in the jungle. After the US declared the WWII invasion of Guam to be over on August 10, 1944, two companies of approximately 60 Japanese infantry, each still under military command, were ordered by their officers to conduct guerilla warfare against American forces. These Japanese troops followed smaller groups of stragglers who had already escaped into the rugged interior of the island to avoid combat.
**Content:**
# Japanese Stragglers on Guam
Figures courtesy of Boyd Dixon
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Hiding in the jungle
After the US declared the WWII invasion of Guam to be over on 10 August 1944, two companies of approximately 60 Japanese infantry, each still under military command, were ordered by their officers to conduct guerilla warfare against American forces. These Japanese troops followed smaller groups of stragglers who had already escaped into the rugged interior of the island to avoid combat.
During the following months of WWII, the 3rd Marine Division with CHamoru/Chamorro guides conducted armed reconnaissance through the rugged limestone interior of the island, pursuing Major Sato in the south and Lieutenant Colonel Hideyuki Takeda in what is today the US Naval Ordnance Annex. Japanese infantry and other military stragglers survived on the land by foraging in former Chamorro *lanchos* and taking what could be of use from US military surplus dumps.
Only after the Emperor of Japan broadcast his surrender order did Takeda and his troops lay down their arms on 4 September 1945. By that time, over 1,200 Japanese troops on the island had surrendered, many in response to American broadcasts by bullhorn and aerial distribution of leaflets in Japanese.
Stragglers continued to hide in the jungles for decades, however, with Chamorro fishermen capturing the last Japanese soldier of WWII in [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) in 1972.
Recent archaeological surveys of the US Naval Ordnance Annex revealed evidence of the occupation of limestone rock shelters and caverns by Japanese infantry and/or stragglers, who often found and used or modified American items for their daily survival.
## Shelters, items found at Fena
In 1998 an archaeological survey was conducted in several areas northwest of Fena Reservoir within the present day US Naval Ordnance Annex. Archaeologists found a rock shelter containing a metal storage tube top, copper screening, a brass button, and a nontraditional ceramic sherd.
Another rock shelter revealed the remains of a WWII era US ordnance canister and lid, metal saw blade fragments, segments of rubber tire with hand-drilled holes, bailing wire, a clear glass jar, fragments of sheet metal, and small bits of paper printed with Japanese characters adhered to a Tridacna shell.
Another set of small caves nearby contained three US ordnance canisters, a leather shoe sole impressed with “Danbury”, a military helmet fragment, a broken cooking pot, wire mesh, and a brown glass bottle with embossed “K” on its base. Mounded limestone rock piles and crude walls on the surface at all three locations suggested modification for use as a shelter during or after the US invasion.
In 2002 a second archaeological survey of the US Naval Ordnance Annex northeast of Fena Reservoir was conducted in an area of deep limestone sinkholes and interconnected marshes with high narrow ridges containing shallow rock shelters and caves above the fabled Lost River.
Three natural caves were modified by low rock walls around their entrance for defense, with low platforms to provide sleeping quarters and cooking areas. Smaller rock shelters may have been used as lookout points for Japanese stragglers observing American and Chamorro patrols. It is assumed that dense native vegetation was left in front of both site types to obscure their entrance and use.
Materials left behind by WWII Japanese infantry and stragglers were mostly of American manufacture or Japanese modification and consisted of clothing (such as leather shoes, rubber tire sandals, and metal uniform buttons), glass bottles (of medicine, condiments, beer, sake, and liquor), Japanese cooking gear (metal woks), US military cooking gear (metal pots, bowls, mess kits, and utensils), tools (such as headlamps, pickaxes, clearing axes, and trenching tools), US military shelters (such as tarps and their storage tubes), personal items (such as shaving cream, toothbrushes, and pencils), cloth fabrics (such as burlap bags), and weapon related supplies (such as bullet casings, clips, and ammunition boxes).
Several of these refuge sites contained evidence of WWII-era fire pits or cobble hearths, presumably used for cooking at night to avoid detection. Animal remains were also present in some of these caves and rock shelters, indicating that Japanese infantry and stragglers were trapping or hunting pigs and deer.
## Guam Combat Patrol's role
The fact that Japanese stragglers were still living on Guam after WWII did not go unnoticed by the American military administration or the Japanese foreign office. A volunteer corps of armed Chamorro civilians called the [Guam Combat Patrol](http://www.guampedia.com/wwii-guam-combat-patrol-hunted-japanese-stragglers/) led by Police Staff Sergeant Juan U. Aguon, was formed in 1945 to ferret out just such stragglers with US Marine assistance. The Chamorros, having survived the Japanese occupation of Guam for two and a half years, had personal reasons for taking no captives in pursuance of their duties.
The Guam Combat Patrol were considered “manhunters” killing at least 117 Japanese stragglers, and capturing five. Two members were killed in action – Antonio P. Manibusan and Pedro R. San Nicolas. Two others, Juan L. Lujan, and Vicente L. Borja, were wounded.
Small groups of stragglers stayed mobile and tried to avoid leaving evidence of their passing, but hunger and quiet desperation sometimes drove them to take risks.
In 1953, nine years after the war had ended, Operation Straggler was launched in southern Guam by the US military with Japanese assistance; packages were left in caves, posters were nailed to trees, and a Navy plane dropped fifteen thousand leaflets. Nobody was found however, nor did anyone surrender.
In 1957, some off-duty Marines on a boonie stomp found a campsite with cooking gear and hand tools. Naval Intelligence then posted on-duty Marine patrols in the area who found sleeping pads made of palm fronds, Japanese tabi or slit-toed socks, chopsticks, a toothbrush with Japanese Navy emblem, hack saw blades, files, a saw, cooking pots and pot holders, a pestle, a jar of oil, a glass bottle, and a crude two-wheeled cart.
A few months later, a woman noticed a scrawny long haired person disappearing into the rough at the Windward Hills Golf and Country Club, two miles east of the Navy Magazine. It was not until 1960, however, that two Chamorro hunters near the golf course captured one of these stragglers named Minagawa, and with his help his companion Ito later surrendered.
According to these captives, most stragglers maintained the rudiments of military order, but personal differences remained, especially in the face of deteriorating health and obvious evidence that the war had not fared well for the Japanese. Savvy stragglers avoided smoking American cigarette butts, burning fires during daylight, or stripping trees of their fruit for fear of giving away their position.
The stragglers told of eating roots, frogs, and snails, since the hunt for sustenance was a daily event. Besides foraging, Minagawa and Ito visited a US Army dump every week, filling their homemade knapsacks with empty cans and bottles, broken shovels and eating utensils, yards of mosquito netting, rags to patch their clothes with or to unravel for thread, bedsprings to convert into sewing needles, and empty cartridge cases to use as thimbles.
In 1972, two Chamorro hunters, Jesus Duenas and Manny DeGracia, captured the final Japanese straggler, Sergeant [Shoichi Yokoi](http://www.guampedia.com/wwii-sgt-shoichi-yokoi-last-straggler-on-guam/), while he was setting shrimp traps approximately five miles inland from Talo’fo’fo, just southeast of the US Naval Ordnance Annex.
Yokoi fashioned his own clothing from the bark of the Pago tree. His hand-dug refuge tunnel was found to have traps he built to catch rats for consumption, to supplement his diet of boiled Federico palm nuts, shrimp, and fish which he cooked underground. Today a recreation of this tunnel is a tourist attraction visited by many tourists on Guam.
The US Navy keeps the archaeological sites at Fena protected.
***[By Boyd Dixon, PhD, RPA](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11319)***
**Editor’s note:** Fieldwork noted in this entry was performed by the following companies contracted by the US Navy:
- 1998, Ogden Environmental and Energy Services, Inc. (OEES)
- 2002, Pacific Consulting Services, Inc. (formerly OEES)
## For further reading
Aguon, Tina D. “[Combat Patrol Hunts for Stragglers](http://www.nps.gov/archive/wapa/indepth/extcontent/lib/liberation27.htm).” *War in the Pacific NHP: Liberation – Guam Remembers*, last modified 12 June 2014.
Denfeld, D. Colt. *Hold the Marianas: The Japanese Defense of the Mariana Islands*. Shippensburg: White
Mane Publishing, 1981.
Gailey, Harry. *The Liberation of Guam, 21 July-10 August 1944*. Novato: Presidio, 1988.
Jones, Don. *Oba, The Last Samurai: Saipan 1944-1945*. Novato: Presidio Press, 1986.
Kahn, Ely Jacques. *The Stragglers*. New York: Random House, 1962.
Lodge, Orlan Robert. *The Recapture of Guam*. Washington, DC: Historical Branch, G-3 Division
Headquarters, US Marine Corps, 1954.
Peattie, Mark R. *Nan`yo: The Rise and Fall of the Japanese in Micronesia, 1885-1945*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1988.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Japanese Stragglers on Guam
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### [Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/)
**Published:** September 30, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fena, sometimes spelled Fenna, (and in some older European accounts as Feña or Fiña) is an area located in the interior valleys of south central Guam, next to the villages of Sånta Rita-Sumai and Hågat to the west, and Talo'fo'fo to the east. It is part of what is referred to today as the Ordnance Annex, US Naval Activities, Guam, or simply, Naval Magazine.
**Content:**
# Fena
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Fena, sometimes spelled Fenna, (and in some older European accounts as Feña or Fiña) is an area located in the interior valleys of south central Guam, next to the villages of [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/) and [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) to the west, and [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) to the east. It is part of what is referred to today as the Ordnance Annex, US Naval Activities, Guam, or simply, Naval Magazine.
The name Fena refers to the river valley, the inland reservoir (man made lake), as well as to the ancient village of Fena. The ancient village site, uninhabited since the early [Spanish Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), was destroyed in the 1950s during the[ post World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) construction of the Fena dam and reservoir which, today, provides water to much of the southern part of the island.
The history of habitation of Fena valley pre-dates Spanish colonization of the Marianas, but the exact length of time is unclear. Early archeological studies of the area prior to the flooding of the valley to create the reservoir include work conducted by Bernice P. Bishop Museum employee [Hans Hornbostel](https://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-and-hans-hornbostel/) in the 1920s and Navy archeologist Douglas Osborne in the mid-1940s. Using Hornbostel’s findings, American anthropologist [Laura Thompson](http://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) wrote about Fena in a 1930s report for the Bishop Museum. Osborne and Thompson both mentioned the presence of [latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/) sites in Fena, with some of the largest and most impressive latte stones found in Guam. It is likely people settled or had used the area since the late Pre-Latte Era (maybe, 800-900 AD).
The Fena valley was not only the site of several ancient CHamoru/Chamorro villages, but was one of the places the Spanish relocated many Chamorros during the early years of the Spanish *reducción* in the late 17th century. (The *reducción* was a Spanish administrative policy led by [Jose de Quiroga y Losada](http://www.guampedia.com/jose-de-quiroga-y-losada/) of displacement and relocation of native populations in order to place them under firm colonial control.) However, by the next century, as the island became depopulated and the *partido* or district system was implemented, most of the residents shifted to the surrounding villages in the districts of Pago and Hågat. During this Spanish Era, the Fena area then was used largely as [*lancho* ](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/)or ranch lands for Chamorro families to grow food. The use of Fena as ranch lands continued well into the early 20th century, during the first US Naval Era of Guam.
Toward the end of the [Japanese Occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of the island during World War II, Fena became the site of one of the most horrific massacres in Guam history where more than 30 young men and women were tortured and killed in nearby caves. The [Fena Massacre](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/) is now one of the most solemnly commemorated events of the different activities of the Liberation Day holiday, but little is known about the history of the ancient village or the area prior to the US Navy’s takeover of the land after World War II. Since the construction of the Naval Ordnance, it has been closed off to the general public.
## Area and ecology
The Fena Valley and reservoir are located entirely within the boundaries of the US Naval Magazine, in the southern municipalities of Sånta Rita-Sumai, Hågat and Talo’fo’fo. About 81 hectares in area, the site is about 33 meters above sea level. The reservoir, built in 1951, is the largest open body of freshwater on Guam and was constructed as a source of drinking water. The reservoir is a man made lake, about three kilometers long and 600 meters wide, and was formed by damming up the Mahlac river. The Maulep, Almagosa, Sadog Gaso and Imong Rivers also drain into the reservoir. The reservoir holds about 9.7 million cubic meters (or about 2.3 billion gallons) of water, and can reach depths of about 20 meters (60 feet) during rainy season. The sloped sides of the reservoir are surrounded by steep vegetated ravine forests, savannah grasslands and limestone outcroppings.
The wetlands are home to a variety of plants and animals. In fact, Fena has the largest population of common moorhens (*Gallinula chloropus guami*), on island, and once provided an essential habitat for the [Marianas Fruit bat](http://www.guampedia.com/fanihi-mariana-fruit-bat/) (*fanihi* or *Pteropus mariannus*) though there are none there presently. There are also feral [water buffalo](http://www.guampedia.com/karabao-water-buffalo/) (carabao, *Wubalus bubalis*) that have trampled and overgrazed some of the land and caused some erosion. Pigs, deer, brown tree snakes and other creatures inhabit some of the more forested regions of the valley. Because of restricted access and the danger safety zone for the Ordnance, there is very little non-military use of the area. Aquatic organisms include eels, tilapia catfish, gobies, flagtails and shrimp.
Although the occupation of the Fena area by the US military has helped preserve much of the natural habitat, the construction of the dam and reservoir and other military facilities was done at the cost of many cultural and historic resources, namely, latte sites and other features dating to ancient times.
## Fena Reservoir
The Fena Reservoir was built around the Fena River, a relatively small waterway. Construction of the reservoir began in the late 1940s and was completed in 1951. The project included the building of the reservoir dam, spillway and treatment plant, and cost about $11 million. The dam is 85 feet in height and 1,050 feet in length. Built by the US Navy, the Fena Reservoir provides a dependable water supply for the US Navy and the local population.
The Fena valley was practically inaccessible prior to 1937 and the construction of the reservoir. In 1936, an ambitious road project was initiated by Governor Benjamin V. McCandish at the insistence of the parish priest of Mt. Carmel Church in Hågat. The idea was that the rich soil would provide agricultural opportunities for local farmers. The road was called the Hågat-Fena Road and it connected with Senator Gibson Highway in Talo’fo’fo (named in honor of Republican senator Ernest Willard Gibson of Vermont who had advanced many causes for Guam within the US Congress). Gibson Highway ran from[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/). The Hågat-Fena road was later named Harmon Road in honor of Chief Gunner Lloyd McKinley Harmon, who oversaw its construction.
According to historian Benigno Palomo, the Hågat-Fena Road was a major undertaking because of the difficult terrain and limited resources. Before World War II about two and a half miles of road were completed, measuring about 16 feet wide, with four reinforced concrete bridges. The first half of the road was practically built by hand, using wheelbarrows to move dirt, and mattocks, picks and shovels as the main tools.
The road began about a mile east of Hågat and opened up the Fena valley to allow farming on its rich soil, yielding produce that could be transported and sold in Hagåtña, Sumai, Hågat, [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) and [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/). In addition to farm products, the valley’s abundance of fruit bats, birds, shrimp and deer made it commercially desirable. However, the US Navy’s need for a water source and munitions storage ended the agricultural use of Fena.
## Early archeological assessments
By the time Douglas Osborne visited the Fena ancient village site in 1947, it was already largely destroyed. He reported:
> The latte have been pushed away from the river and the area leveled for use as a skeet and .22 range. No care was taken with this group. There is now a pump house located nearby. The broken remnants of the peculiarly shaped uprights and caps may be located in a rank growth of grass and weeds towards the cliff from the skeet range. Another set of latte, undisturbed, have been reported about one quarter of a mile down the river (Talo’fo’fo or Maagas). These were not visited. Three sherds were found nearby. All showed a low quantity of the sandy temper. The paste, however, does not appear to contain bits of ocherous clay or hematite. The width varied from .46 to .28”.
There are other ancient village sites within the vicinity of the Fena valley. Near Fena village was Mepo (or Meppo) from which the[ latte stones](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) at Hagåtña’s [Angel Santos](https://www.guampedia.com/interpretive-essay-angel-l-g-santos/) Memorial Park are derived. [Laura Thomspon’s](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) 1930s report described Mepo as the only site on the island that had a latte stone structure that was upright with its capstone placed on top. When Osborne did his report some 10 years later, he mentioned that Thompson was incorrect in this regard. The Mepo latte stones, however, had been moved from their original placement to make way for the construction of Naval Ammunition Depot Magazine 173. Most of the latte were not broken and instead were “carefully piled” near the entrance of the magazine before they were eventually transported in 1955 to their current location in Hagåtña. Now, of all the latte stones found throughout Guam’s landscape, the latte located at [Angel Santos Latte Memorial Park in Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna-heritage-walking-trail/), are the most familiar, the most photographed, and the most easily accessible to residents and visitors to Guam.
In this set at the Hagåtña park, there are two parallel rows of four stones each, for a total of eight latte, from what was originally a 12-stone set. Four stones were destroyed during the postwar construction. They are tall, over seven feet in height. The bases (*haligi*) are more square in cross-section with caps (*taza*) comparatively large in proportion to the bases. The diameter of each cap where it joins the top of the base is about half the diameter at the cap’s widest points. The latte of Mepo are composed of hard island rock, probably sandstone. Thompson believed the rock was quarried at least a mile from where the uprights were situated.
Thompson also described latte found in an area of Fena about 50 feet away from the Talo’fo’fo river. Here, a series of ten stones placed in typical formation run parallel to the river. The uprights and caps were carefully cut out of limestone. The bases had a truncate, pyramid form, while the caps were similar in shape but smaller in size and inverted to fit the top of the base. This distinctive shape also was reported in the district of Chandija in south central Guam, just a little north of the current Fena reservoir.
Osborne reported on a site southeast of Fena known as Acapulco. He described several groups of latte of varying height and shape. One group had eight stones of “shaley limestone” with symmetrical capstones and traces of smooth surfacing. Another group had latte that resembled those of Mepo in terms of shape, but had smaller bases and large capstones. Because the set was oriented on a slope, the individual stones had different heights, as if to create a level platform upon which a structure could be built. A third set of 10 latte had a more slender shape, and a fourth set of 12 latte had Mepo-shaped stones about three feet high. This set was unusual in that the basalt capstones had a depression in its bottom surface that allowed it to fit more closely upon its support. Osborne suggested this construction may have helped the stones maintain their balance during earthquakes. The other sets in the area were in various states of disrepair. Although there were samples of sherds and artifacts, including several large basalt mortars, there was little if no midden.
Osborne visited another site called San Isidro that had two latte sets. One group had latte stones that were different from any others he had observed in the Fena district because they were entirely composed of basalt––both the *haligi* and the *taza*. Coral rock, although rare, was available in the area. The second group was made of limestone.
In 1952, US National Park Service regional archeologist Erik Reed was able to visit several of the sites previously documented by Osborne. These sites, along the extensive drainage of the Talo’fo’fo River into the Fena valley, included Acapulco, Fena, Mepo, Chandija, Bona, and San Isidro. The Acapulco site was located on a tributary stream well below the Fena dam, and although Reed did not visit it, he believed it had survived the construction activities of the Navy—unlike Fena, which had been destroyed and entirely submerged by the Fena Reservoir. The Mepo, Chandija, as well as Bona, whose stones were set up near the Ammunition depot entrance, were also destroyed. Reed reported that other sites may have existed down the basin and downstream from Fena toward Talo’fo’fo, along the Ugum River, a major tributary in the south, but were either moved or destroyed.
## Recent archeological work
In the mid-1990s, the Navy hired a Hawai’i-based archeological group to survey the Naval Magazine and help ensure the preservation of the area’s cultural resources. The team believed there must have been about 95 sites with nearly 205 component features that dated as far back as 1,000 years.
In 2002, an extensive archeological survey was conducted of the Ordnance Annex/Naval Magazine by a team led by co-project directors [Dr. Rosalind Hunter-Anderson](https://www.guampedia.com/rosalind-hunter-anderson/) and [Darlene Moore](https://www.guampedia.com/darlene-moore/) of the Micronesian Archaeological Research Services (MARS). More than 50 archaeologically significant sites were recorded, indicating human occupation of the area since at least the Latte period (around 900 AD to mid-1700s) until World War II. The team was able to document various site types, including artifact scatters (such as [pottery](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/) or stone), isolated *lusong* (or stone mortars), intact and disturbed latte sets, and rock shelters. Historic artifacts included features and objects from World War II and pre-war ranches.
The MARS archeology team located latte sites on the east side of Fena Lake that had remained intact. In addition to latte sites, the team located nearby rock shelters. Evidence collected at the rock shelters seemed to indicate that the area was occupied or at least utilized maybe as far back as 2,000 years ago. The presence of marine shells in and around the rock shelters probably meant the occupants had access to coastal resources. As Osborne had observed in his initial surveys, archeological deposits were shallow, indicating that Fena may have been occupied only recently or perhaps in infrequent, short term periods during the Pre-Latte era.
The archeology team compared the Ordnance Annex with other interior sites such as Manenggon Hills. They believed it likely the [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/) area (and presumably other inland sites) were used only infrequently during Pre-Latte times to forage for food or materials. During the Latte era, however, people began to use these areas more intensely, planting food crops and establishing more permanent settlements, but maintaining their reliance on coastal resources. By the time of contact and conquest by the Spanish in the 1700s, a decline in activity is observed. This pattern of increased use in the Latte era to abandonment by the 18th century possibly reflect other important demographic and organizational changes occurring in Chamorro society during this period.
A similar picture can be seen in the Ordnance Annex in Fena. During prehistoric times, the extensive landscape consisted of different kinds of plants growing on open savannah grasslands, limestone outcrops, and ravine forests in narrow valleys. People may have used the area to procure certain kinds of foods and resources, occupying shelters seasonally or temporarily while primarily living in coastal settlements. Then over time, the ancient Chamorros may have altered the landscape by planting trees and other crops for their use, such as coconut palm, betel nut, ifit, da’ok, bamboo and seasonal plants like taro, yams and bananas. These plants would have provided food sources as well as supplied materials for building huts and shelters.
Expanding populations may have led to the increasing use of interior sites (i.e., away from the coast) and the establishment of more permanent settlements, complete with latte structures. With the arrival of the Spanish, people living in interior villages may have begun to move back out to the coast to take advantage of opportunities for trade with passing ships. The Spanish conquest and *reducción*, though, may have led to the abandonment of the Fena valley by the majority of the population.
For much of the Spanish period, the Fena area may have been only lightly occupied. The 1710 census does mention the village of Fena as being part of Hågat parish. By 1726, however, Fena was no longer listed among the outlying hamlets of Hågat. The land was considered part of Spanish Crown Lands. Roads through the area continued to exist, linking the eastern and western parts of southern Guam. Cattle likely would have been allowed to graze in this area. Only a few families may have actually located their ranches there and worked the land. By the time of French explorer [Louis Freycinet](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/)’s visit to Guam in 1818, 21 hectares in Fena were used to grow rice.
No major changes were seen in the area until 1936, when the Hågat-Fena road project began. The only other roads in the area had been foot trails to the coast used by a few permanent settlers during the dry season. The route of the Hågat-Fena road followed the old, largely unused and overgrown trails. During the construction project, many slingstones and stone tools were recovered. In addition, latte stones were noted on “top of the rise to the south of the Maemong River.” Today, the Harmon Road branches east to Morrow Lake and continues southeast toward Fena Reservoir, where it ends as Lower Harmon Road. In addition to the Hågat-Fena project, there were other structures built in the area, including the Maanot Reservoir and a culvert system and pipeline as part of the Hågat/Sumai water system for the Marine Barracks and nearby Sumai village. The Maanot reservoir has a 1.1 million gallon capacity and is still in use today.
During the Japanese occupation of World War II, the Fena valley became a refuge for some Chamorro families from the southern coastal villages, who used the caves and rock shelters to hide, forage for food and to stow their valuables. Just before the arrival of American forces in July 1944, nearly 200 people from Hågat and Sumai were forced into labor for the Japanese, who set up sleeping areas in the open grasslands and rock shelters of Fena. The atrocities by Japanese soldiers included rapes, beatings and massacres of civilian Chamorros which intensified prior to the American bombardment of Guam. Shortly after the takeover of Guam by the US military, the area that would become the Ordnance Annex was acquired by the military from private land holders.
The military used the land for an ammunition depot, designating the area the Naval Ammunition Depot (NAD) and from then on, free access by civilians was denied. After the war, people who had had ranches in Fena were allowed to return to their land, but they had to present a pass to enter. However, by 1950, the Federal Government no longer allowed access to the area.
Construction of the dam at Fena reservoir began in 1949. Although few public records exist of the construction, it was noted by University of Guam engineers that because of the size of the Fena basin it would have to have been dredged several times to remove washed-in sediments. By April 1951, the dam was complete; the reservoir was filled by June. Unfortunately, the filling of the reservoir destroyed several prehistoric sites as well as flooded the land once used for agriculture. It also flooded the lower reaches of the east-flowing Maulap and Almagosa rivers where they once joined the Imong River.
The MARS archeology team found single and multiple latte features at the Ordnance site, all largely made of limestone, basalt, conglomerate sandstone and tuffaceous sandstone (a type of compacted volcanic rock). The tuffaceous sandstone, they observed, was used usually to fashion capstones, if used at all. No sets were found made exclusively of tuffaceous sandstone. Why the builders of latte sets used different kinds of stones is not clear, but it is most likely related to the availability and access to raw materials for a given site.
Like Osborne and Thompson before, the archeologists documented variability in the shapes and sizes of both capstones and bases. Two forms were illustrated previously by Thompson–one form with a relatively thick, rectangular cross-section shaft with hemispherical capstone, and the truncate, pyramidal form in which the narrow, rectangular cross-section shaft tapers to a point flat at the top, paired with a similarly shaped capstone whose narrow end rested upon the narrow top of the shaft. The first type Thompson claimed were found at Mepo, and were composed of hard rock (possibly sandstone) from an area about a mile away. It should be noted that for most latte stones found in the Marianas, the bases tend to be taller and longer than their associated capstones. However, at Mepo, the capstones were nearly as tall as or taller than the base. The MARS team did find stones, composed of both limestone and sandstone, that generally conformed to this shape but they were not as large.
The second type of latte Thompson mentioned were made of sandstone and found at Fena and Chandija. The MARS team, however, found two other latte stone types, showing differences in shaft shape and height: “a basalt river boulder with a flattened top, with its only modification apparent on the surface. It was also fairly short, generally less than 70 cm long. Another type had a roughly shaped base that widened at the bottom. The upper portion of the shaft was cylindrical like a post and had a flat top. These were generally made of limestone.”
The archeologists suggested that people began building latte of different kinds of stone around 1450 AD. The variation in shapes, sizes and materials were likely the result of larger social changes occurring in the population before European contact. The impressive size of the latte found in interior sites might suggest a more recent innovation, but there is no hard evidence to support this claim. Perhaps, the archeologists proposed, the larger sets were used to assert claims to particular resource areas.
The abundance and variety of latte stone sets in the Ordnance gave the archeologists an opportunity to speculate about why the ancient inhabitants would have begun building these structures. They proposed that latte stone architecture and stone mortars may have been first adopted when overt competition for the productive habitats of Guam had become unacceptably disruptive. Hunter-Anderson explains, “When people are continually fighting about land, they cannot also be successful in increasing their food production. Seen in this light, the adoption of latte stones and stone mortars solved a problem–they helped to regulate competition by diverting people’s energy away from fighting over land and unto the procurement and construction of the stones and into the maintenance of the associated behaviors and customs.”
Another observation of the latte sets in the Ordnance was that sites with single latte sets were more likely to be built near fresh water sources than sites with multiple sets. This might indicate that single set sites were occupied only seasonally, perhaps only during the dry season, when it would have been difficult to catch and store rainwater. The team also found that among latte sites on east side of Fena lake, single sets predominate. More than 55 stone mortars were recorded, mostly made of basalt.
The sites in Fena also had a number of unusual features, including a boulder about 85 cm long, 55 cm wide and 40 cm thick, with four grooves etched into its surface. The grooves were about 20 cm long, 2 cm wide and 2 cm thick. In addition, basalt stones with worn grooves were recorded at two other sites in the annex. These stone were probably used to make and finish tools.
Also found were two sites in Fena that had a tri-stone feature that was not previously seen on Guam. According to the MARS report, “One site is 70 cm long and 66 m wide and open central area with 25 cm diameter that contains a small basalt rock. The other feature is located about 6 m northwest of the west end of Fena, measuring 1.2 by 1 meter and has an open central area with a diameter of 30 cm that contains a smaller basalt rock.” The archeologists suggested they may be boundary markers or indicate some specialized activity area.
Even slingstones from the area were somewhat heavier and made of a variety of materials, including basalt, and other volcanic rock, limestone and clay than slingstones found in other interior sites, like Manenggon. The slingstones weighed between 17.4g to 133.4 g and varied in length from 38.4 mm to 57 mm. The concentration of stones found in one part of the annex may indicate this was a site of manufacture, or storage area, or a practice area.
## Future of Fena?
In March 2012 it was announced that Fena/Naval Magazine was being considered as a possible site for a firing range complex as part of the larger military buildup on Guam that will be taking place over the next few years. Because the area is restricted from the general public it is difficult to know what the exact consequences of constructing a firing range and conducting training activities on the cultural resources of Fena will be, except that it is highly likely these resources will be significantly impacted.
The Fena Lake reservoir was a source of contention between Navy officials and the local government, regarding a 2011 proposal for the return of the reservoir to the people of Guam. The National Defense Authorization Act provided for the sale of the reservoir to GovGuam at “fair market value”–around $300 million–and a stipulation for Navy voting rights on the government’s Consolidated Commission on Utilities (CCU) board. While Navy officials may deem it a fair proposition, some residents feel it an insult to have to pay for what they believe “should already be theirs.”
Whatever decision is to be made about Fena/Naval Magazine, it is clear that Fena remains one of the most resource rich areas of Guam. Archeological research of the area has provided a wealth of information about the prehistory of the Chamorro people. Its significance in the memory and the narrative of World War II experiences on Guam is tremendous. Its importance as a natural preserve for numerous plants and animal species and a water resource for thousands of military personnel and island residents is also undeniable. But for many island residents, Fena is a place that few know about and fewer still will ever have a chance to visit. However, when one does get a chance to see Fena they leave with deep personal feelings of the experience. [Governor Eddie Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/) in a 2011 visit declared:
> This place is a part of our history. It’s sacred. Our family members suffered atrocities here. This is about more than just water. It’s about getting back what is rightfully ours and treating us with the respect we deserve.
Guam scholar and activist [Dr. Michael Lujan Bevacqua](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/), expressed upon a rare invitation to see Fena:
> At Fena, with the constant understanding that I was a “guest” in this place, I could never make the same connection \[to my ancestors\]. I desperately wanted to. I wanted nothing more than to feel that connection, but the fences that surround bases don’t remain at the borders, but are things which you feel even after you enter the base and ever after you leave it behind.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Carson, Mike T., ed. “Archaeological Studies of the Latte Period.” *Micronesica* 42, no. 1/2 (2012): 1-79.
Osborne, Douglas. “Archaeology on Guam: A Progress Report.” *American Anthropologist* 49, no. 3 (1947): 518-524.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
–––. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
US Department of the Interior National Park Service. *General Report on Archeology and History of Guam*. By Erik K. Reed. Sante Fe: NPS, 1952.
**Categories:** HASSO’: Remembering Guam’s Ancient Heritage Sites, Heritage Sites, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fena
---
### [Guam's Role in World War I](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-role-in-world-war-i/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 1917 the United States declared war on Germany, and just by chance, a German cruiser, the SMS Cormoran II, was docked at Apra Harbor.
**Content:**
# Guam's Role in World War I
#### Table of Contents
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## First shot fired over the bow of the Cormoran
In 1917 the United States declared war on Germany, and just by chance, a German cruiser, the *SMS Cormoran II*, was docked at Apra Harbor.
[*SMS Cormoran II* ](https://www.guampedia.com/voices-of-our-elders/sms-cormoran-ii/)had pulled into [Apra Harbor](http://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/) in August 1914 with only 50 tons of coal remaining in her bunkers. Governor William Maxwell refused to supply the German ship with much more fuel due to strained diplomatic relations between the US and Germany and the limited amount of coal stored at Guam. Thus, the ship was forced into internment in Guam.
The first “shot” of World War I actually took place off Guam shores. When President Woodrow Wilson declared war, the small Naval force in Guam attempted to seize the German vessel, but the Cormoran’s skipper, [Captain Adalbert Zuckschwerdt](https://www.guampedia.com/adalbert-zuckschwerdt/), refused to surrender the ship, maintaining that he and his crew of more than 350, including several Chinese and Papua New Guineans, were willing to surrender, but would not surrender the ship.
The Navy took note of the German crew preparing to sink the ship and fired a shot over the bow of Cormoran, which is often cited as the first shot fired by the US military in World War I. Seven crew members died from the explosion; their bodies were later recovered and buried at the [Agana Naval cemetery](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/5814017314/) in Old San Antonio (now East Hagåtña).
Remnants of the Cormoran can still be found at the bottom of Apra Harbor and divers visit it regularly. The Cormoran’s bell was recovered and is exhibited today at the US Naval Academy Museum at Annapolis, Maryland.
The remainder of the German crew was sent to Fort Douglas, Utah and others were transferred to Fort McPherson, Georgia for the duration of the war. They were finally returned home to Germany in 1919.
## CHamorus/Chamorros want to help in war effort
Shortly after President Wilson declared war against the Kaiser, hundreds of local men volunteered to fight the Germans, and some $75,000 worth of war bonds were purchased by local citizens, a sum that was appreciable at that time. Governor Roy C. Smith expressed his appreciation to the local volunteers but said there was no need to send troops to Europe from Guam.
[***By Tony Palomo***](http://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/)
## For further reading
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Ward, Herbert T. *The Flight of the Cormoran*. New York: Vantage Press, 1970.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWI
**Tags:** Guam's Role in World War I
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### [SMS Cormoran II](https://www.guampedia.com/rjasan_sms_cormoran_ii/)
**Published:** August 5, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Details and description. The SS Rjasan (or Riasan) was a Russian passenger and mail carrier built by the German Schicau dockyard in Elbing in 1909. Named after the Russian town located southeast of Moscow, the Rjasan was built for the Russian Volunteer Fleet Association (known as the Dobroflot), founded in 1878.
**Content:**
# SMS Cormoran II
View more images for the SMS Cormoran II entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157656493201568/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Details and description
The *SS Rjasan* (or *Riasan*) was a Russian passenger and mail carrier built by the German Schicau dockyard in Elbing in 1909. Named after the Russian town located southeast of Moscow, the *Rjasan* was built for the Russian Volunteer Fleet Association (known as the Dobroflot), founded in 1878.
According to Herbert Ward—researcher, diver and author of *Flight of the Cormoran* (1998)—the *SS Rjasan* was “3443 gross registered tons, 334.9 ft. in length, with a beam of 45.9 ft., and drew 22.9 ft. of water. Her main bunkers held 500 tons of coal, and 2000 tons more could be stored in her four spacious holds. With a full load of coal she could steam a good 10,000 miles before having to recoal…”
## The Russian Volunteer Fleet
The Russian Volunteer Fleet or Dobroflot was an organization of ship transporters and was used by the military during times of war. They were established in the later part of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878) by concerned citizens who raised funds to purchase ships to assist the navy. Through their efforts, Russia was able to purchase four auxiliary cruisers: the *Orel*, *Saratoff*, *Kostrama*, and *Nijni Novgorod*. However, they were not cleared for military use before the war ended.
After the Russo-Turkish War, Dobroflot became commercial transporters through charters with private companies and eventually with direct routes in the Pacific. Their status and purpose after the war was unclear but they were later organized under the Naval Department in a special Committee of Control. In this committee there were representatives from the Treasury, War, Navy and Audit offices, with an admiral as president.
As a member of the Dobroflot, the *SS Rjasan* would have frequented this route starting at Odessa, Ukraine; through the Suez Canal to Port Said; Perim (Birim Island) or Aden of Yemen; Colombo, Sri Lanka; Singapore; Nagasaki, Japan; and Vladivostock, Russia as the principal ports in about forty days. In the early 1890s, the Dobroflot would have voyaged this route seven to eight times a year but in 1896 the amount increased to about twenty two times a year. In 4 August 1914, the *Rjasan* had been with the Dobroflot for around five years before she was captured by the German warship *SMS Emden* near Vladivostock, three days after Germany declared war on Russia.
## Old Cormoran
The original [*SMS Cormoran* ](https://www.guampedia.com/sms-cormoran-i/)was built in 1890, launched in 1892 and was first commissioned in 1893. She had served in German East Africa for a year and sailed the rough South Seas with the East Asia Squadron for about nineteen years. In 1914, Germany declared war on Russia and mobilized its key ships from the East Asia Squadron headquarters at Tsingtao (Qingdao), China. Unfortunately, the *SMS Cormoran*, docked at Tsingtao harbor, was in need of repairs and therefore, was unable to join in battle. Captain Adalbert Zuckschwerdt of the *Cormoran* had the crew and men of the dockyard work day and night on the ship’s repairs. Zuckschwerdt believed, with the outbreak of war, it was critical to leave the harbor before being trapped by enemy ships in the area.
Captain Karl Von Müller of the *SMS Emden* was the senior ranking officer of the Squadron. He left the harbor of Tsingtao on 31 July to engage the enemies in the region. On 4 August Captain Müller captured the *SS Rjasan* as the first spoil of war. Müller sent a prize crew with Lt. Julius Lauterback to take the *Rjasan* in tow to Tsingtao. Lt. Lauterback evaluated the 3,400 gross ton ship and found it had enough space for 400 men. In addition, he found, “She had a low upper deck, running in a direct line from bow to stern, with two stumpy funnels marring the midship arrangement. Her design inspired confidence in both her speed and maneuverability.”
The *Emden* and *Rjasan* arrived in Tsingtao on 6 August. Shortly afterward, Captain Zuckschwerdt was given the *Rjasan* to convert it into a new German military cruiser. The next day the old *Cormoran* was officially decommissioned and the *Rjasan* renamed to *SMS Cormoran II*. After four days and nights of transferring equipment, the old *Cormoran* was scuttled outside the harbor. Then, on 10 August the new *Cormoran* and an eager crew left Tsingtao harbor.
## Internment
The journey into the Pacific was difficult. Germany was losing colonies to the Allied Powers and communications between ships were limited. The *Cormoran* was often unable to restock on coal and supplies which made her powerless in a fight. With little stores of coal, Captain Zuckschwerdt hid from enemy forces in familiar islands with treacherous reefs. The *Cormoran* was hiding in Lamotrek before she headed to Guam (at the time, a neutral colony of the United States) and anchored 14 December 1914 in Apra Harbor.
Once in Apra, Captain Zuckschwerdt requested coal and supplies from the Governor of Guam, Captain William J. Maxwell of the US Navy. The Governor denied the request citing a lack of available coal and supplies on island. Captain Zuckschwerdt had no choice but to accept terms of internment, where the ship stayed for over two years.
By 7 April 1917, the US joined the Allied Forces and declared war on Germany. Captain Roy C. Smith had replaced Governor Maxwell as governor of Guam. Smith commanded Zuckschwerdt to surrender the *Cormoran* and her crew. Zuckschwerdt was willing to surrender the crew but refused to relinquish the ship. He signaled the crew to abandon the *Cormoran* and scuttled her. Both captain and crew were taken as prisoners of war. Shortly afterward on 29 April, the crew was sent to the POW camp at Fort Douglas, Utah.
The scuttling of the *SMS Cormoran II* represents many “firsts” in World War I between the US and Germany. It was the first ship to be scuttled or sunk; the first shots to be fired were at the *Cormoran*; the first casualties of war and the first prisoners of war were taken—all within hours of the US joining the Allied Powers.
On 26 April the US Navy began to send divers to salvage anything of use and hoped to also salvage the ship, now submerged below 100 feet of water. What they found most interesting were ammunitions: “1,239 10.5 cm cartridges, four revolving, 5-barrel, 3.7 cm cannons, 2,698 3.7 cm cartridges, and 349 6.0 cm cartridges.” The interesting thing about finding this large amount of ammunition in the *Cormoran* at all during its internment is that the whole ship was to be unarmed and was supposedly stripped of its weapons when they were interned in Guam. The Navy then decided against raising the ship due to her design and depth.
In the early 1920s, the US Navy had stopped diving the *Cormoran*. Before then the Navy was able to retrieve equipment worth more than $30,000.00. Some items recovered, like the Mauser rifles, were given to the Guam Militia before they received new guns in 1921.
Today, the *SMS Cormoran II* is a registered Historic Site with the Guam Historic Resources Division and the National Park Service, and is located at 13.4592° North by 144.6542° East. According to Ward, the *Cormoran* is protected from any natural forces because the US reshaped the harbor which discontinued water circulation. Also protecting the *Cormoran* is the *Tokai Maru*, a Japanese military transport ship sunk in Apra Harbor during World War II by US reoccupying troops.
***[By Nathalie Pereda](http://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/)***
## For further reading
Bartlett, Owen. “Destruction of S.M.S. “Cormoran”.” *US Naval Institute Proceedings* 57, no. 342 (August 1931): 1044-1051.
Burdick, Charles. *The Frustrated Raider*. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979.
Gardiner, Robert, ed. *Conway’s All the World’s Fighting Ships 1860-1905*. Greenwich: Conway Maritime Press, 1979.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
“The Russian Volunteer Fleet: Its Origin, Present Size, Employment and Prospects.” *San Francisco Call*, 25 December 1896.
“The Russian Volunteer Fleet.” *Wanganui Herald*, 28 September 1904.
Ward, Herbert T. *Flight of the Cormoran*. Dexter: Thomson-Shore, Inc., 1998.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWI
**Tags:** SMS Cormoran II
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### [CHamoru/Chamorro World View](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-world-view/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The idea of the world being divided into different realms, as was common in the Chamorro/CHamoru view after Christianity was introduced, is one promoted or at least influenced by Spanish missionaries in the 17th century to aid in their conversion of the CHamoru people to Catholicism.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro World View
#### Table of Contents
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## Concepts of heaven and hell are foreign
The idea of the world being divided into different realms, as was common in the CHamoru/Chamorro view after Christianity was introduced, is one promoted or at least influenced by Spanish missionaries in the 17th century to aid in their conversion of the CHamoru people to Catholicism.
In this view, the world was divided into heaven, hell and earth. Heaven was a place deep within the earth, a paradise where food is plentiful and those who end up there, need not ever worry again about the necessities of life. Hell was a place called *Sasalaguan*, which is the realm of [*Chaife*](https://www.guampedia.com/chaife-folktale/), a God who keeps souls in cages and regularly subjects them to forms of fiery pain and agony.
According to this foreign adaptation of the CHamoru world view, the spirits that roam the earth either did not exist or are evil. The division of the world into heaven, hell and earth makes clear the routes for which the souls of the dead are supposed to travel. Those who are good go to the paradise beneath the earth, where they no longer have any cares in the world. Those who are bad go to *Sasalaguan* where they have to endure the eternal torture of *Chaife*. There are not supposed to be any errant spirits wandering the earth pestering or assisting the living, and if you encounter any that do, they are evil and are *ti anggokuyon* (not trustworthy).
Additionally, [*Puntan* and *Fu’una* ](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/)(the brother and sister from the CHamoru creation myth) and *Chaife* were classified as Gods. They possessed incredible powers to shape the world and affect the lives of humans, and therefore existed as deities far removed from the lives of CHamorus, belonging to other realms. In terms of heaven and hell it is obvious to see the Christian influence in this world view.
The act of elevating figures such as *Fu’una, Puntan* and *Chaife* to the level of Gods or devils made it much simpler to Christianize the CHamorus. It simply became a matter of placing God as their savior alongside (or in place of) their other Gods, and convincing them that the Christian God is a stronger and more generous God.
## Creation of the world
For CHamorus prior to Spanish colonization, this sort of divided world, with Gods and divine detached entities didn’t make sense. When CHamorus were asked by Spaniards [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) and Pedro de Talavera in 1602 about who had created their world, or their universe, the heavens and the earth, their answers didn’t seem to indicate the existence of any Gods or divinity. They responded saying that such searches for who or what God made these things was foolish, for they had made themselves. Furthermore, as CHamorus plant and harvest from the *tåno’* (land), or fish from the *tåsi* (ocean), who is to say that they have not made themselves?
While the Europeans interpreted these statements to be ridiculous and the babblings of a savage but vain people, CHamorus believed in a singular world and their statements make perfect sense. The world was not one divided into Gods and humans, or even i *manlå’la’* (the living) and *i manmåtai* (the dead). Rather all spirits and people lived in the same plane of existence. So when they spoke of *Fu’una* and *Puntan* creating the world, CHamorus weren’t referring to Gods, but to *Fu’una* and *Puntan* as the first CHamorus, their earliest ancestors, who through blood and genealogy are bound to all CHamorus. All that is, all that exists, is a testament to the cooperation between the ancestral spirits of CHamorus and those currently living. Since those who made the world are of us, and we are of them, then we all made the world.
## A singular world
A version which is most likely close to what Ancient CHamorus believed prior to Spanish colonization, is that the world which *Fu’una* and *Puntan* created is a singular world, where all spirits and people, living and dead, live and exist together. A person who passes away does not go to another place, meaning another world or another realm, but remains in the world of its relatives, and is transformed to its *ante* (spirit).
Those who passed away were continued to be treated as members of a clan or a family, and in fact were given a more respected and revered status. As part of the living, these family members were depended upon to help do the physical labor of planting, harvesting, fishing, raising families, fighting wars, and singing to keep a family’s history alive. As part of the dead, they could no longer participate in these activities, but nonetheless gained power over the natural and spiritual forces of the world, and could intervene on behalf of the living. They could protect the family, bring good fortune or success, and even on occasions bring tragedy and *pinadesi* (suffering).
The world around CHamorus was therefore populated with the spirits of their ancestors, and everything from a good catch in fishing, a violent and painful death, a poor harvest, or success on the field of battle could depend largely on whether one pleased or displeased those spirits. The spirits were thought to live close to their relatives in death, either in the home or on a family’s land.
In this view, *Fu’una* and *Puntan* were not Gods of CHamorus, meaning they were not beings which existed fundamentally apart from CHamorus, distant and detached. Rather, *Fu’una* and *Puntan* would have been ancestors, the first CHamorus, their earliest ancestors. Other *taotaomo’na* or noted spirits or mythical figures such as *Maga’låhi* [*Gadao* ](https://www.guampedia.com/folktale-gadaos-strength/)or *Gåmson* (octopus), would not be considered demigods, despite their incredible power, but would instead be considered distant ancestral relatives to certain clans.
The idea that CHamorus thought of their world as singular and that those they requested helped or aid from in protecting their families, their homes and their lives were not Gods, but rather spirits they believed to live among them, is supported by the absence of idols or large scale structures or statues which were meant to worship absent deities. The only icons of supernatural power which CHamorus collected or revered, were the skulls, called *maranan uchan*, of their ancestors, which they respected and treated as members of the family, in hope that they would in death as they had in life, continue to support and protect the family.
As part of the same world, these spirits could be communicated with, offended and beseeched in times of need. These spirits could defend the family from another family’s spirits. They could influence the tides, the moon, and the abundance of a harvest. They could also help bring valiant exploits to a family, by helping them in battle, or helping give them luck, strength or skill in mental and physical competitions.
Similarly, to keep yourself safe in moments of danger, you would not cry out to Gods for help, but rather cry out to favored deceased relatives. Ancient CHamorus in a crisis would shout the names of their deceased relatives imploring to them, that if they ever loved their family, they would help this person right now!
## Earth, heaven and hell
The difference between these two world views depends largely on what you believe happens to people when they die. Where does their spirt go, and what does it become?
In terms of a divided world, a soul’s destination was determined by what kind of life they lived, meaning if they had been moral or immoral, done good or bad things in their lives. If they were a good person, then they would be taken to the paradise within the earth. If they lived a wicked life, their spirit would end up in *Sasalaguan*, where they would become the property of *Chaife*, and either end up being stewed eternally in a fiery cauldron, or beaten mercilessly atop a flaming anvil.
In a singular world, CHamorus believed that how they died, rather than how they lived determined what their afterlife would be as *taotaomo’na*. How you would die, depended largely on how well you met your kinship obligations, whether or behavior was *gaimamåhlao* (with shame), as well as how well you showed deference and respect to your ancestors. If someone met a peaceful and comforting end, surrounded by their family and friends, it meant that they had clearly shown to all that they had kept their obligations to both the living and the dead, and in turn their ancestral spirits had ensured that they were protected and cared for. Upon death, the spirit of such a person would return to the world and reside close to its descendants.
For those who died painful and lonely deaths, it meant that in their interactions with either the spirits or the living, they had clearly offended their ancestors, and in turn had lost their protection and aid. For these that met angry and tragic ends, they would become spirits far away from their families, usually isolated deep in the *halom tano’* (jungle) or in *liyang siha* (caves) where few traveled. Over time, these spirits would become *lalålu* (angry) and *mala’et* (bitter) over their spiritual banishment or perhaps over the tragic way that they had died, and would become playful or vengeful spirits. They would possess, haunt or play tricks on those who entered into their territory.
Over time, the spirits which aided CHamorus, and whom they venerated, prayed to and celebrated in their homes and in their social rituals, would be replaced by Catholic saints. At the same time, those spirits which were thought to be angry and cause trouble for those still alive, were soon thought to be mere devils and demons, and were called *taotaomo’na*.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Religion, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Religion
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro World View
---
### [Guam National Heritage Comment Form](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-national-heritage-comment-form/)
**Published:** June 22, 2026
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Guam National Heritage Comment Form
Before including your address, telephone number, electronic mail address, or other personally identifiable information in your comments, you should be aware that your entire comment (including your personally identifiable information) may be made publicly available at any time. While you can ask us to withhold your personally identifiable information from public review, we cannot guarantee that we will be able to do so.
***Comment period closes 31 August 2026.***
Guam National Heritage Feasibility Study CommentAddress \*
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Country AfghanistanAland IslandsAlbaniaAlgeriaAmerican SamoaAndorraAngolaAnguillaAntarcticaAntigua and BarbudaArgentinaArmeniaArubaAustraliaAustriaAzerbaijanBahamasBahrainBangladeshBarbadosBelarusBelgiumBelizeBeninBermudaBhutanBoliviaBonaire, Sint Eustatius and SabaBosnia and HerzegovinaBotswanaBouvet IslandBrazilBritish Indian Ocean TerritoryBruneiBulgariaBurkina FasoBurundiCôte d'IvoireCambodiaCameroonCanadaCape VerdeCayman IslandsCentral African RepublicChadChileChinaChristmas IslandCocos (Keeling) IslandsColombiaComorosCongoCook IslandsCosta RicaCroatiaCubaCuracaoCyprusCzech RepublicDenmarkDjiboutiDominicaDominican RepublicEast TimorEcuadorEgyptEl SalvadorEquatorial GuineaEritreaEstoniaEthiopiaFalkland Islands (Malvinas)Faroe IslandsFijiFinlandFranceFrench GuianaFrench PolynesiaFrench Southern TerritoriesGabonGambiaGeorgiaGermanyGhanaGibraltarGreeceGreenlandGrenadaGuadeloupeGuamGuatemalaGuernseyGuineaGuinea-BissauGuyanaHaitiHeard Island and McDonald IslandsHoly SeeHondurasHong KongHungaryIcelandIndiaIndonesiaIranIraqIrelandIsle of ManIsraelItalyJamaicaJapanJerseyJordanKazakhstanKenyaKiribatiKosovoKuwaitKyrgyzstanLaosLatviaLebanonLesothoLiberiaLibyaLiechtensteinLithuaniaLuxembourgMacaoMacedoniaMadagascarMalawiMalaysiaMaldivesMaliMaltaMarshall IslandsMartiniqueMauritaniaMauritiusMayotteMexicoMicronesiaMoldovaMonacoMongoliaMontenegroMontserratMoroccoMozambiqueMyanmarNamibiaNauruNepalNetherlandsNew CaledoniaNew ZealandNicaraguaNigerNigeriaNiueNorfolk IslandNorth KoreaNorthern Mariana IslandsNorwayOmanPakistanPalauPalestinePanamaPapua New GuineaParaguayPeruPhilippinesPitcairnPolandPortugalPuerto RicoQatarReunionRomaniaRussiaRwandaSaint BarthelemySaint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da CunhaSaint Kitts and NevisSaint LuciaSaint Martin (French part)Saint Pierre and MiquelonSaint Vincent and the GrenadinesSamoaSan MarinoSao Tome and PrincipeSaudi ArabiaSenegalSerbiaSeychellesSierra LeoneSingaporeSint Maarten (Dutch part)SlovakiaSloveniaSolomon IslandsSomaliaSouth AfricaSouth Georgia and the South Sandwich IslandsSouth KoreaSouth SudanSpainSri LankaSudanSurinameSvalbard and Jan MayenSwazilandSwedenSwitzerlandSyriaTaiwanTajikistanTanzaniaThailandTimor-LesteTogoTokelauTongaTrinidad and TobagoTunisiaTurkeyTurkmenistanTurks and Caicos IslandsTuvaluUgandaUkraineUnited Arab EmiratesUnited KingdomUnited StatesUnited States Minor Outlying IslandsUruguayUzbekistanVanuatuVatican CityVenezuelaVietnamVirgin Islands, BritishVirgin Islands, U.S.Wallis and FutunaWestern SaharaYemenZambiaZimbabwe Country
Name
Name First Name First Name
Last Name Last Name
Oranization
Email
Question 1. What are the most important cultural and natural heritage sites on Guam, in your opinion?
Question 2. Which heritage sites do you think would be appropriate to include in a national heritage area, and why?
Question 3. What stories are most important to the history and culture of Guam, and where can these stories best be experienced?
Question 4. Are there ongoing cultural traditions and practices that are connected to these important sites and stories?
Question 5. Do opportunities exist to enhance heritage sites and resources through conservation, recreation, and education?
Question 6. Is there a trusted local organization that might have the capacity to coordinate management of a national heritage area for the long term and in partnership with the National Park Service?
Please submit any additional comments in the box provided.
File Upload
Drop a file here or click to upload Choose FileMaximum file size: 268.44MB
Submit
If you are human, leave this field blank.
## Privacy Act Statement
**Authority:** 42 U.S.C. 4321, The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, as amended; and 43 CFR Part 46, Implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969.
**Purpose:** The purposes of the system are (1) to track progress and milestones of park projects, including the legal compliance process outlined in the National Environmental Policy Act; (2) to allow park staff to collaborate with team members on a project, post plans and related documents for public review; (3) to provide public comment opportunity; and (4) to provide the NPS with a tool for comment analysis and response, which includes demographic information to better make informed decisions and serve the public.
**Routine uses:** In addition to those disclosures generally permitted under 5 U.S.C.552a(b) of the Privacy Act, records or information contained in this system may be disclosed outside DOI as a routine use pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 552a(b)(3) based on an authorized routine use when the disclosure is compatible with the purpose for which the records were compiled as described under the system of records notice “[INTERIOR/NPS-23, Planning, Environment and Public Comment (PEPC) System](https://www.doi.gov/privacy/nps_notices).”
**Disclosure:** Providing your information in association with public comments is voluntary, however, failure to provide the requested information may impede individual participation in the public comment process. Before including your address, telephone number, electronic mail address, or other personally identifiable information in your comments, you should be aware that your entire comment (including your personally identifiable information) may be made publicly available at any time. While you can ask us to withhold your personally identifiable information from public review, we cannot guarantee that we will be able to do so.
**Categories:** Featured
---
### [Guam National Heritage Feasibility Study](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-national-heritage-feasibility-study/)
**Published:** June 22, 2026
**Author:** Sam Barnett
**Excerpt:** How important is heritage to you? Heritage refers to the unique historic and cultural qualities and social legacies that identify a people and a place. It includes the things that can be seen, like buildings, art and clothing, and other things that are intangible, like values, traditions and knowledge, all of which are passed down from one generation to the next.
**Content:**
# Guam National Heritage Feasibility Study
Photo gallery from the “Back to Sumay” day event that took place on Saturday, 9 May 2026 in the old village site located within the Guam Naval Base. Guampedia photos.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
How important is heritage to you? Heritage refers to the unique historic and cultural qualities and social legacies that identify a people and a place. It includes the things that can be seen, like buildings, art and clothing, and other things that are intangible, like values, traditions and knowledge, all of which are passed down from one generation to the next.
Heritage sites are places that reflect the history and living traditions of people. They could be part of the natural environment or built spaces that commemorate important historical events, like Fort Soledad in[ Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), where Spanish colonizers guarded the island during the [Spanish era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), or Ga’an Point, where the Japanese set up anti-aircraft defense guns to fight the Americans during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). They could be places like Atantano in [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/ "Piti"), with its shrine that commemorates the building of roads during the Spanish and American eras—it is also a place where residents gather to pray and celebrate the feast of Santa Cruz. A heritage site also could be like[ Litekyan ](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/ "Ritidian (Litekyan)")(Ritidian) in northern Guam, with its limestone forests, latte sites and natural caves that were utilized by CHamorus/Chamorros many years ago and that serves today as a wildlife refuge, recreational beach area and a place to harvest medicinal plants. From [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/ "Yigo (Yigu)") to [Malesso’ ](https://www.guampedia.com/tag/malesso/ "Malesso")and everywhere in between, Guam’s landscape is filled with natural beauty, a rich history, a diverse, thriving community, and an indigenous people with strong cultural and historical connections to the land, sea and sky. And in all these places there are stories that have meaning and attest to the living history of the community who care for them.
This year, Guam has an opportunity to bring national attention to our various heritage sites throughout the island with the designation as a National Heritage Area. The National Heritage Area (NHA) designation recognizes places and landmarks that have national cultural and historical significance based on evaluation by the US Congress through the National Heritage Areas Act ([P.L. 117-339](https://www.congress.gov/117/plaws/publ339/PLAW-117publ339.pdf)). This law established the National Heritage Area system, which is administered by the National Park Service (NPS).
Each National Heritage Area tells an important story of history and heritage of a particular place and adds to the diverse story of the larger nation as a whole. An NHA is established by law and assigned for administration to the Secretary of the Interior via the National Park Service. Since 1984, 62 NHAs have been designated by Congress in 32 states and territories, including the St. Croix NHA in the US Virgin Islands, the Crossroads of the American Revolution NHA in New Jersey and the Niagara Falls NHA in New York.
According to NPS, National Heritage Areas are “places where historic, cultural and natural resources combine to form cohesive, national important landscapes. Unlike national parks, NHAs are lived in communities and not federally owned.” They may contain parks or other federally owned properties. However, an NHA is more a public-private partnership—the National Park Service provides technical assistance and funding, if available, to support NHA efforts, based on a community’s needs and local interests. These efforts include historic preservation, conservation, recreation, heritage tourism, education and promoting local pride and stewardship.
NPS is currently coordinating a feasibility study to designate Guam’s sites as a possible NHA and is collecting information through public opinion and testimonies or stories. This study is being conducted by local supporters with NPS serving an advisory role. Everyone throughout our island community is encouraged to participate, ask questions, and share their stories.
## Local coordination
In this process, the legislation that creates a new NHA will name a local coordinating entity (e.g., a non-profit, state/local government, university, or federal commission), typically identified in the feasibility study, that is responsible for creating a management plan and implementing it in collaboration with local networks, partners, and landowners. The local coordinating entity is the recipient of the federal funds administered by the National Park Service and will work directly with the community in conservation efforts and help ensure the area remains culturally significant and relevant to local interests and needs.
## Benefits of an NHA designation
The designation as an NHA provides long term benefits, including sustainable economic development that can create jobs or generate revenue, for example, with area revitalization, building improvements or promoting heritage tourism. The quality of air or water can be improved and provide new recreational and educational opportunities for families to enjoy. An NHA designation can be a source of pride for a community and enhance their connection to their physical environment by engaging them in heritage conservation activities.
## Study process
Currently there are no heritage areas designated on Guam or throughout the Pacific Islands. The feasibility study, therefore, will rely heavily on community input and the comments you provide. The feasibility study helps inventory or assess and document the important resources and stories of a potential national heritage area.
After this first public outreach phase, the next step will be for the National Park Service to analyze the comments and the study team will collaborate with local scholars and community experts to identify any nationally distinctive resources that are present in the study area. Once all the necessary information has been gathered, a study report will be generated and sent to Congress to describe findings and recommendations from the Secretary of Interior to support or oppose the establishment of the national heritage area. The NPS will then publicly release the report after it is transmitted to Congress, which will ultimately determine if an NHA is designated.
## Share your thoughts
The boundaries of any potential NHA designation for Guam, such as village or territorial boundaries, or geographical boundaries, will depend on the community’s input to help determine why an area is historically significant. Shared stories and comments about how an area was traditionally used, what cultural resources it contains, and why it remains important to the community today, provides insights for NPS and the Secretary of Interior to make recommendations and that Congress will need to ultimately determine the national significance and an appropriate boundary for the heritage area. Comments from community members will be accepted until 31 August 2026.
You can help by being a part of this important process by sending your thoughts and comments in the following ways:
- Online (preferred) by visiting [Guam National Heritage Area Feasibility Study](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/projectHome.cfm?projectId=124223) (NPS), and click “[Open for Comment](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/documentsOpenForReview.cfm?projectID=124223&parkID=422).”
- By mail:
National Park Service
Attention: Guam National Heritage Area Study
One Denver Federal Center, Building 50
Denver CO 80225
- If you have any questions about the study, you can direct them by email to [Guam\_NHA\_Study@nps.gov](mailto:Guam_NHA_Study@nps.gov).
- Comments can also be sent to , which will be forwarded to NPS.
- You can also participate by attending any public meetings concerning the feasibility study to learn more about the study process and share your comments directly with the study team. For more information about meeting dates, locations, and times, visit [Guam National Heritage Area Feasibility Study](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/projectHome.cfm?projectId=124223) (NPS), or use the QR code provided here:
## Tips
- Check out the other NHAs that have been designated throughout the country and see what they have in common and also what is unique about each of them. Visit [NHAs Online – National Heritage Areas (U.S. National Park Service)](https://www.nps.gov/subjects/heritageareas/visit_nhas_online.htm).
- Guam as a whole can be considered for an NHA designation. With its rich history that spans thousands of years with the arrival of the first peoples of the Marianas, to colonial administrations under Spain and the United States, and the experience of Japanese occupation during World War II, all contribute to the story of the nation.
- If you have a site in mind, is that site known by any other place names? Try to describe what happened there, or what is it about the place that is important to you. Share a personal story or experience about this site.
- Think of the natural environment—are there places on Guam that you and your family go to for recreation, perhaps to boonie stomp, or go to the beach to swim or fish or picnic? Are there areas where you grow or gather food or work the land? What other kinds of natural resources can be found in this area?
- Is there something that makes your village stand out—historic buildings? Scenic vistas? Latte sites? Bridges or trails? Shrines or other landmarks?
- What do you remember about going to or perhaps growing up in some of these places around Guam? Do you have a personal connection to these places? What did you experience? Did you hear stories from other people about these places? How far back in time do you think people have been occupying or using these areas?
- Think about places you believe are important for your children and grandchildren, places that are a part of your heritage and will become your legacy for your children. Will they remain places your descendants can enjoy and learn from and stay connected to, long after you’re gone?
- Who takes care of these places currently? Are there groups that can work with NPS to continue to manage these places if they are designated an NHA? Are you interested in helping take care or advocating for the care of Guam’s heritage sites?
## Audio or video comments
In addition to comments in writing, NPS will also accept comments in audio or video formats. These can be simple clips that can be sent to NPS or to Guampedia. Be sure to include your name and contact, and the site you are referring to in your comment.
If you send audio clips or video to Guampedia, they will be forwarded to NPS specifically for the feasibility study. If you would like to share your comments publicly or on Guampedia, Guampedia will arrange for a disclaimer and waiver form to ensure your comments are for educational purposes only.
Si Yu’os ma’åse! Thank you for your participation!
## Historic and heritage sites
## Comment form
There are six questions that NPS would like the public to address or comment upon that would be very helpful for the feasibility study. Basically, the study team would like to hear your stories about particular places and practices that you are aware of or have actively participated in within these places. Your answers will help generate greater awareness of these places and their potential for an NHA designation that the study team can include in their report of findings. Leave a comment [***here***](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-national-heritage-comment-form/) or fill out the form below.
Guam National Heritage Feasibility Study CommentAddress \*
Address Address
Address
City City
State/Province State/Province
Zip/Postal Zip/Postal
Country AfghanistanAland IslandsAlbaniaAlgeriaAmerican SamoaAndorraAngolaAnguillaAntarcticaAntigua and BarbudaArgentinaArmeniaArubaAustraliaAustriaAzerbaijanBahamasBahrainBangladeshBarbadosBelarusBelgiumBelizeBeninBermudaBhutanBoliviaBonaire, Sint Eustatius and SabaBosnia and HerzegovinaBotswanaBouvet IslandBrazilBritish Indian Ocean TerritoryBruneiBulgariaBurkina FasoBurundiCôte d'IvoireCambodiaCameroonCanadaCape VerdeCayman IslandsCentral African RepublicChadChileChinaChristmas IslandCocos (Keeling) IslandsColombiaComorosCongoCook IslandsCosta RicaCroatiaCubaCuracaoCyprusCzech RepublicDenmarkDjiboutiDominicaDominican RepublicEast TimorEcuadorEgyptEl SalvadorEquatorial GuineaEritreaEstoniaEthiopiaFalkland Islands (Malvinas)Faroe IslandsFijiFinlandFranceFrench GuianaFrench PolynesiaFrench Southern TerritoriesGabonGambiaGeorgiaGermanyGhanaGibraltarGreeceGreenlandGrenadaGuadeloupeGuamGuatemalaGuernseyGuineaGuinea-BissauGuyanaHaitiHeard Island and McDonald IslandsHoly SeeHondurasHong KongHungaryIcelandIndiaIndonesiaIranIraqIrelandIsle of ManIsraelItalyJamaicaJapanJerseyJordanKazakhstanKenyaKiribatiKosovoKuwaitKyrgyzstanLaosLatviaLebanonLesothoLiberiaLibyaLiechtensteinLithuaniaLuxembourgMacaoMacedoniaMadagascarMalawiMalaysiaMaldivesMaliMaltaMarshall IslandsMartiniqueMauritaniaMauritiusMayotteMexicoMicronesiaMoldovaMonacoMongoliaMontenegroMontserratMoroccoMozambiqueMyanmarNamibiaNauruNepalNetherlandsNew CaledoniaNew ZealandNicaraguaNigerNigeriaNiueNorfolk IslandNorth KoreaNorthern Mariana IslandsNorwayOmanPakistanPalauPalestinePanamaPapua New GuineaParaguayPeruPhilippinesPitcairnPolandPortugalPuerto RicoQatarReunionRomaniaRussiaRwandaSaint BarthelemySaint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da CunhaSaint Kitts and NevisSaint LuciaSaint Martin (French part)Saint Pierre and MiquelonSaint Vincent and the GrenadinesSamoaSan MarinoSao Tome and PrincipeSaudi ArabiaSenegalSerbiaSeychellesSierra LeoneSingaporeSint Maarten (Dutch part)SlovakiaSloveniaSolomon IslandsSomaliaSouth AfricaSouth Georgia and the South Sandwich IslandsSouth KoreaSouth SudanSpainSri LankaSudanSurinameSvalbard and Jan MayenSwazilandSwedenSwitzerlandSyriaTaiwanTajikistanTanzaniaThailandTimor-LesteTogoTokelauTongaTrinidad and TobagoTunisiaTurkeyTurkmenistanTurks and Caicos IslandsTuvaluUgandaUkraineUnited Arab EmiratesUnited KingdomUnited StatesUnited States Minor Outlying IslandsUruguayUzbekistanVanuatuVatican CityVenezuelaVietnamVirgin Islands, BritishVirgin Islands, U.S.Wallis and FutunaWestern SaharaYemenZambiaZimbabwe Country
Name
Name First Name First Name
Last Name Last Name
Oranization
Email
Question 1. What are the most important cultural and natural heritage sites on Guam, in your opinion?
Question 2. Which heritage sites do you think would be appropriate to include in a national heritage area, and why?
Question 3. What stories are most important to the history and culture of Guam, and where can these stories best be experienced?
Question 4. Are there ongoing cultural traditions and practices that are connected to these important sites and stories?
Question 5. Do opportunities exist to enhance heritage sites and resources through conservation, recreation, and education?
Question 6. Is there a trusted local organization that might have the capacity to coordinate management of a national heritage area for the long term and in partnership with the National Park Service?
Please submit any additional comments in the box provided.
File Upload
Drop a file here or click to upload Choose FileMaximum file size: 268.44MB
Submit
If you are human, leave this field blank.
NPS 2026 Spring Newsletter
NPS 2026 Spring Newsletter introduces the Guam community to the National Heritage Area Feasibility Study. Q&A section. Website links and the comments section.
[ Open PDF ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/GUAM-NHA-Study_Newsletter_508_April-2026.pdf)
## Important links
Guam NHA
Guam National Heritage Area Feasibility Study project website/home.
[ Explore ](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/projectHome.cfm?projectID=124223)
Open for Comments
Review questions & tips to contribute to the NHA study.
[ Leave a Comment ](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/documentsOpenForReview.cfm?projectID=124223&parkID=422)
Project Links
Connect to the project links page for additional park/project information.
[ Connect ](https://parkplanning.nps.gov/documentsAndLinks.cfm?projectID=124223)
**Categories:** Featured
**Tags:** guam national heritage area
---
### [History of Guam's Parks and Public Spaces](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-guams-parks-and-public-spaces/)
**Published:** January 25, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Public beaches, parks and other open spaces are such a major part of people’s lives on Guåhan, it may feel as if access to them has always existed. On these community lands, people celebrate birthdays, weddings, baby showers, and family get-togethers; people walk their dogs; search for shells, fish, swim, and snorkel; we spend hours hanging out with friends or admiring seascapes.
**Content:**
# History of Guam's Parks and Public Spaces
View more images for the History of Guam’s Parks and Public Spaces entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157720194891428/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Development of public lands as cultural and recreational spaces
Public beaches, parks and other open spaces are such a major part of people’s lives on Guåhan, it may feel as if access to them has always existed. On these community lands, people celebrate birthdays, weddings, baby showers, and family get-togethers; people walk their dogs; search for shells, fish, swim, and snorkel; we spend hours hanging out with friends or admiring seascapes.
However, public spaces for recreation, rejuvenation, education and exercise – open to all – is a relatively new concept. This is especially true in Pacific Islands, where land, offshore waters and the natural resources associated with them are finite; have lengthy histories of tenure and use rights; and serve as sources of individual, family, and clan identity. Along with the historic changes in Guåhan’s society and governing structures, the rules guiding control and development of the island’s land and sea have evolved over the centuries. Reflecting those changes, the community assumes a responsibility to protect those lands and waters, and to determine the future of Guåhan’s public spaces.
## Indigenous CHamoru/Chamorro connections to the land
The CHamoru/Chamorro people have a special connection to the land and sea of Låguas and Gåni, the indigenous names for the southern and northern island groups respectively – what we now call the Mariana Islands. Arriving 3,500 to 4,000 years ago, the Austronesian-speaking ancestors became uniquely CHamoru in their island homeland over the millenia. They had a reciprocal relationship with the land and sea and everything that lives within them. While they shaped and transformed their environment, they were, in turn, shaped and transformed by the land and sea.
What was likely to have been more mobile lifeways in the early [Pre-latte era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/), became more permanent settlements over time with a growing set of rules regarding rights to the land and sea and a community’s use of them. Whether living along the coast or inland, *i* *manaotao mo’na* likely had access to a variety of resources, either through direct access to rivers, seas, ponds, wetlands, coastal plains, ridges, and valleys; or through reciprocal exchange relationships with one another.
These patterns of access and use also included voyaging to other islands within Låguas and Gåni to connect with *i* *manaotao mo’na* (CHamoru ancestors) there; to fish, hunt, and gather resources available on those islands. For example, at certain times, *i* *manaotao mo’na* would travel to northern islands like Agrihan (Agrigan) to obtain wood for canoes and Ulåkas (Uracas) to hunt and harvest seabirds.
The principles, practices, and protocols that guided their right to access and use the land and sea were quite different from today’s modern concepts of individual land ownership and government-owned public spaces. Particular types of spaces existed for communal activities and rituals. Within a village and the various hamlets and areas associated with it, for example, from a ridge to a reef, access and use of resources would have required obtaining the right to do so from one’s matrilineal clan or village. This permission would embody a sense of obligation to others in one’s clan or village to sustain these resources so that the needs of all could be fulfilled. These norms also guided relations among Guåhan’s clans and villages as well as in other islands within the Låguas and Gåni archipelago. Ideally, they allowed community needs to be met while maintaining family, lineage, clan, and village relationships. While competition for resources was common (perhaps ending in interpersonal conflict or group warfare), social ties could be strengthened through systems of exchange, marriage, alliance, or by helping each other in times of need, feasting, and gift-giving.
## Transformations of land: concepts, use, and maintenance
Communal systems of resource access and use rights have evolved over time, and in some ways continue to exist today. CHamoru responses to the socio-political forces of missionization, colonization, globalization and modernization have transformed indigenous practices and protocols regarding control of the land and sea. The introduction of the concepts of private land ownership and government-controlled public spaces accessible to the community-at-large (and visitors) has had a major impact on traditional views.
[Spanish missionization and colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) (1668-1898) were the first of these forces to reshape CHamoru connections to the land and sea of their island homeland. What was once a matter of negotiation among CHamoru clans and villages became dictates of the church and colonial administrators. Through various means, including policies, decrees, penalties, and military force, the Spanish government enforced the introduced practice of formally delineating land ownership to individuals, institutions, and the government.
In many ways, these transformative forces disconnected CHamorus from their clan lands and their social and cultural practices and identities that had been tied to those lands. At the same time, much of the CHamoru reciprocal relationship with – and respect for – the land and sea remained, although these also continue to be challenged. The disconnections may be felt even more strongly for CHamorus born and raised away from their islands, especially those who have not been to Låguas and Gåni. Yet they too may be inspired to continue indigenous principles, practices, and protocols regarding the land and sea.
The concept of public land introduced by the Spanish colonial administration defined areas accessible to all regardless of the clan, village, or island. Over time, through various decrees, gifts, and warfare, the Jesuits acquired ‘’church’ lands, and the colonial government appropriated ‘Crown’ land, while a number of individuals (and families) gained private ownership of large tracts. The new types of public spaces included civic squares, manicured grounds surrounding government buildings, gardens, roads, roadside shrines and markers, beaches, and parks. Some of these spaces were used as promenades and for church processions, a custom that continues today. Several major public areas were established during the Spanish administration—Plaza de Magallanes (after Magellan, more recently referred to as the Plaza de España.), and Jardincitos de Villalobos. Towards the end of the Spanish administration, another public park was planned for [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña").
Hagåtña, declared a city (*ciudad*) in 1686, and the seat of the colonial government, had many of these introduced public spaces. Some examples are parks in the San Ignacio and Santa Cruz barrios of Hagåtña, associated gardens situated across from the San Antonio bridge and the main walk from Hagåtña to[ Piti ](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/ "Piti")which served as a promenade of sorts, a place to be seen, where one could showcase oneself.
The Spanish also introduced the system of regulating and maintaining these spaces, including determining acceptable public behavior in them. For example, the colonial government, rather than the clan, developed rules about the use of shared spaces and resource areas, such as regulation of fishing in the ocean. CHamorus and other locals, as subjects of the Spanish Crown, now paid government taxes and were obligated to spend 40 days a year carrying out public work to sustain and maintain shared spaces. This labor included building, repairing, and maintaining public areas. For instance, people had the responsibility to maintain the section of road in front of their houses.
During these transformative centuries, CHamorus indigenized this new, imposed order. They spent time at their ranches, where they were able to behave in more traditional ways than they were in villages regulated by the government. Individuals and families continued to carry out various traditional roles on the land and in the sea to produce food or income for the family or lineage.
Following the Spanish-American war of 1898, the US colonial government established on Guåhan, continued to follow many of the Spanish-introduced ways of conceiving of land tenure and use, adding additional concepts and practices. Much of what exists today on Guåhan, in terms of the types of public lands and spaces and the way they are defined, managed, and regulated by the government, follows US models. At the same time, CHamorus have continued to indigenize and localize some of these introduced models as a means of continuing traditional concepts, practices, and protocols. Even today, many CHamorus continue to find ways of maintaining their privately-held land for the use and benefit of the family as a whole, following an ‘our land’ rather than ‘my land’ outlook and practice.
One of the largest challenges facing CHamorus, however, has been the colonial land appropriation policies of the Spanish and US governments, which directly affected traditional communal land practices and impacted indigenous control and use. .The most radical period of land seizures followed World War II, when the US military government controlled more than two-thirds of the land on Guåhan.
As of 2020, one-third of the island’s land is claimed by the federal government, which also claims or uses other large tracts of land in the neighboring Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Land and sea resources that used to sustain families is now property that has been taken or leased to serve US military needs. Especially contentious for CHamorus on Guåhan are the tens of thousands of acres unjustly taken from families in the 1940s, during and after WWII. Much of this land was never used or was used for military-only recreation, not for direct defense purposes, drawing the most criticism and hard feelings.
In response to indigenous calls for returning the land as promised, portions of land seized by the federal government have been turned over to the Government of Guam, and some of these properties were returned to the families that had previously owned them for generations. With the establishment of a locally-elected government by the [1950 Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/), the US had transferred sizeable tracts of land to the Government of Guam, which has designated a significant portion of that land as publicly accessible beaches and parks, conservation areas, cemeteries, recreational areas, historic sites, and national landmarks. Some of these properties are held in trust as a means to restore access to land for families that had their land taken by the US between 1898 and 1968.
## Current landscape of public spaces in Guåhan
Currently, Guåhan has more than 1,200 acres of parks, recreation areas, and other public lands that are owned and managed by the Government of Guam or the federal government. Additionally, private owners also manage properties for public use, including churches, civic organizations and commercial enterprises. While there has been significant growth in the number of beaches, parks, and sports/recreational facilities that serve the island community, visiting military, and tourists, the heavy use of these public areas also reflects major social changes in how, where, and with whom we spend our leisure time.
Parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents share stories of spending more time in their younger years by participating in family-oriented subsistence activities at the house or ranch to garden, raise livestock, gather foodstuffs, fish, and hunt. They also would process and cook food in these spaces, sharing it among family, friends, and neighbors.
Fewer of today’s younger generations spend time in these traditional ways; instead, spending more of their time participating in modern types of recreational activities, from flying kites, skateboarding, and paddling to making internet videos, and playing computer games.
Although Guåhan leaders drew up plans for parks and recreational areas during the early US administration, it was not until the first decades of locally-elected government and home rule (the 1950s through the 1970s) that the local government established most of the scenic sites, beaches, parks, and conservation areas used today. Several trends paved the way for development of these public spaces: the [post-World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) shift to a fully cash-based economy; increasing urbanization; the ability for Guåhan’s community to access modern modes of transportation via new roads and bridges around the island; and an increasingly diverse population.
Another significant factor was the end of the long-drawn out security clearance requirements that had been in place from 1941 to 1962. The lifting of the restrictive security clearance for entry to the island offered the potential for establishing a tourism industry, capturing the imagination of many CHamorus eager to develop the island’s economy. Another impetus was the availability of sizable federal grants which were leveraged specifically for parks development.
## Development of the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR)
A Parks and Monument Committee, later named the Parks, Monuments, and Museum Committee, was developed by the Government of Guam. Over time several government agencies performed the work of developing and maintaining the island’s budding public spaces, including the Department of Commerce and the Department of Public Works, until the establishment of the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR). To tap federal funding and ramp up the development of a viable tourism industry, studies were carried out, resulting in lengthy lists of public sites and activities that could be developed, generating a lot of community interest. However, all too often, the effort did not receive adequate sustained funding to support the planned development.
Over the decades, adequate funding has been the number one pressing issue in maintaining the island’s public spaces on behalf of the people of Guåhan. In fact, over the last three or four decades, the DPR’s personnel, purported to consist of a 200-member staff in the 1980s, has been shaved down to a mere 40 employees, while a once robust middle management group has become essentially non-existent.
Also lost over the years was the Marianas Recreation and Park Society, a civic organization that met regularly in the late 70s and early 80s. This key support group brought together professionals from both the local and federal governments to explore and tackle public lands for cultural and recreational use issues. Severe financial limitations, losses of personnel and expertise, as well as the impact of some political appointees viewed as lacking the interest or capability to direct the large and multi-tiered department, has crippled DPR’s ability to adequately serve the public’s evolving needs.
Other problems also challenge the success of Guåhan’s parks and public spaces, especially littering, defacing or destroying public facilities. While these might be viewed as new problems, they were foreseen as early as 1968, when Government of Guam laws were written to address these issues (e.g., PL09-125, 1968). Some speculate that these problems may be tied (to some degree) to the forced transition from traditional pre-colonial types of shared communal spaces that were guided by specific family and clan-based principles, practices, and protocols.
The Department of Parks and Recreation, as we know it today, was not officially established until 1975. Its predecessors included a Parks and Recreation division in the Department of Commerce as well as an earlier iteration as a Parks and Grounds Division. Robert Cruz, who had been a Deputy Director of the Parks and Recreation division at Commerce, served as the first Director of DPR. At that time, the department consisted of 57 public areas, including beach parks, parkways, scenic view sites, historical landmarks, and one public cemetery. This list has grown to include a Territorial Seashore Park, oversight of historical and cultural sites, and conservation areas, and numerous recreational facilities held in trust for the people of Guåhan.
Over time, responsibility for parks and recreational facilities have been informally and formally shared with village mayors. Additionally, the Guam Department of Education, US Department of Defense, charter and private schools also maintain playgrounds, athletic fields, and similar recreational facilities. Further, the Department of Agriculture along with locally-based federal agencies manage fisheries and other wildlife aspects of outdoor recreation.
Parks and other public spaces often retain traditional names or are named after local civic leaders, such as Padre Palomo, other prominent people associated with the island, or important indigenous groups. For example, a park developed in Humåtak pays tribute to the sons of Guåhan lost in the Vietnam War.
While most parks, once developed, have remained as such, some have come and gone or have been renamed over the years. There once was a Bradley Park in Anigua, and the Latte Stone Park in Hagåtña was renamed the Senator Angel Leon Guerrero Santos Latte Memorial Park in recognition of the late senator’s regular visits to the park to commune with ancestral spirits associated with the latte.
## Federal parks and areas for recreation and conservation
Federal entities also have spaces established as parks as well as recreation and conservation areas on Guåhan. The National Park Service (NPS) developed a War in the Pacific National Historical Park in 1978. It consists of seven units in the central-southern part of the island. There also are federal conservation areas, such as the Ritidian National Wildlife Refuge and the Orote and Haputo Ecological Reserve Areas.
The US Department of Defense, occupying large swaths of what are often described as some of the ’best spots’ on the island, have developed numerous beaches, parks, and recreational facilities which have varying layers of restrictions. Most of these, if not all, are not available to the people of Guåhan. Over the years these spaces have had various levels of segregation based on military status, military rank, and skin color. The military issue their own fishing and hunting licenses, apart from the Government of Guam’s Department of Agriculture, and conduct hikes and tours inside and outside their bases and other federal properties.
Through a programmatic agreement, the Department of Defense is required to provide public access to about 66 cultural, historic, and other sites located on military bases; numerous other sites on the bases remain inaccessible. The processes for applying for this limited access are multi-layered and time consuming, which many in the community have noted as problematic and not meeting the spirit of the agreement. For *[yo’åmte](https://www.guampedia.com/amot-corner/ "Amot Corner")* (Indigenous CHamoru healers) in particular, time is of the essence in gathering åmot (traditional medicine) making it especially difficult – if not impossible – to conduct their practice. This is but one of several concerns CHamorus have regarding this limited access. The community has called for key indigenous cultural sites to be more readily accessible to the people of Guåhan and for the access process to be streamlined.
Additionally, more than 130 local historic sites and four natural landmarks on private, local government or federal land, are listed on federal registries—the National Register of Historic Places and the National Natural Landmarks (NNL). To continue to receive federal NPS grants which help support the island’s Historic Preservation Office, Guåhan is required to nominate at least one site to the national register each year. The local government also is exploring its participation in the NPS National Heritage Areas program. While this program does not require federal ownership of the land containing the qualifying heritage, these areas are designated as such by Congress.
## Looking toward the future of public lands
In the Guam North and Central Land Use Plan, community members of Guåhan stated that they are interested in more public spaces, such as parks and recreational facilities, as a means to develop a better quality of life. At the same time, there is the potential to revise the mission of Guåhan’s parks and other public spaces according to indigenous, traditional, and new societal values, practices, and expectations. Public discussion of possible future developments have included incorporating community gardens, planting more fruit trees and native vegetation, recreating indigenous spaces, having a broader range of sports and community activities, and encouraging neighborhoods to use their parks more regularly as a means to reclaim them. DPR also explored new developments such as dog parks, the first of which exists in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/ "Dededo (Dedidu)").
Public parks, cultural and historic sites, and recreational areas (in their modern sense) are relatively new concepts. At the same time, because societal views, values and practices evolve, it is important for the people of Guåhan to address the shape, use, and direction of public spaces on the island and for the community to meet the challenge of adequately maintaining and nurturing them.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “History of Guam’s Parks and Public Spaces.” Zoom interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 21 June 2021.
Camacho, Keith L. “‘Enframing *I Taotao Tano’*: Colonialism, Militarism, and Tourism in the Twentieth Century Guam.” MA thesis, University of Hawai’i, 1998.
Carano, Paul. *Guam Scenic Route*. MARC Working Papers #9. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Cruz, Mike. “History of Guam’s Parks and Public Spaces.” Zoom interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 08 June 2021.
De Oro, Art. “[Pattida: Dividing Family Land Among Children](https://www.guampedia.com/pattida-dividing-family-land-among-children/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 19 May 2021.
Guam Bureau of Statistics and Plans. *Draft North and Central Guam Land Use Plan*. #00824.08. Seattle: ICF International, 2009.
Guam Department of Parks and Recreation Parks Division. *Guam Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plan*. By the Guam Department of Parks and Recreation. Hagåtña: DPR, 1977.
––– *Guam Historic Preservation Plan*. By the Department of Anthropology, Bernice P. Bishop Museum; Belt, Collins & Associates; and the Guam Department of Parks and Recreation Parks Division. Hagåtña: DPR, 1976.
*Guampedia*. “[Seaton Schroeder General Order Nos. 22 – 32 and 35 – 48](https://www.guampedia.com/schroeder-general-orders/).” Last modified 12 March 2021.
Herman, R. Douglas K. “Inscribing Empire: Guam and the War in the Pacific National Historical Park.” *Political Geography* 27, no. 6 (2008): 630-651.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. “[It’s My Own Land, Isn’t It?](https://micronesianseminar.org/video-listing/its-my-own-land-isnt-it/)” Micronesian Seminar Productions. Streamed live on 21 May 2016. YouTube video, 21:59.
Lotz, Dave. “History of Guam’s Parks and Public Spaces.” Zoom interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 11 May 2021.
Madrid, Carlos. “History of Guam’s Parks and Public Spaces.” Zoom interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 7 May 2021.
Marsh-Taitano, Kelly G. “An Exploration of Indigenous Values and Historic Preservation in Western Micronesia: A Study in Cultural Persistence.” PhD diss., Charles Sturt University, 2013.
––– “[What it Means to Be One Archipelago](https://www.postguam.com/forum/letter_to_the_editor/what-it-means-to-be-one-archipelago/article_5b7e3162-5cd7-11e9-b2af-bf2366aad124.html).” *The Guam Daily Post*, 14 April 2019.
Marsh-Taitano, Kelly G., and Tiara R. Na’puti. “[Pacific Islanders in the U.S. and Their Heritage: Making Visible the Visibly Absent](https://www.nps.gov/articles/aapi-theme-study-essay-12-pacific-islander-heritage.htm).” In *Finding a Path Forward: Asian American Pacific Islander National Historic Landmarks Theme Study*. Edited by Franklin Odo. National Park Service: Washington, DC, 2017.
Micronesian Archaeological Research Services. “[Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 2 March 2022.
Na’puti, Tiara R. “Archipelagic Rhetoric: Remapping the Marianas and Challenging Militarization from ‘A Stirring Place’.” *Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies* 16, no. 1 (2019): 4-25.
Palomo, Tony. “Guam’s Scenic Areas Can Be Tourist Attractions.” *The Territorial Sun*, 15 October 1961.
Phillips, Michael. “[Land Ownership on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/land-ownership-on-guam/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 3 March 2022.
Quimby, Frank. “[Security Clearance on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 23 March 2022.
Russell, Scott. “Gani Revisited: A Historical Overview of the Mariana Archipelago’s Northern Islands.” *Pacific Studies* 21, (1998): 83-105.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1990.
Tolentino, Dominica. “[Ancient CHamoru Kinship and Land Tenure](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-kinship-and-land-tenure/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 19 July 2021.
––– “[Mannakhilo’ and Mannakpåpa’](https://www.guampedia.com/mannakhilo-and-mannakpapa/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 17 May 2021.
US Department of the Interior National Park Service. *Park and Recreation Areas, Territory of Guam*. By Irving C. Root. Washington, DC: NPS, 1952.
*US National Park Service*. “[Guam – List View](https://www.nps.gov/state/gu/list.htm?program=all).”
**Categories:** Modern Guam Rises, Sports and Recreation
**Tags:** History of Guam's Parks and Public Spaces
---
### [WWII: From Occupation to Liberation](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Saburu Kurusu, diplomatic pouch in hand, stepped off the Pan American Airways Clipper at Sumay while rumors persisted in Guam that war with Japan was imminent.
**Content:**
# WWII: From Occupation to Liberation
View more images for the WWII: From Occupation to Liberation entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622525593992/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** The following, with a few additions, is an article entitled “Chamorros’ Instinctive Ability to Survive During Japanese Occupation” as published in a booklet commemorating the 2001 Guam Liberation Day ceremonies.
## Accounts of WWII
Saburu Kurusu, diplomatic pouch in hand, stepped off the [Pan American Airways Clipper](http://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) at [Sumay](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) while rumors persisted in Guam that war with Japan was imminent.
But news reports elsewhere were saying that the Washington-bound Kurusu, special envoy for Emperor Hirohito appointed by the Japanese imperial government, was enroute to peace talks with high American officials.
It was November 1941. Japan’s imperial soldiers were administering Japanese influence in Manchuria and aggressively expanding south into more of China. Adolf Hitler had grabbed much of Europe, and his forces locked in battle with the Russians.
## Japan attacks by air
Then, a month later, it happened. Guam was struck by disaster on 8 December 1941. Out of the east that morning came nine Japanese planes flying high at first, then swooping down like vultures, their guns spitting death and destruction.
Just four hours earlier, Pearl Harbor was attacked with more than 2,500 Americans killed and America’s proud Pacific Fleet badly crippled.
In Washington, Kurusu was still talking peace; he was unaware of the Japanese military’s plan to strike at Pearl Harbor.
In Guam, terror gripped the people as the warplanes, flying in formation of threes, bombed [Sumay](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) and later strafed [Piti](http://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and other populated areas.
The date was the feast of the [Immaculate Conception](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/) and many families were still in church when the planes struck. The city of Hagåtña, the hub of the island, was instantly transformed into a city of shocked people. Mothers and children wept and wailed. Fathers sought missing members of their families in efforts to flee from town.
Among the first victims of the attack were Teddy Cruz and Larry Pangelinan, young CHamoru/Chamorro kitchen workers who perished when a bomb hit the Pan American Hotel at Orote Point. Also killed was Ensign Robert White, who manned an anti-aircraft gun aboard the USS *Penguin*. The vessel, the only seaworthy ship in Guam at the time, fought the Japanese aircraft off Orote Point, but to no avail. The *Penguin* commander then decided to scuttle the ship.
By the end of the day, the feast that was to be, was transformed into the beginning of one of the most tragic periods in the history of Guam.
A day later, the planes returned for more, again striking military facilities and the [Pan American Airways](http://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) station.
## Forces invade island
Then, on 10 December, Japanese forces invaded Guam, and they were more than fully prepared for the undertaking. By mid-October, the Japanese 18th Air Unit, a small force of reconnaissance seaplanes, had begun survey flights over and near Guam. By November, the unit was flying secret photo reconnaissance missions of the island at altitudes of 3,000 meters or higher.
Assigned to capture Guam were the South Seas Detachment, a unit of about 5,500 army troops under the command of Major General Tomitara Hori, and a special navy land force of about 400 men, led by Commander Hiroshi Hayashi and drawn from the Fifth Defense Force stationed in Saipan.
The Guam defending force was woefully undermanned: 274 Navy personnel, more than half of them non-combative personnel; 153 Marines; and about 120 Insular Force Guards, whose military training was minimal at best.
The Guam defenders’ total arsenal were three machine guns, four Thompson submachine guns, six Browning automatic pistols, fifty .30 caliber pistols, a dozen .22 caliber regulation rifles, and eighty-five Springfield rifles. Most of the weapons were of World War I vintage. Imprinted on the Springfield rifles were labels with the following notation:
> Do not shoot. For training only.
In terms of firepower, the outcome of the invasion was certain. The scenario in the early morning of 10 December 1941, was this: 400 strong, well-trained and well-disciplined Japanese invasion force landed at [Tamuning](http://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)’s Dungca Beach; the larger invasion force of 5,500 made beach landings around the island in Tumon, in [Yona](http://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo%E2%80%99-na/) at Togcha, between Facpi Point and [Merizo](http://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/). This group in southern Guam, finding no road to [Hågat](http://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), was forced to reboard their supporting craft and re-landed in Hågat.
The invaders at Dungca’s Beach, after regrouping, made their way to Hagåtña. Somewhere in Apurguan, the troops came across a group of Chamorro families fleeing the area in a jitney. Of the seventeen people aboard the truck, thirteen were killed. Others in the area also perished.
At the Plaza de Espana, a small contingent of Insular Guardsmen, a few sailors and Marines had taken their assigned positions and awaited the invaders. Most of the Marines were assigned defensive positions at the Orote peninsula.
In spite of the odds, the defenders at the Plaza were spirited. Pedro Cruz, one of the three platoon leaders who manned the machine guns, perhaps best expressed the sentiments of Guam’s defenders:
> The only thought in my mind was: If I must die, I hope to God I kill some Japanese.
The battle lasted less than an hour, and ended only after Naval Governor George McMillin realized the futility of the situation. So, at 7 am, on 10 December 1941, Guam surrendered. Dead in the fighting at the Plaza and in small incidents around the island were twenty-one military personnel and civilians. The Japanese, though superior in force, also suffered casualties, but the number was never divulged.
With the surrender, Guam, Wake Island and two isles in the western part of the Aleutian Islands chain, Kiska and Attu, would be the only parts of the United States to be occupied by enemy forces in World War II. The Alaska isles were taken by the Japanese in mid-1942 and recaptured by American forces a year later.
## New Order of the World began
Japanese officials immediately issued a proclamation informing the populace that their seizure of Guam was “for the purpose of restoring liberty and rescuing the whole Asiatic people and creating a permanent peace in Asia. Thus our intention is to establish the New Order of the World.” The local population also were assured that “you good citizens need not worry anything under the regulations of our Japanese authorities and may (sic) enjoy your daily life as we guarantee your lives and never distress nor plunder your property…”
For three months after the Japanese invasion, Guam was a veritable military camp. Soldiers and other military personnel traveled to Guam, coming primarily from Saipan and Palau, both islands occupied by Japan since the beginning of World War I in 1914. Under the Minseibo, the civilian affairs division of the South Seas Detachment, some 14,000 Japanese army and navy forces took over all government and church buildings and seized many private homes.
Troops were stationed in various parts of the island, a dusk-to-dawn curfew initiated. Cars, radios and cameras were commandeered and confiscated.
## Residents banished from Sumay
In [Sumay](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), which was a thriving commercial town, all of the 2,000 residents were evicted from their homes. Some, however, were given permission to dismantle their homes and many built temporary shelters at nearby Apla and other neighboring farm areas. But still, the small bustling community adjacent to [Apra Harbor](http://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/) vanished by the end of the conflict.
In many instances, Japanese soldiers moved into private homes without notice or formality. Members of the family of Juan Cruz, a carpenter, were having lunch in their kitchen when armed Japanese soldiers ordered them to get out of their house. The family members gathered the food on the table and collected whatever utensils they could carry, and moved to an unoccupied house nearby where they finished their meal. Leon Gumataotao and his family were forced to surrender their concrete house, and had to build a wooden-framed house nearby. There were other abuses. As the Japanese moved into Sumay, soldiers raped five young women.
To impress upon all that they meant business, Japanese authorities executed two young Chamorro men before a group of stunned residents of Hagåtña. Killed were Alfred Flores, who was accused of delivering a secret message to an American internee, and Frank Won Pat, an employee of an American company, from whose warehouse he helped himself with some goods after obtaining permission from his American supervisor. Flores’ message sought advice on what to do with a batch of dynamites at a work site at the harbor.
## Hagåtña residents head for their ranches
About one-fourth of Hagåtña’s residents returned from hiding but the great majority chose to stay away from the city. The historic Dulce Nombre de Maria Church was converted into a propaganda and entertainment center, and a church building in Santa Cruz became a workshop and stable for the Japanese’s Siberian stallions. The island’s Baptist Church, also in Hagåtña, was also seized. Japanese officials used the first floor of the church as a storage area for food, and the second floor was utilized as a Shinto shrine.
All local residents were required to obtain passes – a piece of cloth with Japanese characters – in order to move about the island. All local officials, including municipal and village commissioners and policemen, were ordered to return to work.
Dozens of men, particularly members of the Insular Force Guard, were interrogated and beaten during the first few weeks of occupation. Many were suspected of either hiding machine guns and other weapons, or of harboring American fugitives.
Japanese military officials were intent on erasing from Guam the influence of the United States and thus immediately imprisoned Governor McMillin, other US citizens, as well as some Spanish clergy, notably [Bishop Miguel Olano](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/), head of the Catholic Church in the island, and his assistant, Fray Jesus.
## American prisoners sent to Japan
The prisoners were exiled to camps in Zentsuji, Japan. When the Argentina Maru sailed from Guam on 10 January 1942, aboard were about 500 prisoners of war – officers and men of the US Navy under Captain George McMillian, officers and men of the US Marine Corps under Lt. Col. William McNulty and US civilians (nurses, priests, businessmen, contractors, etc.).
All Americans who were in Guam prior to the invasion were accounted for except six sailors – Al Tyson and [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), both radiomen first class; A. Yablonsky, yeoman first class; L.W. Jones, chief aerographer; L.L. Krump, chief Machinist mate; and C.B. Johnston, machinist mate first class.
Without exception, the six sailors believed the war would not last more than three months and they felt they could survive in the dense jungles of Guam until the Americans returned to the island.
Only Tweed survived the war, thanks to the dozens of people who harbored him during the thirty-one month occupation period. During the latter part of the war, Tweed was harbored by the family of Antonio Artero. Krump, Jones and Yablonsky were discovered in the Manenggon area in September 1942 and were beheaded by the Japanese. Two months later, Tyson and Johnston were found and shot in Machananao after having been harbored by [Frank D. Perez](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-d-perez/) and others.
Besides its troops, the Japanese government dispatched “comfort girls” to the island. Five homes were selected to house the women, three in Hagåtña, one in Anigua, and one in Sasa, a farming area in Piti.
The invasion detachment departed Guam on 14 January 1942, sailing to Truk (now Chuuk) with carriers and other ships of Japan’s fourth Fleet. This force would later take Rabaul and make it one of the empire’s major military bases in the Pacific.
Left to administer Guam was the *Keibitai*, the Japanese naval militia with about 500 men. Directly managing the people were the *Minseibu*, the *Keibitai’s* cadre of policemen and investigators. Under the *Minseibu*, life on island was relatively quiet.
However, there were persistent attempts to convince the Chamorro populace of Japan’s superiority over the Americans. After every Japanese conquest in the Pacific or Far East, military parades were held through the streets of Hagåtña. When Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, sabers rattled through the narrow streets of the districts of San Ignacio and San Nicolas; the march of soldiers would end at a Buddhist shrine on a hillside above Hagåtña. Other shows of might by the Japanese military were given when General Douglas MacArthur fled to Australia from the Philippines and later when General Jonathan Wainwright surrendered that archipelago on 6 May 1942.
In these parades, invariably at least one float showed a young boy attired in Japanese army uniform pointing an over-sized rifle at the heart of another youngster wearing an American naval uniform. Spread on the floor of the float was an American flag, and one foot of the Japanese-clad youngster was stepping on it. And to make the occasions even more festive, at least for the occupational forces, *saki* was made available afterward to those who participated in the parades.
While many Chamorros believed the war would last no longer than 100 days, the Japanese came to stay for at least 1,000 years. Accordingly, the new rulers brought school teachers, along with their families by the middle of 1942, and on the following November, two Japanese Catholic priests came to the island to help pacify the local people.
Soon after the invasion, the Japanese authorities acted to battle a shortage of medical personnel. Training began and Chamorros assisted Japanese doctors and nurses, but eventually the language difference and other factors lessened the program’s effectiveness.
## Changes in names, language, customs
Among the first things the new rulers imposed was the renaming of the island and all municipal districts. Guam became “*Omiya Jima*” (The Great Shrine Island). Hagåtña became “*Akashi*” (the Red City). [Asan](http://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-ma%E2%80%99ina/) was “*Asama Mura*” andHågat became “*Showa Mura*.”
The practice of bowing as a sign of respect was instituted and strictly enforced. Essentially, bowing was a sign of respect to another person, an institution or the supreme ruler of the land, the emperor. Bowing to a friend required only a slight nod of the head. Bowing to an officer or to an institution, like a police station, required the bending of the head and body at a forty-five degree angle. The supreme bow was reserved only to the Japanese emperor and members of his family. This required a person to face north and then bend his entire body forward and down to a ninety degree angle. And in doing so, the person must bow slowly and solemnly.
By mid-1942, all public schools were reopened and the young students were required to bow to the emperor before classes commenced in the morning. In the classroom, they learned the Japanese language and culture, and mathematics. Children attended school during the week for four hours daily; adults were required to attend two evenings a week. But attendance was less than spectacular; over the occupation period, perhaps only 600 children and adults participated in the Japanese-run schools.
As part of the educational program, Chamorros were also taught songs, some of them Japanese patriotic songs, but there was one very popular song that the occupying authorities detested and even punished people for singing.
Though forbidden, both children and adults learned and sang the song throughout the occupation period. It was a ditty urging the return of the Americans. One version went like this:
> *Eighth of December 1941
> People went crazy
> Right here in Guam.
> Oh, Mr. Sam, Sam
> My dear Uncle Sam,
> Won’t you please
> Come back to Guam.*
The song was composed by Pete Taitingfong Rosario, affectionately known as “*Pete Siboyas*“, with the assistance of Louis Furtado, a Hawaiian. Rosario and Furtado spent many evenings working on the lyrics and melody while they were employed as cooks for the Japanese at the Naval Hospital in Hagåtña.
Although possession of a radio was strictly prohibited, a number of Chamorros were daring enough to operate radio receivers throughout most of the occupational period – until late in 1943 when American forces were pummeling the Japanese in the south and central Pacific.
## Radio underground network
Members of the underground radio network included Jose Gutierrez, Augusto Gutierrez, Frank T. Flores and Atanacio Blas; Adolfo Sgambelluri, [Ignacia Bordallo Butler](http://www.guampedia.com/ignacia-bordallo-butler/), Ralph Pellicani, Carlos Bordallo, Juan and Agueda Roberto, [Manuel FL Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), James Butler, Joe Torres and Herbert Johnston; [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/); Frank D. Perez, [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), [ET Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/); [Luis P. Untalan](http://www.guampedia.com/namesake-school-l-p-untalan-middle/), Jose and Herman Ada, and [Pedro M. Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/pedro-martinez-ada/). The radio receivers had to be destroyed or abandoned after Japanese officials obtained copies of news reports, including the following:
> Rabaol, (sic) New Guinea – Japanese forces are being hammered in their positions by American Flying Fortresses from Australia, enemy losses: planes seventeen downed.
>
> bq. ‘Burma – Flying Fortresses heavily bombed Japanese positions along the Burma Route causing heavy damage, killing many Japanese soldiers. Twenty-one Japanese planes shot down. Two of our planes returned slightly damaged.’
Most of the radio reports received originated from KGEI, a radio station located at the top of the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco. Newscasters included Bob Goodman and Merrill Phillips.
There were many other heroes during the occupation period, men and women who displayed bravery and the instinctive ability to survive during a tragic period. Among them was Juan Cruz (*Apu*) Flores, who was tortured by the Japanese on several occasions.
With the help of Flores and other Chamorros, including Joaquin Limtiaco, [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/) successfully escaped capture by the Japanese and survived the war. Flores helped Tweed moved from place to place in order to hide him from the Japanese. Because Japanese investigators suspected him of harboring Tweed and was being hunted day and night, Flores was careful not to be seen with his family, who were living in Inalåhan. He had to sneak around at night in order to bring food to his family, or to visit with his wife and children.
Towards the end of the war, Japanese soldiers arrested Flores and brought him to Tutujan (now [Agana Heights](http://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/)). There, he found [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/) and his nephew, Eduardo, and Joaquin Limtiaco. The Duenas were tied to posts after having been tortured. During the night, a Chamorro interpreter from Saipan advised them that they had to escape in order to avoid sure death. Father Duenas refused to leave for fear the Japanese would go after members of his family and that it would be futile to try to escape. Eduardo agreed to stay with his uncle. Father Duenas advised them to go back to their families and that he was ready to be with God.
Eduardo Duenas was a brilliant attorney and was serving the government as chief prosecutor at the outbreak of the war. He often accompanied Father Duenas on trips for food or visits to relatives and friends. Both men were about the same age (early thirties) and very close in a large family that helped one another. In monitoring Father Duenas’ movements, the Japanese police took notice of Eduardo’s association with his uncle, and presumed Eduardo knew more than he revealed, generally about the whereabouts of Tweed.
The Duenases were arrested and brutalized in Inalåhan, taken to Tutujan where they met with Flores and Limtiaco, and on 12 July, nine days before the liberation of Guam by American forces, the two men were taken to Tai where they were executed by beheading.
## Americans make progress in the Pacific
While Japanese forces were being defeated everywhere in the Pacific – the Solomons, New Guinea, the Marshalls, New Hebrides and the Gilbert Islands – a Japanese freighter at Apra Harbor was sunk by an American submarine, and a second Japanese ship off [Talofofo](http://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) was struck by another American submarine. The vessel was aflame after the attack.
There were other signs that American forces were nearing Guam. Cristobal Paulino, an Insular Force musician, and fellow Chamorro workers were laboring at the Orote air strip on 23 February 1944, when nine American fighter planes swooped onto the runway and blasted away, killing four Japanese and damaging at least four aircraft. By the time Japanese pilots boarded their Zeroes, the American planes were gone.
With the twin American offensives – the MacArthur and Halsey drives through the Solomon and Papua New Guinea, and the Nimitz thrust through the central Pacific – moving into high gear, the Japanese empire was crumbling. Japanese major bases, as those in Truk and in Rabaul were neutralized and its airpower superiority vanquished. With the loss of airpower, its surface ships were doomed in every part of the central Pacific and in vast areas of the south Pacific.
Their empire shrinking and the battle lines moving closer and closer to Japan, military leaders acted to enhance the defensive capabilities of Guam.
Part of the preparation for the island’s defense was the massive influx of Japanese troops from Asian battle zones, including Manchuria, from where a huge troopship brought more than 5,000 war veterans, fully equipped and ready for Japan’s last stand in Guam. By the time American forces invaded Guam in July 1944, the island was being defended by about 20,000 Japanese troops.
Part of the strategy for Guam’s defense was to make the island self-supporting through agriculture. The Japanese plan was to accelerate agricultural production so that it could support as many as 30,000 troops for as long as necessary in defense of Japan’s periphery. Brought to Guam were members of the Kaikontai, a quasi-military group specializing in agriculture. They came with mechanized farm equipment, including about twenty small tractors, a number of plows and cultivators to realize this defensive strategy.
## Chamorros forced into war effort
By early 1944, the Chamorros were mere tools to be utilized without regard to their safety or well-being. Most of the male population were used either at the two operational air strips at Orote and Jalaguac, or at a new one being developed at Agui in the northeastern corner of the island.
Some of the younger males were utilized to help construct pillboxes and man-made caves. Still others were used to install real and dummy cannons at several coastal areas, and to transport food and ammunition to key defense outposts. The women were used primarily to plant and harvest farm crops.
At the southern end of the island, the Japanese – in desperation – ordered groups of Chamorro men to lay coconut tree trunks across the road, ostensibly to stop American tanks. In Asan, forced laborers constructed a tank trap consisting of trunks buried vertically and arranged in a maze-like pattern. Laborers also piled huge mounts or rocks along the beach, and dug massive holes in the sand in an attempt to block and disable American tanks.
Some local men were directed to hunt and kill all dogs they could find, the rationale being that dogs gave away the presence of people.
In these last days, the Japanese forces were hostile and cruel. Men were beaten at best; at worst, they were executed. Women fared no better. There were numerous rapes reported throughout the island.
## Chamorros massacred
While American forces were bombarding the island from off-shore in July in preparation for the eventual invasion, wholesale massacres were taking place in the island – at [Fena](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/), [Malesso](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-cave-massacres/)‘, [Yigo, Hagåtña, and other places](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/).
A group of about 30 young men and women from Hågat and Sumai were packed into a large cave in Fena and massacred. According to John Ulloa, aged 22, of Sumai, he and six other young men were sleeping in a cave when he and others were awakened by cries coming from a second cave nearby. They were totally shocked when they discovered that all their friends were murdered.
Six days before American forces hit the beaches of Guam, 46 men and women in Merizo were massacred. Two groups of 30 men and women each were forced into two separate caves. At Tinta, 16 of the first 30 were killed. A rainstorm erupted after Japanese soldiers had initially fired into the cave and prevented them from finishing their task. All of the second group perished when they became victims of grenades and those who survived the grenades were bayoneted.
When the other Merizo residents learned of the massacres, they decided to attack the Japanese. In broad daylight, about 20 Merizo men stormed the Japanese quarters, seized whatever weapons they could lay their hands on, and killed every Japanese soldier in sight. A hefty Merizo man killed a Japanese soldier with his bare hands.
The number of Chamorro deaths in Yigo was never accurately determined but the mutilated bodies of 51 Chamorros were found by American patrols. The beheaded bodies of 30 men were found stacked in a truck near Chaquina, and the bodies of 21 others were found in the jungle near Mount Mataguac.
The besieged Japanese killed virtually everyone in sight during the occupation’s last days. Three teenagers in the jungle looking for food in Yona were grabbed by Japanese soldiers, tied to coconut trees and then beheaded. Many others perished in similar situations.
Another danger late in the occupation was the American bombardment of Guam. Many people, their number unknown, were killed, victims of naval or aerial bombing.
Brutality took its toll as the Japanese were becoming more and more desperate with the Americans approaching Guam. Hanna Chance Torres, after having been beaten and berated by Japanese soldiers, died while she and others were enroute to the Manenggon concentration camp.
There were victims of the intensifying American shelling and bombing of the island as well. Elderly Jose Delgado and two young women were saying the rosary in a makeshift shelter in Tutujan when a missile blasted the shelter, killing all three people.
*Don* Pascual Artero described Guam as a veritable hell:
> So green is vegetation and so pretty a sight had Guam always been, now it was all burned. It had neither a tree nor a coconut with leaves. All now was burned or destroyed by bullets and bombs.
With the coming of the American invasion forces on 21 July 1944, for the Japanese defenders responsible for repelling the Americans, Guam would indeed become a hell on earth. The full liberation of Guam took three weeks with 1,800 US servicemen killed, with total casualties at 7,400. Japanese casualties were about 17,500.
During the nearly three years of occupation 1,170 Chamorros were killed, with another 14, 721 suffering from atrocities of war – beatings, forced labor, torture, rape, murder, beheadings, massacres, forced marches and concentration camps.
***By [Tony Palomo](http://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/) and [Katherine Aguon, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/katherine-aguon/)***
## Video: 75 Years of Sacrifice
## For further reading
Camacho, Keith L. *Cultures of Commemoration: The Politics of War, Memory, and History in the Mariana Islands*. Pacific Islands Monograph Series 25. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011.
*Guam War Survivors*. “[Home](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/).” Last modified 27 June 2021.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII: From Occupation to Liberation
---
### [War Atrocities: Tinta and Faha Massacres, Malesso](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** On July 15 and 16, 1944, with the American forces approaching Guam near the end of the Japanese occupation of the island in World War II, Japanese soldiers massacred nearly fifty Chamorro men and women from Malesso' in two separate confrontations in the Tinta and Faha areas just outside the village of Malesso'.
**Content:**
# War Atrocities: Tinta and Faha Massacres, Malesso'
#### Table of Contents
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## Acts of desperation in Malesso'/Merizo
On July 15 and 16, 1944, with the American forces approaching Guam near the end of the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of the island in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Japanese soldiers massacred nearly 50 CHamoru/Chamorro men and women from [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) in two separate confrontations in the Tinta and Faha areas just outside the village of Malesso’.
The massacres are significant not only because of the tragedy of the two events, but because they led directly to a rebellion of the Malesso’ people in which they attacked and killed nearly all the Japanese soldiers in the area, thus liberating themselves.
The Tinta and Faha massacres are two of a number of such atrocities that occurred at the very end of the Japanese occupation period. Other such events include the [Fena Caves massacre](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/), and torture and murders at [Yigo](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/), [Ta’i](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/), and [Manenggon](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/).
On 15 July 1944, the 800 or so Malesso’ residents were rounded up and taken by soldiers to the Geus River Valley. The Japanese commander of the area read aloud the names of the most influential citizens of the southern village, which included 25 men and five women who were school teachers, the village commissioner, parents of sons in the US military, a mother who refused to bow to the Japanese and her two daughters, and other rebellious Chamorros.
The 30 people were told they were going to be part of a work crew and were marched to a cave in the Tinta area to rest and spend the night. Soon after they went into the cave, the soldiers tossed hand grenades through the opening, killing many of the Chamorros. The Japanese soldiers then took swords and bayonets and began stabbing anyone still alive. Still, by pretending to be dead, 14 of the Chamorros survived.
The Chamorros at the Faha area were not as lucky. On 16 July, with almost identical circumstances, another group of men were marched to Faha. The exact details are not known, but it is speculated that the Japanese again used machine guns, grenades, and bayonets.
None of the Faha victims survived. It wasn’t until days later that the Malesso’ villagers learned the full extent of the massacre. Thirty men who were considered some of the tallest and strongest villagers had been killed.
## Malesso' men rebel
When the Malesso’ people learned of the massacres, they were outraged. On 20 July, in broad daylight, a group of Malesso’ men stormed the Japanese quarters at Atate (another area of the village) and killed ten Japanese soldiers. Only one Japanese soldier escaped, fleeing towards the neighboring village of [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/).
In April 1948, the victims of the Tinta and Faha cave massacres were memorialized with a monument listing their names on a bronze plaque. The memorial still stands near the shore of Malesso’.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: Liberation, 1944*. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1984.
*Guam War Survivors*. “[Home](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/).” Last modified 27 June 2021.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
## Know my island - Know my history
### People killed at Tinta Cave during World War II, 15 July 1944
- Acfalle, Fausto Chargualaf
- Acfalle, Vicente Reyes
- Aguigui, Felis Tyquiengco
- Babauta, Juan Cruz
- Baza, Maria Baza
- Baza, Rosa Tiajeron
- Champaco, Vicente Acfalle
- Charfauros, Arthur Benedict Lujan
- Cruz, Ramon Padilla
- Garrido, Jesus
- Garrido, Ramon Garrido
- Leon Guerrero, Jesus Garrido
- Lujan, Juan Espinosa
- Manalisay, Prudencio Acfalle
- Meno, Jose Meno
- Mesa, Maria Lukban
- Quitugua, Pedro Charguane
### Survivors of the Tinta Cave Massacre during World War II
- Acfalle, Jose B. (deceased)
- Anderson, Francisco G. (deceased)
- Anderson, Jesus C. (deceased)
- Barcinas, Joaquin C. (deceased)
- Charfauros, Manuel T. (deceased)
- Concepcion, Joaquina E. (deceased)
- Cruz, Felipe S. (deceased)
- Cruz, Tomas E. (deceased)
- Garrido, Ramon C. (deceased)
- Leon Guerrero, Jose G. (deceased)
- San Nicolas, Juan C. (deceased)
- Santos, Luisa Baza (deceased)
- Soriano, Ignacio M. (deceased)
- Tajalle, Tomas T. (deceased)
### People killed at Faha Cave during World War II, 16 July 1944
- Acfalle, Juan Champaco
- Acfalle, Miguel Manalisay
- Aguon, Pedro Chargualaf
- Barcinas, Jose Tyquiengco
- Champaco, Jose Eguiguan
- Chargualaf, Cresencio Meno
- Cruz, Antonio Cruz
- Cruz, Cristobal Leon Guerrero
- Cruz, Joaquin Reyes
- Cruz, Jose Cruz
- Espinosa, Jose Tyquiengco
- Fegurgur, Antonio Champaco
- Garrido, Ignacio Chargualaf
- Garrido, Tomas Sablan
- Garrido, Vicente Chargualaf
- Guzman, Juan Concepcion
- Manibusan, Jose Manibusan
- Mansapit, Jesus Maguadog
- Mansapit, Santiago Naputi
- Mata, Vicente Manalisay
- Meno, Dometro Quinene
- Meno, Filipe Meno
- Meno, Pedro Chargualaf
- Quidagua, Jose Charguane
- Quidagua, Vicente Charguane
- Quinene, Vicente Reyes
- Taijeron, Antonio Soriano
- Taijeron, Juan Soriano
- Topasna, Juan Inocencio
- Tyquiengco, Francisco Babauta
### Men that assisted Jose S. Reyes
- Chargualof, Nicolas A. (deceased)
- Meno, Vicente M. (deceased)
- Nangauta, Jose N. (deceased)
- Nangauta, Marion N. (deceased)
- Naputi, Juan A. (deceased)
- Taijeron, Patricio S. (deceased)
## e-Publication: Memorial Service Booklet
**Categories:** e-Publications, Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
---
### [Slingstones: Weapons](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones-weapons/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The signature weapon of the ancient Chamorro/CHamoru warrior, slingstones of various sizes were sharpened at both ends and hurled from a sling with deadly force in combative times. Slingstones were also used for hunting birds.
**Content:**
# Slingstones: Weapons
#### Table of Contents
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## Signature CHamoru weapon
The signature weapon of the ancient CHamoru/Chamorro warrior were slingstones of various sizes, sharpened at both ends and hurled from a sling with deadly force in combative times. Slingstones were also used for hunting birds.
These stones, called *åcho’ atupat* in the indigenous language of CHamoru, were fashioned from either limestone, basalt, or fire-hardened clay, and were hung from slings made of pandanus or coconut fiber, the latter being far more durable.
The most notable aspect of these oval-shaped stones was that ancient CHamorus used them with deadly accuracy, as documented in historical texts. Though commonly associated with weaponry of the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/), these stones were used in early colonial history as the arms of resistance to [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), hurled at the harbingers of that particular destruction. A prized art of warfare, the knowledge of how to fashion and hurl these stones was kept in the men’s domain and was passed down from older to younger males, most likely from father to son, or mother’s oldest brother to son.
Today, the slingstone shape is part of the design of the official Guam flag and seal and is incorporated into architectural designs. Like the [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), the slingstone is a cultural icon used in Guam’s contemporary pop culture (in tattoo and clothing designs) to exhibit CHamoru pride and cultural identity.
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/ "Julian Aguon")
## For further reading
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Symbolism, Wars and Factors of Peace
**Tags:** Slingstones: Weapons
---
### [Fumatinas Titiyas yan Fuma'gasi Magagu: Places of Romance](https://www.guampedia.com/fumatinas-titiyas-yan-fumagasi-magagu-places-of-romance/)
**Published:** November 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Prior the Spanish colonization of Guam, Chamorro culture was fairly liberal about issues of romance, marriage and sex, even when compared with the norms of today. With the incorporation of Catholicism into Chamorro culture, however, this changed.
**Content:**
# Fumatinas Titiyas yan Fuma'gasi Magagu: Places of Romance
#### Table of Contents
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## Romantic sites in pre-war Guam
Prior the [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) of Guam, CHamoru/Chamorro culture was fairly liberal about issues of romance, marriage and sex, even when compared with the norms of today. With the incorporation of Catholicism into Chamorro culture, however, this changed. Men were pushed to the top of the social hierarchy displacing a more co-equal balance between sexes. Divorce was prohibited and public expressions of romance and sexuality were restricted. Much of the oppressive cultural norms came down to the regulation of interactions between unmarried young men and women to keep them from engaging in “immoral” or sexual activities until they were married or until their match had been approved by their respective families.
This meant that the activities of young men and women were, except in the cases of siblings or close relatives, highly segregated. This would change somewhat during the American colonial period, when boys and girls attended compulsory public education in the same classrooms. But for the most part, the interactions that young women and men would have with each other would either be closely watched, chaperoned, or very limited.
## Place of women
In line with the patriarchal nature of Catholicism, the purity and morality of girls was much more closely guarded and protected than that of boys. Girls who engaged in romantic or sexual activity were generally much more punished than their male counterparts. Girls would often perform daily chores or activities in a large group with other female relatives and were followed and watched by one or more male relatives. Older siblings or cousins were expected to be the enforcers and defenders of their sister’s morality, and thus beat up or threaten any potential Valentinos, who came near their female relative.
Younger male siblings would often operate as chaperones, and would be expected to *keha* (report) on any romantic or sexual activities their sisters were participating in. It is for this reason, that it was commonly said that the best way to a girl’s heart is through *mañ’elu-ña* (her siblings).
## Romance
“Romance” was allowed under strict supervision. Officially, young men and women could meet romantically, but only with family approval and under the watchful gaze of nearby relatives. Physical contact was unacceptable, and even words spoken would be heavily scrutinized. The romance of courting was subsequently heavily stifled.
Meeting outside of this rigid framework was possible though difficult and required parties to sneak around and keep their liaisons secret. But those moments and places in which these young people were able to meet outside of the oppressive rules of society and their families, held intense emotional and romantic power. And in their everyday youthful creativity, they found ways of transforming some of the most mundane or boring sites into places ripe with romantic or sexual meaning.
## Look of love
Most feelings of love and lust at this time were silent and remained unspoken, because it was more than likely that a person had never even actually spoken to or spent real time with the object of his or her affection. The result was that some of the most intensely romantic sites were those where one was able to simply see his or her love interest, not necessarily speak to them. At i *Gima’ Yu’os* (churches), funerals, *gupot siha* (parties) and other events or locations in which large community gatherings would take place, young men and women could see each other and sometimes, if they were lucky, interact with each other. The chaos of the gatherings would often cause breakdowns in the usual rigid restrictions on movement and interaction and so young Chamorros were afforded some freedom to mingle, even if it just boiled down to a lustful or yearning gaze.
## Titiyas and love
The key for Chamorros hoping to find a place to express themselves outside of society’s rigid structure was to get you and your love interest alone. Especially for women it was very difficult to simply leave the house and roam around. But there were ways that young people did accomplish this, and especially as they got older, they did it through the using of work or chores as secret sites for romantic interludes.
As children got older and especially became teenagers or young adults, there were tasks which they allowed to or required to perform on their own. Some of it was as simple as travelling from one place to another, from home to school or home to work. Other activities in which they could sometimes expect to be alone were working on the farm, taking care of younger siblings, preparing food and washing clothes. The earlier that the activity took place in the day, the better, in terms of using it for these types of meetings. Early morning meetings, hours before the sun rose, were ideal.
Setting and communicating times and dates for these meetings could naturally be difficult. A *chule’ guagua* or a “basket carrier” or a messenger, was often used to relay information between parties. A basket carrier was usually a neutral individual, who could be trusted to pass messages back and forth, but also be trusted to not fall in love with the love interest either!
The uncertainty of schedules made these sorts of meeting dangerous. Times and places could be arranged, but there were no guarantees that either party would be alone at the arranged time. It is for this reason that many couples came up with signals in order to communicate whether the times was right for a rendezvous.
Paths or trails could be marked in order to communicate whether or not the time was right. Certain songs could be chosen, and sung to warn off an approaching lover. Sometimes the volume or intensity of an activity could be the message. Women who were not alone could grind the corn on the *mitåti*, or wash clothes by the riverside very loudly to warn off their suitors.
## Postwar Guam
Following [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/), this aspect of Chamorro culture changed slowly as the lifestyle of Chamorros shifted drastically. Changes in Guam’s physical landscape, increased desire to be more American, the island’s transition from a subsistence agricultural economy to a wage economy, and the increased institutionalization of mandatory public schooling, all led to a loosening of close knit relations that families required for survival prior to the war. As families drifted and moved apart, as more and more young Chamorros gained the means to provide for themselves and live independently, the chances for romance and meeting potential love interests became much much easier and required far less sneaking around.
This isn’t to say that overnight the rules for romantic interaction suddenly disappeared. During the 1950s and 1960s on Guam it was still common to have young people’s interactions tightly controlled and have families approve of marriages or relationships. But as more time has passed, romantic interactions have become far less policed or controlled, and thus the symbolism associated with them not contained to specific or secret sites as they were prior to the war.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flores, Judy, ed. *Kustumbren Chamoru: Chamorro Life Before and After World War II*, *A collection of oral histories by students of History of Guam classes, Fall 2004.* University of Guam: Mangilao, GU, 2004.
Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency. “Chamorro Courtship and Marriage Practices in the Early 1900’s.” A collection of stories from the Chamorro Courtship and Marriage Conference, Maite, Guam, November 1989.
*Hemplon Nåna Siha: A Collection of Chamorro Legends and Stories*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2001.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Nelson, Beth. “The Look of Love.” *Latte: The Essence of Guam,* (February 1997): 36-43.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Marriage, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Fumatinas Titiyas yan Fuma'gasi Magagu: Places of Romance
---
### [Warfare](https://www.guampedia.com/warfare/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Early European accounts of ancient Chamorro/CHamoru warriors marveled at their strength, skill and fearsome weapons. According to one missionary, CHamorus were amongst the strongest of any race yet discovered, exemplified by an incident where a CHamoru lifted up two Spaniards, one in each hand.
**Content:**
# Warfare
View more images for the Warfare entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622491109872/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Ancient CHamoru Warfare
Early European accounts of ancient CHamoru/Chamorro warriors marveled at their strength, skill, and fearsome weapons. According to one missionary, CHamorus were amongst the strongest of any race yet discovered, exemplified by an incident where a CHamoru lifted up two Spaniards, one in each hand.
Ancient CHamorus wielded three types of weapons, *åcho’ atupat* (sling and slingstone), spears, and clubs. Slingstones were egg-shaped projectiles made from either hardened or burnt clay or stone which were hurled using an *atupat* (sling) woven from *åkgak* (pandanus) or coconut fiber.
Spears were wooden with their ends either sharpened and fire hardened, or equipped with a tip made of human bone. These spears could be used for long-range attacks or close combat. The spears with human point tips were particularly deadly. A leg bone was taken from a deceased person and carved into a sharp point with two rows of teeth. The shape of the tip allowed it to easily penetrate the flesh, but the teeth made it impossible to extract without tearing the flesh, thus even minor wounds from it could cause terrible infections. According Spanish military leader and [Governor Jose de Quiroga](https://www.guampedia.com/jose-de-quiroga-y-losada/) in 1680, these spears were, “the worst weapons in the whole world, because there is nothing that can be done against their poison.”
Ancient CHamorus also made clubs and machete-like weapons called *damang* and *katana* for close quarters combat. In addition to offensive weapons, they also wove defensive items such as helmets and *gnuga guåfak* (breastplates) and supply items like *hagug* (a tall basket) made with *åkgak* for carrying food and provisions to battle.
Ancient CHamoru warriors regularly competed in games to practice and prove their skills in wielding weapons and hand-to-hand combat. In one game, according to an account by [Fray Juan Pobre](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) in 1602, opponents would throw spears at each other, catching them in mid-air and then mocking he who threw it by saying things like, “do you think I’m blind?”
Warriors were called to battle using a *kulo’* (shell horn) and often carried woven *babao* (banners). Prior to fighting, they would seek the help of *manganiti* (ancestral spirits) in securing victory by appealing to the *makåna* (practitioners of magic and herbal medicine). In some battles, the skulls of ancestors were placed on the battlefield in order to ensure victory.
Wars between ancient CHamorus were primarily battles between villages over matters of honor. Insulting another village or village [*maga’låhi*](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/) (highest ranking male), infringing on another’s fishing rights, as well as feuds between husband and wife could lead to a war between clans or villages. War in this context however was not about conquering or destroying your opponent, but about proving your superiority and raising your clan’s or village’s prestige.
Thus strategy and gaining a clear advantage of your opponent was more important then vanquishing their forces, so instead of outright battle, homes and gardens would be burned, traps would be set, and armies would seek to ambush their enemies. If physical conflict did ensue, whichever side suffered two or three casualties or even injuries would surrender and seek peace over the conflict by offering *ålas* (turtle shell) or other precious shells to the victor.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/ "Michael Lujan Bevacqua")
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era, Wars and Factors of Peace
**Tags:** Warfare
---
### [Slingstones](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Slingstones were used as weapons by ancient CHamoru warriors. Slingstones are stones of various sizes sharpened at both ends and hurled from a sling with deadly force in combative times.
**Content:**
# Slingstones
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Åcho' atupat
Slingstones were used as weapons by ancient CHamoru/Chamorro warriors. Slingstones are stones of various sizes sharpened at both ends, and hurled from a sling with deadly force in combative times. Called *åcho’ atupat* in CHamoru, slingstones were fashioned from either limestone, basalt, or fire-hardened clay, and were hung from slings of pandanus or coconut fiber, the latter being far more durable.
What is most noted about these stones in early accounts is that ancient CHamorus used them with deadly accuracy. Though commonly associated with weaponry of the[ Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/), these stones were used in early colonial history as the arms of resistance to [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), hurled at the harbingers of that particular destruction. A prized art of warfare, the knowledge of how to fashion and hurl these stones was in the men’s domain.
One account by Father Pedro Coomans in *The History of the Mariana Island Mission for the 1667-1673 period* describes the weapons as such:
> Their offensive weapons include the sling, which they aim very skillfully at the head. Out of small ropes they weave a sort of net-bag, in which to carry stones with an oblong shape, some formed out of a marble stone, and others of clay, hardened in either the sun or fire. They whirl and shoot those so violently. Should it make an impact upon a more delicate part, like the heart, or the head, the man is flattened on the spot. Then, if envy would make them want to burn a house from a distance, they would stuff the perforated side of it with tow burning with a very ferocious fire, which, with a swift movement became a flame, and sail away to seek shelter in enemy houses.
Over much of the world, slingstones were little more than naturally-occurring rocks and pebbles. In contrast, Marianas slingstones were laboriously manufactured from a variety of materials including coral, limestone, basalts, and clay. Raw materials were chipped and abraded into a variety of aerodynamic shapes, or when clay was used for slingstones, rolled and sunbaked or fired.
Most favored was the bi-pointed ovoid style that resembles American or Rugby mini-footballs. Others were made into more diamond and egg-like shapes. The vast majority of Marianas slingstones are hand-sized, weighing from 40 to 80 grams, though a few exceed one kilogram in weight. These are thought to have been ceremonial but perhaps some served utilitarian purposes, such as canoe breakers as seen in Tahiti and Hawaiʻi. Finish quality varied, but many Marianas slingstones truly qualify as works of art.
Though the sling may have been used in Guam for bird hunting, it was primarily a combat weapon. Early Spanish chronicles attest to the prowess of CHamoru warriors in hurling slingstones with such deadly accuracy and force, it was as though they were fired from a gun.
The CHamoru people have been in the Mariana Islands for at least 3,500 years and possibly as long as 4,600 years. However, identifiable slingstones do not show up in the archaeological record until around 2,000 years ago, and this amounts to only a few recovered from Tarague Beach in Guam and the Teteto-Guata Site in Rota. Overwhelmingly, slingstones are associated with the Latte Period of Mariana’s prehistory, beginning some 800-1000 years ago. This marked proliferation of slingstones probably signals the advent of warfare.
A question that has not been satisfactorily answered concerns the origin of Guam’s sling technology. Some archaeologists have argued for independent development of sling weaponry or introduction possibly from the Philippines. Interestingly, to date, no antecedent technology has been identified in the Philippines or other candidate areas of Southeast Asia. It is far more likely that, at least conceptually, the sling and football-shaped slingstones were introduced from Melanesia–the best bet would be from the Bismarck Archipelago, which are a group of islands located off the northeastern coast of New Guinea. In the Bismarcks, slingstones have been dated to 2,000-2,400 years ago and in the Santa Cruz-Reef islands to 3,100 years ago.
Archaeological knowledge revealing the origins and spread of the sling in Oceania will contribute to answering persistent questions concerning possible pre-European connections with the Americas. Though football-shaped slingstones appear to be unknown in Island Southeast Asia until about 3,100 years ago, they have roots that go back possibly for more than 8,000 years in the west coast of the continental United States. The slingstone was also the projectile weapon of the Inca and the preceding Andean cultures of South America.
Guam, however, is the world’s only political entity that features the slingstone on its seal and flag.
***By [Robert York](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-york/), [Gigi York](http://www.guampedia.com/gigi-york/), and [Julian Aguon](http://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/)***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Marianas Prehistory: Archaeological Survey and Excavations on Saipan, Tinian and Rota*. Fieldiana: Anthropology. Vol. 48*.* Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum, 1957.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. 1932. Reprint, New York: Krause Reprint Co., 1971.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace
**Tags:** Slingstones
---
### [Lesson Plan: Physics of a Slingstone](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-physics-of-a-slingstone/)
**Published:** January 10, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: Physics of a Slingstone
 Slingstones image from Guam's Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) publication Masters of Tradition.
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Physics-of-a-Slingstone-2.pdf)*.
**Slingstones in flight**
**Subjects**
Science, Physics
**Grade-level**
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
30 – 45 minutes (depending on the skill-level of students)
**Materials required**
- Slingstone (optional)
- Guam flag or seal (optional)
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
None
**Related links**
Guampedia
- [Slingstones](http://www.guampedia.com/slingstones/)
- [Slingstones: Weapons](http://www.guampedia.com/slingstones-weapons/)
- [Warfare](http://www.guampedia.com/warfare/)
- [Ancient CHamoru Warfare](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-warfare/)
- [Carving](http://www.guampedia.com/carving/)
## Lesson Plan
**Note:** If this lesson is used with students in middle school, focus less on calculations and more on general information regarding aerodynamics and momentum; alternative, if done with students in high school, then calculations may be conducted.
**Description**
In this lesson, students will learn apply knowledge about physics (or for middle school students, momentum) toward understanding the technology used by ancient CHamorus.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will theorize a way to more forcefully throw a fist-sized object.
- Students will then discuss the technology behind a slingstone, and, if in a physics class, conduct some calculations.
**Questions or Assessment**
- Were students able to recognize the advanced technology incorporated into a slingstone?
- \[For physics students\] Were students able to conduct calculations based on the parameters of a slingstone?
**Procedure**
***Teacher prep***
If readily available, bring in a slingstone as a visual aid. You can make one with clay (optional).
***Prompting Ideas* (5 minutes)**
1. Present students with the following scenario: you are a warrior or a hunter, and you must prepare by developing a weapon. You have chosen to throw rocks, because they are abundant. But you find that you can only throw a small, fist-sized rock only so far; and, the velocity with which you throw it is fairly limited by your arm strength. What do you do?
2. List student responses on the board.
- It is highly likely that a student will already be familiar with slingstones and mention it at this time. If so, shift the discussion toward why this student would pick a slingstone; list the stated strengths.
***Exploring Ancient Technologies* (15 minutes)**
1. Describe the problem that ancient CHamorus solved with the slingstone.
- Warriors and hunters needed to throw stones further and with more force. They developed this tool to accomplish such a feat.
2. Now ask students how this technology works.
- With younger students: Focus primarily on a general discussion of the aerodynamics of the stone and the momentum as generated by the sling.
- With more advanced students: Compare the momentum generated from a shorter radius (the arm when a stone is simply thrown) to that of a larger radius (the sling when throwing a slingstone).
- Discuss the elements of momentum, inertia, and force as applicable to this example.
3. This discussion will vary greatly upon the skill-level of your students.
4. If students are comfortable with this topic, quickly recap the elements that may be described in this example (force, inertia, momentum, etc.) and then continue on to the following section.
5. If they are relatively new to the topics at hand, spend time examining the difference between throwing a stone and using a slingstone (focus on aerodynamics, momentum, and force as applied through the sling).
***Using Slingstones in a Momentum Exercise* (15 minutes) (optional, for use with an advanced class**)
1. Have students calculate the speed with which a stone must be thrown in order to reach a distance of 100 yards. Ask students if this is easy (or possible) by simply using one’s arm to throw a stone.
2. Provide students with a specific slingstone example: weight of stone, length of sling, etc.
3. Have students calculate the distance possible at different speeds of release.
4. Using these calculations, compare with the prospect of simply throwing a stone by hand. Discuss with students the technological significance of using a slingstone in comparison to simply throwing a stone.
***Recognizing the Cultural Significance of the Slingstone* (5 minutes)**
1. Very briefly, show students a [Guam flag or seal](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-seal-and-flag/) (or draw on the board).
2. Ask students if they recognize anything significant in the design.
3. Explain to students that the shape of the design is that of a slingstone, and that such a technological advance was and is widely respected and admired.
***Recap* (5 minutes)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson:
“Today we were presented with a problem: how to throw a stone, with great velocity, long distances. We learned that ancient CHamorus, when presented with this same problem, derived an ingenious tool to overcome this obstacle. This technological leap, the slingstone, proved to be a significant achievement, and is still recognized today in our Guam flag and seal.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the lesson.
**Categories:** Educational Lesson Plans, Grade-levels, High School, Middle School, Physics, Science, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: Physics of a Slingstone
---
### [Cultural Aspects of Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare](https://www.guampedia.com/cultural_aspects_of_chamorro_warfare/)
**Published:** December 15, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Prelude to war. For the ancient CHamorus warfare was sporadic and functioned primarily to resolve political, economic, and social conflicts among different clans or villages. Although these confrontations were not large in scale, nor extremely violent, the ancient CHamorus took warfare seriously.
**Content:**
# Cultural Aspects of Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Prelude to war
For the ancient CHamorus/Chamorros warfare was sporadic and functioned primarily to resolve political, economic, and social conflicts among different clans or villages. Although these confrontations were not large in scale, nor extremely violent, the ancient CHamorus took warfare seriously. CHamoru warriors trained themselves from an early age to develop skills with the sling or spear, their primary weapons of choice. In battles between villages, warriors would be mobilized and honored through communal feasting prior to combat. But no war preparation would be complete without appealing to the ancestral spirits or *[mananiti](http://www.guampedia.com/aniti-2/)* for spiritual strength and ultimate victory.
## Pre-war ritual
Historical accounts by Spanish missionaries provide a glimpse of the prewar rituals of the ancient CHamorus. Jesuit missionary Father Peter Coomans observed that disputes between families could quickly lead to battles between various villages. He described the sounding of a shell trumpet (*kulo’*) to call and excite the warriors, who were mostly unmarried young men (*[uritao](http://www.guampedia.com/uritao/)*). Upon arriving at the meeting place, village women would serve a special feast, as well as wash the bodies of the warriors with fresh water from the river.
In the prewar gathering, a kind of rice drink, called *laulau*, and a delicacy of dried salted swordfish (*guatafi*) were given to the warriors.
Then, seated upon mats, the chiefs, or *[maga’ låhi](http://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)*, would meet in a nearby house and vie for the opportunity to carry the battle standard or banner (*babao*), which was a long stick with a palm branch attached to one end like a flag. The battle standard would fly about, and with much shouting, the chiefs would try to grab it (Coomans 2000:40).
Nineteenth century French explorer[ Louis de Freycinet ](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/)wrote that CHamoru warfare campaigns would begin with “terrible yells,” but these were more for cheering themselves on and to irritate, rather than to frighten, their opponents. Only the [*matua* and *achaot*](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=4719), the upper and middle classes, were actually allowed to take up arms, while the [*manachang*](http://www.guampedia.com/manachang/), or lowest class, would carry supplies. The main strategy was to observe the enemy long enough to determine the best way to ambush them. When the fighting would actually begin, the warriors would “rush forward in confusion,” shooting their slings first from a distance, before resorting to their spears. The fighting continued until someone was killed. Although the Spanish found these battle scenes chaotic and unorganized relative to European war tactics, the battles were a means of resolving tension between villages, and were quickly ended so that peace could be arranged.
## Peace-making ritual
At the end of battle, both sides would recede, and the ritual for peace negotiations would proceed. The defeated village would immediately send envoys with gifts. According to Freycinet, the victorious side took pleasure and pride in lording their triumph over their opponents.
> They insult those whom they defeated, mocking them with satirical chants. These chants are both composed and performed during their feasts.
But, the victors in turn would provide a peace offering of turtle shell ([alås](http://www.guampedia.com/alas)) to their rivals in exchange for the spirits of the dead warriors. A formal meal served from giant cauldrons would be offered while negotiating peace. The peace would last for a little while, until the next dispute or conflict arose.
## Spiritual war tactics
In addition to witnessing fights among the CHamorus, the Spanish also observed the spiritual aspect of native warfare. The CHamorus believed in the presence of the *mananiti*, or ancestral spirits, and the power of these spirits to assist them in fishing, farming, and even in battle. They believed the ancestral spirits lived on in the skulls of their deceased ancestors and that the *[makana](http://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)*—the practitioners of healing and magic—had the power to communicate with them. The *makana* would take out the skulls, lay them out and invoke upon them their requests for help and good fortune. In some cases, the *makana* would take the skulls and place them on the actual battleground. Victory, of course, was seen as a favorable response by the *mananiti.*
The CHamorus continued to rely on the skulls for spiritual strength, even in their battles against the Spanish in the late 17th century. The *makana*, in response to Spanish efforts to missionize and colonize the islands, motivated the CHamorus to fight against the priests and soldiers. Jesuit Father [Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), who headed the newly established Catholic mission, worked hard to remove the authority of the *makahna* by criticizing them whenever possible and ordering the destruction of the skulls. In one account of a battle in 1671, the natives dug trenches at the advice of a council of *makhana* and placed in them the skulls of their ancestors. The CHamoru warriors fought with new spiritual vigor; however, the Spanish, with their advanced weaponry, defeated the natives. The Spanish then “cast the skulls on the ground and trampled on them.”
While the battle against the Spanish was a huge disappointment for the CHamorus, the destruction of these skulls most likely represented a great spiritual loss as well. Nevertheless, as Freycinet noted, CHamoru warriors “took care not to entrust their fortunes in war entirely to such talismans,” emphasizing the other plans the CHamorus made in preparation for battle.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## Did you know?
***Laulau*** – According to Rodrigue Levesque, who translated many of the historical documents from the Spanish era, *laulau* is similar to a drink in the Philippines known there as *lugau*. Levesque also notes the literal translation of *laulau* is “to shake,” and may also be the word from which the name Raurau Bay in Saipan is derived.
## For further reading
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “[Warfare](http://www.guampedia.com/warfare).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 7 February 2023.
Coomans, Peter. *History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands: 1667-1673*. Translated by Rodrigue Lévesque. Occasional Papers Series, no. 4. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-warfare/)
**Published:** December 15, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The nature of warfare. In any human society, there are different reasons and circumstances in which people might engage in warfare. Warfare, by definition, is when violence occurs between political entities, such as communities, districts or nations.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare
View more images for the Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622491109872/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## The nature of warfare
In any human society, there are different reasons and circumstances in which people might engage in warfare. Warfare, by definition, is when violence occurs between political entities, such as communities, districts or nations. Scholars talk about different kinds of warfare, which depends on the kinds of entities that actually are at war with each other, the weapons they use, the motivations for fighting and the expected outcomes of conflict. We often think of warfare as large-scale confrontations between groups of people, who strategically plan for attack and defense. But, sometimes, feuding and raiding may be included as types of war strategies.
Feuding is a state of recurring hostilities between families or groups of kin. Such a state exists when families have a shared desire to avenge an offense of some sort—for example, as a result of insult, injury, or death—against another family or its members. Raiding is a short-term, organized effort with a limited objective, such as the acquisition of goods, wealth, or specific resources from another group.
Not much is known about warfare among the prehistoric, [pre-*Latte* Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) CHamorus/Chamorros (500 BC to AD 1000). The lack of recognizable weapons in the archeological record might mean that the earliest inhabitants of the Mariana Islands did not engage in warfare, or perhaps, only on a limited scale. The small, dispersed population and the abundant resources would have made warfare unlikely or unnecessary. Nevertheless, by the late *Latte* Period, the CHamorus had an array of weapons they used to fight each other, and of course, the Spanish during the CHamoru-Spanish wars of the late 17th century.
## Latte Period weapons
The practice of [warfare](http://www.guampedia.com/warfare) on Guam during the *Latte* Period (approximately AD 800 – AD 1700) left very little direct evidence for the archeologist to uncover, especially before the first contact between CHamoru people and Portuguese explorer [Ferdinand Magellan ](http://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan)in 1521. Unlike the early Palauans who, in some of the Rock Islands, constructed defensive rock walls, and on the larger islands, built massive terraces and hilltop crowns possibly for their defense, *Latte* Period settlements of the CHamorus seem to have been built with very little concern for security.
True, some *[latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte)* sets are found on ridge tops in the interior of southern Guam, but these sites were likely connected to ancient footpaths, although there is little archeological evidence to support this. Still, it is probable that from these ridge top sites, the settlement occupants could see their farms below, as well as their neighbors and cousins on the next ridge top. And while the tallest *latte* sets on the coast may have provided some security for their inhabitants, the structures that sat atop the *latte* foundations were just as easy to burn as the smaller houses.
The artifacts of *Latte* Period warfare are easy to identify since there were no large animals to hunt in the [Mariana Islands](http://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/northern_mariana_islands_pol_1989.png), and the skillfully crafted weapons were mentioned by early Spanish visitors and settlers to Guam. [Slingstones](http://www.guampedia.com/slingstones) of baked clay, limestone, mudstone, and basalt such as those recovered from the [Pågat Village](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=7963) archeological site in central Guam, were found to be deadly at close range, and an effective way to keep the enemy at some distance, even with Spanish shields or armor.
While slingstones are commonly found in small numbers around most coastal *Latte* Period villages (such as Gogña in Tumon), clusters of them also have been found, particularly in Southern Guam, where basalt cobblestones occur naturally. Archeologists believe these collections of slingstones may have been manufactured with the intent of distributing them more broadly.
One such area of production is the south side of Togcha Bay in Ipan, Guam, where numerous basalt chisels and adzes were also found and another manufacturing area lies on a ridge top near Dandan between the Ugum River valley and the north branch of the Inalåhan River, where most slingstones were made of local mudstone. Some slingstones were also modified for use as net sinker weights, gaming pieces, amulets or ornaments, and as burial goods.
During a battle between two villages on Tinian, in the Northern Marianas, in 1668, Fray Francisco García noted:
> Then, if envy would make them want to burn a house from a distance, they would stuff the perforated side of it \[the sling\] with tow burning with a very ferocious fire, which, with a swift movement became a flame, and sail away to seek shelter in enemy houses.
As protection from slingstones, the Spanish missionaries observed:
> Their defensive weapons are hardly more than palm mats, which they place like a hat on their heads by way of a helmet. They also used another \[mat\] which they tie around their chest by way of a breast-plate, leaving the rest of their body naked; this way they can more easily shoot their sling, or throw spears.
When hand to hand combat was called for, fire hardened or barbed tipped human-shinbone spears such as those found at the Pågat village archeological site could dispatch any enemy foolish enough to get close, and many a wounded warrior returned home to find his wounds infected from poisons on the spear tips. The spears were thrown or could be thrust into an opponent, easily piercing the body. In fact, a number of archeological excavations have unearthed skeletal remains with spear tips lodged in the bones. French explorer [Louis Freycinet](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/)’s 19th century account described various other weapons that, during times of peace, served as fishing or farming implements, but also could be used in battle. This included the *dagau*, a rod about two and a half inches in diameter and four and a half feet long made of mangrove timber that was a combination digging stick, pick axe and weapon, and the *fisga,* which was also a harpoon used for spear fishing.
It appears then, that the simple but effective weapons used by CHamorus during the *Latte* Period were best suited to a style of warfare that involved small groups of warriors engaging briefly and often at some distance, with the goal being to inflict some damage to the enemy perhaps in an ambush, but then withdraw to fight another day. Such warfare tactics did not result in many casualties. The goal seemed to be to take an aggressive stance if some insult could not be ignored, but then agree to terms that everyone could live with. In 1602, [Fray Juan Pobre ](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/)was told by his Spanish informant Sancho on Rota (a neighboring island) that:
> When one kills another, if they are from the same town he absents himself from that town to go to another island so that the relatives will not kill him. He remains absent until from the killer’s house or from that of his father or mother they take one or two palms of tortoise \[shells\] which is the thing that is most valued among them and with some big fish and rice they pay the father or mother or wife of the deceased for the death. Once this has been done, they send word to the exile and he can come freely and walk about fearlessly through his town and that is their form of [justice](http://www.guampedia.com/crime-and-punishment/).
Fray Juan Pobre noted that although occasionally war would break out between different coastal villages, he himself had not witnessed any village quarrels during his seven month stay in Rota.
Another Jesuit missionary of the late 1600s, Father Peter Coomans also described traditional warfare the natives waged among themselves and the terms for peace-making:
> Should a palm tree be cut, a harvest pulled out, or if children have a dispute among themselves, this generates a battle between various villages. However, many of these affairs are caused by women. Although they are quick to take up arms, peace can just as easily be arranged between them. As soon as someone is killed by a spear, a truce is declared. Meanwhile the party which did the killing comes up with a tortoise shell, to pay for the death, as these barbarians call it. At the sight of it, hatred subsided, and a peace treaty was renewed.
These early missionary accounts describe CHamoru warfare as essentially between villages over seemingly petty or minor disputes. Battles lasted only a short time and warriors were only loosely organized.
Combat training did appear to be a necessary part of every CHamoru warrior’s life when charged with defending his village and its elders. In fact, young boys began their training early in the use of spears and slings, and frequently competed with each other in village challenges.
Fray Juan Pobre’s informant Sancho noted that:
> The young men usually show off their strength in front of these chiefs and they wrestle arms open and make each other tumble. … and thus they test their strength or sometimes they move apart from each other and, although in jest they usually act as earnestly as in fencing. They take some spears at 10 or 12 paces, one throws at the other and although they are skillful at hitting correctly, they are more so in avoiding being hit, and many times they grab the spear in the air…”
No mention is made however, that any CHamoru village maintained a standing army or militia, nor were there obvious officers or insignias of rank during combat, as the Spanish would easily have recognized from their own military training. Nevertheless, the Spanish did observe some aspects and [rituals](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-war-rituals) of CHamoru warfare.
## Tactics
While *Latte* Period warfare may not have been ideally suited to confront the organized European style of combat favored by the Spaniards, it is evident that *Latte* Period warriors were quick to improvise their tactics while fighting an enemy with new and dangerous weapons such as the arquebus, a rather primitive musket. In 1564, Major Esteban Rodriguez noted:
> At the beginning, they attacked with great spirit, but as soon as they got a taste of the arquebus, they retreated in disorder as fast as they could run.
However, by the time of the Hagåtña revolt of 1671 Fray Andres de Ledesma observed the CHamorus using new weapons, including wooden shields:
> They renewed their efforts and continued their attacks, already using new artifices for their defense; indeed, they used boards of their canoes as a kind of parapets or shields. Under their shelter, they also raise some palisade which encircled ours, trusting the protection of their boards and portable trenches, with which they defend themselves from our fire and attacked with a continuous rain of spears and stones, with such courage that at times they dispatched their spears three at a time…
In the Hagåtña revolt of 1676, Fray Francisco García noted that many:
> … came armed with spears and machetes… such as used to kill Fray San Vitores, while one warrior was seen…using a piece of broken arquebus which one of our soldiers had lost.
When Fray Sebastian de Monroy tried to defend himself with a small shield near the village of [Sumai](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=7342) in 1676, he was killed in his canoe with these very weapons.
Some degree of defensive planning is also evident where CHamorus would force soldiers to chase them to areas of rough terrain where they would ambush the Spanish or set booby traps for them. In the revolt of 1678 near Haputo, Father García noted that the CHamorus:
> …fled from their homes, and had retreated to a cove naturally surrounded by steep cliffs which even the inhabitants had difficulty reaching. There they fixed their residence, trusting in the steepness of the area and the narrow trails that they blocked with branches cut from trees, and by planting here and there poisoned tips of their lances, also placing large rocks in high places and laid out many setups such that they could be pried to make them fall during ambushes.
By the time of the last CHamoru revolt on the island of Saipan in 1695, Father Coomans mentioned that the village of Araiao, south of Chalan Kanoa, was defended:
> …not by open force, which they mistrusted, but by hidden traps; for taking advantage of two days during which we were in the north, they had dug pits around the shore and at the entrances of their houses and armed them with bone spear points and fire-hardened stakes, and covered them with branches and leaves and sprinkled sand lightly over them.
## Goals changed
From this review of CHamoru warfare practices, especially those recorded at the end of the *Latte* Period by Spanish observers, it is apparent that warriors on Guam and in the Northern Mariana Islands used time honored methods and traditional weapons to engage in combat with each other, without the expectation of a wholesale slaughter of their enemies from other villages who were, after all, likely their cousins and perhaps the husbands of their sisters.
Pre-*Latte* Period warfare primarily settled disputes between families, while warfare in the *Latte* Period probably reflected shifting alliances between families and villages who competed for land and other resources.
But when the Spanish arrived and introduced not only new weapons but a new attitude toward combat with the goal of surrender or be killed, CHamoru warriors adapted their offensive tactics and defenses to meet the challenges and engaged the Spanish in battles over the next 25 years until the final conquest in 1695. Although the typical CHamoru warrior was physically stronger than the Spanish or Filipino soldier, the advanced weaponry of the Spanish, as well as the traditional tactics of native warfare made it difficult for CHamorus to prevail over their opponents.
Perhaps, had they adopted the use of firearms and were they able to purchase a ready supply of gunpowder from traders or more likely privateers, the history of the Marianas may well have been written by the CHamoru and not the Spanish.
[***By Boyd Dixon, PhD, RPA***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11319)
## Video
## Word list
 Illustration: Gertrude Hornbostel Drawing 8/Andy Airriess
***Latte*** – a stone structure composed of a semi-hemispherical capstone and a pillar. Sets of *latte* were used as housing supports, and they dominated the archeological landscape of the Mariana islands.
***Slingstones*** – CHamorus were skilled at using these oblong-shaped stones as weapons. Jesuit missionary Father Peter Coomans wrote about how warriors aimed their slingstones at an enemy’s head or chest, and literally flattening him “on the spot.”
 The large stone is of exotic material and may have had ceremonial use. Photo by J. Flores courtesy of the Guam Museum, 1998.
 Ancient CHamoru Warrior, Raph Unpingco.
***War Tactics*** – The CHamorus also used deception to plan their attacks on the Spanish soldiers or priests. Missionary accounts noted that CHamorus would lure the Spanish under false pretenses or by feigning friendship with them and lead them into dangerous and deadly situations. For example, one story described how CHamorus offered to transport a contingent of Spanish soldiers by canoe, but instead capsized the vessel and killed them.
## For further reading
Barratt, Glynn. *The Chamorros of the Mariana Islands: The Early European Records, 1521-1721.* Saipan, CNMI: CNMI Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Craib, John L. “Casas de los Antiguos: Social Differentiation in Protohistoric Chamorro Society, Mariana Islands.” PhD diss., University of Sydney, 1986.
Lévesque, Rodrigue, comp. and ed. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1 – 8. Gatineau, Quebec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-.
Osborne, D. *Chamorro Archaeology.* 1947. An unpublished typescript can be found in the files of the Richard F. Taitano, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao, Guam: University of Guam Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, 1977.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report No. 32. Saipan, CNMI: Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Thompson, Laura M*. Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 100. Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1932.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Warfare
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry: Manmade Accessories and Body Coverings](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-jewelry-manmade-accessories-and-body-coverings/)
**Published:** December 15, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Body ornamentation. All human cultures practice some form of body ornamentation. Body ornamentation refers to the ways in which people decorate or dress their bodies for any number of reasons or occasions.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry: Manmade Accessories and Body Coverings
View more images for the Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry: Manmade Accessories and Body Coverings entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157650000285227/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Body ornamentation
All human cultures practice some form of body ornamentation. Body ornamentation refers to the ways in which people decorate or dress their bodies for any number of reasons or occasions. This includes the clothing, jewelry, hair accessories, masks, or makeup that people wear, as well as the markings and modifications we make to our skin or other body parts. Although body ornamentation is considered a cultural universal, meaning something found in all social groups, the way we decorate our bodies varies from person to person, as well as within and among different cultures. It may also have different functions or meanings depending on the context in which people decorate themselves.
Different types of body ornamentation can be used to enhance our physical features, such as wearing cosmetics or makeup to make us look attractive, or applying war paint to give a more frightening or aggressive appearance. Body ornamentation can sometimes indicate gender, age or social status, or carry other socially important meanings, especially when used for particular occasions or as part of a special tradition. Body ornamentation is not always simply about covering the body, but a close look can reveal their ideas about fashion trends, beauty or functionality of the items they use to adorn themselves.
In some societies, the body might be permanently modified, for example, with tattoo markings on skin, or by piercing the earlobes, lips or other parts of the body for inserting decorative objects. Most people, however, decorate their bodies temporarily through the clothes they wear, by applying makeup or donning jewelry. Another consideration in discussing body ornamentation is that, like all other aspects of culture, the ways in which people decorate or modify their bodies change over time. These changes often reflect fashion trends based on a society’s changing tastes, preferences or needs.
The ancient CHamorus/Chamorros had different ways of decorating their bodies that were both temporary and permanent. Evidence of jewelry and other body coverings have been found in archeological excavations of CHamoru remains, as well as in descriptions from early Spanish accounts.
A look at dates associated with different decorative items can tell us how CHamoru body ornamentation changed over time. The earliest written descriptions of CHamorus state that these natives wore very little clothing, if anything, at all. But the Spanish did notice items such as jewelry, pendants, belts and hats, especially those worn by elites. However, with the introduction of Catholicism, the CHamorus began to cover their bodies at the urging of the missionaries. Ancient CHamoru practices of designing and wearing ornamental items were largely forgotten.
Today, however, local artists and artisans are reviving some of these ancient practices by designing jewelry and decorative pieces inspired by the past. These pieces include the variety of shell jewelry written about by the Spanish, as well as pieces found in ancient burial sites throughout the island.
## Shell ornamentation
Letters primarily from early missionaries in the Mariana Islands in the 16th and 17th centuries describe[ jewelry](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-jewelry/) made from various seashells and turtle shell. Beads of various shapes have been found, usually perforated through the center of a round section of cone shell or at each end of a cone shape. Rectangular and tubular shaped beads have also been found. Disk-shaped beads, rings, armlets and bracelets were also made, some of which retained elements of the original shell, while others were highly polished.
Comparison of these beads to those manufactured in the Caroline Islands south of the Marianas in historic times indicate that the disks were strung on coconut fiber cord in either uniform sizes, or graded from small to larger beads at the center of a strand. Such strands were also thought to serve as exchange valuables, called *[ålas](http://www.guampedia.com/alas/)*.
*Spondylus* shell became more prevalent during the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) (about AD 800 to AD 1700). Although rare, contemporary artists have reported finding this orange-colored spiny mollusk on Guam beaches, and they do grow in certain bays. Burial excavations dated to the Latte period, around the time of early European contact, indicate that the shell was used as women’s decoration, probably demonstrating high social status and wealth. A particular burial excavated at Ypao beach in [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) was dubbed by the archeological team as “the Princess of Ypao” because of numerous *Spondylus* beads located near her cranium (or skull) and her throat, and in strands from the waist. The strands suggest that she wore a fiber belt or apron decorated with the beads. Additionally, she was flanked by two other skeletons, possibly ‘warriors,’ as one had a spear point embedded in his shoulder. The Ypao burial showed that *Spondylus* disks were paired according to size and shape so that the concave disks faced each other in a string, with graded sizes from smallest at the back, to largest being at the center of the necklace.
Similar beaded belts have been found in other excavations in the Marianas. An early-contact period burial excavated at the Hafa Adai Beach Hotel site in Saipan revealed a female with a belt encircling her lower waist made of large *Spondylus* disks. The position of the shells indicated that they were probably affixed to a fiber belt. Above this strand encircling her waist was a belt of smaller *Spondylus* beads.
The Spanish also observed and wrote about these belts. A rare account by early missionary Father Peter Coomans \[1673\] describes women’s body adornments, which collaborates the findings of archeologists and provides some additional information about the use of *Spondylus* shell jewelry:
> The women have their special feasts, for which they adorn themselves with ornaments on their foreheads, some of flowers like jasmine, and some of valued trinkets and tortoise shells, hung from a string of red shells that are prized among them as are pearls among us, and of which they make also some waistbands with which they gird themselves, hanging around them some small, well-formed coconuts on some string skirts made of tree roots, with which they finish their costume and adornment, and which seems more bird-cage than dress.
The “red shells” described by Father Coomans are *Spondylus*, although other non-CHamorus have described *Spondylus* shells as also orange or pink in color.
Another type of ornamentation worn by the CHamorus includes jewelry fashioned from *Tridacna*, or giant clamshell. In particular, the thick hinge portion of the clamshell, measuring about three to five inches long and an inch thick, has been found in CHamoru burials. It is shaped like a quarter moon (sometimes described as a canoe shape) with holes drilled at each end through which cords could have been attached. Since it was of giant clamshell―which is an extremely dense, strong material and usually reserved for making adzes―it may have been used as an exchange valuable. Written accounts, however, do not describe their use at the time of European contact. One notable example of CHamoru *Tridacna* shell ornaments was mentioned in the fieldnotes of [Hans Hornbostel](https://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-and-hans-hornbostel/), an archeologist employed by the Bishop Museum in Honolulu to conduct excavations in the Marianas in the 1920s. His notes from 1924 state that German Governor Georg Fritz in Saipan (1904) found a series of twelve of these objects linked together by a fiber cord, which were taken to a Berlin museum. The Berlin museum collection, however, does not have a record of how or when they were collected.
In addition to *Spondylus* and *Tridacna*, turtle shell was also fashioned into CHamoru jewelry. However, a small fragment of turtle shell disk is the only known artifact of this material to have survived to the present. Turtle shell was not only valued as a material for jewelry, but as an item of exchange, such as to ensure peace between warring clans. The value of turtle shell depended upon the way it was obtained. For example, a turtle caught on the beach was not as valuable as a turtle caught in the open ocean under more difficult circumstances. All turtles were first presented to the highest woman of the clan who, in turn, presented it to the chief, who decided the value of the shell and marked it by cutting circular holes in the segments of shell. Smaller holes had different meaning than larger holes, and the number of holes was also significant.
## Shell ornaments as exchange valuables
The French Louis de Freycinet scientific expedition that visited Guam in 1819 is the only source which describes CHamoru exchange valuables, particularly *Spondylus* and turtle shell. They were helped by a very well-educated *mestizo* (or mixed ancestry) CHamoru named [Luis de Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/luis-de-torres/), who apparently obtained the knowledge from elders of his time. These items could have been used for ceremonial exchanges or as indicators of prestige or wealth. The holes cut from plates of turtle shell (known as *lalai*) were used to make necklaces by punching a hole in the center and stringing the disks close together to form a cylindrical tube.
This string of turtle shell disks could have also been used as ceremonial belts, as has been documented in the Caroline Islands, south of the Marianas. Indeed, CHamorus may have exchanged these items with their Carolinian counterparts, as prior to the arrival of the Spanish, during the Latte and Early-contact periods, regular trading voyages took place between the Marianas and these islands.
Freycinet also recorded a type of *ålas* called *[guinahan famagu’on](http://www.guampedia.com/guinahan-famaguon-childrens-wealth/)* which was considered priceless. It is described as a string of unpolished turtle shell disks of varying thickness which measured about one inch in diameter at one end and gradually increased to about six inches diameter at the other end. A drawing from the expedition contains an illustration of this *guinahan famagu’on*. *Guinahan famagu’on* literally translates as “children’s wealth,” and was given by a family to someone who had rescued or saved their child. The rescuer had the right to accept the gift and thus reestablish reciprocal balance, or refuse it and become an honorary in-law. The latter united both families and accorded the rescuer kinship rights to land and other favors. Therefore, if the rescuer was of higher status than the child’s family, the precious *guinahan famagu’on* would probably be chosen, while a lower-status person would benefit more by becoming an honorary in-law. One who gave a great gift of knowledge to a child, such as teaching him to be a navigator or *makahna* (or healer), could also be offered the *guinahan famagu’on*. It was worn by men on very special occasions, draped around the neck.
## Other body coverings
Although early contact documents generally describe the CHamorus as being completely naked, other passages describe instances where some body coverings were observed. Body coverings were primarily for protection from the elements, and included fiber-string skirts and woven hats. Early accounts describe the women’s use of a leaf, called *tifi’* (meaning *“to pick”* or *“picked”*) to cover their pubic area, held in place by a cord that encircled the waist.
A *chamorri* (high class) woman also displayed her wealth with Spondylus bead necklaces and by wearing a large plate of turtle shell as a tifi’ apron, tied around her waist by cords attached through holes cut in the top and bottom of the shell.
Father Coomans \[1673\] described other body coverings on women, such as a skirt that extended from the navel down to the knee. He described these skirts as, “some rather long nerves from leaves.” Additionally, women would adorn themselves with “wreaths with small flowers that look like hyacinths to place on their forehead.” He also observed their use of “a precious-looking collar made of discolored glass beads.”
Guam historian Lawrence Cunningham reminds us that by 1673, CHamorus would have had access to European-made trade beads for over 150 years. Frecyinet’s account mentions the CHamoru *sadi*, a kind of loincloth, worn occasionally by men. According to his informants, perhaps in ancient times, women wore them, too, although their exact use was not clear. Other items noted by Freycinet include clothing fashioned from tree roots for special feast days. To the Spanish priests, these items “looked more like cages, so gross and wretchedly made were they.” In time of war or while at sea, men would also wear a sleeveless waistcoat or vest, known as *gnufa guafak*, which was made of woven pandanus leaves.
Both men and women wore hats, although of slightly different shape and style.
Men wore conical hats of plaited leaves to protect them from the sun, especially when fishing. An illustration from the Freycinet expedition shows the use of these hats.
Women’s hats were also conical in shape, but lacked the wide brim seen in men’s hats. Men also fashioned skullcaps from gourds to cover their heads from the sun. To protect their feet, especially while walking over coral, the natives would wear sandals made of woven palm leaves. Otherwise, they would go barefoot.
To provide additional protection from the elements, Frey Antonio de Los Angeles \[1596\] stated that both men and women applied coconut oil to their bodies to protect them from the cold and wet when it rained. Both fragrant and functional, coconut oil would generate warmth and allow the raindrops to slip off the body.
**[*By Judy Flores, PhD*](http://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/)**
## Did you know?
***Agaga’*** – It is likely that CHamorus used the word, *agaga’*, to describe the color of the Spondylus shells, rather than the shell jewelry itself. *Agaga’* means “red” in CHamoru, and is used to describe a variety of warm colors. For example, the yolk of an egg is called *agaga’*, as is the blood red of a hibiscus flower, or the embarrassed blush on one’s face. It is one of the few colors which retain the indigenous CHamoru name rather than adopted Spanish designations―the others being white, *apaka’*, and black, *atilung*. (Photo: Judy S. Flores/Guam Museum)
***Ålas*** – Louis de Freycinet wrote that one style of jewelry was generically known as *ålas*, of which there were two kinds. One sort, known as *guini*, was worn exclusively by women. The length of the tube and the size of the disks determined the value of this necklace. Usually, the *guini* was long enough to go around a woman’s neck twice before falling to the navel. Another type of *ålas* was known as *lukau-hugua*, which was worn in a sling and dropped to the hip. (Illustration: Guam Public Library System)
***Tifi’*** – Freycinet’s account described how elite CHamoru women would wear *tifi’* made of large plates of turtle shell polished on both sides and tied to the waist like an apron. Women also wore turtle shell plates on their foreheads, or as pendants, interwoven with flowers, while men wore these large plates as breastplate ornaments. (Illustration: Raph Unpingco)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. “The Account of a Discalced Friar’s Stay in the Islands of the Ladrones.” *Guam Recorder* 7, no. 1 (1977): 19-21.
–––. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602.* MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Hornbostel, Hans, and Gertrude Hornbostel. Papers, 1924. Microfilm 261.1. Bishop Museum, Honolulu.
Koch, Gerd. *Südsee: Führer durch die Ausstellung der Abteilung Südsee.* Berlin: Museum für Völkerkunde, 1969.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-8. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1996.
Swift, Marilyn. “Hafa Adai Beach Hotel Archaeological Site, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.” Unpublished report, 1999. Swift & Harper Archaeological Research Consortium, Saipan.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. 1932. Reprint, New York: Krause Reprint Co., 1971.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Creative Expressions, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry: Manmade Accessories and Body Coverings
---
### [Nightmare in Malesso' at War's End](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-nightmare-at-wars-end/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fight to survive - and liberate themselves. So near, yet so far. In July 1944, the ships of the US Navy could be seen off the coast of Malesso'/Merizo, almost as close as the waves rushing over the reefs that fringe the southern village. For Juan Atoigue Cruz, just 16 years old then, those ships were the stuff of dreams.
**Content:**
# Nightmare in Malesso' at War's End
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Fight to survive - and liberate themselves
So near, yet so far. In July 1944, the ships of the US Navy could be seen off the coast of [Malesso’/Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), almost as close as the waves rushing over the reefs that fringe the southern village. For Juan Atoigue Cruz, just 16 years old then, those ships were the stuff of dreams.
“I would think about, make this idea for myself, for me to swim out to the ships, maybe go out there in the dark. Then I’d think, they’d never see me in the dark if I swam out..,” he said in an interview in 1994. At that time in the occupation, Cruz was a slave laborer for the Japanese troops in Malesso’ preparing defenses against an American invasion force.
Little did he know that his wish to be aboard one of the ships would come true. On 21 July 1944, led by Jesus Barcinas, Cruz would be in a canoe paddling to one of the Navy ships off Malesso’. With them were Jose Mata Torres, Juan Meno Garrido, Joaquin Manalisay, and Antonio LG Cruz. The men were escaping from Japanese soldiers who were were brutalizing CHamorus/Chamorros as the American forces prepared to retake the island.
Malesso’ was not spared its share of tragedy. On 15 July at [Tinta](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/), 13 men and three women were massacred by Japanese soldiers; 14 people survived but only because soldiers who were tasked to kill the wounded were caught in a heavy downpour in the hilly area and they decided to return to their encampment. They were chosen for death because they were former members of the [Insular Guard Force](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-insular-guard/), or considered pro-American or rebellious to the Japanese. A day later at Faha, 30 Malesso’ villagers were massacred by Japanese soldiers using grenades, machine guns and bayonets. There were no survivors.
The Faha victims, Cruz said, were chosen solely because of their physical size. He remembers one of them quite well: Vicente Acfalle Champaco, who was 6-foot, 7-inches tall or more. “They called him ‘Carabao’,” he said. Champaco was the owner of the canoe that would take Cruz, Torres, and other Malesso’ men to freedom.
## Forced to march
Meanwhile thousands of villagers were ordered to march to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/) where the Japanese were incarcerating CHamorus to prevent them from assisting US forces. In Malesso’, people gathered their belongings and the Japanese made them leave food and other items at Tintinghanom.
After about three days’ march, villagers were encamped for the night a Atate, up the Geus river valley. Torres, Cruz and other boys earlier that day were sent back to Malesso’ to forage farms for chickens, pigs and vegetables; whatever they found, they were to bring them to Atate.
Meanwhile, Jose Soriano Reyes and other men were ordered to go to Tintinghanom to also retrieve some food for the people at Atate. But at Atate was a large pit that villagers were earlier forced to dig.
> My God, it was big – 50 feet by 50 feet square. I was forced to work there one day and I helped dig some of that hole.
>
> Juan Cruz
Reyes, who had heard through the grapevine the massacres at Tinta and Faha, was convinced that the pit was for the Malesso’ people now at Atate. He recruited about five men, some of whom were very scared, to attack their guards at Tintinghanom.
## Revolt: Guards killed, weapons taken
Despite being unarmed, they succeeded in killing the guards and taking their weapons. Shortly afterward, arriving at Tintinghanom were Cruz, Torres and other boys carrying food from the village’s farms.
> When we arrived there, we saw a guard they had killed, killed by Joe Reyes, and then Joe shot and killed the one guarding us. He was big man, that guard.
>
> Jose Torres
Killed by the same shot was 16-year old Gregorio Santiago.
> The bullet that hit the Japanese went right through him and hit Gregorio.
>
> Juan Cruz
Injured in the brief fight was Jose Garrido, who received a slight bullet wound on one of his elbows. The fight over, they traveled toward Atate. Just before the camp, Reyes stopped the men and boys, who numbered about 15 or 16, and began planning the attack, Cruz said.
Reyes assigned the men to different parts of the camp, telling them to kill the Japanese guards. Key to the attack was seizing the rifles of the guards after they had stacked them. At the sound of the signal, with only Reyes armed with a gun, the men attacked the camp with sticks and crude clubs.
> We fought them with our bare hands, but we killed them.
>
> Juan Cruz
They managed to kill maybe eight guards but not before one of them shot at Reyes. He had his rifle behind some boxes and he shot Joe Reyes, though the shot missed him. Unfortunately for the guard, at the time he was trying to shoot Reyes, the leader was hurriedly showing another man how to load and shoot a rifle so it could be used in the fight.
> He was still behind the boxes but Joe just picked up the rifle he had and shot him. I think he shot him in the heart.
>
> Juan Cruz
Torres said the attack on the guards at Atate was something they just had to do despite their fear.
> We had never done anything before, until we thought they were going to kill us, kill us all – it’s either them or us.
>
> Jose Torres
Only one Japanese guard survived, the civilian teacher of the village called “Wasi Sensei.” He fled into the jungle.
After the fight, the Malesso’ men regrouped. Jesus Cruz Barcinas, a village leader, was in the jungle gathering food but hurried back to the camp when he heard shots. He was told that the reason for the attack was because the Japanese were thinking of killing all the villagers there – thus the reason for the pit. Jesus Barcinas then asked for volunteers to go out to the ships, so we could get help for the people in the camps, Cruz said.
Cruz volunteered – for a very basic reason.
> You know, in that time, you don’t think about much – I just wanted to stay alive. If we didn’t kill the Japanese, they were going to kill us.
>
> Juan Cruz
Barcinas and Antonio LG Cruz had kept a canoe ready for such a situation for a year and half. Though owned by Champaco, the boat was confiscated by the Japanese who gave it to Antonio so he could catch fish for them.
Always thinking ahead was Barcinas; he had anticipated a Japanese invasion of Guam in 1940 and had his children practice evacuating their home as though under attack. When Barcinas learned that the Japanese had given Cruz a boat, he told the man to take care of the canoe – it would be needed someday.
That day had arrived, but Barcinas and the volunteers still had to hike over hills and through jungle trails to reach the canoe. The boat was located at A’an about 100 feet toward the Inalåhan side of the village, Cruz said.
Torres said the attack at Atate ended about 5 pm on 20 July, and it took the men until 1 am to reach the shore.
The journey was like a bad dream – being chased in the dark by an unseen enemy. Torres said the experience that night was fearful.
> Here we were, we had already killed some Japanese, and we didn’t know how it would all end. There was a lot of trauma, and sometimes you don’t want to think about it. I was scared the whole time.
>
> Jose Torres
Once at the coast, the men had another obstacle – a camp where the Japanese stayed in the village, about 100 feet from the canoe. To get the boat, the men crawled on the ground, careful not to alert the 75 or so soldiers nearby.
## Out to sea on a canoe
Once at the boat, the men lifted it and took it to the shore, their task in evading the Japanese assisted by darkness. But their voyage to freedom was to be delayed. It was very low tide so they had to carry the canoe maybe 200 feet out to the water.
He noted it was a big canoe – it could carry maybe 15 men – perhaps because of the size of its owner, the 6-foot, 7-inch Champaco.
Once in the channel, the men paddled furiously to Cocos Island, where they spent the night, waiting for the dawn so they could see the ships outside the Malesso’ lagoon.
Cruz said during the night – actually it was the morning of 21 July – the men kept busy. There was no time for sleep or dreams. Four of the men went about the island checking for any Japanese presence and found none. The group also gathered coconuts to eat at sea. Torres also noted that the boat was looked over. They spent some time fixing the boat, fixing the outrigger. It had been unattended for a bit, and we had to make sure, see if it was sea-worthy.
Torres said that during the night, the men also watched something to the north. It was the Navy (shelling Japanese positions in support of the Marines). A little after dawn, with the tide high, the men pushed off Cocos.
They approached what appeared to be a destroyer, but their attention was captured by a plane.
> When we started going out there, there was a plane behind us, and then it started going down, down, down, and I knew it was going to shoot us. So I took out my two feet and put them on the side of the canoe and when the plane is still coming, on top of us, I threw myself down and stayed under the canoe.
>
> Jose Torres
When the canoe got to within 50 feet of the ship, the vessel steamed off, sailing toward Orote Point. Cruz said it was depressing but they had already made up their minds not to go back to Malesso’, even if they were not picked up by the Navy.
> We weren’t going to turn back, *nai*, because the Japanese were going to kill us if we turn back to Malesso’.
>
> Juan Cruz
## Ships of all shapes and sizes
There were other ships, though, plenty of other ships, the men said. Torres said it seemed that they were hundreds and hundreds of ships; Cruz watched the first ship sail away, but taking its place were ships of every size and shape. “That one went to Orote, but there’s a lot of ships. You can almost walk on the ships and reach the harbor, the harbor of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/).”
Determined, the men paddled toward another ship, and this time, the vessel approached. Once near the ship, its crew seemed to hesitate to pick them up, but then someone, probably an officer, issued an order and the men were allowed to climb onto a net and then aboard the vessel, the USS Wadsworth. It was about an hour and a half since they had left Cocos, Cruz said.
> When I saw that ship coming, I guess I’m lucky I didn’t have a heart attack. I was just so happy – and I knew that I was going to be free; I was going to be a free man.
>
> Juan Cruz
On board, the crew of the Wadsworth was anxious to get information from their counterparts aboard the canoe. “When we got on the ship, they were asking us, ‘Did you see the Marines?” Torres said. “We said, ‘What Marines?’ They told us that the Marines were landing.”
## Fed, given haircuts and new clothes
The men sailed aboard the Wadsworth and were soon transferred to the USS Clymer, a transport ship. The men, who were undernourished, were checked by Navy doctors, fed, given a haircut, and issued dungarees. Sailing off [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), then men stayed aboard for about four or five days, helping the Navy staff with information about the island, Japanese defenses and the areas were civilians were located.
On the 22nd, the Navy had picked up a second canoe and five more men from Malesso’ – Jesus Cruz Anderson, Tomas Tajalle, Felipe Santiago Cruz, Jesus Cruz Castro, and Joaquin Cruz Barcinas, who was the youngest brother of Jesus Barcinas. All, except Castro who joined them later, survived the massacre at Tinta.
Days later, after the two groups were taken ashore to the secure Hågat beachhead, four more Malesso’ men on a canoe were rescued – Frank Anderson, his son John, Joe Mansapit, and Joe Quinene. The four men from the second canoe had lived to tell about the massacre at Tinta, but those in Jesus Barcinas’ group did not know anyone had survived the attack.
> Sus Barcinas was shocked, because he knew his brother was at the cave … in Tinta. He didn’t know his brother was alive.He looked down and saw his brother was still alive. He was crying and when his brother got up top, they started hugging, crying.
>
> Juan Cruz
Yes, the stuff dreams are made of.
***By Paul J. Borja***
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted with permission from *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, first printed in 1994.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Nightmare in Malesso' at War's End
---
### [MARC Collection](https://www.guampedia.com/marc-collection/)
**Published:** April 21, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Collection from the Micronesian Area Research Center's photo archive. This gallery is not the complete MARC collection and only contains media relevant to entries currently published in Guampedia.
**Content:**
# MARC Collection
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- ![Governor Carlton Skinner](https://live.staticflickr.com/8285/7682567204_05bc611ff3_c.jpg "Cover photo from "After Three Centuries; Representative Democracy and Civilian Government for Guam" by Governor Carlton Skinner. The photo was taken at an Arbor Day ceremony at Old Spanish Bridge in Hagåtña. Courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).")
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- ![Governor Manuel FL Guerrero, 1963](https://live.staticflickr.com/2639/3985786076_ac5ef40b51_c.jpg "Manuel Flores "Carson" Leon Guerrero, served the island as governor from 1963 - 1968.
Wenkam Collection/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")
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- ![Speaker Eduardo "Jake" Calvo](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51949190536_61182f3960_c.jpg "Eduardo "Jake" Calvo was Speaker of the House of Assembly after World War II.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC), University of Guam.")
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Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")
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- ![Hopkins Commission Meeting](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51674448790_f3795d97f3_c.jpg "Pale' Scot (Father Oscar Lujan Calvo) before the Hopkins Commission and participants, 24 February to 9 March 1947. Commission participants included the island's civic leaders such as FBLG, BJ Bordallo, Carlos P. Taitano, Antonio Won Pat, Simon Sanchez, Agueda I. Johnston, and Concepcion "Connie" Barrett. Commission members were Ernest M. Hopkins, Maurice J. Tobin, Dr. Knowles A. Ryerson, and Harold L. Ickes. Photo from the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC), UOG.")
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- ![President Jimmy Carter and Governor Bordallo](https://live.staticflickr.com/7260/7708920950_30d34a8094_c.jpg "Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo shakes hands with President Jimmy Carter. From left to right: Congressman Antonio Won Pat, Senator Carl Gutierrez, Governor Ricardo "Ricky" Bordallo, President James "Jimmy Carter and Secretary of Interior Cecil D. Andrus. Courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).")
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- ![Jesse "Tano" Rivera](https://live.staticflickr.com/2530/3973786510_eaabda4fb7_c.jpg "Jesse Rivera, one of the first contemporary CHamoru/Chamorro chanter, performs in traditional garb in "Kantan I Taotao Tano" in 1992.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")
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- ![Bank of Guam Reopens](https://live.staticflickr.com/2477/3994841638_68038b2d5a_c.jpg "In March 1945 Bank of Guam reopens in a quonset hut in Hagåtña. The bank was first established in 1915 but closed during World War II. In photo: CHamoru bank teller is Jose "Pito" Perez from Nimitz Hill and in the back near the window is Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan.
National Archives/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")
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- ![Msgr. Calvo and Dr. Sablan](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3988842199_175d35c3b1_c.jpg ""Pale' Scot" Calvo with Dr. Ramon M. Sablan just after World War II. Both played crucial roles in caring for the people of Guam during this period.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")
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- ![Dioste ayudi](https://live.staticflickr.com/2521/3989401698_7d9463386c_c.jpg "A child nginge's her elder while uttering 'ñora and receives a blessing, "dioste ayudi" in response.
Rene Mahone/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)
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**Editor’s note:** Collection from the Micronesian Area Research Center’s photo archive. This gallery is not the complete MARC collection and only contains media relevant to entries currently published in Guampedia. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from the MARC. View this collection in Flickr [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623777042619).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/gc17-1_edit_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/GC65-80-A-336931_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/MARC07-01-Judiciary-Department1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/GC-23127-sumay-school_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/M8-11-GC-60-67_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-27-GC-20-490-guerrero_Franciscan1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/GC-24038-1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/M7-029-Won_Pat_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/GC-42-48-Bill-of-Rights_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC-23725-Baseball_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Archbishop-Felixberto-Flores-Featured-Image.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/GC-23195-Atanasio-Taitano-Perez.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/GC-56-95-Lowe_crop.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0009-M7-007-Generals.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC-23181-Padre-Palomo.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC4-7-Navarrans.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC-23185-Bishop-Olano.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M7-035-Womens-Club-Project.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/GC80-7-Nginge_768.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/GC20-1-Daniel.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/Guam-Code-GC80-1b.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/Constitutional-Convention2b.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/Elective-Governor-Act-Featured-Image.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/011-Capuchins_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC-23050-FLBG_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC20-470-Blacksmithing_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Song-of-Hope-Featured-Image.webp)
[ View more in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623777042619/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** MARC Collection
---
### [Yigo (Yigu)](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The meaning of “Yigo” is unclear. According to some, it comes from the Spanish word yugo which means yoke (the type used to secure a carabao to a cart or plow). However, some sources refer to the area as Asyigo which means the home of (a person known as) Yigo. If this is the case, “yigo” may be an ancient word thats meaning has been lost.
**Content:**
# Yigo (Yigu)
View more images for the entry Yigo (Yigu) [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622400756317/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
The meaning of “Yigo” is unclear. According to some, it comes from the Spanish word *yugo* which means yoke (the type used to secure a carabao to a cart or plow). However, some sources refer to the area as *Asyigo* which means the home of (a person known as) Yigo. If this is the case, “*yigo*” may be an ancient word thats meaning has been lost.
## Population
The approximate population of Yigo, as of the 2010 US Census was 20,539.
## Village officials
The mayor of Yigo is Frances S. Lizama. The vice mayor is Pedro Suzuki Blas.
## Village description
Yigo is the island’s largest and most northern village, encompassing 35 square miles. On the map, the village looks like a triangle that stretches from Pati Point to Ritidian in the North, and from Ritidian to the coast near Pagat.
Yigo is the home to Andersen Air Force Base which has restricted access to the beaches of the village. Yigo has numerous housing subdivisions that have sprung up in the last three decades, but it still retains a rural feel thanks to its large open spaces and dense forests supported by some of the richest soil on Guam. Like all northern Guam villages, it sits on top of the Northern Aquifer, which supplies about 80 percent of the island’s drinking water supply.
## Village history
During ancient times, Guam’s northern coast was home to a large number of villages. Evidence of *latte* dwellings also point to a significant population living in the Mt. Santa Rosa and Mataguac areas. During the Spanish CHamoru/Chamorro Wars in the late 17th century, major areas of settlement included Hanom, Tarague, Hinapsan, and Upi. Hanom, a freshwater spring on the coast south of Mt. Santa Rosa, played an important role as a refuge for the CHamoru resistance during the [Spanish-Chamorro Wars](https://www.guampedia.com/category/wars-peace/spanish-chamorro-wars/). In August 1679 Spanish forces, along with their allies from Nisihan, defeated the Hanom CHamorus. The battle was described as “one of the fiercest which had taken place in the Marianas.”
By the early 18th century, Guam’s population had been greatly reduced by war and disease. All remaining CHamorus from northern Guam were relocated to six church-centered villages in central and southern Guam ([Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) and Pago). However, the area remained open to hunters and fishermen.
During the 19th century, wealthy residents of Hagåtña began to acquire large areas of land in this fertile part of the island. The rich soil proved excellent for cocoa which was used to make hot chocolate, a popular afternoon drink for Hagåtña residents. The area was also known for other agricultural products including coffee, avocado, citrus, and copra. The area of Upi, now Northwest Field, was particularly important for its cattle ranches while several wealthy landowners established copra plantations along the northern coast and in the area of Yigo proper.
By the early years of the American administration, some CHamorus chose to settle permanently in Yigo and surrounding areas. In 1912, the first school opened for grades one through four. In 1919, the US Government authorized land use permits for up to 25 years to attract more farmers to the area. In 1920, Our Lady of Lourdes Chapel was erected so that the people of Yigo would no longer have to make the long journey to Hagåtña each week for mass.
The new village of Yigo was highly self-sufficient because of its excellent farm lands. However, people still had to travel to Hagåtña to buy household goods. In 1925, Jose M. Torres solved this problem by building the first village store. Torres was a copra trader and would accept coconuts in exchange for groceries. By 1940, Yigo and surrounding areas were home to about 40 families spread out over large distances.
During [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), most Yigo families were able to stay in the area. Some Hagåtña families relocated to their ranches in the Yigo area, to stay out of the way of the Japanese. However, towards the end of the war, Yigo became the site of a major battle as American forces pursued the Japanese up the center of the island. The final major battle occurred at Yigo on 7 and 8 August 1944, destroying the church and many village homes.
The end of the war brought many changes to Yigo. The village population soared during the post-war years, as displaced Hagåtña families settled ranch lands in the area. Additionally, some of the many non-CHamorus who came to Guam as part of the Civil Service and military decided to make Yigo their permanent home. While some villagers continued to farm, the village began to reorient its economy to the presence of Andersen Air Force Base. Since the 1980s, Yigo has continued to grow, mostly through the construction of public and private housing subdivisions.
Yigo is now the island’s second most populated village.
[***By Michael R. Clement, Jr.***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Our Lady of Lourdes Church**
This church was founded in 1920 and continues to serve the village’s Catholic community. Yigo’s fiesta is held the second Saturday of February in celebration of Our Lady of Lourdes.
**Guam Public Schools**
There are five public schools located in the northernmost village, including Simon A. Sanchez High School, FB Leon Guerrero Middle School and Daniel L. Perez, Upi and Machanaonao elementary schools.
**Private Schools**
There are also private schools including Trinity Christian School and Dominican Catholic School, which is part of the Archdiocese of Agana Catholic School System.
**Department of Defense Schools**
Located within the gates of Andersen Air Force Base are the Andersen Elementary and Middle School. They are part of the US Department of Defense (DoD) Domestic Dependent Elementary and Secondary Schools (DDESS) on island for children and wards of active-duty military members, and federal employees hired from the US with “return rights”. The DoD DDESS schools on Guam opened 29 September 1997.
### Historical
**Battle of Yigo Monument**
This monument commemorates the final battle of World War II on Guam. As Americans worked their way up the center of the island in early August, 1944, the Japanese fortified their positions around Mt. Santa Rosa. On August 5 the US Army’s 77th Infantry were bombarded with artillery. They finally made it through the Japanese roadblocks and secured the summit of Mt. Santa Rosa on August 8. The memorial is just off Route 15 (Back road to Andersen) and Chalan Lolan, not far from the back gate.
**Pacific Peace Memorial Park**
This memorial was erected by a Japanese group to commemorate all those who died on Guam during World War II. It is located just off Marine Corps Drive at Mataguac, the site of the last Japanese command post. Although the island was basically secure, General Obata, Commander of the Japanese forces was still holed up in his command post. It was stormed by American troops on August 12, 1944. Rather than surrender, General Obata committed suicide in his bunker.
### Recreational
**Mt. Santa Rosa**
This is the highest point in northern Guam. From lookout areas near the summit, one can see excellent views of Guam and Rota. At one point there was a pineapple farm in this area.
**Yigo Race Track**
Built in 2001, just off of Route 15, this drag strip and off road track is a popular local attraction.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Frances S. Lizama, Mayor, 2025-Present
- Anthony P. Sanchez, Mayor, 2021-2024
- Rudy M. Matanane, Mayor, 2013-2020
- Robert S. Lizama, Mayor, 1997-2012
- Eduardo C. Artero, Mayor, 1993-1997
- John F. Blas, Commissioner/Mayor, 1989-1993
- Jesus P. Cruz, Acting Commissioner, 9/1988-12/1988
- David G. Blas, Commissioner, 1981-9/1988
- Antonio A. Calvo, Commissioner, 1968-1981
- Juan G. Blas, Commissioner, 1965-1968
- Jose D. Perez, Commissioner, 1957-1965
- Juan M. Santos, Commissioner, 1954-1957
- Manuel A. Calvo, Commissioner, 1948-1954
- Jesus C. Artero, Commissioner, 1945-1948
- Juan A. San Nicolas, Commissioner, 1944-1945
- Manuel F. Taguacta, Commissioner, Pre-World War II
- Manuel F. Torres, Commissioner, Pre-World War II
## Vice mayors/deputy commissioner
- Pedro Suzuki Blas, Vice Mayor, 2025-Present
- Loreto Leones, Vice Mayor, 2021-2024
- Anthony P. Sanchez, Vice Mayor, 2014-2020
- Ronald “Ron” J. Flores, Vice Mayor, 2009-2013
- Jose P. Leon Guerrero, Deputy Commissioner (under Machananao), Pre-World War II
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. “What’s in a Guam Name?” *Pacific Profile* 4, no. 2 (February 1966): 6-9.
–––. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Guam Department of Parks and Recreation Division of Historic Resources. *A Study of Eight Post-World War II Resettlement Villages on Guam*. By Rosalind Hunter-Anderson and Darlene Moore. Mangilao: MARS, 2006.
*In Commemoration of the Blessing of Our Lady of Lourdes Church, May 5, 1965*. Yigo: Our Lady of Lourdes Church, 1965.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 5, *Focus on the Mariana Mission*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1995.
*Mary, Mother of Our Faith: 25th Anniversary of Our Lady of Lourdes Church, May 5, 1965-1995*. Yigo: Our Lady of Lourdes Church, 1995.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Salas, Joe, PLG Guerrero, and J. Bitanga. *A Glossary of Guamanian Place Names Located by Land Square, Section and Unit*. Held by the MARC. Army Map Services, 1947.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
## Know my island - Know my history
Guam’s first American Governor Richard Leary noted that prominent landowners in the areas surrounding Yigo in 1900 included the first Chamorro Catholic priest *Padre* Jose Torres Palomo, *Dona* Rufina Quitigua, *Don* Gregorio de la Cruz Perez and Joaquin Kamminga. The Artero family also acquired a large amount of land in the Upi area in the late nineteenth century.
The founding families of Yigo village in the early twentieth century include the Calvos (*Familian Ne*), Perez (*Familian Goyu*), Iglesias (*Familian Checha*), Taguacta, Cruz (*Familian Anaco*), Blas (*Familian Tugung*), Pangelinan (*Familian Diego*), Torres (*Familian Cortes*), Taitano and Sablan.
Some of the regions now encompassed by the municipality of Yigo include Upi, As Ardas, I Milalag, As Donlucas, Lupog, Mataguac, Ritidian, Sabanan Palie, Ipiga, Chaguian, As Tobias, Anao, Tarague, Jinapsan, Tailalo, Finaguayac, Alacunao, Caiguat, Hanum, Gayinero. Before the WWII Alacunao, Tailalo, Jinapsan, Ritidian, As Tobias, Caiguat and Finaguayac fell within the boundaries of the Municipality of Machanao, which no longer exists.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Yigo (Yigu)
---
### [3rd Marianas History Conference 2017](https://www.guampedia.com/3rd-marianas-history-conference-2017/)
**Published:** May 2, 2018
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The third Marianas History Conference was held in Garapan, Saipan September 1-2, 2017. The conference, featuring 36 presentations on Marianas History, had originally been scheduled for September 4-6, 2015. Unfortunately, Typhoon Soudelor hit Saipan August 2 and the conference had to be postponed.
**Content:**
# 3rd Marianas History Conference 2017
Explore more photos of the 3rd Marianas History Conference ***[here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157694600202971)***.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## More on the Marianas History Conference
- [The Marianas History Conference Overview](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=22983)
- [2012 1st Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/2012-conference-papers/)
- [2013 2nd Conference Papers](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=19609)
- [2016 3rd Marianas History e-Publication](http://www.guampedia.com/mhc3/)
- [2017 3rd Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/3rd-marianas-history-conference-2017/)
- [2019 4th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/4th-marianas-history-conference/)
- [2021 5th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/5th-marianas-history-conference/)
- [2023 6th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/6th-marianas-history-conference/ "6th Marianas History Conference")
The third Marianas History Conference was held in Garapan, Saipan 1-2 September 2017. The conference, featuring 36 presentations on Marianas History, had originally been scheduled for 4-6 September 2015. Unfortunately, Typhoon Soudelor hit Saipan 2 August and the conference had to be postponed.
The conference was held at the Fiesta Resort and Spa, hosted by the Northern Marianas Humanities Council. It was organized by the Northern Marianas Humanities Council, University of Guam, and Guampedia.
The steering committee was led by [Rita P. Nauta](https://www.guampedia.com/rita-nauta/), Guampedia’s managing director, and Frankie M. Eliptico, the NMI Humanities Council board chairman. Steering committee members were Eulalia V. Arriola, [Rosanna P. Barcinas](https://www.guampedia.com/rosanna-p-barcinas/), [Dr. Michael Clement Jr.](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/), [Don Farrell](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/), [Dr. Anne P. Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/), [Shannon Murphy](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/), Scott Russell, and [Dr. James P. Viernes](https://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/).
Keynote presentations were given by[ Dr. Laura M. Torres Souder](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-t-souder/), [Dr. Carlos Madrid](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/), and [Julian Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/). Not all of the presentations were provided for this e-publication. However 18 are provided by the authors here.
The conference was sponsored by Bank of Guam, IT&E, Guam Preservation Trust, DFS, JC Tenorio Enterprises, Lollipops, Docomo Pacific, Triple J, Saipan Shipping Company, United Airlines, and Moylan’s Insurance.
About 200 people attended the conference.
Guampedia produced this e-publication. It is presented here in a series of three booklets. The first is the conference overview and schedule as well as the keynote presentation by Dr. Laura M. Torres Souder. The second booklet includes eight presentations on Ancient Marianas History and Early Colonial History. The third booklet includes nine presentations on World War II, Recent History and Genealogy.
## Overview
### Indigenous Revisionism
*By Laura M. Torres Souder, PhD*
Who has the right and responsibility to challenge conventional/colonial historiography? Indigenous historians do! For too long, the only written accounts of Marianas history were offered by those who toed the line of “great men, great deeds.” This so-called official documentation of indigenous lived experience marginalized indigenous people to the point that history became the story of what other people did in their own homeland. It is time indigenous people bring the invisible out of hiding by becoming their own storytellers. This presentation aims to share lessons from Souder’s own journey as a CHamoru historian. It draws on current manifestations of how indigenous people of the Marianas have begun to reconstruct social reality in writing and creative works. Ultimately, the goal of Indigenous Revisionism is to redirect indigenous historical narrative and place indigenous ancestors as the primary actors in a collective historical experience. Read keynote address ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_1/42)***.
## Ancient Marianas History
### Two Approaches to Marianas Rock Art
**Two Approaches to Marianas Rock Art: Culture History and Anthropology**
*By Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson, PhD*
Within Micronesia, the southern Mariana archipelago stands out for the quantity and variety of its rock art, images painted and incised on the dark walls of caves and rock shelters. The small images colored red, brown, black and white have attracted scholarly and popular attention for decades. Most archaeological accounts of these sites take the historical narrative form, about events in the CHamoru past. This approach to the archaeological record serves an important function, affirming the legitimacy of CHamoru identity. Anthropological archaeologists have a different purpose and “identity”: explaining cultural variability, locally and globally, as scientists. Both approaches generate stories but the anthropological framework involves stories that are subject to empirical test, while the structure of culture histories precludes direct falsification and encourages ad hoc accommodation, or complete ignoring, of inconsistent findings. Both approaches co-exist but have different implications for understanding prehistoric rock art in small scale, nonliterate societies generally. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/8)***.
### Naton Beach Site, Guam
**Naton Beach Site, Guam: A Look Back in Time**
*By Cherie K. Walth*
Excavation at Naton Beach Site on Guam resulted in the recovery of the largest sample of Pre-Latte burials, as well as a large sample of Latte period burials. Today’s talk will discuss key elements regarding the social, cultural, and genetic aspects of the two groups. Genetic information is suggested from the characteristics on the dentition. Social and cultural aspects of the two groups are indicated by characteristics of the dentition and by mortuary patterns. Similarities in the positioning and placement of the individuals suggests a similar world view. Horizontal social positioning indicates that both groups are primarily kin based with the Latte having some residence based groups. Vertical social positioning, or status, suggests some individuals had a higher status. There is much yet to learn from these data including a better idea of their relatedness on a local and regional scale. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/42)***.
### Archaeology and Questions about Cultural Origins in the Mariana Islands
*By Mike T. Carson and Hsiao-chun Hung*
Any framework of cultural history must build from a starting point of when people first lived in the Mariana Islands, what happened during that time, and then what occurred over the next several centuries until modern historically recorded times. Here we clarify the archaeological dating of first cultural presence in the islands at 1500 BC if not slightly earlier, and we summarize the evidence about what people did at that earliest time period. Next, we consider briefly about the extended archaeological record leading up through historical accounts of the late 1600s, specifically considering what aspects of cultural origins have persisted or have changed through time. This review concentrates on the contributions from archaeology, although other studies have offered supporting narratives. Read paper [here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/62).
### Archaeological Data Recovery of Parcel 004-1-52, San Antonio, Saipan
*By Dr. Boyd Dixon*
During 2014 and 2015, the former US Coast Guard Loran station at Afetna Point in San Antonio on southern Saipan was recorded and subsurface remains excavated by Cardno GS Inc. archaeologists for N15 Architects and Honest Profit International Limited (HPIL). Seventy years earlier on June 15, 1944, the location was called Yellow Beach 2 and 3 by the US Marines and Army infantry braving Japanese artillery to establish a beachhead. Before the arrival of Spanish missionaries almost 300 years earlier, Afetna Point was one of many Latte Period hamlets and villages scattered up and down the western lagoon, from Agingan Point to Makpi Point. Archaeological lab work conducted on-site during 2017 yielded a complex record of this long history, from Latte Period burials, cooking features and stone or shell artifacts, to Japanese war casualties and a concrete munitions magazine, to American combat weapons and unexploded ordnance (UXO), to post-war US Coast Guard buildings, and lastly to a modern boxing rink and fruit stand on Beach Road. All excavated remains are now in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) Museum of History and Culture awaiting reburial and interpretation on-site after Historic Preservation office (HPO) review of the final report. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/102)***.
### Indigenous Adaptive Resistance in the Mariana Islands
**Indigenous Adaptive Resistance in the Mariana Islands: Rethinking Historical Eras**
*By Dr. David Atienza*
This paper is part of an ongoing research project that seeks to analyze indigenous adaptive resistance and cultural continuity during the Spanish colonial enterprise in the Mariana Islands. In doing so, Atienza will bring out evidence of cultural continuity and transformation, and what might be questioned as a compartmental and externally driven understanding of the history of the archipelago and its islands. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/118)***.
## Early Colonial History
### Commercial Activity in the Marianas in the 1890s
*By Omaira Brunal-Perry*
In the 1890s, commercial activity in the Marianas was focused around the importation of goods from Manila and other commercial ports in Japan. Goods were brought in by just a few ships. The regulars were two English merchant ships. The 130-ton Esmeralda under the command of Captain John Harrison and eight crew members, and the schooner Saipan, who’s Captain was J. McGinness. These two ships were constantly busy loading coconut copra from the Marianas to be sold in China and Japan. In 1892, J. McGinness at the age of 38, died in Yokohama, Japan. In his testament, he named his only heir, a 4-year-old girl whose mother was a native of Saipan, but the girl was in the custody of don Felix de Torres y Diaz, a resident of Hagåtña. This paper presents the issue of an inheritance from a foreigner to a minor from Saipan and the commercial activities exercised by a few residents in Hagåtña. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/136)***.
### HMS Centurion’s Anchors and Tinian Harbor
*By James R. Pruitt*
When Commodore George Anson visited Tinian in 1742 in HMS *Centurion*, halfway through his famous circumnavigation, he changed the way the island would be viewed by the English-speaking world. His account of the island as a lush paradise, published in 1748 ad re-published in navigational treatises, made Tinian a prime layover spot for those ships that would not find a friendly harbor in Guam. This account of a tropical paradise was overshadowed by the disaster that almost struck the ship and crew. A storm parted both of *Centurion*’s cables, and blew it out to sea for 19 days. Although Anson swept for these anchors, they were never recovered. This article examines the legacy of Anson, HMS *Centurion*, and its time at Tinian, then discusses an archaeological survey on two anchors found in Tinian Harbor that are believed to be those lost by Centurion on 22 September 1742. Read paper [here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/150).
### The 1856 Smallpox Epidemic And Depopulation In Guam
**The 1856 Smallpox Epidemic And Depopulation In Guam: How To Create A Marianas Narrative**
*By Jane Mack*
1856 was a milestone year in Marianas history because a smallpox epidemic killed roughly half of Guam’s CHamoru population. The accounts of mid-19th century life in the Marianas reside in Spanish government and church records, and in foreign visitors’ logs, memoirs, chronicles and correspondence. This paper examines known facts and shares information learned through participation in the Northern Marianas Humanities Council’s 2015 history research workshop. It also examines historiography in the context of absent native voices. It finds that indigenous agency and responses to impacts on daily life, family structure, language, faith, and culture are under-reported or missing from the record of this epidemic. While further analysis, comparative language study, and genealogy research may yield new insights, historical fiction writing could also be useful in creating an inclusive Marianas narrative. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2/184)***.
## World War II
### Mobilization and Perspectives by the Japanese Army on Japanese Civilians and Local People during the Pacific War in Saipan and Tinian
*By Yumiko Imaizumi*
How did the Japanese Army emerge into a military government operation in Saipan and Tinian prior to the war? What were the perceptions of the Japanese Army about the Japanese civilians and local people and their sense of loyalty to Japan? This paper will attempt to examine, analyze and interpret some of the actions and rationale of the Japanese Army in terms of these two questions and focus on: 1) wartime conscription of Japanese civilians, 2) compulsory evacuation for Japanese nationals only, in principal, and 3) military requisition of facilities and mobilization of the Nanyo Kohatsu Kabushikikaisha organization, personnel, farmers and laborers. Based on civilian survivors’ recollections and Japanese archives, this study shows how the Japanese Army and the South Seas Government tried to make the Northern Marianas, especially Saipan and Tinian, a logistical base and experienced grand war in the 1940s by utilizing civilians’ daily lives for the battle. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/8)***.
### Military Actions Regarding Rota in World War II
*By Dave Lotz*
While not invaded by the forces of the United States in the summer of 1944, the fourth largest of the Mariana Islands was not ignored by the opposing forces of the Japanese Empire and the United States. Air, sea, and submarine efforts impacted Rota. On the island the Japanese forces adjusted their defensive strategy to reflect the realities of the failure to previously stop the invaders on the beaches of the three invaded Mariana Islands. Previously, Rota was utilized for the invasion of Guam in December 1941. An examination of archival documents, published books, oral histories, and cultural resource surveys results in this contrasting wartime experience on one of the southern Mariana Islands. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/28)***.
### Karst Defenses – The History, Archaeology and Heritage of World War (WWII)
*By Julie Mushynsky and Fred Camacho*
During the Japanese Period in the Pacific (1919-1945), the Japanese military, themselves or by using civilian labor, modified natural caves and excavated tunnels for use during World War II (WWII). Little is known about these sites despite their existence across the Pacific. Based on the data gathered from a study to record and analyze caves and tunnels in Saipan, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands this article argues that caves and tunnels, referred to here as “karst defenses” are a particular type of site that warrants more historical and archaeological attention if we are to fully understand WWII in the Pacific. This paper provides an overview of how the authors are studying these sites and what they can tell us about the history, archaeology and heritage of WWII. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/54)***.
## Recent History
### Marianas Sinahi
**Marianas Sinahi: A Prestigious Enigma**
*By Judith S. Flores, PhD*
A crescent-shaped pendant carved from the thick hinge of the giant Tridacna clam shell is a prestigious and popular body adornment for contemporary CHamorus of the Mariana Islands. This paper outlines the history of the *sinahi* in contemporary times, from its revival from obscurity in the 1990s to its role in the development of CHamoru nationhood and identity. Yet, this object is rarely noted in historical documents, and archaeologists have not reported finding it associated with burials. What was its function in ancient CHamoru society? The value of the object is significant in terms of labor and skills needed to make it. Who made them, and why weren’t the objects observed by early explorers and missionaries? What were they used for? Where are they now? Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/98)***.
### From Exotica to Erotica
**From Exotica to Erotica: Historical Fiction or Fictional History in Mariana Islands Novels, 2012-2017**
*By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD*
For much of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Pacific novel referred to works by Herman Melville, Robert Louis Stevenson, James Michener, and other Western writers. More recent decades have seen the emergence of indigenous novelists, led by the likes of the late Epeli Hau’ofa of Tonga, Albert Wendt of Samoa, Sia Figiel of Samoa, and Patricia Grace of Aotearoa New Zealand. Indeed, fictional works written by natives about Pacific Islands south of the equator have proliferated over the past 40 years.1 The same, however, could not be said of our region, the near-absence of Micronesian novels in Pacific Literature classes across the region attesting to this lacuna.2 Since 2012, however, more than 10 novels have been published that feature the Mariana Islands, the CHamoru people, and our indigenous culture. These novels make heavy use of island landscapes, CHamoru legends, and Marianas history, sometimes as mere backdrops in their storylines but other times as key ingredients in their plots’ unfolding. This brief paper, firstly, summarizes some of these novels in the hopes that local readers might be inspired to seek them out and read what others are writing about our islands and culture. Secondly, this work analyzes some of the ways in which these novels represent CHamoru culture and history – at times exotically and sometimes erotically. Thirdly, this project evaluates the historical accuracy of the novels, assessing the degree to which the stories fairly and ethically represent the actual historical events around which their plots revolve. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/118)***.
### Tides of Change
**Tides of Change: Mechanistic vs Organic Models of Education in the Northern Marianas**
*By Galvin Deleon Guerrero*
Since the Trust Territory administration, the history of education in the Northern Marianas has been characterized by a steady Anglo-Americanization of formal schooling in the islands. This trend is rooted in the industrial model of American education that arose at the turn of the 20th century to meet the workforce needs of the country’s growing industrial economy (Zhao, 2009). That mechanistic model of education persists into the 21st century, despite new models of more organic learning that have emerged in the new millennium (Osborn, 2005). As opposed to mechanistic models of education that are standardized, hierarchical, and competitive, organic models are more personalized, engaging, and collaborative (Robinson and Aronica, 2015). Sharing some preliminary research towards a doctoral dissertation, the author will discuss the steady mechanization of education in the Northern Marianas, contrasting that mechanistic model with organic models of education that are not only emerging in 21st century pedagogy, but are also embedded in indigenous cultures. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/150)***.
### How Do the People of Guam Understand Historical Injustice? The Beginning of the Commission on Decolonization and Color-Blind Ideology
*By Reo Nagashima*
The CHamoru indigenous rights movement developed in the 1970s in Guam, raising concerns about reverse discrimination against non-CHamorus, such as white or Asian Americans. Some have claimed that CHamoru rights may be unconstitutional, as violating the principle of color-blindness that is held to be anti-discriminatory. The backlash against CHamoru rights has been growing since the Rice v. Cayetano decision of 2000, which ruled unconstitutional the Hawaiians-only voting restriction for trustees of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA). There have been conflicting views concerning historical injustices resulting from American colonialism in the Pacific Islands, including Guam and Hawaii, as well as similar injustices in the continental US itself. This paper will examine how color-blind ideology has affected the people of Guam, and has encouraged some to disregard the historical injustices perpetrated on the CHamoru people; focusing on discussion concerning the political status plebiscite, from 1997 to the early 2000s, from the establishment of the Guam Commission on Decolonization for the Implementation and Exercise of CHamoru Self-Determination to a few years after the Rice decision. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/178)***.
### The Contextual Reality of the Present-Time for the People of the Marianas
**The Contextual Reality of the Present-Time for the People of the Marianas: CHamorus and Carolinians**
*By Dr. Dean Papadopoulos*
Water can cut a large piece of rock out of a mountain – Old Man By The Sea – not because of its strength, rather because of its persistence (Author Unknown). A culture’s survival, that is a people’s survival is based on the same variables that allow some species to survive while leading other species to their demise: adaptation. Adaptation to current changes in the people who come and leave the community; adaptation to the laws that can uproot a whole segment of society and, at other times, open the doors of opportunity for still other groups; and, adaptation to the technological advances that find their way into the economy that require further education, beyond the 12th grade. Adaptation allows a people to thrive and survive. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/186)***.
## Genealogy
### Finding Apolonia
**Finding Apolonia: A Case Study in Assembling Direct, Indirect and Negative Evidence in the Search for Her Parents**
*By Jillette Torre Leon Guerrero*
In Guam, many families do not know much about their ancestors who lived in the early 1800s. One significant event that may have contributed to this situation was the worldwide influenza pandemic in 1918-19. Brought to Guam on board the military transport ship the USS Logan, the “Spanish Flu” killed over 6% of the island population. The very young and the elderly were especially vulnerable. Because of the high rate of mortality in the elderly, it has been said that over 80% of those who spoke Spanish perished because of the epidemic. For today’s elderly, it is not uncommon for Guam residents to not know who their great grandparents were. For those who do, they know very little about their lives. This was the case with Apolonia Ada. This paper explores the challenges of researching elusive ancestors. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_3/194)***.
## Conference e-publications in Issuu
- [Overview](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_1)
- [Ancient Marianas History and Early Colonial History](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_iii_2017_2)
- [World War II, Recent History, and Genealogy](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/history_all)
**Categories:** e-Publications, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Marianas History Conference
**Tags:** 3rd Marianas History Conference 2017
---
### [WWII: Prisoners of War Sent to Japan](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-prisoners-of-war-sent-to-japan/)
**Published:** July 21, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Nearly 500 Americans from Guam taken to camps in Japan. After Guam was captured by the Japanese 10 December 1941, the Americans who remained behind were taken prisoner--477 military personnel (including five female nurses, one civilian woman and her newborn daughter) and 100 civilian men, including businessmen and the American Catholic priests, as well as the Spanish Catholic Bishop, Miguel Olano. According to official records nineteen of them died while they were prisoners. All of them suffered from malnutrition and exposure.
**Content:**
# WWII: Prisoners of War Sent to Japan
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Nearly 500 Americans from Guam taken to camps in Japan
After Guam was captured by the Japanese 10 December 1941, the Americans who remained behind were taken prisoner–477 military personnel (including five female nurses, one civilian woman and her newborn daughter) and 100 civilian men, including businessmen and the American Catholic priests, as well as the Spanish Catholic Bishop, [Miguel Olano](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/). According to official records nineteen of them died while they were prisoners. All of them suffered from malnutrition and exposure.
Click on image below for a complete listing of the Guam POWs, as compiled by historian Roger Mansell:
[Robert O’Brien](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-obrien-u-s-prisoner-of-war/), a Navy man assigned to the *USS Penguin* on Guam, left an account of his experience as an American prisoner of war in Japan. He recounted that, once the battle at Plaza de España was over at about 7 am, the Japanese troops ran the American soldiers through a double line of troops, a gauntlet, and swiped at them with bayonets and gun butts. The man right behind O’Brien was killed. Others lost parts of their scalps; one bled to death later from a bayonet cut across the back. One of the wounded, who had been shot through both ankles, was kicked repeatedly on his ankles. Another man later lost his mind after the ordeal.
The Japanese soldiers then stripped the American soldiers naked and made them lie in the sun until 11 a.m. without medical attention or water. These were bitter moments, O’Brien said.
> Before the day was over, they herded us into a building and permitted us to get back some clothes and then the next day we were all locked up in the Cathedral and served two skimpy meals a day. A few brave Guamanians managed to smuggle in a little food and medicine.
O’Brien’s wife, Maria Santos Inouye, was allowed to see him once near Christmas time and again with their four children before the men were put on a ship to leave Guam. Several other American captives had wives and children on Guam: James Underwood, Chester Butler, William Johnston, Edward Howard, Ernesto Wusstig, and many others.
Maria O’Brien brought her husband food and cigarettes but he said it was obvious her needs were greater than his.
> Since she was married to an American service man, she was barred from our home, and couldn’t even get in to pick up cooking utensils or anything. The Japanese had moved into our house, using it as an officer’s quarters.
O’Brien recalled that everyone on Guam was in bad shape by the end of the first month of Japanese occupation. Life was thoroughly disrupted with most of the island being reorganized by the new Japanese administration. The people of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) were forced to leave their village and they, along with many in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), left their homes and moved to their ranches. Business was at a standstill and there was a shortage of food.
For one month, the Americans were kept in the Agana Cathedral and the adjacent St. Vincent de Paul building. Then, on 10 January 1942, the Japanese marched them five miles to Piti and onto the *Argentina Maru*, a troop transport.
Historian [Dr. Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/) said the POW march to [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/) was a painful sight:
> As the American marchers waved good-bye to their families, relatives, friends and other islanders, many wept openly. The people waved back and prayed and wept with them. Somehow they drew strength and encouragement from each other for the ordeals ahead. Some tried to follow the marchers but were turned back by armed Japanese troops.
Spanish Bishop Miguel Olano described the boarding of the soldiers after he and the other clergy waited four hours aboard the ship for them to arrive.
> The Japanese Officer in charge went into a frenzy of checking and double checking. Now he would make us squat on the floor, Buddha-like, while he counted us by twos, by threes, by fours. He repeated this procedure several times making us stand up like soldiers or squatting like apes in the jungle. It was a long and tedious process. The omnipresent whip master took us down to the hold of the ship. As we descended to the bottom of the steerage, I felt a suffocating intolerable heat envelope us completely like a blanket. I tried to choose a conveniently cool spot in that crowded room but the whip master threatened me with his whip and pointed to a large bunk. It could accommodate nine people, and by his gestures he indicated that we were to stay there.
>
> What a pitiable plight that group of war prisoners presented! We were all very hungry, for we had not taken anything since our early morning breakfast of bread and Vienna sausage. When we were finally settled to the satisfaction of our whip master, we were given a plate of white rice and water. That was our luncheon for the first day and for many days thereafter.
The prisoners landed in Japan three days later in the dead of winter and were taken to Zentsuji, Shikoku Island, on the inland sea. O’Brien recalled that it was rugged trying to get used to the sudden change in climate on soup only, which they were served three times a day. Many were ill and everyone was feeling low. Because they had left tropical Guam and arrived in Japan in the dead of winter they were not properly clothed. Before long, however, they were issued some old military uniforms to wear.
O’Brien described their new outfits:
> You should have seen us taller men in those short-legged pants and small coats. My pants reached my knees and the coat sleeves reached my elbows. I laugh lots about it now, but boy, that was sure hard to take to have to accept a Japanese uniform at the time, especially so soon after having been in our own uniforms… anything to keep from freezing.”
>
> “Even then it was so cold for all of us that we doubled up at night when trying to sleep under blankets made out of paper. A break for us was the appointment of an old retired Japanese Colonel as head of the prison camp and the old boy had a heart and soon we had some small coal stoves for heat. And we soon were permitted to take a bath (did not have one from the time we left Guam until a month after our arrival in Japan) and three meals a day of rice and soup as our fare.
## Life in the camp
The prisoners were made to work. Officers spent their time caring for a garden, and others were conscripted to load food from one train to another. But the prisoners took advantage of the situation — they were able to take some of the food being transferred from train to train.
O’Brien, assigned to the kitchen, said they boiled some horse bones over and over again to make soup.
> We used to stack them up like cord wood and from experience we soon learned how long to let a given batch of bones rest before putting them in the pot again. The pots were big black kettles. Each batch of bones was labeled, and when their turn came, into the pot they went; and each successive use saw more of them broken up and pulverized to get the calcium.
The camp was riddled with bedbugs, flies and lice. Dr. H. J. Van Peenen who once had been assigned to the naval hospital on Guam, managed to get the cooperation of everyone in an attempt to rid the buildings of the dreaded bedbugs. He ordered that every article of clothing and bedding be boiled, finally bringing the infestation under control.
The prisoners would leave the camp for work at 4:00 a.m. and arrive back at 8:00 p.m. hauling water, wood, or working in the garden. They had communal bathing — a big tub that was filled with hot water. The Japanese camp staff took their baths first and then it was 20 men at a time, until everyone had bathed. The water was unchanged for the 800 men at the camp.
Others in the prison were from Great Britain, New Zealand, Australia, the Netherlands, Canada and the US mainland. Luckily for the men from Guam, the Zentsuji prison camp was used as an example of POW camps to be shown to the International Red Cross. Though it was by no means great, it did mean they had better treatment, improved food, and the installation of medical facilities, and men were permitted to study various subjects that the Japanese considered “non-military.”
In the early part of their confinement, before the Japanese forbade whistling and laughing, they permitted the prisoners to organize entertainment groups which made for some great evenings of entertainment by the “scarecrows” despite being weak from hunger, beriberi and diarrhea.
## Keeping Catholic traditions
Many soldiers kept their spirits up through the ordeal by turning to religion and prayer, including the celebration of the Catholic mass. O’Brien said he and others stole a bit of flour from the kitchen to make hosts for holy communion.
> It was rather difficult, but I worked it out where I used a steel bolt with a round flat head which I heated in the ranges under the pots along with a piece of sheet metal. I would make hosts whenever the chance came, because the Japanese permitted Mass but wouldn’t let us make hosts out in the open. Doing this in a clandestine manner didn’t seem wrong to any of us. As for Mass wine, Father Turner managed to arrange for some through a Japanese Catholic priest. Father had asked the Japanese to permit a priest to come into the camp to hear his confession, and somehow he arranged it with the Japanese priest. The wine, along with a few other needed items, somehow came into the camp. Just how it was arranged we never did learn.
>
> Having daily Mass, until Father Turner was taken away in early 1945, was the greatest blessing we had. Many non-Catholics in the prison became Catholics. At one time we even organized a Holy Name Society in secret (unknown to the Japanese), but eventually had to stop when one of the collaborators spilled the beans on us. We had been using what was supposed to be an abandoned outhouse for our meetings; and the Japanese would never have suspected it.
## News of the War
The POWs were not given any news of the war for many months. Their guards told them that Japan was winning. However, the Japanese civilian labor used to carry newspapers which the POWs would snag from time to time. As more prisoners learned Japanese they were able to translate them. Toward the end of the war a secret radio was assembled in the ceiling of the room housing six Pan American Airways men out of parts taken from a Japanese storage shed. They quickly found out the schedules of news broadcasts from around the world, listened in, and then quietly spread the word. They vowed never to let anyone besides themselves know of the radio’s presence and were never discovered.
There were some particularly rough times for the POWs. On 18 April 1942, just months after Pearl Harbor, US Army Air Force Lt. Col. James Doolittle took off from an aircraft carrier and flew over Japan. Doolittle led a raid of B-25 bombers on Tokyo and other cities. The raid shook up the Japanese and they responded by taking it out on the POWS harshly.
As the war’s momentum switched in favor of the Allies in 1944, conditions for the POWs worsened. Several times the prison guards lined the POWs up facing their soldiers with fixed bayonets. The POWs prepared for the worst but for some reason, they were not shot.
In August 1945, the Japanese began to rant about “the inhuman bomb,” recalled former POW Charles S. Todd in a 1994 interview. The POWs did not have any knowledge of the atomic bomb, so they believed that this “inhuman bomb” was some kind of gas. “We had no idea.”
O’Brien said after the bombing of Hiroshima, the Japanese were “pretty touchy” with the prisoners, though they did seem to have a little more interest in their welfare.
> We had a hunch that the end was near because of the fact that several of the meanest guards suddenly disappeared right after Hiroshima. It was a good thing we were becoming optimistic, otherwise we would never had made that last month. I was down to 120 pounds after dropping from 175 pounds at the start of the war. However, I was in good shape compared too many. Beriberi had raised hob with almost everyone. But for some reason, after the second winter it never bothered me too much.
Once Nagasaki got hit with an atomic bomb O’Brien said *kamikazes* tried to kill some of the POWs. Sworn to die for the Emperor they wanted to take a few POWs with them. However, the number of prison guards was doubled, which brought an end to this danger. American bombers, however, kept splattering Japan with bombs and artillery. It got to the point where it was impossible to rest as air raid alarms went on day and night.
Many POWs in Japan were never told the war was over, finding out only when most of the guards had left, leaving their rifles behind. O’Brien said the few US Marines among them organized into a security guard. They heard through the radio that the POWs were to remain in their camps until they were rescued. An American flag was put together and flown on top of the building. Soon American planes arrived and began dropping parachute loads of food, medicine and clothing.
It was over a month after the war ended before an Army Rescue team found them. However, within a week after the war was declared over, the Japanese people sent delegations to the camp inviting them to various homes for small parties. The men decided it was safe enough and enjoyed the company of their neighbors and did some sightseeing.
The men, after more than four years of imprisonment, would be repatriated to a world so greatly changed by a war of which they saw so little.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
## For further reading
Camacho, Keith L. *Cultures of Commemoration: The Politics of War, Memory, and History in the Mariana Islands*. Pacific Islands Monograph Series 25. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011.
Howard, Chris Perez. *Edward: An American Tragedy*. Hagåtña: Cyfred, Ltd., 2006.
Mansell, Roger, and Linda Goetz Holmes. *Captured: The Forgotten Men of Guam*. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2012.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Uncle Sam, Please Come Back To Guam.* Tamuning and Hagåtña: Pacific Island Publishing Company and Star Press, 1979.
**Categories:** e-Publications, Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII: Prisoners of War Sent to Japan
---
### [Japanese Military Administration of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-military-administration-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Japanese Navy was responsible for the administration of Guam after the occupation of the island on 10 December 1941. Japan’s basic military administration policies for its other occupied areas were also applied to Guam:
**Content:**
# Japanese Military Administration of Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Japanese Navy's responsibility
The Japanese Navy was responsible for the administration of Guam after the occupation of the island on 10 December 1941. Japan’s basic military administration policies for its other occupied areas were also applied to Guam:
1. Restoration of public order
2. Attainment of economic self-sufficiency by combat troops
3. Acquisition of major resources vital to national defense.
In order to achieve these goals along with the 23,000 CHamorus/Chamorros on the island, the Guam Minseibu (Department of Civil Administration) was established under the 5th Base Force based on Saipan in January 1942.
The Minseibu consisted of three small sections—general affairs, political affairs, and economic affairs—with nearly eighty civilian officers. The civil administration period can be divided into three sub-periods according to the Minseibu chiefs and island situations:
I. Commander Hayashi Hiromu’s period (January 1942 – June 1942): recovery of public peace.
II. Commander in the reserve Homura Teiichi period (June 1942 – October 1943): the most stable, but active Minseibu period.
III. Commander in the reserve Homura Teiichi period (November 1943 – March 1944): preparation for fortification and militarization of the island.
The three main areas of responsibility for the Minseibu were police affairs, Japanese language training, and CHamoru labor supply for industrial development of the island.
Because there were only a few islanders’ offenses and a relatively stable public order of the island after the Japanese occupation began, the primary work of the Minseibu police was to find six US military escapees. Five were found and executed by October 1942. The search for a single escapee, US Navy radioman [George Tweed](https://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), continued for the entire 31 month period of Japanese rule. The police’s exhaustive investigation into Tweed’s whereabouts resulted in inhumane interrogations, including torture, of nearly one hundred CHamorus.
## Schools open
The Minseibu gradually opened Japanese language schools for CHamoru children at the beginning of its administration. By early 1944, more than 3,800 students attended 19 schools and 41 attended the assistant teachers’ training school. Language training was not only for learning the Japanese language for communication between the ruled and the ruler, but also for teaching the CHamorus Japanese thought, culture, and particularly Japan’s main war purpose — the establishment of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.
As two of the three policies above indicate, Japan’s most important goal was Guam’s industrial development. The navy assigned *Nan’yô Kôhatsu Kabushiki Kaisha*, the South Seas Development Company, on Saipan to enforce rapid, aggressive, and intensive land development for rice, manganese mining, tropical agricultural products, forestry, fishing, and stock farming. The purpose of this development was to achieve Japan’s goals using local labor and methods because shortages of labor, material, or equipment in the homeland rendered subsidies from Japan impossible.
## Turning point
The turning point for Japan’s occupation policy was October 1943 when the Naval Construction Battalion (*Setsueitai*) arrived on Guam to construct airfields at Orote Peninsula, Tiyan, and Finegayan. In addition to the Japanese Navy, the army’s 29th Division was dispatched from Manchuria to reinforce the Mariana Islands in February 1944. At about the same time, US air attacks and large scale Japanese defensive preparations began. The 54th Defense Guard Unit on Guam was renamed the 5th Naval Construction and Service Department Guam Sub-branch and was unified under the command of the 31st Army’s Mariana District Group.
The Minseibu was dissolved on 1 March 1944. These reorganizations meant that all CHamorus were placed directly under military control, and could be used for both the navy and the army’s labor forces as needed. They came under direct supervision of the Japanese military police, not of the civilian police.
Forced labor became a necessity since Japanese merchant ships were being sunk by American seacraft, particularly submarines, during the latter part of 1943 and throughout the first seven months of 1944. There were more than 18,000 Japanese troops in Guam by this time and recruiting all able-bodied men and women in Guam to work on the rice fields and plantations was an obvious necessity.
Beginning on 11 July 1944, about 15,000 CHamorus were evacuated to a coconut grove at the upper reaches of the Ylig River, Manenggon, Yona, some dying or killed along the way. The massive US invasion and fierce battle between the US and the Japanese militarism ended in early August 1944.
There is no official report on war damages suffered by the CHamorus, though there are many oral histories. According to the Guam Meritorious Claims Act written on November 1945, however, 795 war-connected claims were made by over 4,000 claimants. This included 320 deaths, 258 injuries, and 217 cases of property damage.
[***By Wakako Higuchi, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/wakako-higuchi/)
## For further reading
Higuchi, Wakako. *Remembering the War Years on Guam: A Japanese Perspective.* Submitted to the War in the Pacific National Historical Park, National Park Service, Guam. Mangilao: University of Guam, 2001.
––– “The Japanisation Policy for the Chamorros of Guam, 1941-1944.” *Journal of Pacific History* 36, no.1 (June 2001): 19-35.
––– “A U.S. Territory in Japan’s South Sea Islands: The Japanese Navy Administration of Guam.” PhD diss., Australian National University, 2006.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era, WWII/Japanese Era: Politics
**Tags:** Japanese Military Administration of Guam
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### [Japanese Occupation of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The outbreak of the Pacific War began with Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor on 8 December (7 December in Hawai'i) 1941 with a subsequent air attack on US military facilities on Guam. In the early hours before dawn on 10 December 370 land combat unit members of the Japanese Navy and 2,700 soldiers of the Army’s South Seas Detachment landed on Guam at five bays: Ylig, Malesso', Humåtak, Tumon, and Hagåtña.
**Content:**
# Japanese Occupation of Guam
View more images for the Japanese Occupation of Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622409352811/).
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## 8 December 1941 attack on Guam begins
The outbreak of the Pacific War began with Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor on 8 December (7 December in Hawai’i) 1941 with a subsequent air attack on US military facilities on Guam. In the early hours before dawn on 10 December 370 land combat unit members of the Japanese Navy and 2,700 soldiers of the Army’s South Seas Detachment landed on Guam at five bays: Ylig, [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/civic-society/), [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), and [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
After the US Navy and the Guam Insular Force fought back at the Plaza de España in Hagåtña for about a half hour, US Naval Captain George J. McMillin, Governor of Guam, surrendered at 5:45 am and signed a letter of surrender at 6 am on the same day.
## Island of the Imperial Court
Guam, a “Pearl in the Western Pacific” or the “Island which secretly held America’s ambition”, as the Japanese called it, was renamed to Ômiyajima (Ômiyatô) or “the island of the Imperial Court” by the Japanese Navy.
The Japanese landing operation and US resistance resulted in twenty-one deaths (fourteen Americans and seven CHamorus/Chamorros). One death and six wounded on the Japanese side were reported. Thirty-five Japanese residents who had immigrated to Guam in the pre-war period and were imprisoned when the governor received news of the attack of Pearl Harbor, were released.
Some 483 prisoners of war (POWs) that included 368 military personnel and 115 civilians, including American Catholic priests, were interned at the Saint Vicente de Paul building at Hagåtña and later sent to the Zentsûji POW camp at Kagawa, Japan.
Believing all Americans had been captured, the Japanese Navy informed their headquarters in Tokyo that Guam was secure. However, six American military personnel remained in hiding, and this became a very serious issue for the navy forces. They would have to take the blame for this mistake because it meant that the island was not secure.
After an intensive search, three escapees were found and executed in September 1942 and two others were found and shot in October of that same year. Only US Navy radioman first class [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/) eluded capture and was finally rescued by a US Navy ship ten days before the 21 July 1944 US landing on Guam. Tweed’s status, as a US military holdout, was a most serious matter for the Japanese Navy during the entire occupation period of thirty one months.
## Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere
According to Japan’s proclamation of war, the war’s purpose was to establish the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere to achieve self-existence and self-prosperity. By means of a reorganization of the political, economic, and social order in Asia, the Asian peoples could be liberated from European colonialism.
In order to advance toward the southern areas with these objectives, the Japanese military needed to “capture the strategic points of Guam and the Bismarck Archipelago to annihilate the enemy in the southern areas.” In other words, Guam was included in the string of islands beginning with Japan, the Ogasawara Islands, Saipan, Tinian, Yap, Palau, Indonesia, New Guinea, and other Pacific islands, needed to accomplish this goal.
The significance of Guam’s occupation by Japan was that the island became part of Japan’s Micronesia (Saipan, Yap, Palau, Truk \[now Chuuk\], Ponape \[now Pohnpei\], and the Marshalls), called the South Sea Islands (Nan’yô Guntô). This huge ocean area was Japan’s defence and southward advance base while it was originally a “C” class mandate of the League of Nations and administered by Japan’s South Seas Bureau or Nan’yôchô. In fact, the Japanese Navy planned to administratively integrate Guam into the Saipan District Branch (later renamed the Northern District Branch) of the South Seas Bureau when the war situation became settled.
After the initial occupation, Guam was placed under control of the Japanese Navy’s Fifth Base Force, with its headquarters on Saipan to include Tinian and Rota. Guam, the largest island in Micronesia along with its water sources and large amount of suitable agricultural land, was an indispensable supply base for transiting Japanese military ships. Guam was expected to play a major supply role in the military’s self-sufficiency plans along with the other Mariana Islands, although this was not achieved.
## Saipan Chamorros’ role
Another point deserving special mention regarding Japan’s occupation of Guam concerns the Saipan Chamorros’ participation in military operations. Ten Saipan Chamorros who had excellent Japanese speaking skills and who were loyal to their Japanese administrators, were recruited as key interpreters. The group landed on the beaches at Inalåhan and Tumon on the night of 8 December 1941. However, five of the Saipanese Chamorros were arrested by the US Naval guard and provided information on the date and place of Japanese landing. Although the planned date was actually one day earlier, Guam had a warning. The other five Saipanese were reported “missing” by the Japanese Navy after the occupation.
The Japanese coercive administration of Guam continued until the US Marine landing operation on 21 July 1944. The Japanese Navy and Army took on the US for what was perceived to be a final battle on the 24th and 25th of July. However, the attempted final conflict became a protracted struggle that ended in complete defeat of the Japanese on 10 August 1944.
[***By Wakako Higuchi, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/wakako-higuchi/)
## For further reading
Higuchi, Wakako. *Remembering the War Years on Guam: A Japanese Perspective.* Submitted to the War in the Pacific National Historical Park, National Park Service, Guam. Mangilao: University of Guam, 2001.
––– “A U.S. Territory in Japan’s South Sea Islands: The Japanese Navy Administration of Guam.” PhD diss., Australian National University, 2006.
Morison, Samuel E. *History of United States Naval Operations in World War II*. Vol. III, *The Rising Sun in the Pacific, 1931 – April 1942.* Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1948.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era, WWII/Japanese Era: Politics
**Tags:** Japanese Occupation of Guam
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### [WWII: Rising Sun Dawns on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-rising-sun-dawns-on-guam/)
**Published:** July 15, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Japan attacks the island. Saburu Kurusu, diplomatic pouch in hand, stepped off the Pan American Airways Clipper at Sumai while rumors persisted in Guam that war with Japan was imminent. But news reports elsewhere were saying that the Washington-bound Kurusu, special envoy for Emperor Hirohito appointed by the Japanese imperial government, was enroute to peace talks with high American officials.
**Content:**
# WWII: Rising Sun Dawns on Guam
View more images for the WWII: Rising Sun Dawns on Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157645322735308/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Japan attacks the island
Saburu Kurusu, diplomatic pouch in hand, stepped off the [Pan American Airways Clipper](http://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) at [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) while rumors persisted in Guam that war with Japan was imminent. But news reports elsewhere were saying that the Washington-bound Kurusu, special envoy for Emperor Hirohito appointed by the Japanese imperial government, was enroute to peace talks with high American officials.
It was November 1941. Japan’s imperial soldiers were administering Japanese influence in Manchuria and aggressively expanding south into more of China. Adolf Hitler had grabbed much of Europe and his forces locked in battle with the Russians.
Then, a month later, it happened. Guam was struck by disaster on 8 December 1941. Out of the east that morning came nine Japanese planes flying high at first, then swooping down like vultures, their guns spitting death and destruction. Just four hours earlier, Pearl Harbor was attacked with more than 2,500 Americans killed and America’s proud Pacific Fleet badly crippled.
In Washington, Kurusu was still talking peace; he was unaware of the Japanese military’s plan to strike at Pearl Harbor. In Guam, terror gripped the people as the warplanes, flying in formation of threes, bombed Sumai and later strafed[ Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and other populated areas.
The date was the Catholic Feast of the Immaculate Conception and many families were still in church when the planes struck. The city of Hagåtña, the hub of the island, was instantly transformed into a city of shocked people. Mothers and children wept and wailed. Fathers sought missing members of their families in efforts to flee from the town.
Among the first victims of the attack were Teddy Cruz and Larry Pangelinan, young CHamoru/Chamorro kitchen workers who perished when a bomb hit the Pan American hotel at Sumai. Also killed was Ensign Robert White, who manned an anti-aircraft gun aboard the USS Penguin. The vessel, the only seaworthy ship in Guam at the time, fought the Japanese aircraft off Orote Point, but to no avail. The Penguin commander then decided to scuttle the ship.
By the end of the day, the feast that was to be was transformed into the beginning of one of the most tragic periods in the history of Guam. A day later, the planes returned for more, again striking military facilities and the Pan American Airways station.
Then, on 10 December, Japanese forces invaded Guam by shore, more than fully prepared for the undertaking. By mid-October, the Japanese 18th Air Unit, a small force of reconnaissance seaplanes, had begun survey flights over and near Guam. By November, the unit was flying secret photo reconnaissance missions over the island at altitudes of 3,000 meters or higher.
Assigned to capture Guam was the South Seas Detachment, a unit of about 5,500 army troops under the command of Major General Tomitara Hori, and a special navy land force of about 400 men led by Commander Hiroshi Hayashi and drawn from the 5th Defense Force stationed in Saipan.
The Guam defending force was woefully under gunned: 274 Navy personnel, more than half of them non-combative personnel; 153 Marines; and about 120 Insular Force Guards, whose military training was minimal at best.
The Guam defenders’ total arsenal were three machine guns, four Thompson submachine guns, six Browning automatic pistols, fifty .30 caliber pistols, a dozen .22 caliber regulation rifles, and 85 Springfield rifles. Most of the weapons were of World War I vintage. Imprinted on the Springfield rifles were labels with the following notation: “Do not shoot. For training only.”
The outcome of the invasion was certain in terms of firepower. The scenario in the early morning of 10 December 1941, was this: a 400 strong, a well-trained and well-disciplined Japanese invasion force landed on Tamuning’s Dungca’s Beach; the larger invasion force of 5,500 made beach landings around the island – in[ Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), in [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/) at Togcha, between Facpi Point and [Malesso’/Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/). This group in southern Guam, finding no road to [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), was forced to re-board their supporting craft and re-landed in Hågat.
The invaders at Dungca’s Beach, after regrouping, made their way to Hagåtña, through the jungles and barrios (neighborhoods) along the way to the town. Somewhere in between, the troops ran into a group of Chamorro families, fleeing the area in a small bus. The troops fired their weapons – the shots were heard in the Plaza de España in Hagåtña where a defending force had mustered and established its fields of fire. Those not killed were bayoneted; 13 men, women and children perish. Still other chance meetings with local people result in deaths; an unknown number of people were killed.
At the plaza, a small contingent of Insular Guardsmen, a few sailors and Marines had taken their assigned positions and awaited the invaders. (The bulk of the Marines were assigned a defensive position at Orote peninsula near the firing range.)
In spite of the odds, the defenders in the plaza seemed spirited. Pedro Cruz, one of the three platoon leaders who manned the machine guns, perhaps best expressed the sentiments of Guam’s defenders:
> The only thought in my mind was: If I must die, I hope to God I kill some Japanese.
The battle lasted less than an hour, and ends only after Governor George McMillin realized the futility of the situation. At 7 am on 10 December 1941, Guam was surrendered. Dead in the fighting at the plaza and in small incidents around the island were twenty-one US military personnel and civilians. The Japanese, though superior in force, apparently suffered more casualties.
With the surrender, Guam, Wake Island and two isles in the western part of the Aleutian Islands chain, Kiska and Attu, would be the only parts of the United States to be occupied by enemy forces in World War II. (The Alaskan isles are taken by the Japanese in mid-1942 and recaptured by US forces a year later.)
Japanese officials immediately issued a proclamation informing the populace that their seizure of Guam was:
> For the purpose of restoring liberty and rescuing the whole Asiatic people and creating the permanent peace in Asia. Thus our intention is to establish the New Order of the World.
The local population also were assured that :
> You good citizens need not worry anything under the regulations of our Japanese authorities and may enjoy your daily life as we guarantee your lives and never distress nor plunder your property…
For three months after the Japanese invasion, Guam was a veritable military camp. Soldiers and other military personnel traveled to Guam, coming primarily from Saipan and Palau, both islands occupied by Japan since the end of World War I. Under the Minseisho, the civilian affairs division of the South Seas Detachment, some 14,000 Japanese army and navy forces took over all government buildings and seized many private homes.
Troops were stationed in various parts of the island, a dusk-to-dawn curfew initiated; cars, radios, and cameras confiscated.
## Sumai villagers evicted
In Sumai, the island’s commercial center, all of the 2,000 residents were evicted from their homes. Some, however, were given permission to dismantle their homes and many people built temporary shelters at nearby Apra and other farm areas. But still, the small, bustling community adjacent to Apra Harbor vanished almost overnight.
In many instances, Japanese soldiers moved into private homes without notice or formality. Members of the family of Juan Cruz, a carpenter, were having lunch in their kitchen when armed Japanese soldiers ordered them to get out of the house. The family members gathered the food on the table and collected whatever utensils they could carry, and moved to an unoccupied house nearby where they finished their meal. Leon Gumataotao and his family were forced to surrender their concrete house, and had to build a wooden-framed house nearby. There were also abuses of the people; as the Japanese moved to take Sumai, soldiers raped five young women.
To impress upon all that they meant business, Japanese authorities executed two young Chamorro men before a group of stunned residents of Hagåtña. Killed were Alfred Flores, who was accused of delivering a secret message to an American internee, and Frank Won Pat, an employee of an American company, from whose warehouse he helped himself with some goods, after obtaining permission from his American supervisor. Flores’ message sought advice on what to do with a batch of dynamite at a worksite at the harbor.
About one-fourth of Hagåtña’s residents returned from hiding but the great majority chose to stay away from the village. The historic Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral was converted into a propaganda and entertainment center, and a church building in Santa Cruz became a workshop and stable for the Japanese’s Siberian stallions. The island’s Baptist church, also in Hagåtña, was also seized; Japanese officials used the first floor of the church as a storage area for food, and the second floor was utilized as a Shinto shrine.
## Passes required
All local residents were required to obtain passes – a piece of cloth with Japanese characters – in order to move about the island. All local officials, including municipal and village commissioners and policemen, were ordered to return to work.
Dozens of men, particularly members of the Insular Force Guard, were interrogated and beaten during the first few weeks of occupation. Many were suspected of either hiding machine guns or other weapons, or of harboring American fugitives.
## Prisoners taken away
Japanese military officials were intent on erasing from Guam the influence of the United States and thus immediately imprisoned Governor McMillin, other US citizens, as well as some Spanish clergy, notably [Bishop Miguel Olano](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/), head of the Catholic church in the island.
The prisoners were exiled to camps in Kobe, Japan. When the Argentina Maru sailed from Guam on 10 January 1942, aboard were 483 people – military personnel, five nurses and a number of civilians. All Americans prior to the invasion were accounted for except six Navy sailors: Al Tyson and George Tweed, both radiomen first class; A. Yablonsky, yeoman first class; LW Jones, chief areographer; LL Krump, chief machinist mate; and CB Johnston, machinist mate first class. Without exception, the six sailors believed the war would not last more than three months and they felt they could survive in the dense jungles of Guam until the Americans returned to the island.
Only Tweed survived the war, thanks to the dozens of people who harbored him during the 30-month occupation period. Krump, Jones and Yablonsky were discovered in the [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/) area in September 1942 and were beheaded by the Japanese. Two months later, Tyson and Johnston were found and shot in Machananao.
## Comfort women brought in
The Japanese government, besides its troops, also dispatched “comfort girls” to the island. Five homes were selected to house the women, three in Hagåtña, one in Anigua, and one in Sasa, a farming area near Piti.
The invasion detachment departed Guam 14 January 1942, sailing to Truk (now Chuuk) with carriers and other ships of Japan’s 4th Fleet; this force would later take Rabaul and make it one of the empire’s major military bases in the Pacific.
Left to administer Guam was the Keibitai, the Japanese naval militia with less than 500 men. Directly managing the people were the [Minseibu](http://www.guampedia.com/japanese-military-administration-of-guam/), the Keibitai’s cadre of policemen and investigators. Under the Minseibu, life on island was relatively quiet.
However, there were still attempts to convince the Chamorro populace of Japan’s superiority over the Americans. After every Japanese conquest in the Pacific or Far East, military parades were held through the streets of Hagåtña. When Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, sabers rattled through the narrow streets of the barrios of San Ignacio and San Nicolas; the march of soldiers would end at a Buddhist shrine on a hillside above Hagåtña. Other shows of might by the Japanese military were given when General Douglas MacArthur fled to Australia from the Philippines and later when General Jonathan Wainwright surrendered that archipelago on 6 May 1942.
In these parades, invariably at least one float showed a young boy attired in Japanese army uniform pointing an over-sized rifle at the heart of another youngster wearing an American naval uniform. Spread on the floor of the float was an American flag, and one foot of the Japanese-clad youngster was stepping on it. And to make the occasions even more festive, at least for the occupation forces, sake was made available afterward to those in the parades.
While many Chamorros believed the war would last no longer than 100 days, the Japanese came to stay at least 100 years. Accordingly, the new rulers brought school teachers, along with their families by the middle of 1942, and on the following November, two Japanese Catholic priests came to the island to help pacify the local people.
Soon after the invasion, the Japanese authorities acted to battle a shortage of medical personnel. Training began and Chamorros did assist Japanese nurses and doctors, but eventually, the language difference and other factors lessened the program’s effectiveness.
## Island, villages renamed
Among the first things the new rulers imposed was the renaming of the island and all municipal districts. Guam became Ômiyajima (Ômiyatô) or “the island of the Imperial Court” by the Japanese Navy. Hagåtña became “Akashi” (the Red City). Asan was “Asama Mura” and Hågat became “Showa Mura.”
The practice of bowing as a sign of respect was instituted and strictly enforced. Essentially, bowing was a sign of respect to another person, an institution or the supreme ruler of the land, the emperor. Bowing to a friend required only a slight nod of the head. Bowing to an officer or to an institution, like a police station, required the bending of the head and body at a forty-five degree angle. The supreme bow, which was reserved only to the Japanese emperor and members of his family. This required a person to face north and then bend his entire body forward and down to a ninety degree angle. And in doing so, the person must bow slowly and solemnly.
## Schools reopened
By mid-1942, all public schools were reopened and the young students were required to bow to the emperor before classes commenced in the morning. In the classroom, they learned the Japanese language and culture, and mathematics. Children attended school during the week for four hours daily; adults were required to attend two evenings a week. But attendance was less than spectacular; over the occupation period, perhaps only 600 children and adults participated in the Japanese-run schools.
As part of the educational program, Chamorros were also taught songs, some of them Japanese patriotic songs, but there was one very popular song that the occupying authorities detested and even punished people for singing.
Though forbidden, both children and adults learned and sang the song throughout the occupation period – it was a ditty urging the return of the Americans. One version went like this:
> Eighth of December 1941
> People went crazy
> right here in Guam.
> Oh, Mr. Sam, Sam
> My dear Uncle Sam,
> won’t you please
> come back to Guam.
## Communication restricted
Although possession of a radio was strictly prohibited, a number of Chamorros were daring enough to operate radio receivers throughout most of the occupation period—until about late in 1943 when American forces were pummeling the Japanese in the south and central Pacific.
Members of the underground radio network included Jose Gutierrez, Augusto Gutierrez, Frank T. Flores and Atanacio Blas; Adolfo Sgambelluri, [Mrs. Ignacia Butler](https://www.guampedia.com/ignacia-bordallo-butler/), Ralph Pellicani, Carlos Bordallo, Juan and Agueda Roberto, Manuel FL Guerrero, James Butler, Joe Torres and Herbert Johnston; [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/); Frank D. Perez, the[ Rev. Jesus Baza Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), ET Calvo; Luis P. Untalan, Jose and Herman Ada, and Pedro M. Ada. The radio receivers had to be destroyed or abandoned after Japanese officials obtained copies of news reports, including the following:
> — “Rabaol, (sic) New Guinea — Japanese forces are being hammered in their positions by American Flying Fortresses from Australia, enemy losses: planes 17 downed.”
>
> — “Burma — Flying Fortresses heavily bombed Japanese positions along the Burma Route causing heavy damage, killing many Japanese soldiers. 21 Japanese planes shot down. 2 of our planes returned slightly damaged.”
Most of the radio reports received originated from KGEI, a radio station located at the top of the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco. Newscasters included Bob Goodman and Merrill Phillips.
## Signs evident that Americans were returning
While Japanese forces were being defeated everywhere in the Pacific – the Solomons, New Guinea, the Marshalls, New Hebrides and the Gilbert Islands – a Japanese freighter at Apra Harbor was sunk by an American submarine, and a second Japanese ship off Talo’fo’fo was struck by another American submarine. The vessel was aflame after the attack. Adrift and useless, the vessel settled at the mouth of the bay, a sign of the attack to Guam.
There were other signs that American forces were nearing Guam. Cristobal Paulino, an Insular Force musician, and fellow Chamorro workers were laboring at the Orote air strip on 23 February 1944, nine American fighter planes swooped onto the runway and blasted away, killing four Japanese and damaging at least four aircraft. By the time Japanese pilots boarded their Zeroes, the American planes were gone.
With the twin American offensives – the MacArthur and Halsey drives through the Solomons and Papua New Guinea and the Nimitz thrust through the central Pacific – moving into high gear, the Japanese empire was crumbling. Japanese major bases, as those in Truk (now Chuuk) and in Rabaul, were neutralized and its airpower superiority vanquished; with the loss of airpower, its surface ships were doomed in any part of the central Pacific and in vast areas of the south west Pacific.
Their empire shrinking and the battle lines moving closer and closer to Japan, military leaders acted to enhance the defensive capabilities of Guam.
Part of the preparation for the island’s defense was the massive influx of Japanese troops from Asian battle zones, including Manchuria, from where a huge troopship brought more than 5,000 war veterans, fully equipped and ready for Japan’s last stand on Guam. By the time US forces invaded Guam in July 1944 the island was being defended by about 20,000 men.
Part of the strategy for Guam’s defense was to make the island self-supporting through agriculture. The Japanese plan was to accelerate agricultural production so that it could support as many as 30,000 troops for as long as necessary in defense of Japan’s periphery. Brought to Guam were the members of the Kaikontai, a quasi-military group specializing in agriculture; they came with mechanized farm equipment, including about 20 small tractors, a number of plows and cultivators to realize this defensive strategy.
## Chamorros used as tools
By early 1944, the Chamorros were mere tools to be utilized without regard to their safety or well-being. Most of the male population were used either at the two operational air strips at Orote and Jalaguac, or at a new one being developed at Ague in the northeastern corner of the island.
Some of the younger males were utilized to help construct pillboxes and man made caves. Still others were used to install real and dummy cannons at several coastal areas, and to transport food and ammunition to key defense outposts. The women were used primarily to plant and harvest farm crops.
At the southern end of the island, the Japanese – in desperation – ordered groups of Chamorro men to lay coconut tree trunks across the road, ostensibly to stop American tanks. In Asan, forced labor constructed a tank trap consisting of trunks buried vertically and arranged in a maze-like pattern. Laborers also piled huge mounts of rocks along the beach, and dug massive holes in the sand in an attempt to block and disable American tanks.
Some local men were directed to hunt and kill all dogs they could find, the rationale being that dogs gave away the presence of people.
In these last days, the Japanese forces were hostile, cruel to the people. Men were beaten at best; at worst, they were executed. Women fared no better and there were numerous rapes reported throughout the island.
## Rapes, massacres
While American forces were bombarding the island from off-shore in July in preparation for the eventual invasion, whole-sale massacres were taking place in the island — at [Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/), and[ Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/).
A group of about 30 young men and women from Hågat and Sumai were packed into a large cave in Fena and massacred. According to John Ulloa, 22, of Sumai, he and six other young men were sleeping in a cave when he and others were awakened by ones coming from a second cave nearby. They were utterly shocked when they discovered that all their friends were murdered.
Six days before American forces hit the beaches of Guam, 46 men and women in Malesso’ were massacred. Two groups of 30 men and women each were forced into two separate caves – Tinta and Faha, now names forever associated with death, tragedy and sadness – located on the outskirts of the southern village. At Tinta, 16 of the first 30 were killed; a rainstorm erupted after soldiers had initially fired into the cave and prevented them from finishing their task. All of the second group perished when they were victims of grenades and those surviving were bayoneted.
When the other Malesso’ residents learned of the massacres, they decided to attack the Japanese. In broad daylight, about 20 Malesso’ men stormed the Japanese quarters, seized whatever weapons they could lay their hands on, and killed every soldier in sight. A hefty Malesso’ man killed a Japanese soldier with his bare hands.
The number of Chamorro deaths in Yigo was never accurately determined but the mutilated bodies of 51 Chamorros were found by American patrols. The beheaded bodies of 30 men were found stacked in a truck near Chaquina, and the bodies of 21 others were found in the jungle near Mount Mataguac.
The besieged Japanese killed virtually everyone in sight during the occupation’s last days. Three teen-agers in the jungle looking for food in Yona were grabbed by soldiers, tied to coconut trees and then beheaded. Many others perished in similar situations.
Another danger late in the occupation was the American bombardment of Guam. Many people, their number unknown were killed, victims of naval or aerial bombing.
Brutality took its toll as the Japanese were becoming more and more desperate with the Americans approaching Guam. Hannah Chance Torres, after having been beaten and berated by Japanese soldiers while she and others were enroute to the Manengon concentration camp, seemed to lose the will to live after the incident. She would later pass away in the night at the camp as relatives sought her husband, Felix. The two had been separated from each other in the hysteria of the forced march to the camp.
There were victims of the intensifying American shelling and bombing of the island as well. Elderly Jose Delgado and two young women were saying the rosary in a makeshift shelter in Agana Heights when a missile blasted the shelter, killing all three people. No one ever knew definitely whether the missile came from Japanese anti-aircraft guns at Jalaguac some three miles away, or from an American plane. Both were trying to destroy each other at the time the elderly man and the two women were killed.
Pascual Artero described Guam as a veritable hell:
> So green is vegetation and so pretty a sight had Guam always been, now it was all burned. It had neither a tree nor a coconut with leaves. All now was burned or destroyed by bullets and bombs.
With the coming of the American invasion forces on 21 July, for the Japanese defenders responsible for repelling the Americans, Guam would indeed become a hell on earth.
[***By Tony Palomo***](http://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/)
**Omiya Jima, the Great Shrine Island (Guam, in the 1942 Japanese view)**
**Ômiyajima**(Ômiyatô) or “the island of the Imperial Court”**Population**In early 1942, 22,000 Chamorros (indigenous populace); 14,000 Imperial Army and Navy forces; 483 Americans, were exiled to camps in Japan on 10 January 1942**Capital**Akashi (Red, or Bright, City), formerly Hagåtña or Hagatna**Other villages**Asama Mura, formerly Asan; Showa Mura, formerly Hågat; Sumai, now military headquarters.**Government**Administered by the Japanese Imperial army and navy as a part of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, the concept being that it will bring together in unity the Asiatic peoples.
**Editor’s note:** A version of this historical account was originally written for the *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, in 1994.
## For further reading
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII: Rising Sun Dawns on Guam
---
### [Guam Insular Guard](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-insular-guard/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Young CHamorus recruited by the Navy to defend Guam. The Japanese forces who invaded Guam 10 December 1941 were fully prepared for the undertaking. Since mid-October, the Japanese 18th Air Unit, a small force of reconnaissance seaplanes, had conducted survey flights over and near Guam. By November, the unit was flying secret photo reconnaissance missions of the island at altitudes of 3,000 meters or higher.
**Content:**
# Guam Insular Guard
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Young CHamorus recruited by the Navy to defend Guam
The Japanese forces who invaded Guam 10 December 1941 were fully prepared for the undertaking. Since mid-October, the Japanese 18th Air Unit, a small force of reconnaissance seaplanes, had conducted survey flights over and near Guam. By November, the unit was flying secret photo reconnaissance missions of the island at altitudes of 3,000 meters or higher.
The South Seas Detachment, a unit of about 5,500 army troops under the command of Major General Tomitaro Horii, and a special naval land force of about 400 men led by Commander Hiroshi Hayashi drawn from the 5th Defense Force stationed in Saipan, were assigned to capture Guam.
The Guam defending force was woefully undermanned: 274 US Navy personnel, more than half of them non-combative personnel; 153 US Marines; and about 120 Insular Force Guards, comprised of young CHamoru/Chamorro men recruited by the Navy eight months prior to the outbreak of WWII in the Pacific. The Guam defenders’ total arsenal were three machine guns, four Thompson submachine guns, six Browning automatic pistols, 50 .30 caliber pistols, a dozen .22 caliber regulation rifles, and 85 Springfield rifles. Most of the weapons were of World War I vintage. Imprinted on the Springfield rifles were labels with the following notation: *Do not shoot. For training only.*
Under cover of darkness in the early morning hours on 10 December 1941, a small group of Guam Insular Guardsmen took their battle position at the perimeter of the Plaza de España park. As the invading Japanese Imperial Army troops of overwhelming number came within range they opened fire and fought gallantly. After about half an hour of fighting, US Navy Captain George McMillan decided to surrender to prevent a senseless massacre of the Guam Defenders.
The defense at the Plaza de España was the only pitched ground battle fought against the invading enemy forces. They were armed with three machine guns and springfield single bolt action rifles and had limited military training. Pedro Cruz, one of the three platoon leaders who manned the machine guns, perhaps best expressed the sentiments of Guam’s defenders:
> The only thought in my mind was: If I must die, I hope to God I kill some Japanese.
>
> Pedro Cruz
At 7 am 10 December 1941, Guam surrendered. Dead in the fighting at the Plaza and in small incidents around the island were 21 military personnel and civilians. The Japanese, though superior in force, also suffered casualties, but the number was never divulged. Dozens of men, particularly members of the Insular Force Guard, were interrogated and beaten during the first few weeks of occupation.
[***By Lazaro Quinata***](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/)
## For further reading
Guam Legislature. *En Defende Y Tano-Ta (We Defended Our Island – 10 December 1941)*. 1994. Guam Insular Force Guard, Hagåtña, Guam.
Palomo, Tony, and Katherine Aguon. [*WWII: From Occupation to Liberation*](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/). In *Guampedia*, 2009.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Guam Insular Guard
---
### [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Mangilao derives its name from the word ilao, which means to look for something. In the past, hunters and fishermen would go to Mangilao to search for crabs, deer, wild pigs, and fish.
**Content:**
# Mangilao
View more photos for the Mangilao entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622421115587/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
Mangilao derives its name from the word *ilao*, which means to look for something. In the past, hunters and fishermen would go to Mangilao to search for crabs, deer, wild pigs, and fish.
## Population
According to the US Census, there were 15,191 people living in Mangilao.
## Village officials
Allan Ungacta is the mayor of Mangilao. Edward Tosco is the vice mayor.
## Village description
The village of Mangilao is located in central Guam. It lies between the villages of [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) and [Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/). The village also branches off into subdivisions bordering [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) and [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/). These subdivisions include Latte Heights, Latte Plantation, Sunrise Villa, Banyan Heights, and lower and upper Pagat. The village has been called “Guam’s capital of education” because both the University of Guam and the Guam Community College are located there.
Several other government agencies are also located in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/), including the Department of Public Health and Social Services, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Corrections, the Department of Youth Affairs, and several schools. Many island residents work in Mangilao and have moved to the area to be closer to work.
## Village history
The village of Mangilao today is fairly new, but the area has ancient sites that date back more than 1,000 years. The district of[ Pagat](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/), located on Route 15 (also commonly referred to as the back road to Andersen), was once an ancient CHamoru/Chamorro village. Pagat is one of the most scenic areas on the island, with breathtaking cliff lines that overlook the Pacific Ocean, and jungle trails that lead to freshwater caves and ancient *latte*.
Originally, Pagat was thought to have been occupied during the later part of the [Ancient Guam Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) or early in the [Spanish Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) in the late 17th century. Because of the areas limited accessibility, it was theorized that the first inhabitants had fled from Spanish rule, but the discovery of a certain type of pottery found there in the 1980s has proven to be typical of an earlier settlement, perhaps just more than 1,000 years ago.
Mangilao lacks a natural water source, so it was not until the late 1920s that the area would be repopulated after water wells, a school, and a road were built. People who owned ranches in Mangilao farmed there during the day and, at night, would return to their homes in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). In the 1920s, Naval Governor Henry B. Price launched a vigorous “back-to-the-soil movement” to convince CHamorus to develop their agriculture and become self-sufficient. Part of his program was the concentration of farms in a given section.
The Mangilao-Barrigada area was chosen because of its rolling plateaus and proximity to the island’s capital, Hagåtña. To encourage people to live on their farms and produce more, Price built a road into the area and then the Mangilao School in 1926. He ordered families to send their children to the school, so they would have to live in Mangilao during the week and in their Hagåtña homes only during the weekend. Price ordered that an agriculture department and a dairy factory be built in the village.
After [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Mangilao continued to be Guam’s main farming area. Some of the village’s major crops included tapioca, cassava, corn, mongo beans, tomatoes, peppers, and other beans. Many people paid for their homes by selling these crops to a new population of people that moved to Mangilao – construction workers. The village housed thousands of construction workers employed by the military who lived there during the post-war rebuilding boom. Roads and houses were built to accommodate the workers, and grocery stores began to line the village’s main road.
Although Mangilao quickly developed into a prominent village, it was not fully recognized as one at that time. Until the 1950s, Mangilao fell under the municipality of[ Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/). Jesus Pereira, who worked for the Barrigada commissioner and supervised the Mangilao area, believed the village deserved to stand on its own. At the time, he said Mangilao did not receive a fair portion of Barrigada’s budget and needed a separate budget and its own leadership. He submitted a request and Mangilao became a municipality of its own.
Pereira became the first elected commissioner in 1952 and served the village until 1968. During his tenure as mayor, Pereira saw Mangilao transform into what it is today — a growing town with the island’s only university and community college, several government agencies, public and private schools, non-profit organizations, businesses, and the island’s prison and youth detention facility.
***[By Victoria-Lola Leon Guerrero, MFA](https://www.guampedia.com/victoria-lola-leon-guerrero/)***
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Captain HB Price Elementary School**
More commonly known as Price Elementary School, this school is part of the Guam Public School System and houses grades kindergarten through fifth. The school was opened in 1958. It was named after Price, a former naval governor of the island in the 1920s who pushed for agricultural development in the area.
**Adacao Elementary School**
This school is one of 26 Guam Department of Education elementary schools. The home of the *[hilitai](https://www.guampedia.com/hilitai-monitor-lizard/)*, or monitor lizard, offers stunning new facilities for students. It is located in the village’s northern area, approaching Dededo.
**George Washington High School**
Commonly referred to as GW, this high school was established in 1936 in Hagåtña (to replace the Seaton Schroeder Junior High School) and is the oldest public high school on Guam. Its first graduating class was in 1940. In 1945, the school was moved from the capital to Sinajana, and then to Mongmong in 1952. It was rebuilt in Mangilao in 1965 and remains in this location.
**Guam Community College**
Initially established as Guam Vocational Technical High School, Guam Community College – a public vocational educational institution – was created in 1977 by Public Law 14-77. The legislation was aimed at strengthening and consolidating vocational education on the island. GCC has offered secondary and post-secondary vocational programs, adult and continuing education, community education, and short-term specialized training programs. An Act of Congress in 1946 and 1963 and subsequent amendments designated the college as the State Board of Control for vocational education. Today GCC offers more than 50 courses of study that are job-related. Additionally, the college offers courses of study to prepare its students to transfer to four-year colleges and universities.
**KGTF-TV Public Television Station**
KGTF-TV, Guam’s first and only public broadcasting television station, went on the air for the first time on 30 October 1970. The station was initially funded by a federal grant from the Department of Health, Education and Welfare and the Government of Guam. KGTF established its offices, tower, and transmitter in Mangilao where it continues to operate today. An executive order created the Guam Telecommunications Commission, which enables KGTF to be licensed from the Federal Communications Commission. In 1974, the 12th Guam Legislature made a public law to create a nonprofit, public corporation to operate KGTF creating the Guam Education Telecommunications Corporation.
KGTF works closely with Guam’s educational institutions and the local government to raise the standards in education providing outreach activities, workshops, and training sessions to parents, caregivers, and educators of young children.
**Pacific Islands University**
The Pacific Islands University (PIU), initially the Micronesian Institute of Biblical Studies (MIBS), was founded in 1976 on Wano, Chuuk. In 1991, MIBS established a campus on Guam, lead by its first president Dr. Roland Rauchholz and became Pacific Islands Bible College (PIBC). PIBC offered certificate and diploma programs in Biblical Studies, Associate of Arts and Bachelor of Arts degrees.
In 2004, PIBC received accreditation from the Transnational Association of Christian Colleges and Schools (TRACS). February 2009, the College was renamed Pacific Islands University (PIU) to better reflect the growing emphasis on Christian liberal arts education and to acknowledge the graduate level seminary program which was launched in the fall of 2008. Since then there has been the addition of the Certification of Basic English, new practical ministry minors, including Bible Translation, AA & BA programs in Liberal Studies, as well as a certificate in Dive Instruction.
**Santa Teresita Church**
Mangilao’s Catholic church, established in 1951, was redesigned from its former Spanish missionary style to its new architectural design and rebuilt on a lot adjacent to the former church building after being destroyed by Supertyphoon Pongsona in December 2002.
**Sisters of Mercy Convent**
The Mercy convent opened in 1951 in Tai, Mangilao as a second convent to accommodate the growing number of sisters and novices. The first convent was in the capital city of Hagåtña.
**United Methodist Church**
Methodist church members received a loan from the United Methodist Development fund in 1996 to build this church on Route 15 in Mangilao. The congregation was initiated on Guam in 1971.
**University of Guam**
In June 1952 the Government of Guam established the Territorial College of Guam as a two-year teacher training school in the village of Mongmong under the Department of Education. In 1960 the college moved to its present location along the cliffline in Mangilao and by that time had expanded the academic programs, faculty and staff to meet the needs of increasing enrollment. Administrative control over the college was transferred in 1963 from the Department of Education to a five-member Board of Regents.
The college was accredited as a four-year, degree granting institution that same year and again in 1965. After gaining the maximum five-year accreditation period, the college was renamed the University of Guam by an act of the Guam Legislature. An Act of the United States Congress on June 22, 1972 designated the university as a land-grant institution. The university later gained Administrative Autonomy with the enactment of Public Law 13-194, “The Higher Education Act” in 1976 establishing it as a non-membership, non-profit corporation under the control of a nine-member Board of Regents appointed by the Governor of Guam with the advice and consent of the Legislature. The University of Guam is recognized today as the major institution of higher learning in the Western Pacific.
### Historical
**Marbo Cave**
Marbo Cave is a freshwater coastal cave. The spring was used to supply fresh water by the Japanese administration until 1944 and then by the US Army until 1950. The cement foundation in front of the spring supported a large pump to bring up water from the spring.
**Pagat Cave**
Located on the eastern side of Guam along the coastline, Pagat Cave is located in a sinkhole at the bottom of a cliff and contains a deep freshwater pool.
### Recreational
**Eagle Field**
This recreational and sports field is located along Route 15. It was recently renovated for youth football leagues. Private skydiving companies also use the area as a landing site.
**Onward Mangilao Golf Club**
This Mangilao golf course is located on the central eastern coastline of Guam. It offers 6,904 yards of scenic landscape for each of its 18 golf holes. It was originally opened in April 1992.
**Thousand Steps**
This set of concrete steps, which actually number closer to 150 very steep steps, provides public access to the beach at the Mangilao Golf Club. Visitors can see a panoramic view of the Pacific Ocean along Guam’s eastern coast or a spectacular sunset.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Allan Ungacta, Mayor, 2017-Present
- Nonito C. Blas, Commissioner/Mayor, 1987-2016
- Nicolas D. Francisco, Commissioner, 1973-1987
- Jesus DLR Santos, Commissioner, 1969-1973
- Jesus T. Pereira, Commissioner, 1952-1969
- Manuel T. Sablan, Commissioner, 1950-1952
- Francisco P. Pangelinan, Commissioner, 1933-1944
## Vice mayor
- Edward Tosco, Vice Mayor, 2025-Present
- Kevin Delgado, Vice Mayor, 2021-2024
- Thomas Duenas, Vice Mayor, 2017-2020
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Babauta, Shannon. “’I Tano’-ta Mangilao.” *Pacific Sunday News*, 4 March 1984, islander.
Hutton, Shirley. “I Like Guam.” *Territorial Sun*, 4 February 1962.
Lotz, David T. “Once a Chamorro Village: Pagat.” *Pacific Sunday News*, 20 November 1988, islander.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
*Pacific Islands University*. “About.” Last modified 16 May 2022.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
## Know my island - Know my history
 Father Jesus Baza Duenas. Don Farrell’s *Liberation-1944* collection.
### Pale’ Jesus Baza Duenas, Guam’s Patriot Priest
When the Japanese occupied Guam in the early 1940s, people stayed in their Mangilao ranch homes to avoid Japanese soldiers living in Hagåtña. During the war, the Japanese occupied the Mangilao School building, but otherwise stayed out of the area until the end of the occupation when a prominent CHamoru leader was assassinated in the village.
[Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/) was Guam’s second ordained CHamoru priest, and one of two CHamoru priests who continued to minister during the war. He was greatly admired as a dynamic preacher who attracted young people to the church. Before the war he was the parish priest in Inalåhan, and during the war he continued to minister to Catholics in Guam’s southern communities.
As a prominent religious leader, Fr. Duenas was able to influence many people. The Japanese knew this, and had heard that he had instructed people not to obey some of the Imperial Army’s regulations. Fr. Duenas was also a strong advocate for the rights of the CHamoru people. He would meet with the Japanese civil governor to discuss their welfare and suggest improvements. Throughout the occupation, the Japanese would not act upon his suggestions and he became less cooperative as time went on.
Because he spoke up, Duenas was put under constant surveillance. The Japanese had suspected that he knew the whereabouts of George Tweed, the sole American solider kept in hiding on Guam during the entire war. Japanese police arrested and publicly tortured Duenas in the last month of the occupation. The thirty-three-year-old priest was brought to a site in Tai, Mangilao on 12 July 1944 and was beheaded along with his nephew.
Father Duenas Memorial School, Guam’s only all-male Catholic high school, now stands near the site of his death.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Mangilao
---
### [War Survivor: Jose Santos Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-jose-santos-torres/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The musician and soldier from Fena. At George Washington High School, Jose Santos Torres (1934- ) learned to play half a dozen different instruments, including the saxophone, trumpet, keyboard, piano, and harmonica.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Jose Santos Torres
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## The musician and soldier from Fena
At George Washington High School, Jose Santos Torres (1934 – ) learned to play half a dozen different instruments, including the saxophone, trumpet, keyboard, piano, and harmonica.
> We played all over the island. At that time, I’m the first one that bought an electric guitar on Guam back in the 1950s. I don’t remember what it was, but it was an electric with an amplifier. At that time, we don’t even know what rock and roll is, but we played the jazz. We played the jitterbug. Most of the time, that’s the kind of fast music we played, and then you know mellow music.
>
> Music. It creates environmental serenity in the family. Also I read, and I believe, if you take music somehow your intellect develops. I believe that very much, because you have a lot of intellectual people who are musicians.
>
> *Jose Santos Torres*
Both of Torres’s parents were musically inclined, as are most of his children. Torres was born to Juana Cruz Santos and Vicente Palomo Torres.
> My father was a carpenter, building churches here on Guam, before he went off to the military. He built the one in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). He built the one in Inalåhan, Toto, Malesso’, and Humåtak. He built all those churches. My mother always said just be nice to your family, take care of them, and pray to the Lord that you’re here.
>
> When the war first started, all I knew is we were at church, and some people hollered out that we’re being bombed. You know, at that time, I didn’t know anyone was out to kill anybody.
## Lived in Fena until the war ended
Because the Navy had already relocated his father, Torres stayed with his mother and uncles. Several of Torres’s uncles spent the duration of the war hiding near[ Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/), far deeper into the jungle than most of the Japanese dared to venture. Torres left only to go to school with his siblings, where they learned Japanese.
> My brother got killed, I think, because he was whistling the National Anthem. I remember my brother when he was getting beaten up by the Japanese with a stick, you know, like a heavy cane. He was getting beat up on the head, and the following day he died—brain hemorrhage.
At the time, Fred Santos Torres was only 10 years old.
> You can’t do anything, but try to help out with the family. You cannot have anything to do with being against the Japanese. I watched two of my uncles get their neck cut. They make them dig their grave, tie their hands, and kneel in front of the grave and they just chopped (their heads) off. There was one incident with one of my friend’s father, they put him in the cart, with the karabao pulling the cart. They tied his hands with dynamite and they blow it, right in front of the school. All the kids were watching this.
>
> What can you do? You get angry, you’re mad at what they do, but there’s really nothing you can do, because you are going to end up as they are. The war is brutal.
Toward the end of World War II, Torres and his family were found and sent to the [Manenggon Concentration Camp](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/). Here, he thought the Japanese were rounding them up to finish them off and was relieved at the sight of American Marines.
Torres’s father returned to Guam with the first wave of soldiers.
> When they tried to recover Guam, they were out there shooting in, and he was wondering if he was shooting at his family, because we were over there, and he was out there shooting. I know that he was out there, because when he came in here, he said I’ll have to get out of the Navy, because he can’t stand the idea of shooting at the family. That’s the way my father was. When he first came in, he was collecting all the military personal that he knows will go with him, and some of the CHamorus that know the jungle, and they went in looking for the Japanese. Whatever they did, I don’t want to find out.
Before the war, Torres’s grandfather owned a large ranch in Fena, where they grew taro, coconut, corn and coffee, and raised more than 300 pigs. After the war, the US military took his family land for military use.
> That’s where we get the water. They took it for the island, so it’s their water. I don’t know if they paid for it, I don’t think they paid for it, but you can’t fight it. They have to use it, we have to use it, I have to use it. So as far as pay is concerned, I think that a lot of lives are lost, and they paid for it.
## Joined the army
At 17-years-old, Vicente gave his eldest son permission to enlist in the army. After basic training, Torres said,
> I was assigned to the Hawaiian chapter, but I said no this is not what I want – I want to go to Korea, so I went to Korea. I already volunteered. That same night that I got over there, I was on the patrol, and we go out at night and observe what is going on. We were over the 30th parallel, way beyond the 30th parallel. We were in the jungle that we don’t really like. It’s a sandy place, it’s cold, and then we had to do a march. When it was over. I decided that was it for me, so I went to school instead.
## Found his CHamorita in San Jose
Torres attended college and graduated from the University of Santa Clara. In the 1970s, he was working at the San Jose post office when he met the CHamorita that would become Mrs. Mary Guzman Santos Torres. Mary plays the maracas and sings, and together they perform at senior centers and St. Jude Church in Sinajana.
> How do I think I’m blessed? I think I’m blessed pretty well. I come here to St. Jude. I used to be here every Sunday. And then I come on Mondays for the St. Jude blessing.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Amanda Pampuro.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Jose Santos Torres
---
### [War Survivor: Justo Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-justo-leon-guerrero/)
**Published:** May 22, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Emotional toll of war. As a young teenager, Justo Torre Leon Guerrero (1928 - ) experienced the ravages of war. Escaping the harsh torture that his older brother endured at the hands of the Japanese, the emotional toll was no less harsh and affected him for the rest of his life. Choices he made in later life were a direct result of the war.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Justo Leon Guerrero
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Emotional toll of war
As a young teenager, Justo Torre Leon Guerrero (1928 – ) experienced the [ravages](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/) of war. Escaping the harsh torture that his older brother endured at the hands of the Japanese, the emotional toll was no less harsh and affected him for the rest of his life. Choices he made in later life were a direct result of the war.
Like many survivors, he kept his wartime experiences to himself – it wasn’t until 2005 that he finally told his story to family members. The strength and fortitude required of a youngster during this challenging time is hard to imagine today.
Leon Guerrero was just 12 years-old at the beginning of the Japanese [occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/). At this impressionable age he was [pressed into labor](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorus-forced-into-war-effort/). Driving the family bull cart to deliver water and supplies to Japanese outposts in Northern Guam. It was from this experience, working 10 hours a day, that he first learned of the realities of war.
## Witnessed Japanese fired upon by Americans
One particularly memorable experience occurred one day, while delivering supplies to [Tarague](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-tarague/). He saw an American plane firing on a column of Japanese soldiers on the road to Tarague. Continuing down to his assigned area he was met with the remnants of the group – a horrifying site – the survivors carrying the injured and dead. He was told to drop off the supplies and get out of there. Shaken, he departed as fast as he could.
## Translated for the Japanese…reluctantly
On other occasions he was tasked to serve as a translator for Japanese officers who toured the ranches of Northern Guam. This put him in a difficult position as the families did not want the Japanese officials to visit them and blamed Leon Guerrero for bringing them to their house. He didn’t have a choice in that instance, but did when it came to translating.
In some cases if he translated exactly what the families told him it would have angered the officials. He had to think on his feet and crafted responses that appeased the officials. Eventually they stopped asking him to accompany them.
## American plane crash landed near his home
But the crash landing of an American plane near the family property in Machananao had the biggest impact on his life. Leon Guerrero was about 14 at the time. He and his older brother Juan were collecting wood and loading it into the bull cart when they saw three American planes in the sky.
One of the planes was obviously in distress. The engine sputtering, it came crashing down and stopped when it hit a coconut tree. It landed not far from where they were standing. His brother Juan and his uncle, Jose Leon Guerrero Cruz rushed over to the wreckage and helped the pilot out. Leon Guerrero rushed over too, disobeying his brother’s instructions to stay put.
Leon Guerrero recalls the pilot was conscious and bleeding from a deep gash over his ear. Juan and Jose helped him out of the plane and stood him on the wing. The pilot handed his gloves to Jose and an ID bracelet he had been wearing to Juan. Leon Guerrero asked to see the bracelet and read, “Lt. JG Hamilton.”
It was when he was returning the bracelet to Juan that the Japanese soldiers arrived. They took the pilot away and later came back for Jose. It wasn’t until the next day that they collected his brother Juan. Leon Guerrero, perhaps because he looked younger than his age, was not taken. They later learned that Jose and the pilot were executed.
## His brother was tortured
Leon Guerrero’s brother was taken to [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and tortured. He most certainly would have been killed if it weren’t for the policeman from Machananao who saw him beaten and bleeding and kneeling in the sun. Somehow the policeman was able to secure his release and he was taken home.
Before he recovered from his injuries, Juan was taken along with other men in the community. They were tasked to repair the landing strip in Tiyan that was being bombed regularly by the Americans. It was back breaking work repairing the landing strip and Juan soon became unable to work. Fearing that he would be killed, Leon Guerrero’s father hatched a plan to rescue Juan from the camp.
He took the family’s best cow and traveled from Machananao through back roads to Tiyan. Luckily he evaded capture. Once there, an uncle who was in the camp gave a signal that the guards that patrolled the area were on a smoke break. The two of them loaded Juan onto the cow and his father made his way safely back to their Machananao ranch. The family kept Juan in hiding for the rest of the war. Fortunately the tent where Juan normally slept at the work camp was bombed the same night as his rescue so the Japanese did not look for him thinking he had died in the blast.
These events significantly impacted Leon Guerrero who was very close to his older brother, Juan. Riddled with survivors guilt Leon Guerrero thought that the bracelet he returned to his brother was the cause of his torture. He carried this with him for years.
When the Americans returned Juan was offered significant monetary compensation for his part in trying to save the American pilot. He refused the money saying he was grateful to have survived and have a job and a vehicle. Leon Guerrero never forgot that.
## Worked for Coca-Cola after the war and then joined the Air Force
Leon Guerrero worked for the Coca-Cola bottling plant as an accountant after the war. With the proceeds from his first paycheck he bought himself a watch. This he said, was to make sure he was on time for work. The brand of the watch he bought was “Hamilton.” This was in memory of the pilot that had crash landed in Machananao.
In 1951 Leon Guerrero joined the United States Air Force. Later, reflecting on his decision to join he said his choice to serve was motivated by seeing the graves of all the American soldiers buried in Anigua – those that gave their life liberating Guam from the Japanese. He served a long career eventually retiring from active duty service and civil service with the Air Force.
***[By Jillette Leon-Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Justo Leon Guerrero
---
### [War Survivor: Lillian Tenorio Dimla](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-lillian-tenorio-dimla/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** I am a proud CHamoru too. Lillian Pangelinan Tenorio Dimla (1934 - ) never shared the memories of her childhood…with anyone. As a young girl, she never knew much about grown-up matters, because Dimla was raised in an era when children didn’t question their elders.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Lillian Tenorio Dimla
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## I am a proud CHamoru too
Lillian Pangelinan Tenorio Dimla (1934 – ) never shared the memories of her childhood…with anyone. As a young girl, she never knew much about grown-up matters, because Dimla was raised in an era when children didn’t question their elders.
Now, as an elder herself, Dimla wants to document her memories while she still can for the benefit of her children, but it is not an easy story to recall after all these years, especially with an upbringing of unquestionable acceptance of her parents’ word.
The series of stories now being told by survivors of the war, however, has emboldened Dimla to share her story – from her birth in peaceful Saipan and travels to Yap, to the war ravaged time on Guam and post-war Guam. This is her story.
Dimla is a CHamoru/Chamorro from Saipan born to Calisto Pangelinan Tenorio and Luise Sablan Pangelinan Tenorio. Dimla said that her family came from Saipan, but their roots are from Guam. She has extensive genealogical data to tie in relationships to her many family lines on Guam. Her siblings include Cynthia, Diego, Eliza, and Thomas. The Tenorio family lived in Saipan prior to the war, and after a year-long sabbatical in Yap, they returned to Guam where they, too, lived through and survived the atrocities of World War II.
## Memories of life in Saipan
Dimla remembers a tranquil life on Saipan. She was an obedient and helpful child.
> My earliest recall of Saipan was around 1939 when I was about five years old. I remember looking at a picture in an album where my cousin, Maria Tenorio, was pushing a carriage with a baby in it. Nåna said that the baby was me.
>
> Lillian Tenorio Dimla
That album and all the pictures of her past are long gone now, lost during WWII.
> All I have are my memories. Tatan Mariano (her mother’s father) would often take me to the ranch on a horse and buggy. We would pick fruits and vegetables.
There was one fruit she particularly loved and knew as “*makupa*,” which Dimla described as a cross between a pear and an apple. It was pulpy, juicy and sweet, she reminisced, adding that she never found that fruit again after the war.
> I remember Nanan Maria and Tatan Luis (her father’s parents) had a house on the southern part of Garapan.
As a young child, Dimla climbed the stairs and sat perched at the top of the steps watching the activity on the street outside. There was an old Japanese man named “Tajara.” As he would walk down the street lined with homes, kids would tease him “Tajara-jara!”
> I did it, too, but one day, he glared up at me, so I ran back inside to my grandparents’ bedroom to hide and saw a huge figure rise out from the bed. It had thorns around its head and I told my parents, but no one really paid attention.
Dimla said that she never teased the old man again.
It was not uncommon for young children to go to Mass by themselves, and Dimla adored Pale’ Pedro Delos Reyes, her mother’s god-brother, so she attended Mass daily. Unbeknownst to Dimla, he got sick and died unexpectedly. In the morning, as she walked to Mass, she saw the form of the priest coming out of their outhouse. It followed her all the way to church. During the rosary, she told her mother about it. Luise and the other women hugged her because they believed that it was Pale’s spirit following her to church. Dimla believes that she is sensitive to spirits and has always been able to see, feel or hear them. There was a *trongkon nunu* by their house and she would often see or hear “people” congregating there.
Saipan was under Japanese rule at the time and her father, Calisto, was educated in Japan. Afterwards, he returned to Saipan to work for a Japanese company called the Kohatsu and held an important position, which came with many benefits, including access to the company commissary. When Dimla was a young child, her mother would send her on the train by herself from Garapan to Chalan Kanoa (or Charan’ka as it was known then). There, a company employee would help her obtain the items she needed and would carry them back to the train for her.
> I knew that my father graduated from a Japanese university, but I don’t know much about my mother’s younger days, except that she was very well trained in cooking and some of the finer arts. She sewed and embroidered beautifully.
## Memories of life in Yap
In 1941, Calisto took a sabbatical from work and moved the family to Yap. It took three days to travel there by boat. It was not a passenger ship and the family had to sit and sleep in the middle of the boat. They stayed for a few days with a cousin, Luise Pangelinan Villagomez, in her home in Colonia, Yap. Yap has three main islands. The quickest route from their house to the church was by raft across the water.
It amazed Dimla to see the Yapese women sitting on the ground, bare-breasted, wearing only grass skirts, waiting for Mass to begin. They would cover up to enter the church. She loved to hear the swishing of the grass skirts as the women got up to leave after Mass, carrying their *gua-gua* like purses with betelnut and lime in long bamboo sections, as they walked back down the road to their homes.
While Calisto and the elders chopped down trees for posts to build their house, Dimla and her siblings would play all day long by a nearby creek. She also loved to wander off to explore or play by herself. Sometimes she would use ripe papaya as bait to catch little birds to keep as pets. Their home was built on a slope in an area known as Keng, which was by a road, and across the road was the beach with mangrove trees.
Dimla learned the names of the other CHamoru families in the area – Untalan, Villagomez, Hoffschneider, Fleming. Her Uncle Manuel and Aunt Felisa also lived there. Manuel was the youngest brother of Dimla’s grandfather, Mariano. It was at their daughter’s home the Tenorios stayed at before their house was built. Their house was on stilts partly over the water of CHamoru Bay.
Dimla loved to go sit on the porch to watch all the fish and other creatures in the water. Dimla bartered canned goods for fresh fish from the local women. At age 7, she used a long bamboo pole on her shoulders with two 5-gallon cans at each end to haul drinking water from a large water tank several hundred feet away.
Dimla’s Yapese friends would take her into their Lag patch (similar to taro patch but much larger) in marshy areas where the flowers of this amazing plant would grow.
> My youngest brother, Tommy, was born in Yap in 1942. Nana told Tata, ‘It’s time!’ so he went on his bike to get the midwife. I remember that clearly.
Life was peaceful and calm in Yap. Meanwhile, WWII was in full swing in the Marianas. Guam had been bombed by this time.
## Memories of life on Guam
Shortly after Tommy’s birth, Calisto Tenorio was assigned to a new post in Tokyo. However, the boat taking them from Yap to Japan diverted to Guam, which was now occupied by the Japanese. Calisto’s new orders were to work on Guam instead of going to Japan, so he was able to rent a house owned by Ana Gay. It was a huge house in Julale, [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
Despite the ongoing war, school was still a requirement. Dimla had to attend school at “Bilibig” in Hagåtña where she met Katherine and Angie Bordallo, Pauline Ploke, Norma Bordallo, and Connie Martinez. A lot of them were older, but they were grouped together in school and became fast friends. She was later transferred to another school closer to the Julale area and made friends with Josephine Palomo, Lydia Cruz, Lorraine and Dolores Mesa and Cecilia Tenorio.
Coming from Saipan, her family knew how to speak Japanese, but although the children were immersed in the school system with other CHamoru youths, there was no preferential treatment by the Japanese instructor.
Like in Saipan, Dimla was still sensitive to spirits on Guam. She would see little people playing up in the hills and going into the *lemon-china* bushes. She never knew why she saw spirits and can only reason that their soul needed her prayers; and so she would just pray whenever these incidents happened.
Life on Guam was relatively calm and quiet during the war as long as the CHamoru people obeyed the Japanese. Even though Dimla’s father worked for the Kohatsu and had to do as he was told, there was no exception made for his family. Dimla recalls being loaded into the back of a big truck with other CHamorus. They were driven to the airfield where they were forced to work under the hot sun picking up rocks and piling them to the side. This went on for days, but under the hot sun, it seemed like forever.
## The ending days of the war
Then the Americans bombarded Guam in 1944.
> I don’t know how Tåta knew when things were going really bad towards the end of the war in the first part of 1944, but he moved us up to Tutuhan and we stayed in a small house there, growing vegetables, sweet potatoes, peppers, onions and taro – regular staples. I don’t know if he was thinking of a shortage of food supply, but it appears he was trying to prepare for our livelihood.
Things escalated when Dimla’s cousin “Henry-boy” came to see her father one day. He was about 17 years old and the eldest child of Luise’s brother, Jose. He, too, was from Saipan and served as a messenger for one of the Japanese secret police called “*Kempeitai*.” He used to visit the family with other Japanese soldiers, who would barter canned goods and rice for vegetables and other food.
> Tåta was very nervous after Henry boy’s visit. I remember that Henry hugged us and told us to be good. That was the last time we ever saw him.
Calisto did not return to work. Instead, he immediately moved the family further inland.
> Nåna tried to talk to him, but he just told her to do what he said. Only the most important things were packed, our albums and nana’s favorite scissors.
Things were tossed into pillowcases, which were strung together to allow the bearer to carry more than one at a time. As the eldest child, Dimla was made to carry two full pillowcases like a yoke around her neck, stuffed to capacity and tied together with rope. There was nothing else to do, to think, or to say. At that time, all she could recall was the heavy weight bearing down on back, rubbing her neck raw. But she never complained because she saw how much more her parents were carrying, in addition to the two youngest children, while Diego and Cynthia walked beside them carrying what they could.
> We went further inland to Pa’asan and stopped only to add to our food supply. Then when the bombing started, everyone sought cover. Tata dug a hole by a creek. It had a muddy floor and it was small, but we were all safe.
## Memories of Manenggon
When everyone started talking about moving further inland, the family followed.
> I don’t know how long it took us, but we got to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/), and there were people camped all over the place. Tata identified that he could speak Japanese, so the soldiers put him in charge of the food supply to hand out to the people.
The family stayed away from the overcrowded encampment and instead settled further up the hill. Dimla remembers playing by herself up on that hill.
> I found a little pool and found gold fish swimming in it. I touched the water and it was very, very hot!
The following day, Dimla went back and tried to catch that gold fish.Her hand had swollen up so bad and her mother asked what happened.She then told Dimla to go back and apologize. Luise admonished her to call out:
> *Guela yan Guelo, pot fabot asii yu, ya ti ta’lo bai hu konne’ i guihan.*
Dimla went back up and tried to remember what she was told to say and repeated it to the best of her ability. The swelling disappeared immediately.
It was crowded at Manenggon, with food and water scarce, so the people depended on whatever was rationed out. Dimla recalled a lot of praying and singing to keep their spirits up. There were other songs that people would sing, but more often than not, she would hear little snippets of “Uncle Sam,” sung quietly among the CHamorus.
About a week later, Dimla looked up over the horizon and saw what looked like a row of big, black ants going over the hills heading towards their camp.
> I immediately went down to tell Tåta about it, but when I got down to the camp site, the Japanese had bound Tata and had him on the ground.
As she hid behind a bush, she heard them accuse her father of being a spy for the CHamoru people. They also caught him giving away as much food as people could carry. Dimla’s father was bound and in a kneeling position. The Japanese officer had his bayonet up ready to behead him. All of a sudden, Dimla heard a booming voice say strange words she had never heard before and has never forgotten: “Everybody get down!” All the CHamorus who were there understood and hit the ground. All the Japanese who remained standing were gunned down by machine gun fire. It was a deafening sound and then it was over.
Afterwards, everyone was told that they had to walk to Hågat to safety and so the long trek began.
> My sister, Cynthia, was sick for most of the time we were at Manenggon, so when we were told to start marching, everyone was loaded down with the stuffed pillow cases containing our belongings. Nåna was carrying a full load and the baby, Tommy. Little Lisa was holding on to nana’s skirt and following along. Tåta, too, was burdened down and had Diego also helping him.
Dimla noticed Cynthia wasn’t with them and asked her parents.
> They explained that they made arrangements for someone to help carry her for them. I don’t know the details, but what I clearly remember is that once we got to Hågat, we were all together in one tent, including Cynthia. And so to my recollection, other than during the trek to Hågat, we were always together as a family.
What is engrained in Dimla’s memory about that trek was that it was backbreaking and difficult, walking up and down hills with nothing but the cutting leaves of the *netti* (sword grass) to grab on to for help up a steep hill. They had to drop to the muddy ground when the soldiers would yell for them to take cover during enemy fire. Dimla did not know any English, but was keenly aware of what the other CHamorus were doing and followed suit.
A few weeks after reaching the Hågat encampment and their reunion with Cynthia, the family was detained in a separate encampment with all Saipanese and other CHamorus with Japanese surnames.
War changes people in different ways. This memory of the separation is ingrained in Dimla’s memory and was difficult for her to express in words.
> I recall the wired fence surrounding our little stockade. I remembered the Ichihara, Sudo, Sayama and Ishizaki surnames in this group. But because we were separated from the rest in this stockade, even though we were CHamoru, the others – our friends and families – treated us like we were enemies. They threw things at us and we were treated more like animals. But soon we were relocated to Agana Heights where we were housed separately by gender.
All the detainees were released after a month and sent to Saipan in late 1944.
## Safe in Saipan
Calisto Tenorio settled his family in Chalan Kanoa, but for most of their time in Saipan, Dimla stayed with her grandparents to help them out. Tatan Mariano was in charge of food rationing, so she and her cousin, Celing, would raid the refrigerator and gobble up butter pats as a treat. She also recalled long luncheon meat cans, corned beef hash, which she claims is not the same as those in stores now. Back then, it was good!
Life returned to normal and Dimla remembers learning a little English in school. She and another girl, Amparo, joined a small Christmas choir, led by her mother’s brother, Tan Kindo (Joaquin Sablan Pangelinan). Dimla shared fond memories of singing CHamoru and American Christmas songs at the different US camps throughout Saipan.
> We even sang live on the radio. And the soldiers gave us all nice gifts every time we performed. It was so much fun!
## Relocated back to Guam
Dimla’s parents wanted their children to learn English and the Western way of life, so in October 1947, they moved back to Guam and stayed with Luise’s sister, Stella, until they found a home owned by the Peling family in [Agana Heights](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/).
Although she should have been placed in the 8th grade, Dimla asked the principal, Mr. Tydingco, to allow her to repeat the 7th grade until she was more comfortable with the English language. She made friends with Bennett Perez, Carmen Martinez, Martha Benito, Richard Benito, Ben Blaz, Maria “Daidai” San Nicolas (Taitano), and her cousin, Patricia Blaz (Borja). Dimla would walk down to school every day from Agana Heights.
The Hagåtña school was a [Quonset hut](https://www.guampedia.com/quonset-huts/) built near Julale and housed the 9th grade.
> Bennett Perez was valedictorian. I was salutatorian. I was sad because Tata did not want to come to my graduation, but when I was giving my speech, I looked up and saw him way in the back, and my heart was full. He didn’t stay, though, leaving right after the ceremony was over. But it was enough.
## High school life
*My first high school was in Sinajana. It was a split session and I attended in the afternoon. I took a lot of college prep classes, so my friends were mainly stateside kids and other CHamoru kids aspiring to go to college. I enjoyed this time of my life despite having to work every day after school just to help my parents out.*
## Taotao Asan
Eventually, they moved to Asan, where Calisto was able to acquire land and build their house. It was near Luise’s Pangelinan cousins, Vicente, Jose and Ana. Camp Asan was the housing complex of those Federal employees hired from the US or Hawai’i to help with the reconstruction of Guam.
> Like I did in Saipan, I joined the Asan church choir at age 14. We would sing at the CampAsan chapel and we got to know a lot of the ‘statesiders’. They were so appreciative of our singing.
Dimla was active in her church community. She also taught catechism. Father Felixberto Flores was the parish priest who had replaced Fr. Arnold. Dimla was a member of the Sodality of Mary, which she described as, a really nice group of young ladies. The Marian Congress would meet at the old Agana Cathedral and all the sodalities from around the island would gather for the Congress. Dimla was selected to be one of the speakers. Apparently, the new priest was adamant that his parish be represented.
> Father Flores coached me and I memorized and delivered my speech without looking at my notes. I received a lot of compliments afterwards.That was a great feeling.
Dimla also joined the Sodality softball team that competed with other sodalities from the southern villages and got to know even more people during that time.
## How the war changed our lives
After relocating to Guam, the changes that occurred in their lives was evident, though gradual. Times were hard, but Luise secured full-time work at Ada’s store and Dimla worked there part-time after school. She made $75 a month working half days after school.
After the war, it was difficult for the proud Calisto Tenorio to obtain employment at the level he held while employed for the Kohatsu.
> Tåta played the piano beautifully and he knew how to tune pianos. So he would tune pianos to help out while Nana and I worked at Ada’s.
## Tenorio family business
Eventually, Calisto secured a $500 loan from his cousin and opened up a little store they called “Two Leaf,” which started out as a small hut erected on the beach side of Asan; and, after securing a ten-year lease from Maria Merfalen from Maina, he built a larger, more permanent store across the street.
> My mother was a wonderful baker and started making potu and sweet bread. All the Filipino contract workers would stop by daily to buy potu and bread. Soon, people started ordering and paying in advance, so nana would have them packed and ready for pick up each morning.
It took all of the family to help at the store, which became a popular meeting spot for many years.
The Filipinos from Camp Rojas and Camp Asan gravitated to the Two Leaf Store and the Tenorio family. They were friendly and compassionate to the workers, understanding what it was like to be in a different environment. Calisto enjoyed drinking, so he would join the men often, chatting with them, and taking their suggestions to heart. As an accomplished carpenter, Calisto built an extension behind the store for the men to enjoy their beer and hoki clam chasers.
> That was good business back then – the beer and the chasers – and pretty soon, some guys would bring their guitars, adding singing to the mix. Every once in awhile, there would be dancing inside the store, where we learned how to salsa, cha-cha and the Jitterbug.
Music at Two Leaf Store came from Calisto’s piano playing, the Filipino’s serenades on their guitars and a juke box, leased from the Sheltons.
> That juke box was a good investment. People really enjoyed the records that he would drop off for the juke box. Two Leaf store was a great hangout for the guys from Camp Asan and Camp Rojas.
>
> We were a nice, close-knit community… and we enjoyed a good rapport with the Camp Rojas crew.
Once she agreed to be a godmother, and the entire Camp Rojas band came to the christening and provided the entertainment. It was an awesome memory and she said they did it for her, which showed how much they liked and respected her and her family. Every fiesta at Asan, there would be a pageant with a play and group dancing. Sometimes, Dimla said, Bishop Baumgartner would come to watch the program. Father Flores was very supportive of this community activity.
Dimla took piano lessons as a child from the Mercedarian nuns in Saipan, but stopped after they had relocated. She plays mostly by ear now and can still play some songs from memory. However, age and time have thwarted much of her ability to hear and sing. She still loves music however.
Dimla pursued a career with the Federal Civil Service, retiring after over 30 years in human resources. In February 2015, Dimla lost her husband, Arturo G. Dimla, after 58 years of marriage. Their children are Louis, Maria Christina, Norman, Oneta Louise, Patrick and Quinina Elizabeth, as well as 14 grandchildren and 17 great-grandchildren.
## Lessons learned
> War is wrong. War disrupted our peaceful way of life and affected many people in many different ways.
The outcome of the war influenced the direction she took to improve her life and to help her family rise above the memories of scorn and condemnation because they had come from Saipan.
> Even though we were CHamoru, we were looked upon as the enemy after the war. We were good people, but the war affected some people in a very bad way. It didn’t matter that we were all family and friends prior to the outbreak, or that we were neighbors and helped one another out during the occupation, or that my dad almost lost his life because he defied the Japanese, following his conscience to protect his family and help other CHamorus get food and provisions.
>
> It took many years to get over that bad time. I believe that many people never really recovered completely from their experiences. Even my father, once a very proud man, was never really quite the same afterwards; but, he, too, never spoke about it.
Moved by the memories, Dimla paused to reflect on her final thoughts before speaking.
> I have experienced many things, but I’ve survived and lived a good life despite the impact of the war on our island and in our lives. I pray that our children and their children never experience what we went through.
>
> I want my family to know that I love them very much and what I want for my family is to live in harmony with one another, not dwelling on the negative, but to forgive others. Always remember that actions speak louder than words. Be kind to others and be good always.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Chris Dimla Lizama.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Lillian Tenorio Dimla
---
### [War Survivor: Maria Meno Barcinas](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-maria-meno-barcinas/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** From dark to lightness. Imagine that you are a child and that, like the burst of a bomb, you suddenly find yourself amidst a terrifying situation. You are in the middle of a scrambling crowd, hearing loud and terrifying sounds in the distance. You are so confused about what is happening. All you know is what you can see, hear, feel and smell. All you are aware of is that you are scared, and everyone around you is scared.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Maria Meno Barcinas
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## From dark to lightness
Imagine that you are a child and that, like the burst of a bomb, you suddenly find yourself amidst a terrifying situation. You are in the middle of a scrambling crowd, hearing loud and terrifying sounds in the distance. You are so confused about what is happening. All you know is what you can see, hear, feel and smell. All you are aware of is that you are scared, and everyone around you is scared.
Such horrors will haunt you for the rest of your life. You may only be able to remember a few moments from that time, but those few moments remain vivid in your mind forever.
Maria Borja Meno Barcinas (1939 – 2019) was very young during World War II. She was thrust into a state of terror without any warning, or even complete comprehension of what was occurring. The first move that the Meno family made after the bombing began on Guam was to rush to a shelter.
Barcinas’s father, Jose, led his family to a hand-dug underground cave near Father Dueñas Memorial School in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/). Barcinas and her older brother and sister, Gregorio and Bennie, her mother, Maria, and her grandparents hid from the Japanese soldiers inside the cave. Barcinas was very uncomfortable; she could not get used to the dank smell of the earth. The cave was very dark and frightening. The little girl soaked in the horror, which will never leave her memory.
## Saw her grandmother beaten
Barcinas’s memories of the war are clips of traumatizing moments in her mind. One of these moments is when she had to watch her maternal grandmother kneel down and be beaten for making a fire. Such a recollection is painful for Barcinas, since she was very close to her grandmother.
She becomes very emotional at the memory of her grandmother carrying her on her back during the trek to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/). The child had become so tired that she began to cry, and her grandmother bent down to pick her up. This created a bond that Barcinas carries with her today as she tears up when she speaks about her grandmother.
Barcinas’s environment continued to terrify her throughout the whole war experience, especially at Manenggon. The strong river stream pounded in the young girl’s ears. Barcinas felt like the sound was as scary as the bombs she heard in the distance. The little girl was so lost in her fear, and she could not wait for the experience to end.
The nightmare of traumatizing smells, sights, and sounds eventually came to an end when the Americans liberated Guam from the Japanese. The Menos and other families were allowed to leave Manenggon. Barcinas’s family first stayed in Mangilao after the war, but then moved to her mother’s land in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/). The family rebuilt their lives from then on. Some of Barcinas’s children still live on the family’s land today.
Barcinas grew up to be a God-loving woman. She even believed that she was called to become a nun at one point. Barcinas stayed at the Notre Dame convent after she graduated from the eighth grade. She worked with young children in the villages to teach religion. However, Barcinas did not enjoy this work. She wanted to work in the kitchen, but her request was denied. Barcinas’s will was too strong to keep doing something that did not make her happy; she decided to leave the convent. Barcinas went back to school at George Washington High School and graduated in 1957.
Barcinas began working after she graduated. She met and married Bienvendio Songsong Barcinas and began raising a family. The two met when he was on island as an apprentice in carpentry. He was originally from Rota, where he initially planned to join the police force, like his father had. However, he changed his mind after meeting Barcinas on Guam. The two got married and had six children: Buenvenido, George, Michael, Benjamin, Cynthia, and Corina.
Barcinas raised her children to be loving and to have a strong faith in God. Barcinas loves to keep her family close, like her family was while she was growing up. Barcinas just wanted her children to live their lives and be happy. She prayed for her family, and for so many others every day during her rosary. Barcinas passed on the importance of prayer to her family, and wants them to live with love in their hearts.
Barcinas retired in 2010. Gardening became her passion in her retirement. She grew up helping her parents on her father’s ranch, which is what taught her a love for farming.
## Left her hard feelings behind
Barcinas let go of her anger toward the Japanese people. She was bitter about the war as she grew up, though. She used to be bothered when her husband would speak Japanese with his friends, which he learned from Japanese school in Rota during the war. She knew that the experience did not haunt her husband as it did her.
Yet, Barcinas still found a way to let go of the ghosts of her trauma. She watched her grandchildren interact with the Japanese tourists that come to Guam now, and realized that Japanese people are very nice. Barcinas decided to let go of her grudge toward the Japanese race, and no longer has that burden on her heart.
Barcinas seemed to be a meek woman in the best possible way. However, despite that meekness, she carried a quiet strength within herself. That strength is shown in her perseverance and strong will in life. Barcinas is rooted in her faith, and she is steadfast in her love for others. Barcinas had come far from the dark cave that she once hid in during WWII. She lived in the light and shared her story.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Pia Weisenberger.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Maria Meno Barcinas
---
### [War Survivor: Maria Rapolla Matanane](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-marie-rapolla-matanane/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** From peace to chaos. It is hard for Maria “Babie” Rapolla Matanane (1929 - 2022) to forget the 8th of December 1941. Her day started early that Monday morning. Her family lived in a small house in Tepungan, located in Piti. She remembers that the family was up early that day preparing for the novena of Santa Maria.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Maria Rapolla Matanane
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## From peace to chaos
It is hard for Maria “Babie” Rapolla Matanane (1929 – 2022) to forget the 8th of December 1941. Her day started early that Monday morning. Her family lived in a small house in Tepungan, located in[ Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/). She remembers that the family was up early that day preparing for the novena of Santa Maria. Her household consisted of her father, Lorenzo Rapolla; mother, Antonia Quenga Rapolla; sisters Angelina “Nenang”, Rosa “Chai”, Patricia, and brothers Tommy, Jose “Ping”, Antonio “Tonning” and herself. Her brother John was off-island in the military.
Matanane’s mother was inside baking bread when they heard the sound of planes flying overhead. People began to yell for everyone to come and look at the planes. Not knowing why the planes were there, Matanane initially felt excited! There were nine planes maneuvering in the air over [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) and at first she thought it was an airshow. It didn’t take long for her to realize that those planes were dropping bombs on the island. She wasn’t old enough to know why this was happening, for she was just a young 12 year old girl.
The bombs touched down and soon the island was alive in frantic chaos. Matanane could see the big clouds of dark smoke rising up in the air. The sounds of the planes and alarms were overwhelming. There were also horns honking as the early morning drivers realized what was going on. People came out of their homes and the church yelling:
“*Mañelu-hu fan malagu sa man deklara gera!”*
## Hid together in an Asan cave
The Japanese had declared war. And the family did as they were told and ran. With no time to think, they dashed into the jungle and didn’t look back. For three days, they roamed deeper into the jungle, moving from cave to cave, until they got to a cave in [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) that was big enough to hold the 25 or more people that had fled together looking for safety.
While in the jungle, Matanane’s family and the families they were with maintained their respect for the spirits of the[ *taotaomo’na*](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/). There were babies crying constantly, and they were amazed that the *taotaomo’na* didn’t bother them while they hid to survive. Those few days in the caves were scary for her because she could hear the gunfire that rang out on the island. There was nothing for them to do but sit and wait.
They had no idea what was going on outside. Matanane could see that a lot of the older people were shaking in fear. They mostly sat quietly. She got little sleep during the time in the caves, but did so by sitting up against the cave walls. They ate only what was brought along in haste during their escape, which consisted mostly of dried bread, crackers, and *biscochu*. The fear of the war going on outside made them forget about their hunger.
On the third day in the jungle, one of the men went outside to check what was going on. He could see the Japanese ships that were out in the ocean and that smaller boats coming ashore in Asan. Matanane remembers seeing Japanese soldiers on big horses trotting down the road, the hooves making an unforgettable sound. From the young to the old, they were told to tear up any clothing that was white and tie it to sticks to make flags. These flags would show that they wanted peace as they left the shelter of the cave and marched back to Piti.
Back in the village, their daily lives continued as the Japanese took over around them. They returned to their home and lived as they did before the attack. Some were forced to learn the Japanese language, but Matanane did not have to. They went to church as often as they could and she remembers her great-grandmother praying the rosary daily.
## Life carried on and wasn't so bad
The children shared two rooms in the house and slept on mats on the floor. Through it all, Matanane said she never felt like she was suffering or starving. Food was not plentiful, but they ate the vegetables that were picked, like yucca, yam, corn, and rice. They made use of all the parts of the vegetables to cook with, like the pumpkin tips. Meat was not available to them and they mainly drank water. Coffee was also limited.
As a young girl, Matanane was made to work in a small field, mostly weeding and cleaning around the crops of Napa cabbage and other vegetables. Her brother, Tommy, had learned the Japanese language well enough to help translate and be a foreman out in the fields, telling people what they needed to do.
Even though her brother was there with her, there was no favoritism. The Japanese were always around and she had to work the whole day just like everybody else. Those who didn’t do the work would be slapped around or hit by the Japanese. For Matanane, the work was obviously very physical, but not that hard to do. She pulled the weeds like she was supposed to, and was never reprimanded by the Japanese.
There was not a lot to do during the Japanese occupation. The family’s house happened to be down the hill from a beautiful house in[ Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), owned by another local family. The Japanese had taken it over and were using it as a sort of brothel for the Japanese generals to entertain themselves with the five local girls who stayed at the house.
To pass the time in the evenings, the young girls would come down to her mother’s house. The Rapolla family had a piano, and some of her siblings, in-laws, and other family friends would play jitterbug music and everyone would gather to listen and dance. At other times, the girls would simply come down to hang out. The girls were older than Matanane, so she didn’t talk with them much, but they enjoyed spending time at her house, sometimes talking with her mother. They passed a lot of nights like this.
A particular Japanese man, whom they called Taichou, was interested in one of the local girls from the house on the hill. Knowing that this girl spent many evenings at Matanane’s family home, Taichou seemed to be protective of Matanane’s family. The Japanese left her family alone.
Being so young, Matanane experienced the war differently than the adults around her. Her point of view was reflective of her age and her innocence. She dealt with the war as best as a 12-year-old could, and was protected from a lot of the atrocities that others faced.
## Family bonds helped them to keep strong
A war rarely brings any good. For some it was a horrible experience and Matanane thanks God for sparing her family. Her wish is that her children and grandchildren will continue to share the bonds of family. That is what kept her strong throughout the war, and what will keep them strong in their lives, now and in the future.
Maria “Babie” Rapolla Matanane passed away 22 January 2022.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Paige Perez Castro.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Maria Rapolla Matanane
---
### [War Survivor: Mary Taitano San Agustin Lujan](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-mary-san-agustin-lujan/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A child's wartime journey. Mary Taitano San Agustin Lujan (1936 - 2022) endured separation from close family members, a life in constant fear, endless nightmares, sudden flights to escape bombardment and near starvation along the 1944 march and encampment of Talo'fo'fo and Manenggon.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Mary Taitano San Agustin Lujan
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## A child's wartime journey
Mary Taitano San Agustin Lujan (1936 – 2022) endured separation from close family members, a life in constant fear, endless nightmares, sudden flights to escape bombardment and near starvation along the 1944 march and encampment of [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) and [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/).
Born to Candido Sanchez and Maria Pangelinan Taitano San Agustin, Lujan was five years old at the beginning of the Japanese occupation. Her father was a Guam police officer, who was imprisoned by Japanese Imperial forces then forced to serve as a prison guard.
She is the sister of John Taitano San Agustin, then a 12-year old boy, forcibly taken from the family, trained as a translator then compelled to serve in youth work groups to resupply Japanese munitions in the concluding months of the occupation. Her other siblings – Joe, Candido, Enrique, Carlos, Albert and Nora (born after the war), were made to work in fields from sunup to sundown.
Jose ML Lujan, Mary’s husband, was then seven-years-old, the son of Jesus Garrido and Isabel Lazaro Lujan, who survived World War II atrocities in part by storing and retrieving scarce food supplies buried in drums hidden from Japanese soldiers on family farmland.
## Mary’s childhood account
In the outbreak of the Japanese occupation, the San Agustin family moved from its [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) home to family land in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), where they were less likely to encounter Japanese forces. One morning, Lujan awoke to hear her parents arguing heatedly. Her father was about to leave to turn himself in as he had worked for the Americans. His wife tried to keep him back.
Just a few days earlier, the family traveled to Hagåtña to register with new occupying forces. A travel pass was issued, and the family was permitted to move about, but was also required to carry and show the pass when asked. It was then that Lujan’s father, Candido, learned that all who worked for the Americans were required to turn themselves in. After doing so, Candido, a prewar chief of police, was imprisoned. After several months of confinement, he was ordered to guard civilian prisoners for Japanese forces.
Lujan’s wartime household comprised her maternal grandfather, Jose San Nicolas Taitano, mother Maria Taitano San Agustin, siblings John, Joe, Candido, Enrique, Carlos, her aunt Ana Pangelinan Taitano, and cousin Dolores Makaena Taitano, who was visiting and became separated from her family in Hawai’i during the occupation.
Four maternal uncles, Jose, Francisco, Joaquin and Carlos, had departed Guam for Hawai’i before the war to pursue higher education and to establish careers and families there, while other maternal uncles, Ramon, Juan, and Rafael had established families, living in other parts of Guam.
At the time of Guam’s occupation and Pearl Harbor’s bombing in December 1941, Dolores’ father, Jose, was a superintendent of the Navy yard in Hawai’i and Carlos became a Captain in the US Army assigned as a training instructor in Australia.
Lujan’s grandmother, Dolores Diaz Pangelinan Taitano, died just prior to the American invasion due to illness and the lack of proper medication. Her death marked a significant family loss, devastating her grandfather and family for some time. Absent normal forms of communication to the outside world, it would be years before uncles in Hawai’i and Australia could be told of the loss of their mother.
Daily life was always uncertain and dictated by Japanese orders and civilian compliance at the risk of arrest, severe punishment, even death. Food and cattle were yielded to Japanese officials, and always limited for local families. The family farm had two horse-and-buggy carts, and daily chores for Lujan’s older siblings including farming, tending to cattle, and gathering then grating coconuts so their mother could boil the milk for oil and other purposes.
Lujan’s 12-year-old brother, John, and one of the family’s horse-and-buggy carts were forcibly taken from the family. John was ordered to stay in the dorms and schooled in Hagåtña under Japanese tutelage, barred from commuting to and from the family compound in Dededo. It was during this time that John learned to speak Japanese and kept from the family. It was much later that the family learned that John was compelled to serve in youth work groups to resupply Japanese munitions in the concluding months of the occupation.
By 1944, as the island experienced relentless pre-invasion American bombardment, the family built a small underground tunnel beneath their Dededo home, where members sought shelter whenever needed. While feeding infant brother Albert, seated on the floor one day, Lujan’s mother bent down to pick him up, just as gunfire raged from an American plane passing overhead. Her mother was hit, suffering injuries to her left shoulder, and she was feverish for days thereafter, though she eventually improved and recovered. To this day, the family marvels that had she not bent over to pick Albert up from the floor at just that moment, her injuries would have been fatal, as the bullets barely missed her heart.
As the bombardment escalated, the Japanese ordered the San Agustin family and others from Dededo to move to Talo’fo’fo where they were held until they were later moved by American forces to Manenggon. While swimming in a nearby river, the children discovered a floating pack of British-American Lucky Strike cigarettes. Candido quickly discerned their American nature and stayed alert for other visible signs of change.
It was after the Americans had secured Manenggon and civilian families consolidated there that CHamorus/Chamorros were given small tents for shelter and fed hot cocoa, biscuits and American chocolates daily, which was “heavenly” to Lujan as a young girl.
## Guam Combat Patrol
Days later, Lujan’s father Candido, was summoned to report to US Marine Major General Roy S. Geiger, who was then assembling what would become later known as the [Guam Combat Patrol](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-guam-combat-patrol-hunted-japanese-stragglers/). This was a team of CHamoru men, who worked with the military’s advanced patrol to scout and locate Japanese forces in hiding and to help secure the island. Accompanied by Lujan’s brother, Joe, Candido reported and assisted as did other CHamoru men. Candido worked closely with Geiger and other military units, and the two developed a warm bond of friendship. It was then that Candido asked General Geiger to find his missing son John.
This friendship escalated when General Geiger fulfilled a promise, recovering John, who was returned to his family at Manenggon by US Navy Commander Roger Perry. Mary vividly recalls the night of John’s return.
> The Americans had secured Manenggon. We were sheltered in tents, fed, but instructed to remain there because it was still unsafe to return to our home. It was late, after midnight one night, when we heard a loud voice calling, ‘San Agustin! San Agustin! Come on out, we have someone here to see you!’ We awoke, then heard my mother screaming, ‘It’s Johnny! It’s Johnny!’
>
> We thought we would never see him again, but my father never gave up. No one slept that night; we all cried and held him together. His hair was stiff, his body and clothing drenched in blood He had been running, hiding in the jungle, stopping for water at the Fonte River when the Marines in General Geiger’s units found him.
In the weeks that followed, the San Agustins moved to [Agana Heights](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/) to join Grandpa Taitano’s sister, Maria Taitano Gutierrez, her twin, Ana Taitano Gay, and their families residing there.
This was a time when families held together through the postwar reconstruction and rebuilt homes, one at a time for one another. It was the time when Uncle Carlos Taitano returned to the island, helped to rebuild his father’s home, and learned for the first time that his mother had died from illness just before the invasion.
It was also a time when the Taitanos held together to mourn all loved ones who were lost in the wartime occupation, because there were others, who died in birth, died in illness, became captured, imprisoned, and even sent to Japan.
One night, American military police arrived at the San Agustin family home, inquiring for Dolores Makaena Taitano, Mary’s cousin who was visiting the island during the outbreak of the Japanese occupation. Dolores’ father, Jose, had petitioned American military forces, even the US Congress for her return on the basis that Dolores was an American citizen in occupied territory.
Orders were issued and presented for her immediate return. Without option or delay that night, Dolores was taken by military police and put on board a military plane to be returned to her family in Hawai’i.
## Hallmarks of the journey
Lujan’s account is of wartime childhood denied gaiety, and the overcoming strength drawn from strong familial bonds, faith and courage. Her witness of wartime illness, starvation and death left wounds and scars that took years to heal.
Talo’fo’fo and Manenggon must never be forgotten and God’s faithfulness retold for future generations, so that war may never be repeated.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Jovyna Lujan.
> People died along the march and no one was permitted to stop or bury them. Older people fell behind, sick, too weak to go on. It was so sad, babies crying, and no one spoke. I was always afraid and had nightmares for years after. If I could recount the hallmarks of my journey to postwar healing and recovery from this experience, I would highlight:
>
> – My childhood doll, which my mother always kept and carried for me to Talo’fo’fo and Manenggon.
> – My grandfather, who took care of us throughout the war and kept us together in daily prayer.
> – The night when the Americans returned my brother John to our family.
> – Hot cocoa, biscuits and American chocolate bars, which the US Marines served every morning, after securing Manenggon.
> – The day in 1944 when my uncle, Captain Carlos Taitano, US Army, returned to Guam and built a decent home for our large family in Agana Heights.
> – My husband Peling, who helped me heal with our eight children in the years which followed.
> – And my 2010 journey to Japan, when I accompanied my daughter Sonja to the Kashiwa Festival, and met the mayor and wonderful people of Kashiwa, Japan, for the first time. This visit marked forgiveness and a restful peace in my heart over my wartime experience.
>
> Talo’fo’fo and Manenggon must never be forgotten and God’s faithfulness retold for future generations, so that war may never be repeated.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Jovyna Lujan.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Mary Taitano San Agustin Lujan
---
### [War Survivor: Monsignor David Ignacio Arceo Quitugua](https://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-david-quitugua/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A frightened five year old. Becoming a priest was always what David I.A. Quitugua (1936 -2020 ) envisioned for himself, especially after receiving First Holy Communion at age 10.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Monsignor David Ignacio Arceo Quitugua
#### Table of Contents
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## A frightened five year old
Becoming a priest was always what David IA Quitugua (1936 – 2020 ) envisioned for himself, especially after receiving First Holy Communion at age 10.
> It’s like my life was directed. It was not long before the yearning for more education in religion became an obsession for me. From the very beginning – it’s like planting a tree, knowing what it’s going to be. This, to be a priest, is what I thank God for – for letting me know that it was what was to be. It was like an early assignment.
>
> Monsignor David Quitugua
Quitugua is the third of the nine sons of Ignacio Perez Quitugua and Rosa Santos Arceo. A week after his birth, Quitugua was baptized by Pale’ Roman de Vera at the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). His father was a teacher and served as principal of [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) Elementary School when World War II began on Guam. The family lived in a large house – the principal’s house, he calls it – in Talo’fo’fo.
On 8 December 1941, a holiday, Quitugua says he was playing outside in the yard when he heard the unfamiliar sound of an airplane, which appeared overhead and began shooting down at him. He was only five years old but says that something so frightening is not easily forgotten.
> I remember my mind opening up so vividly at that moment – maybe that is why I so clearly recall most of the things that happened to me and my family during the war.
He also remembered a bomb falling to the ground. It created a large crater, but did not explode. Panicked, the family fled for their lives, grabbing and carrying whatever they could, not really knowing what to take. They fled the house and hid in the shadow of a tree about two or three hundred yards away from their house and watched in fear as bullets from attack planes rained from the sky. When it seemed safe, the family headed to their *lancho*, which was located in the area now occupied by the Talo’fo’fo Elementary School.
A day after the attack, Quitugua’s father and his brother Franklin returned to the house for food and supplies. They found it occupied by Japanese soldiers. While Ignacio was detained, Franklin ran away. Ignacio was not held for long. He later caught up with Franklin and the two returned to the safety of the ranch. The Quitugua family spent most of the occupation years there.
About three or four months after the invasion, the Japanese started up schools for the children with teachers imported from Japan. But the schools did not operate for long. The curriculum consisted of propaganda and language lessons. Quitugua mainly remembered the songs, which were patriotic, fast paced, with catchy tunes. Some songs were sentimental and beautiful.
> I can remember the melody, but I don’t remember the words. There may be survivors my age who remember the words.
The English meaning of one of the sentimental Japanese songs, he says, had to do with longing – of hoping that something as small as a pebble would grow into a large rock, possibly referring to the Japanese desire to expand their empire.
For the most part, life in Talo’fo’fo during the occupation was relatively peaceful, said the soft-spoken monsignor. Although enemy soldiers regularly patrolled the village, the people were left alone. But as the war turned against the Japanese, they turned against the CHamorus/Chamorros, demanding more labor and food production from them, and becoming less tolerant and more brutal. Before the war, families looked after each other, but during the occupation, caring for one another expanded beyond simply one’s immediate and extended relatives.
> We all shared the same experience, the same suffering. I think people who experienced the war tend to spoil their children. They don’t want them to suffer the same experience.
One of the little known incidents that took place in the days leading up to the American recapture was an uprising, a riot, Monsignor called it, by the people in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/).
> We (the people in Talo’fo’fo) were supposed to be taken to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/), but we had to wait for the Japanese general. He never came because of the riot. American battleships were already out there (in the surrounding ocean) and that’s why we were safe. The Americans were the ones who brought us to Manenggon.
They were brought there to be reunited with other CHamorus and kept safe from the continuing battles to recapture the island.
After liberation, the Quituguas did whatever they could to provide for the family. Like most of the people of Guam, the family was left homeless and in need of ways to rebuild their homes and lives. While Quitugua’s father returned to teaching, his mother made and sold bread.
> Oh, I can still smell it. I’m not really big on bread, but oh, my God. She made bread in a stone oven. Up to now, I still can’t figure out how she did it.
Quitugua returned to school at Talo’fo’fo Elementary. His parents later transferred him to Sinajana Elementary School because, he explained, as his grades were less than stellar. It was at this time that he received First Holy Communion.
> My First Holy Communion, and subsequent communions, nourished my desire to be a priest.
Father Alvin LeFier, pastor of St. Francis Church in Yona and St. Michael in Talo’fo’fo, learned of the boy’s piety and arranged for Quitugua to attend the newly established St. Francis School in [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), tuition free. Quitugua completed eighth grade at St. Francis in 1951. He went on to the also newly established Father Duenas Memorial School, as well as the minor seminary and college preparatory school established in 1948 there by the Stigmatine Fathers of Boston, Mass.
After four years of high school and three years of junior college, Quitugua was awarded a full, six-year scholarship to St. John’s Major Seminary in Boston.
On 11 February 1964, David IA Quitugua became Father David, the 15th CHamoru to be ordained. With his parents, brothers, relatives, and a throng of well-wishers in attendance, he was ordained as a diocesan priest by Bishop Apolinaris Baumgartner in the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral.
Quitugua celebrated his First Solemn Mass at the cathedral in 1964.
> I was very nervous and, thinking back now, I am most thankful that there were no video cameras back then, because I was so nervous and jittery. I come from a family of boys. I went to an all-boys school. All the students at the seminary were boys. And my first assignment is to teach at the Academy of Our Lady of Guam, an all-girls school.
Ever true to his calling, Father David became Monsignor David Quitugua on 10 May 2006. He was a longtime pastor of San Juan Bautista Church in Ordot.
> It was really the war that opened up my mind to experience something beyond normal childhood.
Though many years have passed, he vividly remembered being the five-year-old boy playing in his yard when an enemy warplane fired upon him. God protected him, because he had other plans for the boy.
## Was a priest for 56 years
He served the Church for 56 years. According to the Archdiocese, Quitugua was one of the main founders of Guam’s Catholic Social Services, a longtime faith-based non-profit organization devoted to helping the island’s needy.
In May of 1975, Archbishop [Felixberto C. Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/) assigned Quitugua to supervise the resettlement program for thousands of Vietnamese refugees on Guam who were homeless and jobless. He received a “Distinguished Humanitarian Award” from the United States Catholic Conference for his work.
In an effort to respond to the social needs of Guam, then Quitugua founded Catholic Social Services in 1977 and served as its first Director.
He died 15 September 2020 of the Corona Virus, the 28th person on Guam to succumb to the pandemic.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Cathy Sablan Gault.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Monsignor David Ignacio Arceo Quitugua
---
### [Monsignor Oscar Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-oscar-calvo/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** CHamoru patriot priest. On 10 January 1942, all foreign Catholic missionaries in Guam were sent by the Japanese occupying forces to prisoner of war camps in Japan.
**Content:**
# Monsignor Oscar Calvo
View more images for the Monsignor Oscar Calvo entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622401102201/).
#### Table of Contents
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## CHamoru/Chamorro patriot priest
On 10 January 1942, all foreign Catholic missionaries in Guam were sent by the Japanese occupying forces to prisoner of war camps in Japan. This left the spiritual guidance of the entire Catholic congregation on island in the hands of its only two CHamoru/Chamorro priests, [Fathers Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/) and Oscar Lujan Calvo. Reverend [Joaquin Flores Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-flores-sablan/) tended to the Protestant congregation of Guam.
They did their best to serve the CHamoru people under the trying conditions set forth by the Japanese authorities. Calvo and Sablan were able to survive the war; Duenas was beheaded by the Japanese.
After the war, Calvo worked day and night for the re-establishment of the Catholic Church in Guam. Even in his later years, when poor eyesight restricted his activities, Fr. Calvo did all he could to promote the CHamoru culture and the reconciliation of the Japanese people with his native islanders. He was the quintessential CHamoru patriot priest.
## Early years
Oscar Lujan Calvo (1915 – 2000) was born in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), the son of Ramon Perez Calvo and Isabel Pangelinan Lujan Calvo. He was a member of one of Guam’s most prominent families, the Calvos. His Lujan relatives were also known as devout Catholics and close friends of the Spanish Capuchin missionaries. Calvo was the oldest of 13 siblings.
In 1928, at the age of 13, Calvo departed Guam for Manila to enter the San Jose Seminary, which was run by the [Jesuits](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/), as a diocesan seminarian for the Guam Vicariate. Finishing his studies in 1941, he was ordained a priest on 5 April 1941 at the hands of [Bishop Miguel Angel Olano](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/), OFM Cap., becoming the third CHamoru priest in history and the second ordained in the Agaña Cathedral. From then on, he was to be known as *“Pale’ Skåt*,” (Father Skåt) after the CHamoru pronunciation of the name “Oscar.”
As a young priest, Calvo was assigned the responsibility of the San Antonio Chapel, in a barrio of pre-war Hagåtña after which the chapel was named.
## Struggle of World War II
The Japanese occupation of Guam, which began on 10 December 1941, thrust the young priest into the midst of a volatile and precarious situation. As a native priest, he was allowed to remain in Guam with Fr. Duenas, his senior in the priesthood by two years, named Pro-Vicar (temporary church head) in the absence of Bishop Olano. Calvo was kept very busy in the first days of the occupation, moving church property from the Agaña Cathedral, confiscated for use by the Japanese, to his own San Antonio Chapel and other temporary havens among private homes. He also gave many CHamoru victims of the Japanese invasion a proper burial since many of them had been haphazardly buried in shallow graves. He also tried to tend to the needs of the interned bishop and missionaries.
When all the foreign missionaries departed, he and Duenas divided the work that lay before them to care for some 22,000 CHamoru Catholics. As provisional church head, Duenas, who was already pastor of [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), decided to care for the south and gave Calvo responsibility for everything north of [Chalan Pago](http://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) and east of [Piti](http://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/). Calvo based himself at his father’s ranch in [Maite](http://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-to%E2%80%99to-maite%E2%80%99/), visiting many outlying chapels regularly in the northern and central regions of Guam. One such chapel in Tutujan (which is now [Agaña Heights](http://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/)) secretly housed the Blessed Sacrament.
Calvo knew that he had to be as available as possible for the spiritual good of the people. In order to accomplish that, he had to remain in the good graces of the occupying forces as much as his conscience would allow. Sometime in May of 1942, Commander Hiroshi Hayashi, in charge of the civilian administration of occupied Guam, asked Calvo to translate into CHamoru a memorial to those who died in the Japanese invasion of Guam on 10 December 1941. The inscription was placed on an [ifil](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-trees-ifit/) wood monument. Hayashi also asked Calvo to celebrate the Catholic requiem rites for all those who died during the invasion of Guam. Calvo complied with the request and the ritual was performed at a location near the present-day Navy cemetery in Hagåtña. From that time on, Calvo got on well with Hayashi, who was pleased with Calvo’s cooperation.
Because of his good rapport with the Japanese administration, Calvo was able to pursue his spiritual work unhampered, although he was always wary of the dangers that were ever-present. The war sometimes placed Calvo in a difficult position; on a few occasions, people in trouble with the Japanese went to Calvo for assistance. Among these was the the last American in Guam, Navy radioman [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), who was being hidden by the CHamorus from the Japanese.
During the Japanese occupation, Calvo also got to know two Japanese priests, Father Petro Komatsu and Monsignor Dominic Fukahori, who was at the time Apostolic Administrator of Fukuoka, Japan. Both priests were sent to Guam by the Japanese authorities. Fukahori and Calvo were to establish a friendship that would eventually lead them to a common project to create a peace memorial many years later.
## After the war: A man with many tasks
The beheading of Duenas by the Japanese on 12 July 1944 left Calvo as the sole Catholic priest on island and, although not officially named, the island’s de facto ecclesiastical head for the time being. From August 1944 until the arrival of two American Capuchin missionaries, Fathers Anselm Leahy and Paul Toschik, on 28 June 1945, Calvo was assisted only by American military chaplains, who did much for the CHamoru Catholics by helping build temporary chapels and by celebrating the sacraments. Bishop Olano returned to Guam on March 21, 1945 and was housed by the Calvo family while Calvo built a house for him. The house was completed only in time for the Olano’s successor ([Bishop Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/)). Calvo’s family continued to shelter Olano and Baumgartner when he arrived and to feed the first Capuchin missionaries after the war.
While living with his family in [Sinajana](http://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), Calvo tended to many tasks, especially the building of a temporary cathedral in Hagåtña made of cariso, a swamp bamboo. Calvo was the first post-war rector of the cathedral. A church named in honor of St. Jude and made of cariso was also constructed in Sinajana under Calvo’s supervision. Calvo also went all over the island looking for land to be purchased or received as a donation for the new churches that would have to be built.
One of Calvo’s urgent desires was the proper burial of the body of his fellow priest, Fr. Duenas. With the help of an interpreter from Saipan who knew the whereabouts of the site, Calvo and the military authorities were able to exhume the body of Fr. Duenas on 21 March 1945, and have it buried in the sanctuary of St. Joseph Church, Inalåhan, where Duenas had been pastor before and during the war.
When American Bishop Apollinaris Baumgartner, OFM Cap. took over the Guam Vicariate in October of 1945, Calvo became his right hand and also his interpreter. Baumgartner and most of the post-war American missionaries did not learn to speak CHamoru; the pre-war missionaries who did return to Guam after the war did speak CHamoru. Calvo was also frequently called on by the military government to act as a liaison between it and the CHamoru population.
## Controversy with Tweed
In 1945, Navy radioman first class George Tweed wrote a book, *Robinson Crusoe, USN*, recounting his life in Guam hiding from the Japanese during the war. In the book, Tweed made two accusations against both Frs. Duenas and Calvo. Concerning Fr. Duenas, Tweed accused the late priest of violating the seal of confession by revealing information allegedly learned in confession about the whereabouts of Tweed. With respect to Calvo, Tweed alleged that Calvo had revealed to another something Tweed and Calvo discussed in confidence. These allegations created a stir among many CHamorus, since Fr. Duenas was no longer alive to defend himself and since both accusations were formally denied by sworn affidavits from the very sources Tweed relied upon.
In September of 1946, Tweed returned to Guam for a visit. At a ceremony at the Plaza de Espana where Tweed was to be introduced, a crowd of about 100 protesters, lead by Calvo, marched into the Plaza holding placards in protest of Tweed’s presence. News of the demonstration was carried by the national press.
## Agana Heights pastor
In 1949, Calvo was re-assigned as pastor of Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament Church in Agana Heights. The plans for a new, permanent church had laid dormant for a few years due to the poor financial situation of the contractor, but Calvo revived the project with new vigor. The new church, in existence today, was dedicated on 4 March 1951. Calvo remained pastor of Agana Heights until 1959. In 1952, Calvo was instrumental in bringing back to Guam for burial the remains of Fr. Jose Ada Manibusan, the fourth CHamoru ordained a priest who had died in the Philippines during World War II.
## Founder of many post-war organizations
Calvo organized, with Bishop Baumgartner, the Holy Name Society for Catholic men and was its first spiritual director. Later, he helped organize the Arch-confraternity of Christian Mothers. He was one of the first members of the Catholic Board of Education and helped in the founding of the Ta’i Mercy Convent. In 1946, he helped incorporate the Guam Council of the Boy Scouts of America. From 1945 until 1960, he was a member of the Board of Directors of the Guam Memorial Hospital. He also taught the CHamoru language at the Territorial College of Guam, predecessor of today’s University of Guam. In 1953, he helped form a charitable association, the Helping Hands of Guam, which assisted the needy at a time when government-funded assistance was limited.
Calvo was eventually sent to the south of Guam in 1946, using the old Malesso’/[Merizo](http://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) *Konbento*, or priest’s residence, as his headquarters while attending to Malesso’, [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) and [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/). In Inalåhan, Calvo started the Coconut Festival, which sought to preserve the traditional CHamoru link with agriculture. Before long, American Capuchin missionaries were able to resume work in Malesso’ and Humåtak with Calvo remaining in Inalåhan.
In 1947, in recognition of his heroic services to the church during and after the war, Pope Pius XII, at the request of Bishop Baumgartner, elevated Calvo to the rank of Monsignor by awarding him the title of Honorary Papal Chamberlain.
## An active retirement
In 1959, Calvo suffered a heart attack. He asked Bishop Baumgartner to be relieved of parish work. His eyesight, which was eventually to deteriorate to near total blindness in later years, was beginning to become a problem as well. Given permission to retire, Calvo took up residence with his siblings in Agaña Heights.
Although impeded by his poor vision, Calvo lead an active life from his family home. At his family residence, he received many visitors and participated in many civic and cultural projects. He was made Chaplain at the [Guam Memorial Hospital](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) in 1962. He was a member of the [CHamoru Language Commission](http://www.guampedia.com/kumision-i-fino%E2%80%99-chamorrochamorro-language-commission/). He had re-printed a book of Bible stories in CHamoru and a pictorial book of Guam’s history from 1521-1940. He also took the statue of [Our Lady of Camarin](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/) and had it repainted and touched on in the Philippines. Besides these activities, two other projects deserve special mention.
## Yigo Peace Memorial
For some time, Japanese groups would come to Guam frequently to pay respects to their war dead whose remains were scattered in unmarked locations throughout the island. Calvo was most helpful in assisting these groups. In 1965, Calvo started the South Pacific Memorial Association, membered by both local and Japanese participants, whose goal was the building of a peace memorial. The memorial would be a means of reconciliation between the CHamoru people and the Japanese who occupied the island in World War II. The site chosen for this memorial was Mataguac, [Yigo](http://www.guampedia.com/yigo/), scene of the last organized battle between the Japanese and the United States forces in 1944. One of Calvo’s Japanese counterparts in this project was Dominic Fukahori, then the Bishop of Fukuoka, Japan. The entire expense for this project was financed by Japanese funding sources. Calvo spent some time in Japan soliciting funds and gaining support for the project from Japanese civic groups. He also secured the support of the US Department of State for the project.
In 1970, the Peace Memorial was dedicated. Among its several buildings which have grown incrementally over the years, most prominent is a tall structure built in the form of praying hands. Buddhist and Christian prayer services have been held at the Peace Memorial on certain occasions ever since. The frequent contact between Calvo and Japanese supporters of the Peace Memorial project did its part in opening up Guam to Japan as a travel destination.
## San Vitores beatification
Msgr. Calvo was also most eager to promote the beatification of the Jesuit [Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), the founder of the Catholic Church in Guam who has been revered by many as a martyr. Calvo had an English translation of Risco’s Italian book on San Vitores (The Apostle of the Marianas) published and distributed in Guam to increase interest in the cause. Calvo also traveled to Spain in search of archival material on San Vitores to bring to Guam.
A 1683 original copy of a more authoritative biography of San Vitores, *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, SJ,* by Francisco Garcia, came into the hands of Calvo by way of Francisco Muna de la Cruz, who had found it in Manila. Calvo turned this copy over to the diocese and it was eventually translated into English. San Vitores was beatified in Rome by Pope John Paul II in 1985.
## Honors and tributes
Before his death, many honors were showered on Calvo, both by the church and the government. On the occasion of his 40th anniversary of priesthood, in 1981, [Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) flew an American flag at the US Capitol in Washington, DC, in his honor. In 1986, Emperor Hirohito of Japan awarded Calvo the Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Rays, a rare imperial honor bestowed on a non-Japanese civilian. On 8 December 1999, the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in Hagåtña named its historical gallery in honor of Calvo. On that same day, [Congressman Robert Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) flew at the US Capitol the same flag flown by Won Pat in 1981.
Calvo has also been honored by his alma mater, San Jose Seminary, with an award for his service in the Cause of Christ’s Priesthood. In August of 2000, Calvo was posthumously recognized by the First Lady of Guam as one of the ten pioneers of the [Organic Act of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/).
But perhaps the greatest honor in Calvo’s eyes was his meeting [Pope John Paul II](https://www.guampedia.com/pope-john-paul-iis-historic-visit-to-guam/) in Guam in 1981. Calvo decided to forgo meeting the Pope at any other venue and to meet him instead with the sick who were gathered at [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/). When the Pope walked through the gathering, he moved towards Calvo and gave him a paternal kiss.
Calvo was a member of many groups and associations, among them, chaplain and historian for the [Young Men’s League of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/young-mens-league-of-guam-ymlg/), a charter member of the Rotary Club of Guam, a charter member of the Knights of Columbus (fourth degree), a tertiary of the Secular Franciscan Order, and a member of the Sovereign Order of Malta.
On 28 July 2000, Calvo died at Guam Memorial Hospital, just five days shy of his 85th birthday.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
*Guam War Survivors*. “[Home](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/).” Last modified 27 June 2021.
Olano y Urtega, Miguel Angel, OFM Cap. *Diary of a Bishop: Since the Invasion of Guam – World War II*. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 1949.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII
**Tags:** Monsignor Oscar Calvo
---
### [Malesso'/Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Always known as a place for fishing, the village’s original name, Malesso’, derives from the CHamoru word lesso’, a juvenile stage in the growth of rabbit fish. Juvenile rabbit fish, or mañåhak in CHamoru, run in schools at certain times of the year in the bays and inlets of the village.
**Content:**
# Malesso'/Merizo
View more photos for the Malesso’/Merizo entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622367394019).
#### Table of Contents
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
Always known as a place for fishing, the village’s original name, Malesso’, derives from the CHamoru/Chamorro word *lesso’*, a juvenile stage in the growth of rabbit fish. Juvenile rabbit fish, or *mañåhak* in CHamoru, run in schools at certain times of the year in the bays and inlets of the village. Their arrival is always an occasion of great excitement, as groups of people large and small work nets to gather the local delicacy.
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, the population of Malesso’ was 1,850.
## Village officials
Franklin John Quidachay Champaco is the mayor of Malesso’.
## Village description
Malesso’ skirts Guam’s scenic southern shoreline on a long strip of land between mountains and sea.
Cocos Lagoon, several miles square and enclosed by a large triangle of reef, extends about three miles out from the village. Cocos Island Resort draws day visitors to the small, densely vegetated, low-lying strip of land along the lagoon’s southern exposure. The lagoon is distinguished from the deeper water outside the reef by an array of vivid blues and greens that signify shallow water over sand flats and protected coral gardens. Mama’on Channel, the lagoon’s deep main pass, runs west to east past M Pier and the village boat ramp, gradually shallowing as it cuts farther into the lagoon.
*Fiestan Tasi* (Festival of the Sea) is held annually in Malesso’, and celebrates the importance of the ocean to Guam’s past, present, and future. It often includes boat races and other water sports competitions and exhibitions. Dates of the festival vary from year to year.
On the other side of the winding main coastal road, Route 4, several rivers flowing to the sea from the nearby mountains cut lush valleys through dry savanna foothills. Much of the population lives in these rural valleys, which are mainly residential areas dotted with a few farms and ranches, shadows of the community’s agrarian past.
So far, residents have viewed cautiously any prospect of extensive development, and the village remains primarily residential. Commerce is limited to the privately owned Cocos Island Resort and its ancillary vendors, and to a few small village-based retail stores, a gas station, and a branch of the Bank of Guam.
In May, swimmers travel from all over Asia to join local swimmers in the Cocos Crossing, a 2.5-mile race from Cocos Island, on the southern edge of Cocos Lagoon, across the lagoon to Malesso’ Pier.
## Village history
While there are few accounts of the pre-Spanish colonial era on Guam, Malesso’s abundance of fresh water, its protected lagoon, extensive reef, and shorelines, and its fertile valleys suggest that the area likely sustained a large population. By 1833, however, the population was estimated at only 318. By this time, disease, calamity, and the Spanish-CHamoru wars had reduced the native CHamorus.
Despite the dramatic decrease in the CHamoru population during the *Reduccíon* (efforts to subdue CHamorus into accepting Christianity and Spanish rule), the population of Malesso’ was significant enough for [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) to order the building of the fifth mission on Guam in Malesso’ in 1672. No trace of the original mission structures exists today. The recently restored *Malesso’ Kombento*, home to the parish priest, and the *Kampanayun Malesso’* (Malesso’ Belltower), both Spanish-era structures, as well as the new church dedicated in September 2002, attest to the church’s enduring place in village life.
In March 1721 a drunken [British privateer captain](http://www.guampedia.com/john-clipperton-and-george-shelvocke/), angered over soured hostage negotiations, brashly tried to steal a Spanish supply ship anchored in front of the village in the Mama’on Channel. The British ship ran aground. The beleaguered crew, fired upon from shore cannons at close range, finally wrested the vessel off the reef and escaped after a 50-hour battle that killed two of them.
Life in Malesso’ went on more or less quietly through the turn of 20th century, even as [American naval rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) replaced the Spanish on Guam. That would change in the dawn of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). During the Japanese invasion of Guam in 1941, a contingent of 5,000 Japanese invasion troops came ashore at Bile Bay on Malesso’s western shore. Finding no road to [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), the soldiers re-boarded their boats and headed north to join their comrades.
The [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of Guam set Malesso’ on a course that, in July 1944, would make the village a focus of infamous brutality and stirring heroism. Almost four years after the Japanese invasion and occupation of Guam, their situation began to grow desperate as American ships bombarded the island in preparation for the July 21 landing and retaking of Guam. The Japanese troops stationed in Malesso’ rounded up two groups of 30 CHamorus each. Forty-six CHamorus were slaughtered with grenades, bayonets, and sabers.
At [Tinta](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/), in the Geus River valley, some escaped death by lying still under the corpses of their relatives and friends, while others were able to flee. Not one of the 30 in the second group survived the massacre at Faha, just behind the village cemetery. Each year in July, people hike for prayer services to the original massacre sites in remembrance of the 46 villagers. Similar massacres took place in[ Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/), near the present day [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/), and [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/).
When word of the massacres got to villagers, who by that time had been marched inland to a camp, seven Malesso’ men killed 10 Japanese soldiers and drove the rest from village. This left Malesso’ the first village on Guam to be liberated, and the only one to be liberated by the CHamorus themselves.
At this point, a group of six Malesso’ men paddled and sailed a canoe out to a US warship. The crew picked up the CHamoru men, and the six served as scouts in the effort to retake Guam.
[***By Douglas Plate***](http://www.guampedia.com/douglas-plate/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Malesso’ Martyrs Memorial School**
Constructed in 1966, this is one of the public elementary schools on Guam. The school sits between the Malesso’ Community Center and the Office of the Mayor of Malesso’ atop Pigua, a high spur of land that forms one side of the Geus River Valley.
**San Dimas Catholic Church**
A new church building was dedicated 29 September 2002, replacing a dilapidated wood-and-tin structure that had served parishioners as a church for more than a decade. Mass and festivities honoring Malesso’s patron, San Dimas, occur annually on the third weekend of April.
### Historical
**Kampanayun Malesso**
The Malesso’ Belltower, or *Kampanayun Malesso* just across the main road from the *Kombento*, dates to 1910 and the tenure of Father Cristobal de Canals. It was included in the National Register of Historic Places and restoration efforts took place in the early 1980s.
**Malesso Kombento**
This 19th century building was restored in 2000 to its original design under a grant from the Guam Preservation Trust. It is the home of the parish priest and office.
**Merlyn G. Cook School**
Now a youth recreation center near the Malesso’ Pier park, the building originally housed a naval radio facility in the early 1920s. Named in 1931 for the Guam Public School System’s first leader, it served as the village schoolhouse for a decade in the late 1920s and early 1930s. The Guam Preservation Trust restored the building in 1997 and is maintained by the mayor’s office so it could be used again by village residents.
**Santa Marian Kamalen shrine/park**
Across the street from the *kombento,* a small park holds a marble statue of [Santa Marian Kamalen](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/). There is a plaque explaining that according to local legend, the site is where a fisherman from Malesso’ was fishing in the bay, between Malesso’ and Cocos Island, when he spotted a statue of the Virgin Mary being carried by two golden crabs.
### Recreational
**Cocos Island**
The narrow, mile-long island, originally called Dano, lies about two miles off the village along Guam’s southern reef line, with the Pacific Ocean on one side and Cocos Lagoon on the other. About a third of the island at the west end is a government-owned public park, and once was the site of a U.S. Coast Guard LORAN station. Camping is permitted. The other two-thirds is a privately owned day resort. The Rothschild family, of banking fame, once owned the whole island. They were copra traders in pre-war Guam.
The small island now also serves as a refuge for [*ko’ko*](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/) (the Guam rail).
***Malesso’ Fiestan Tasi***
*Malesso’ Fiestan Tasi*, or Malesso’ Festival of the Sea, is an annual event held in November that celebrates the importance of the ocean in CHamoru culture. Thousands of people gather in Malesso’ to enjoy the various water races, a fishing derby, an ocean parade filled with decorative floats, CHamoru cultural displays, arts and crafts, concession stands, and southern hospitality.
**Malesso’ Pier and Small Boat Ramp**
This public facility fronts Mama’on Channel, the main pass into Cocos Lagoon.
**Priest’s Pools**
The Priest’s Pools are natural freshwater pools in the Pigua River hidden in the hills of Malesso’.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Franklin John Quidachay Champaco, Mayor, 2025-Present
- Ernest T. Chargualaf, Mayor 2009-2024
- Sherry L. Chargualaf, Mayor, 2007-2008
- Sherry L. Chargualaf, Acting Mayor, September 2006 – December 200
- Rita A. Tainatongo, Mayor, 2001-2006
- Ignacio “Buck” S. Cruz, Commissioner/Mayor, 1986-2000
- Jose R. Tyquiengco, Commissioner, 1981-1985
- Ignacio “Buck” S. Cruz, Commissioner, 1979-1980
- Joaquin Q. Acfalle, Commissioner, 1977-1979
- Francisco C. Chargualaf, Commissioner, 1957-1976
- Ignacio M. Reyes, Commissioner, 1953-1956
- Jesus C. Barcinas, Commissioner, 1944-1952
- Juan E. Lujan, Commissioner, 1931-1941
- Ramon P. Cruz, Commissioner, 1922-1930
- Prudencio Gogue, Commissioner, 1917-1921
- Jose Ada Reyes, Commissioner, 1915-1916
- Jose Lujan, Commissioner, 1910-1914
## Deputy commissioner
- Jesus C. Barcinas, Deputy Commissioner, (no dates provided)
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “Guam State Historic Preservation Office.”
*Guam’s Parks and Historic Places*. An Interpretive Companion. Hagåtña: GDPR, 1993.
Haynes, Douglas E., and William L. Wuerch. *Historical Survey of the Spanish Mission Sites on Guam 1669-1800*. MARC Education Series no. 9. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1990.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Villalobos, Francisco Ramon. *Geographic, Military, and Political Description of the Island of Guam*. MARC Working Paper 8. Translated by Felicia Plaza, MMB. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
## Know my island- Know my history
In 1946, the first woman was elected to the Guam Congress. Rosa Aguigui Reyes, from Malesso’, served in the congress – an advisory body to the island’s naval governor – and was also a longtime educator. She died January 2007 at the age of ninety-one.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Malesso'/Merizo
---
### [Inalåhan (Inarajan)](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The village’s CHamoru name, Inalåhan, probably refers to the åla or large woven coconut-leaf harvest baskets for which the village was noted. The name could also be derived from the word hålla, meaning to pull something or move something with a rope tied to it.
**Content:**
# Inalåhan (Inarajan)
View more photos for the Inalåhan (Inarajan) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622402150615).
#### Table of Contents
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
The village’s CHamoru/Chamorro name, Inalåhan, probably refers to the *åla* or large woven coconut-leaf harvest baskets for which the village was noted. The name could also be derived from the word *hålla*, meaning to pull something or move something with a rope tied to it. In written historical documents, the Spanish changed all the l’s in CHamoru words to r’s, thus changing the village’s name to Inarajan. The official spelling was changed in 2021 to Inalåhan.
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, the population was 2,273.
## Village officials
The current mayor is Anthony P. Chargualaf.
## Village description
To the outside eye, the village of Inalåhan seems to have been untouched by the hand of change. It is known as the most distinctly Spanish-style village on the island, with the village proper on Inalåhan Bay, remaining basically intact over the decades.
A visitor could drive through the small Spanish barrio-style streets, which until recently were one-way streets, and see the history of Inalåhan in its old houses. The houses reflect a mixture of architecture influenced by the Spanish period and the early American period (early 1900s).
The village retains many of its traditional ways, with the St. Joseph Church still at the center of many activities, including the village’s annual fiestas. Residents of the village are still a small number of families whose roots are deeply entwined in Inalåhan. Very few outsiders have moved into the village, and very few modern structures have been erected.
Part of what gives Inalåhan its heritage-rich flavor is one of its more recent additions: the Gef Pa’go Cultural Village, which sits right on the bay. The village, which consists of ancient-style thatch-roofed huts, is staffed mainly by elder CHamorus who demonstrate traditional CHamoru arts, crafts, and cooking to visitors. A younger group of CHamoru cultural dancers also performs at Gef Pa’go called Inetnon Gef Pa’go.
Residents from all over the island drive south for Inalåhan’s famous Hotnu Bakery, at the Gef Pa’go Cultural Village. The bakery serves freshly-made bread and pizzas cooked in the historic place. The bakery is open 10 am to 3 pm Wednesdays, Saturdays, and Sundays as of 2019.
The village was listed in the National Register of Historic Places in 1977 as an historic district, and is also designated as a folk arts village receiving federal funds for the preservation of its arts and culture. But to the older CHamorus, or *manåmko’*, of the village, there are noticeable changes that have occurred in Inalåhan over the past few decades. The busloads of tourists and schoolchildren that come to visit Gef Pa’go, for example, have changed the pace of the village a bit. To accommodate those buses and other visitors, one of the one-way roads was expanded and paved into a modern two-lane road.
Inalåhan is divided into different sections, including areas known as Lada (near Bear Rock), Belen, Peca, Chagamin Lago, Se’se’ (going uphill to Inalåhan Middle School), and Tinaga. One of the biggest sections is Malojloj, which sits uphill and north of the main village. The subcommunity of Malojloj began as a farming community in the 1950s and has grown over the past twenty years, so that it now has its own Catholic church, San Isidro, as well as a gas station, a convent, a solid waste transfer station, and the Inalåhan mayor’s office.
Also north of the main village is the Inalåhan public health clinic, the University of Guam Agricultural Experiment Station, the Inalåhan Senior Citizens Center, Fire Station #16, Department of Public Works bus satellite station, US Post Office, and the wastewater treatment plant.
Driving south of the main village, the road passes natural swimming pools known as Salaglula Pools, and the small, seaside Tipogo Cemetery. The road nearly touches the ocean at Agfayan Bay, where visitors can see the famous Bear Rock, which at some angles is shaped like a bear. The newly constructed boat ramp near Agfayan Bridge is an ideal spot to take snapshots of Bear Rock. Further south is the Inalåhan Garden House (a resort reserved exclusively for employees of a Japanese corporation) and privately owned family beaches.
## Village history
Not much is known about the early inhabitants of Inalåhan, which was a village before the Spanish arrived on Guam. The village was officially established in 1680 by the Spanish, along with St. Joseph Church, and was one of the main villages on Guam during the Spanish era. The village was designed in the Spanish custom with the church as its focus.
The Spanish were also responsible for an unusual addition to the residents of the village, as the residents of the northernmost Mariana Islands, known as *Gåni* (including Anatahan, Sarigan, Alamagan, Pagan, Agrihan, and Asuncion), were relocated to Inalåhan and[ Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) in the late 1600s. The Spanish relocation of the CHamorus, including the consolidation of the villages of Guam, was done to better control the local people during the Spanish-CHamoru wars that were going on at the time. There is still a section of Inalåhan known as “As Gani” today.
The St. Joseph Church is named after the village’s patron saint of San Jose or St. Joseph. It contains a large statue of St. Joseph that, according to oral tradition, was brought to Guam by the Spanish, who intended to bring it to [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/). But a storm prevented the ship from going to Humåtak, and it ended up landing in Inalåhan, where the statue remained.
The church has been rebuilt several times, and the current church was built in 1939. It was damaged during the bombing of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), and in the earthquake of 1993, the church’s steeple fell to the ground. It was rehabilitated in the late 1990s by the Parish Council, the church Pastor, and parishioners.
The church is famous as being the burial site of [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), a local martyr who was one of the only two CHamoru priests on Guam during World War II. Father Duenas was arrested on 8 July 1944 in Inalåhan by the Japanese police on suspicion of aiding the American fugitive, Navy radioman [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/). Father Duenas had also angered the Japanese authorities by opposing official directives and calling the two Japanese priests on Guam propagandists for Japan. He was tortured, along with his nephew, former Island Attorney Eduardo Duenas, at Inalåhan and at the police headquarters in Agana Heights. On July 12, the two men were beheaded at Tai, a section in the village of Mangilao. Father Duenas’s body was exhumed in March 1945 and reburied under the altar of St. Joseph’s, where he had served. The island’s only Catholic boys’ high school in Tai, Mangilao is named after him.
While Inalåhan, sitting so close to the sea, has been hit hard by a number of typhoons, the most notable include a supertyphoon in 1900 that killed 28 Inalåhan residents when huge waves engulfed the village, and Typhoon Allyn, which destroyed many homes in the village in 1949.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Inalåhan Elementary School**
This school, built in 1997, is a Guam Department of Education elementary school. It is located south of the main village.
**Inalåhan Middle School**
Inalåhan Middle School, one of eight public middle schools, was constructed in 1973 and served as a high school until the late 1990s. It is now a small middle school that sits atop a hill above the village.
**St. Joseph Church**
Inalåhan’s Catholic church was established by the Spanish in late 1680 and has been rebuilt several times, most recently in the late 1990s. It has been the center of the village for several hundred years. The village holds two fiestas for its patron saint: one in March in honor of St. Joseph, Husband of Mary, and another in May in honor of St. Joseph, the Worker.
It is also the burial site of [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), a martyr who was one of the two CHamoru priests on Guam during World War II.
**San Isidro Church**
Located in Malojloj, this Catholic church is a more recent structure than St. Joseph’s. However, Malojloj residents take equal pride in their celebration of the Malojloj fiesta in May every year in honor of their patron saint, San Isidro.
### Historical
**Baptist Church ruins**
Colorful bouganvilla cover the last remaining wall of the church which was initially constructed in the early 1900s adjacent to the Gef Pa’go Cultural Village along Inalåhan Bay. Beside it is a statue of legendary Chief Gadao erected in the late 1980s.
**Gadao’s Cave**
Located in the area of Guaifan, near the entrance to Inalåhan Bay, is a cave with ancient pictographs of stick figure people well known on Guam and often used as cultural icons. [Chief Gadao](https://www.guampedia.com/folktale-gadaos-strength/) was a legendary chief of Inalåhan who, according to legend, outsmarted a chief from Tumon who came to Inalåhan to challenge Gadao to contests of strength. Part of the legend tells how the two powerful chiefs rowed a canoe in opposite directions, breaking the canoe in half. A statue of Chief Gadao rowing his half of the canoe back to Inalåhan is located along the shores of the main village.
**Historic homes**
Some of the oldest homes in the village have been preserved using federal funds, and the Gef Pa’go Cultural Village gives a tour of the Leon Guerrero House, built in 1901, which housed the village commissioner and his 16 children.
The Jose Duenas Cruz (Beck-Ping Cruz) House is still being maintained by the Historic Inalahan Foundation. The George Flores two-story building is under care of the Guam Preservation Trust, which has led restoration of much of historic Inalåhan.
### Recreational
**Bear Rock**
Sitting at the edge of Agfayan Bay is a large, natural formation of rock that from some angles looks like the shape of a bear. Older residents know the rock as “*Lasso’ Gi’ai*,” which refers to male genitalia.
**Gef Pa’go Cultural Village**
Located along Inalåhan Bay in the main village, the thatched huts of Gef Pa’go are a popular attraction for students, tourists and other interested visitors who want to learn about the island’s past. *Manåmko’* will tell visitors stories of their childhood and give them demonstrations of traditional CHamoru cooking, crafts and arts. The cultural center also has exhibits of ancient CHamoru tools, tours of historical homes in the village, and cultural dances.
**Salaglula Pools**
These natural pools of sea water are located toward the southern side of the main village.
**Talo’fo’fo Bay Beach Park**
This black-sand beach, which eroded considerably in the late 1990s, was once a popular park for swimmers and family gatherings. Though the pavilions are mostly destroyed now, the bay remains one of the island’s prime surfing spots. Although it is named Talo’fo’fo Bay park, its facilities are on the southern side of the bay, the area most people visit, is actually part of Inalåhan.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Anthony P. Chargualaf, Mayor, 2020-Present
- Doris Flores Lujan, Mayor, 2013-2020
- Franklin M. Taitague, Mayor, 2001-2012
- Jesse LG Perez, Mayor, 1993-2001
- Juan C. Cruz, Commissioner/Mayor, 1989-1993
- Jaime DS Paulino, Commissioner, 1981-1989
- Alfred SN Flores, Commissioner, 1976-1981
- Jose P. San Nicolas, Commissioner, 1973-1976
- Joaquin SN Diego, Commissioner, 1944-1973
- Pedro M. Mantanona, Commissioner, 1935-1944
- Mariano R. Leon Guerrero, Commissioner, 1935
- Enrique Paulino Naputi, Commissioner, 1928
- Romaldo C. Diego, Commissioner, 1919
- Manuel D. Flores, Commissioner, 1917
- Mariano R. Leon Guerrero, Commissioner, 1910
- Jesus Aguon Flores, Commissioner, 1900
- (No information is available for the century between Jesus Aguon Flores and Juan Mesa Naputi)
- Juan Mesa Naputi, Commissioner, 1800
- Jose Evaristo Duenas, Commissioner, (no date provided)
- Jose Meno, Commissioner, (no date provided)
- Antonio (Julian) Mantanona, Commissioner, (no date provided)
## Deputy Commissioners
- Enemesio SN Diego, Deputy Commissioner, 1935-1944
- Pedro M. Mantanona, Deputy Commissioner, 1928
- Ramon Guzman Fejeran, Deputy Commissioner, 1919
- Jose LG Fejeran, Deputy Commissioner, 1917
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “Guam State Historic Preservation Office.”
Herman, RDK. “Inarajan Indigenous Geography Home Page.” *Pacific Worlds*, 2003.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Inalåhan (Inarajan)
---
### [War Survivor: Patricia Taitano Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-patricia-taitano-guerrero/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Faith in spite of fear. Patricia Taitano Guerrero (1936 - ) was only five-and-a-half years old when Japanese forces bombarded the island and occupied Guam. She would turn eight years old by the time American troops retook the island. Guerrero recalls the presence of fear in her life, coloring nearly every experience, nearly every moment.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Patricia Taitano Guerrero
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Faith in spite of fear
Patricia Taitano Guerrero (1936 – ) was only five-and-a-half years old when Japanese forces bombarded the island and occupied Guam. She would turn eight years old by the time American troops retook the island. Guerrero recalls the presence of fear in her life, coloring nearly every experience, nearly every moment.
Guerrero was born to Liberato Guerrero Taitano and Felicidad Santos Taitano. She was the fourth of six children, alongside her identical twin, Cecilia. Prior to the war, Guerrero and her family were living in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) but fled to their ranch in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) once the Japanese bombardment began. In fact, in their haste to find shelter, the Taitano family fled to the ranch without her, while young Patricia had gone to the restroom with her cousin.
With her cousin and her Auntie Tita, who would later become Sister Mary Peter, Guerrero walked from Hagåtña to Tå’i and eventually to Barrigada to reunite with her family. Recalling this time, Guerrero said:
> All I remembered was my aunt and her neighbors were hugging each other, crying because of the war. I didn’t know what was happening, just that I walked from Hagåtña to Tå’i and I didn’t even remember if I was tired or what!
>
> Patricia Taitano Guerrero
Later during the war, Guerrero and her family relocated to Adacao where her father, Liberato, was better able to fish and hunt to provide sustenance for their family. Fortuitously, their shelter in Adacao was located near a natural cave, where their family and up to six other families would come to seek refuge during air raids and bombings.
Throughout the duration of the war, Guerrero could not remember her parents showing fear — even though most of the time, Guerrero was very much afraid. She would overhear stories of people being harmed and even killed by the Japanese, and she soon became terribly afraid whenever Japanese soldiers would come by their homestead demanding food.
Her mother would have to plead with Patricia to come out whenever soldiers would arrive, since Japanese soldiers would threaten to find and shoot anyone found hiding. Not surprisingly, the girl’s fear of the Japanese attached itself to the song “Sam, Sam, My Dear Uncle Sam,” which was not sung, not whispered, not even mentioned, as the penalty was severe.
## Storytime and games
While her family was living in Barrigada, children attended Japanese school. Once they moved to Adacao, however, they stayed home and assisted their parents with cooking and cleaning. Guerrero remembers some of these times fondly, especially times when friends and relatives gathered to tell stories and sing songs. She recalls one such time when the children told stories to pass the time while picking kernels of corn off corn stalks to assist with cooking.
> One of the events that we usually do with our neighbors, family and neighbors, during the war, is that we’d get together during harvest time, and we’d sit around and we’d loosen the kernels from the corn cobs. During that time, we’d be telling stories, make-believe stories of princesses and kings and queens, or monster stories about the Lenten pigs that would come around when you are a bad boy or bad girl. And we’d all take turns telling one story each. Whether you want to or not, you’re supposed to pull out a story, even if it’s a repetition!
From this time, Guerrero also remembers jokes told and games played with her cousins and neighbors, including games such as “kick the can,” although playing for playing’s sake was less important than contributing to the family’s daily efforts to survive. Guerrero pulled from these moments later in her life when she had her own family.
As her family grew, Guerrero and her husband Danny engaged their children in conversation around the dinner table. Every one of her six children was given the opportunity to contribute to the dinner conversation – even her youngest child who was much younger than the other five. The Guerreros shared stories with their children about growing up during the war. Not quite dinner-table conversation, but the stories were mostly lighthearted, detailing what life was like when they had to be creative in their day-to-day living.
The more serious stories were reserved for opportunities to teach a lesson. Mostly the lessons focused on being considerate with one another, not wasting food or time, being respectful to elders and, ultimately, faith and the belief that God and Mary, the Blessed Mother, will always provide protection.
## Baptists and Catholics
Perhaps what kept her parents going in the face of threats to life and harsh living in the jungle was their faith. Guerrero warmly remembers hearing her father singing and humming songs of faith from Liberato’s Baptist religious upbringing, songs such as “The Old Rugged Cross” and “What a Friend We Have in Jesus.”
For Guerrero and her siblings, religion was not really “practiced” as her father was Baptist and her mother was Catholic. Because of this difference in religious affiliation, Guerrero remembers her parents did not practice any religion openly. Only when her father would go fishing would Guerrero’s mother take out her rosary and pray the rosary with her children in attendance.
> We didn’t know how to pray the rosary, but my mother would make us kneel with her and just listen to her pray. Afterward my mother would always tell us not to say anything to our father about the prayers.
And when Christmas time rolled around and Liberato went on hunting expeditions, Felicidad gathered the children to go to various *Nobenan Niño*, where Guerrero would come to learn the joyful melody of “*Fanmåtto.*” (O Come All Ye Faithful).
The full power of her parents’ faith, however, was revealed in the shelter of the dark cave in Adacao while bullets and bombs rained above. Guerrero recalls these times with vivid detail.
> During the war, when the Japanese were attacking us, we would be saying, ‘*Asaina Bithen del Carmen’* calling on Our Lady of Mount Carmel to protect us — even when my father’s around. We would be shouting, praying and shouting, ‘*Asaina Bithen del Carmen*! *Ma’åse*!’
>
> This loosely translates to, “Our Lady of Mount Carmel, protect us and have mercy.” I don’t remember ever hearing my father pray. It was mostly my mother. After the war, after my father died, is when my mother began to take us to church and let us practice the Catholic faith.
It is this faith that has carried her throughout her life.
Guerrero’s youngest sister, Carmelita, died during the war which left just Guerrero and her twin, Chilang, as the only girls in her family. As they grew up they also became involved in their high-school choir and enjoyed singing in church. Guerrero recalls that although she was shy, her sister was braver and could sing by herself.
Guerrero became strong in her Catholic faith and raised her children in the faith as well, attending church daily in her parish of Our Lady of Purification in Maina. Despite being shy, Guerrero and her husband Danny loved to sing in their home and found ways to incorporate church songs into their daily lives, teaching their kids CHamoru church hymns and singing together as a family during the holidays or as part of their novena devotion to Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Guerrero’s love for her faith and singing made quite an impact on her children. The Guerrero children are part of the parish church choir and Guerrero’s grandchildren serve as lecturers. Guerrero’s son is also active in his church, often delivering sermons and being an active member of the choir as well.
A strong sense of community was also instilled in Guerrero during the war. While her father would go out and sometimes take her brothers to hunt, her mother would stay home and tend to their shelter, cook meals, and try to make their life bearable by making coffee from breadfruit seeds and making coconut candy with leftover *tuba* syrup for the kids.
## Production of Agueyente brought income
After the war, Guerrero was surprised to discover that another way her family had ingeniously supported themselves during the war was through making coconut moonshine or *aguayente*. People often visited Guerrero’s family from different villages looking to buy some moonshine to help take the edge off the stress of war. Guerrero even remembers American soldiers coming by her home asking for “Charlie.”
> The American soldiers couldn’t pronounce my dad’s name so they just called him ‘Charlie’ when they came by my house to buy moonshine. My family home was built with the money my parents made from the *aguayente*.
The resourcefulness of her parents did not just benefit Guerrero and her siblings — whatever her family could trade or share with others was happily and willingly given. Sharing was always a community event for Guerrero and her family.
> It was very important to be generous. No matter how little we had, we always shared.
Guerrero and her twin sister have passed on this lesson of generosity to their children. Every year, for the past four years, the children of Patricia Guerrero and Cecilia Yanger organize a team they call Team Dinga’ to help in the cause of fighting cancer through fundraising and other activities. It is a lesson that is now being passed to their children’s’ children.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Therese Taitano Guerrero and Camarin Guerrero Meno.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Patricia Taitano Guerrero
---
### [The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/the-1918-influenza-pandemic-in-guam/)
**Published:** April 9, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 1918, more than 900 people died in Guam, approximately 70 percent of them due to influenza. The 1918 Influenza Pandemic was a significant historical event that impacted much of the world.
**Content:**
# The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam
 Old Hagåtña hospital. Guam Memorial Hospital (GMH) collection.
#### Table of Contents
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In 1918, more than 900 people died in Guam, approximately 70 percent of them due to influenza. The 1918 Influenza Pandemic was a significant historical event that impacted much of the world. Influenza killed between 50 and 100 million people as it moved across the globe. In total, influenza caused more deaths than an entire century of the Black Death, or the Plague, in Europe.
In 1918, Guam’s population was estimated at 13,000, and influenza killed more than five percent of the population – more than 90 percent of whom were native CHamorus/Chamorros. The actual death count varies, with estimates ranging from 673 to 858.
All the influenza deaths in Guam happened over a period of only eight weeks, from 3 November to 28 December 1918. The single worst day was 19 November when 63 people died. In this short eight-week period, the total number of deaths was 300 percent higher than the average yearly deaths that took place in 1916 and 1917.
In just one week, from November 17th to the 23rd , the number of people who died from the flu was almost equal to the total death rate for each of the previous two years. By any measure, this was a Guam catastrophe.
### Guam's Influenza Deaths, 1918
### Guam's Annual Deaths, 1916 - 1919
## Global Influenza
Scientists believe that, since 1590, the world has witnessed 10 probable and three possible influenza pandemics. Because of its constant reappearance, influenza has been one of the most studied viruses and a large body of research speaks to the concerns of biomedical scholars, physicians, and the pharmaceutical industry.
Unlike the typical seasonal flu, the 1918 pandemic influenza virus caused a severe form of pneumonia. This flu caused, in some people, extensive hemorrhaging and swelling in the lungs. Within an hour or two, a patient could quickly change from healthy to bed-ridden. The influenza virus caused high fevers, accompanied by severe muscle aches that could affect the joints, back, and head. In just a few days, the virus could cause the death of a previously healthy person.
The influenza pandemic struck in three waves, beginning in March 1918. The first wave was not particularly aggressive. At first, affected victims came down with shivers and a fever for three or four days. But the disease spread around the world in the next four months, and its symptoms became more severe. The spread around the world led to its classification change from epidemic (affecting a specific location) to pandemic (affecting the entire world).
The second wave, in the autumn of 1918, was responsible for most of the deaths, due to unusually severe pneumonia. In the same week of August 1918, three port cities located thousands of miles apart experienced intense epidemics as the virus spread and many people became ill. These occurred in Freetown, Sierra Leone; in Brest, France; and in Boston, USA. At this stage, the pandemic was considered a naval affair because it was spreading from port to port on Navy ships. These trafficking patterns would bring the virus to the Pacific Islands aboard various ships of the region’s colonizers.
## Influenza and Guam
Within the US context, American historian Alfred Crosby writes that the military was commonly viewed as responsible for spreading the disease. The military responded with a bulletin issued on 9 August 1918. This bulletin came from the US Navy Bureau of Medicine and Surgery in Washington, DC. It warned that influenza was prevalent in Europe, Hawai’i, and elsewhere. This announcement described its symptoms, incubation period, and recommended treatment.
One week later, on 16 August, the Surgeon General of the United States Public Health Service ordered medical officers in charge of quarantine stations to hold ships with flu patients on board until the local health authorities were notified.
Despite these warnings, no particular care seems to have been taken when the US Army Transport ship named *Logan* landed in Guam at 6 am on 26 October 1918. The *Logan* was carrying troops from Manila and offloaded six bags of mail, two passengers, and one patient suffering from influenza. Guam’s Senior Medical Officer E. L. Jones reported that Mrs. Frederic Warren, wife of an American serviceman stationed in Guam, was already sick with influenza at the time of disembarking from the ship.
Dr. Jones stated that the mother and her accompanying child were isolated in strict quarantine. He ordered that anyone with a cough or fever should be sent to the hospital. The island’s governor came to recognize its infectious nature. Five days later, on 31 October, Governor Roy Smith issued an executive order mandating that schools be closed. He also ruled that public gatherings be prohibited and encouraged Chamorros to move to their ranches.
A follow-up bulletin issued on 4 November 1918 entitled “Epidemic of Influenza,” downplayed the disease’s dangers. This announcement stated that, “While the disease is not severe it is very widespread.” But the governor still repeated his concern that large gatherings be stopped, except in the open air. Gov. Smith also urged that all people should stop from visiting house to house.
The Governor also ordered that all cases of cold or fever be reported at once to the hospital. He ruled that any house in which a case of influenza occurs must put out a yellow flag and await orders from the Health Officer. Chamorros were again encouraged to move to their ranches, since they were in isolated rural areas where infections would be less likely to spread.
But Guam was not prepared for this virus, even though there were laws and history to prepare them. The government already had quarantine regulations, and the island had experienced two major epidemics in the five years before 1918. But the island’s quarantine regulations did not include influenza on the list of dangerous diseases. Quarantine regulations included scarlet fever, diphtheria, cholera, plague, yellow fever, smallpox, typhus fever, and measles. As in the rest of the world, influenza was not considered a quarantine-worthy disease.
Yet after the pandemic, reports by Navy officers claimed that they had placed a quarantine on the *Logan* when it arrived on 26 October. The Navy reported that it prevented visitors from coming ashore – even though they had allowed influenza-afflicted Mrs. Warren and her daughter to leave the ship. At the same time, they also allowed Chamorro stevedores to unload and load incoming and outgoing mail.
Also, as was customary upon the arrival of military vessels, a band of Chamorro musicians assembled at the dock to greet the passengers. By the end of that week, the deaths would start accumulating. Catholic Church historian Julius Sullivan reports that those band members who had gone to the dock to play were the first to fall sick. From them the disease spread rapidly among their relatives.
The Navy’s health officer reported that workmen who unloaded the ship’s cargo also came down with the disease. From them, it also then spread very rapidly, starting in the villages closest to [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/).
[Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/), home to Apra Harbor, was the first village to be hit with the flu. Soon, the neighboring village of [Piti ](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/)and the capital of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) followed. In just the first week, from 7 November to 13 November, 144 people in those three villages died.
Following that, the pandemic spread to villages next to Hagåtña and Piti: Anigua, [Assan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/), and [Sinahånña](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). Through the end of November, no deaths had been reported in the villages south of the harbor. Yet no system of on-island quarantine had been put in place to protect them. Subsequently, in December, 56 people from the southern villages of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), and [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) would die.
Island-wide, navy reports state that most of Guam’s residents caught the virus. But the majority of them suffered from only fever, pain, headaches, and weakness. Deaths occurred due to complications such as toxemia, bronchitis, congestion of the lungs, and pneumonia. Navy records describe their frantic efforts to accommodate the large numbers needing medical attention. The most afflicted were in the capital, where half the island’s population lived. There in Hagåtña, patients were taken care of in hospital wards, in tents erected on the hospital grounds, in the schoolhouse, and in patients’ homes.
In Piti, the schoolhouse was transformed into a clinic, and in Sumai, a camp was erected with the dental surgeon placed on supervisory duty. Navy reports praised the Red Cross for lending valuable assistance by providing milk to the needy.
Church historians Julius Sullivan and [Pale’ Eric Forbes](https://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/) depict the tireless efforts of Catholic priest [Pale’ Román de Vera](https://www.guampedia.com/father-roman-de-vera-2/). Pale’ Román walked through the streets of Hagåtña, Hågat, Sumai, and Piti in search of the ill. He rang a little bell to announce his presence, and then villagers would call him into their homes to administer to the dying. Day and night, Pale’ Román rose to the challenge of ensuring that every Catholic struck with the flu received the sacraments. Even more challenging was burying the dead, sometimes dozens in a single day. The main cemetery in Hagåtña, Pigo Cemetery, proved to be inadequate. So an annex was opened in a lot on the seaside of the Agana-Piti Road which became the temporary resting place of many of the epidemic’s victims. Their bodies were later interred in the cemetery proper. For his heroic efforts, US President Woodrow Wilson awarded Pale’ Román a special commendation.
Just two months after it started, the flu was gone. It had all happened so quickly, and it left no physical scars. For these reasons and more, US historian Crosby has called it the “Forgotten Pandemic.” Even in Guam, the 1918 Influenza pandemic receives little attention in any of our history books, despite that fact that it took 5% of our population in such a quick period.
***[By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)***
## For further reading
Crosby, Alfred. *America’s Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza of 1918*. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Forbes, Eric, OFM Cap. *Pale’ Roman*. Agana Heights: Capuchin Friars, 2009.
Haddock, Robert. *A History of Health in Guam*. Tamuning: Crushers Football Club, 2010.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2024, 2004.
––– “Making Local Sense of a Global Disease: The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 59, no. 3 (2024): 309-328. DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2024.2328019
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
Underwood, Jane H. “Effects of the 1918 Influenza Pandemic Mortality Experience on Subsequent Fertility of the Native Population of Guam.” *Micronesica* 19, no. 1/2 (1984): 1-10.
–––“Population History of Guam: Context of Microevolution*.”* *Micronesica* 9, no. 1 (1973): 11-44.
US Naval Administration of Guam. “Deaths.” *Guam News Letter (*1918).
––– “Epidemic of Influenza.” *Guam News Letter* (1918).
––– “Executive General Order No. 297, November 5, 1918.” *Guam News Letter* (1918).
––– “Order, October 31, 1918.” *Guam News Letter* (1918).
**Categories:** Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era
**Tags:** The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam
---
### [Joaquin Flores Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-flores-sablan/)
**Published:** May 15, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Wartime Protestant Minister. Joaquin Flores Sablan (1912 - 1993) lived a long life and cherished his career as a school teacher before and after World War II. But he possessed a greater love – to preach the Word of God.
**Content:**
# Joaquin Flores Sablan
#### Table of Contents
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## Wartime Protestant Minister
Joaquin Flores Sablan (1912 – 1993) lived a long life and cherished his career as a school teacher before and after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). But he possessed a greater love – to preach the Word of God.
Sablan was the only Protestant minister in Guam during the Japanese occupation. At 29 years old in 1941, he was the first CHamoru/Chamorro Protestant minister. He continued preaching despite the Japanese military officials attempt to intimidate him. They told him that he should not preach, but his father told him not to be afraid to preach the Word of God, that if he couldn’t preach in a church, he should preach in the jungle, preach the truth of God anywhere. And that he did.
Pastor Sablan’s ministry to people seemed to be fairly normal despite the occupation and the Japanese presence, said the Rev. Angelo Sablan, the late pastor’s younger brother. Instead of services at a church, however, they were held in private.
Sablan and the two Roman Catholic priests, the [Rev. Jesus Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/) and the[ Rev. Oscar Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-oscar-calvo/), were allowed to remain in Guam and tend to the spiritual needs of the people but only under conditions set by Japanese Governor Homura, the head of the occupying authorities.
## Bow first, then pray
The CHamoru clergymen were ordered to start every service by having all present bow to the emperor; they were only to speak in CHamoru, no English was allowed; they were to meet with the Japanese governor every month and brief him on their religious activities, “and to cooperate by telling the people that the Japanese were winning the war,” Pastor Sablan wrote in his memoir, “My Mental Odyssey.”
He wrote of one mandatory meeting with the Japanese naval Governor Homura where the official berated him in particular. Homura had ordered him to conduct a census of Baptists by name, age, village, and submit it to him as early as possible. Sablan conducted the census; only one family refused to be listed as Baptists… yet the rest of my people bravely maintained their willingness even to die for their faith, if need be.
Though Sablan feared the worst, it was late in the war and the census data was never submitted. Sablan and his wife, however, never forgot the threat that the Japanese official had made about erasing American influences. When their son was born in 1944, they named him Franklin Delano Sablan in honor of President Roosevelt.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted with permission from *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, edited by Paul J. Borja and Tony Palomo.
## For further reading
Sablan, Joaquin F. *My Mental Odyssey: Memoirs of the First Guamanian Protestant Minister.* Poplar Bluff: Stinson Press, 1990.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Post WWII: Religion, Religion, US Naval Era: Religion, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era, WWII/Japanese Era: Religion
**Tags:** Joaquin Flores Sablan
---
### [Robert O'Brien: US Prisoner of War](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-obrien-u-s-prisoner-of-war/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Robert O’Brien (1908 - 1988), born in New York, came to Guam in the 1930s with the US Navy. He married Marie Santos Inouye, a woman of CHamoru and Japanese descent, and they had four children, Patricia, Joseph, Henry and Robert. He participated in the short-lived defense of Guam and became a prisoner of war. O’Brien survived four years in a prisoner of war camp in Zentsuji, Japan.
**Content:**
# Robert O'Brien: US Prisoner of War
#### Table of Contents
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## A first hand account
Robert O’Brien (1908 – 1988), born in New York, came to Guam in the 1930s with the US Navy. He married Marie Santos Inouye, a woman of CHamoru/Chamorro and Japanese descent, and they had four children, Patricia, Joseph, Henry and Robert. He participated in the short-lived defense of Guam and became a prisoner of war. O’Brien survived four years in a [prisoner of war](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-prisoners-of-war-sent-to-japan/) camp in Zentsuji, Japan.
Nearly 600 people were taken prisoner of war from Guam: 274 officers and men of the US Navy under Captain George McMillin, 153 officers and men of the US Marine Corps under Lt. Col William McNulty and 134 US civilians (nurses, priests, businessmen, etc.)
After returning home to his family on Guam, he and Maria had four more children, Catherine, Margaret, Dorothy and Ricarda. He lived a long life, despite his war experience.
In 1958, he finally responded to his brother Bill’s inquires about what had happened to him during the war. After some hesitation he wrote a detailed letter telling his war story. The letter was put away in an attic at his brother’s home in Michigan, only to be found recently after both men had passed away many years earlier.
Here is his letter to Bill:
## *USS Penguin* on patrol
My gosh, Bill, I wish I could write you a concise but clear story of my 48 months plus a few days as POW. As you know, I have seldom mentioned much about that phase of my life. Matter of fact, I have never felt it was worth telling about. However, you have mentioned it several times and I have always ignored your queries. But after this last letter from you, I have decided to give you a brief outline. Many incidents have slipped my memory now. So it is only a sketchy story.
I did keep a diary during my POW days, and with some risk, as the Japanese were ruthless on anyone they even suspected of keeping a diary. Then, when the war ended and I had gone around and gathered my little scraps of paper hidden all over the place and put them together in a cardboard cover just before we left the prison camp, I some how lost the papers.
At the time I was so happy and excited over getting out of that hole that I didn’t feel the loss too badly. Since then I have often wished I had taken the time to find that diary. However, at times I have also felt it may have been just as well that I didn’t have the diary. There were some entries that might have caused me to harbor bitter feelings. As it is, today I think only of the humorous incidents about those days; and we did have many a funny incident, or at least now it seems that way. During the actual POW days, when we lived in uncertainty and were hungry all the time, it was quite different.
To give you just a few brief points, I will start from the beginning. On December 6, 1941 our ship, the *USS Penguin*, left Apra Harbor, Guam on a routine patrol, our main objective being to be on the lookout for Japanese subs. The situation was such at the time that we felt it wise to be on the lookout for snooping Japanese, though we really had not the slightest idea that a war was imminent. We didn’t even have our guns unlimbered or ammunition at hand, the ammo being still in the magazines down below. Ours was to be just a “routine patrol,” with orders only to observe and report what we saw. We spotted nothing, though for days we had been seeing high flying planes which we all presumed to be Japanese from Saipan, 120 miles away.
Then late in the evening of December 7, we started having boiler trouble with our Scotch boilers. We had knee action turbines on that rugged old World War I minesweeper built for one purpose only – to sweep mines from the North Sea after World War I. She had been converted and kept in service as a station vessel in Guam from 1929 until the War. Prior to that she had been a river gunboat on the Yangtze in China from 1921 to 1929.
Well, anyway after the boiler trouble started we obtained permission to return to the port for necessary repairs. We had a leaky header, which could not be fixed while under steam. Then of all times for such a thing to happen, our radio conked out, and when the radioman went to start the emergency radio, he found someone had made away with the carburetor. Anyway, we were without a radio. Of course we had not the slightest inkling a war was about to start and we already had permission to come in and repair our boiler; so we steamed into Apra Harbor the morning of December 8, 1941, just as chipper as could be.
Matter of fact, we had a big beach party planned for that same afternoon, our annual ship’s beach party. The day was also a big holiday for the whole island, being the Feast of the Immaculate Conception. As soon as we dropped the hook and got moored to our buoy in the harbor, even before the first boat from the beach had reached the ship, (we were about four miles out from the dock), we sent about one third of the crew ashore in our whaleboat, part of them heading for Recreation Beach to make initial preparations for our afternoon beach party, the rest on various assignments, the only pharmacist being among them, as he had some business at the hospital.
Our boat took a route in to the dock and missed a station boat (a little coal burning steamer from the old days when Dewey fought in Manila) steaming out to the ship under full power. They had a hand-carried message from the Governor telling the Captain that war had started early that morning with the bombing of Pearl Harbor (we are one day ahead of Pearl Harbor here because of the International Date Line) and ordering us to clear the harbor immediately and stand by for further orders. The beach had been frantically trying to radio us since early morning, but naturally they couldn’t reach us, as we had no means of communication. We were still without it and would be until the end, because our one and only radioman was in that first boatload of men already ashore. He had gone after spare parts.
Well you can imagine our consternation. There we were, moored to a buoy right in the middle of the harbor with our boilers dead, as we had doused them upon arrival as we could see the repair barge on the way out from the little Navy Yard in Piti. It would take an hour or so to get back up to full steam. However, we lit off and had enough steam in about ten minutes to start heaving in to the buoy and unshackling, and getting under way at reduced speed. We manned battle stations with our reduced crew, made all arrangements for battle, and while in the middle of unshackling from the buoy the first Japanese bombers came over.
We never got around to unshackling that chain. When we saw the bombers, I simply slipped the chain in the chain locker and let her rip. We commenced moving at the most agonizing pace possible, about 6 knots. The bombers missed us by about two miles in their first pass and went on to bomb shore installations, mostly fuel tanks and the Navy Yard. My heart was in my throat when they hit the Navy Yard, because our home was a short two blocks away from the yard gate and if their aim was anything like what it was when they bombed us, I feared for Maria and the four oldest who were just toddlers then.
Later, I learned I had no cause to worry because early that morning when word of the start of the war had reached Guam, the Governor had ordered Piti evacuated because of the yard being there. Maria and the children had already gone to Machanao, about twenty miles away in the north, near Yigo. Of course I didn’t know that until later.
Anyway, after unloading their bombs, the planes then came back at us with their machine guns. We had two 50 calibers on board with panoramic sights, but with tracers, very good for anti-aircraft. We chased them all off as they saw our tracers picking them up. We had a probable hit on one, but had no confirmation of downing it as it flew off toward Saipan losing altitude all the time. However, the last anyone saw, it was still airborne, so no downed plane was claimed.
Their few passes at us before they climbed out of range of the 50’s resulted in a few wounded, but no deaths. We managed to limp out of the harbor as ordered. At the moment, the skipper and I wondered what in h\_\_\_ were we to do “standing by for further orders” with a crippled power plant, no radio, one third of the crew gone and very little store. The Philippines were the nearest place we could sail for and they were 1500 miles away; and at 6 or 7 knots, it would have taken weeks to get there; and we figured by then the Japanese would have the whole area under control. But orders were orders, so we patched up our few casualties the best we could without a medic, and patched the little damage we had from the strafing, and unlimbered our 3-inch 50 caliber guns which were suitable for anti-aircraft use, only we had nothing but panoramic sights intended for surface craft and submarines. Our only range finder was likewise for surface use. However, we did have some fused ammunition and when the bombers came back (apparently they had returned to Saipan for reloading) (they were two-engined float type planes, very old type, but extremely modern as far as Guam was concerned, as we didn’t even have a box kite there), we estimated their height and speed and let go.
Well, it went for an hour before the Japanese ever managed to drop bombs close enough to do any real damage. They had finally realized our erratic burst patterns around them meant we had no accurate means of drawing a bead on them; and then they went into pattern flying, making steady bombing runs and naturally sooner or later they had to connect. But, believe it or not, the bombs that undid us were not direct hits, and were from three planes and fell on both sides of us. However, they bracketed us close enough that they tore the ship apart with about a thousand or more holes. We lost power, the sick bay with the medicine was a shambles, 19 of us were cut up more or less, one man was killed, and there we sat like a ruptured duck just waiting for the next stick of bombs.
Luckily the Japanese had run out of bombs again and were off for more. While they were off we made a survey of the ship to determine how bad off we were. We found her settling fast, and with no means of getting back to part for the doubtful repairs we would need (the Navy Yard was geared for taking care of small craft and barges, and we had our overhaul work done annually in the Philippines), after an agonizing appraisal of what appeared obvious, the skipper said let her go and abandon ship. We were about one mile off shore and no boats. Our life rafts were in ribbons.
Though the ship was slowly sinking, we didn’t dare leave her afloat. There was the possibility she might float a day for all we knew, and the Japanese just might salvage her as they had a big outfit over at Saipan, so we pulled the plug on her to make sure the Japanese didn’t get her. She went down in about 2000 fathoms, for it gets awful deep awful suddenly off Guam. But just as we prepared to abandon ship, some Japanese planes came in again and this time they saved their bombs. They probably knew we were finished.
But the buzzards commenced strafing us again and we had our most seriously wounded already in the water in one patched-up raft and the body of the dead man with them. Since many of the crew was already swimming for the shore, it was a maddening thing to see the planes trying to pick them off and we were out of commission and couldn’t get back at them. I remained with the ship until the last, as I was not so bad off as the old man. He had half his left arm blown off and had lost a lot of blood. I swam that mile faster than Johnny Weismuller, but I can’t prove it because no one remembered to put a stopwatch on me at time. We were all pretty busy.
Anyway, I felt like it was my best mile ever, because those waters off Orote Point are full of sharks and barracuda. Of course, it never occurred to me at the time that those fish had taken off for safer spots after the first stick of bombs landed. Well anyway, we were a mess.
We managed to get an unwounded man through the boondocks to the Marine Station a few miles away, and through them we got trucks headed toward a selected rendezvous about a half-mile up from the rocky shore we landed on. It was really rough on bare feet going up through that carol and boondock growth. However, we managed it and within an hour or so we were all at the hospital and were patched up.
## Defense of the Plaza
All who could make it then joined the few able-bodied men left at the Naval Station and a quick defense force was set up.
You see, Guam had no real defense force at the time. The 125 Marines here were primarily for internal security and training of the local police force. I was able to get out of the hospital right away, as most of my scratches were pieces of shrapnel, none of which had hit a vital spot. I still carry a few pieces around just as souvenirs.
I took over a half of the defense force. That is, I took over half as the NCO in charge, at the Plaza in Agana, as that was the selected spot for our last stand as we called it.
After we had organized our inadequate defense force, I obtained permission to find my family. I got to see Maria and the children out in Machanao late in the evening. They were all safe, but with only the clothes on their backs and enough food for several days. I spent the greater part of the night gathering their clothes up and getting more food to them.
The Japanese did not attempt to land until early on the third day. Them bombed and strafed us the first two days and nights. It was a bit annoying as we had only two Lewis machine guns, World War I vintage with pan feed, thirty round to the pan, and about 100 rifles stamped on the stocks, “Do not shoot.” They were given to Guam for use in training a militia and were actually dangerous to use. But we used them. I shared a 45 with seven other men. If I got it, number two took the gun; if he got it, number three took the gun and so on.
Well anyway, on the morning of the 10th, near 0100 in the morning, an outlying patrol sent word in that the Japanese were landing in several places. Soon a badly wounded civilian came in to verify this. I then went out on a short look-see myself and to this day I don’t know how I got back alive.
I went out about five miles to a beach we had been told the Japanese were landing at. I found no sign of them. They had (I learned later) landed and started toward Agana along the shore. Between the road and the shore there was a heavy growth of boondocks and trees; so I naturally didn’t see the Japanese. They saw me though and let me go and come. This I found out from one of our patrols that had been captured by the Japanese and was with them when I drove by. The Japanese kept our patrol from saying anything. I suppose their thought was that we were unaware they had landed and they decided to let one person come and go and thus felt that my report of not seeing them would cause us to be caught unawares in Agana.
However, we knew they were on the island, because of reports from others. And the wounded man who had escaped on the east coast about twelve miles from Agana. He had been driven in by another who had not been shot. Then our phone lines to several outposts were dead, which meant they had been cut.
Well anyway, we were waiting for them when they approached Agana, and they had to give themselves away for a group of our *Penguin* men, six in all, had been established at the power plant. The power plant was on the beach and when they saw the Japanese moving up on the beach, instead of falling back to the Plaza a half mile inland, as had been their orders, they decided to attack the Japanese. They did, and the initial surprise worked well for a few minutes. They had one BAR with them and they moved down a good number. However, the Japanese landed 12,000 troops (as I later learned) and this particular group must have numbered 2,000 according to the same patrol who had heard me pass on the road (he saved himself when our six commenced shooting, by falling to the ground), and in moments they recovered from their surprise and killed all six of our boys quickly.
The Japanese showed their later to be learned attitude by butchering these six so they were beyond recognition. Later one of the Fathers was permitted to take some CHamorus and bury them, and none could be identified, they were so badly mutilated.
Well, the Japanese knew we were aware of their presence by this skirmish, and as they entered Agana’s outskirts a die hard CHamoru who had defied orders and remained at his old home site, took a pot shot at the Japanese with a shotgun. The Japanese literally shot the house off the face of the earth. For a moment we in the Plaza had thought a pitched battle was going on between two Japanese units. They then burned the house site. The die hard, as well as what his intentions were, was never found out. He probably burned to ashes as the Japanese used flamethrowers.
By now we were ready as we could be and were deployed in the grass, behind bushes mind you, in the Plaza. A bush couldn’t stop a beer can, but we had nothing else, and for some reason nothing had been done early enough to make sand bag emplacements. I guess the shock of the war starting without any forewarning had really fouled up what little organization there might have been.
Soon, about 0230 (the time went by so fast at the time that I never could figure where the time went between 0100 and 0600 in the morning when we surrendered), the first Japanese sortie into the Plaza started. Though we had few good weapons, we moved down about fifty as near as we could see from the moonlight. They fell back and came again stronger, maybe an hour later. This time they were wiser and sent in an advance patrol who naturally drew the fire of the two Lewis guns. That was the end of those guns, crews and all.
The Japanese concentrated their fire on them and got them all and fixed the guns. However, we gave them more than they had expected and drove them out of the Plaza again. We had quite a few casualties. However, I was lucky, being hit only by ricochets and splinters. Soon another attack was made, this one being preceded by mortar fire. Their aim was bad and most of the mortars missed the Plaza, otherwise they could have walked in upright as they sent in enough to kill 1,000 where we were less than 100.
Prior to this last assault, the Governor decided we had done about all we could to make a token show of resistance and various patrols who had escaped the Japanese were in with reports indicating the large number of Japanese, which we later verified. The decision was to make one more show of resistance taking as many as we could (since we were unsure if the Japanese would honor a surrender for many of us in the service in Guam had been in China from 1931 on and had seen how the Japanese never took prisoners) and then try for an honorable surrender.
Well, that was the lowest moment in my life when we received the order to destroy whatever weapons were still serviceable and fall back to the so-called Palace (so named because of the Spanish days). But orders were orders and we did as we were ordered. A Marine Officer (the Chief of Police on Guam) was given the unenviable task of making the surrender offer to the Japanese. Surprisingly the Japanese ceased fire and soon surrender was arranged. A mighty low moment.
## Japanese prisoners
The next hour is like a nightmare yet. The Japanese troops were pretty shaken up. I will always suspect that they expected no resistance here in Guam at all. These troops, we later learned, were really a landing force for taking Rabual in New Guinea and had used Guam as their last full scale landing practice. The Japanese intelligence had a pretty good layout of Guam. They had a better map than I have ever before seen of Guam. (Their intelligence had called me in for questioning after the island fell and I was shown their map.) They knew we had no real defense forces ashore here, and therefore I suppose they thought they would take over without a shot.
Anyway, the troops were so shaky that they ran us through a double line of troops, a gauntlet, Indian fashion; and swiped at us with bayonets and gun butts. One unfortunate lad right behind me was killed. Others lost part of their scalp; one bled to death later from a bayonet cut across the back. One of our wounded, who had been shot through both ankles, was used as a kicking target on his ankles. One poor guy later lost his mind.
And then they stripped us naked and made us lie in the sun until 1100 that morning without medical attention, or even a little water. These were bitter moments for the old timers among us. Before the day was over, they herded us into a building and permitted us to get back some clothes and then the next day we were all locked up in the Cathedral and served two skimpy meals a day. A few brave Guamanians managed to smuggle in a little food and medicine.
Near Christmas time, the Japanese let Maria come to the Cathedral for a short visit to bring me food and cigarettes. Later events showed she needed this worse than I did. Since she was married to an American service man, she was barred from our home, and couldn’t even get in to pick up cooking utensils or anything. The Japanese had moved into our house, using it as an officer’s quarters.
Just before we left Guam for Japan on the Argentina Maru, Maria was allowed to see me once again and this time she was permitted to bring the children. She already showed signs of the hardship she was suffering, being force to live wherever she could find someone able to take her in. Everyone was in bad shape by the end of that first month, because the island was thoroughly disrupted and the Japanese were reorganizing the island as they wished. No crops were being grown. Business was at a standstill, and very few people had enough food. They had to fall back on the Japanese; and the families of the American service men were naturally at the bottom of the list.
The Japanese even had the gall to suggest to Maria that her troubles would be over were she to submit to being placed in a Japanese Army “Entertainment Group.” Well, Maria has a mind of her own and a temper that matches any good Irish temper any day. I guess she didn’t improve her standing with the Japanese when that suggestion came up. Actually, Maria lived in eighteen different places during the war, and these were only temporary spots permitted her use by the charity of those who had the places. Maria and the four had it pretty tough.
But to get back where I was: We were kept in the Cathedral for about a month. Then the Japanese marched us five miles to Piti and into the Argentina Maru, a troop transport (she had been a liner but was now a troop carrier) and off to Japan. We went in tropical clothing being told that where we were going no warm clothes were needed. (We didn’t have any anyway.)
We soon landed in Japan in the dead of winter. I have only a hazy recollection of those first weeks there. It was rugged trying to get used to the sudden change in climate on soup only, three times a day (horse bones with Chinese cabbage and miso). We had the trots so bad that the toilet facilities had to be tripled in the first three days. Then when they had us pretty low (They were cagey, those characters), they commenced to treat us better and gave us bread and some solid food and put us in Japanese discarded army uniforms, World War I or older, I believe.
You should have seen us taller men in those short-legged pants and small coats. My pants reached my knees and the coat sleeves reached my elbows. I laugh lots about it now, but boy, that was sure hard to take to have to accept a Japanese uniform at the time, especially so soon after having been in our own uniforms. I think we all had a guilty pang over that, but self preservation had taken hold of us and the pride of uniform did not keep us from accepting anything to keep from freezing.
Even then it was so cold for all of us that we doubled up at night when trying to sleep under blankets made out of paper (yep, they were made from paper and the Japanese threatened to shoot anyone who let water get on them). A break for us was the appointment of an old retired Japanese Colonel as head of the prison camp and the old boy had a heart and soon we had some small coal stoves for heat. And we soon were permitted to take a bath (did not have one from the time we left Guam until a month after our arrival in Japan) and three meals a day of rice and soup as our fare.
## Zentsuji POW camp
We soon adjusted to the change in diet and the trots stopped, and then came the assignment to work detail. By May of that first year we had terraced a mountain about three miles from the prison camp. We thought we were going to raise our own food. We were wrong. The Japanese army had food raised there all right, but not for us prisoners. Had we known, we would not have done such a careful job of the terracing. We didn’t feel too badly at the time though, because we were all great optimists – we were sure the war would be over in a matter of days or weeks. As a matter of fact, we were really the supreme optimists while still in Guam. Even right after Guam fell, every time we heard a plane we were sure it was some of our boys coming to take over again. What a long wait we had in store for ourselves.
We soon realized in Japan that we might be there a while; and I for one decided to look into the prospects and determine what was best to do. Already some of the men were going off the beam, despondency being their worst enemy. After weighing all possibilities I decided to make a stab at learning the language. My reasoning was that surely this was a subject they might let me have some textbooks on. My reasoning proved correct.
As the prison camp settled down into some sort of routine, when the prisoners commenced asking for textbooks to use in what little spare time they had, so as to keep from going stir crazy, the Japanese at first refused the requests. Several of us asked how about the Japanese language. We were not too surprised to have our request granted. Luckily we had an interpreter, an American-born Japanese who had been caught in Japan when the war started and who later turned out to be a secret American sympathizer, but who also had to hide it most carefully; otherwise he would have lost his head, and he took us in hand. Well, I studied the lingo throughout the war, and by war’s end was actually acting as the prisoners’ official interpreter.
Of course today I don’t speak the language as fluently as I did in 1945. Haven’t used it enough, though I find I still have enough grasp of it in the Trust Territory (Micronesia). But by studying the language through out the war, I managed to keep my mind well occupied and alert. There were several of us who did this. One of our Naval Language experts who had been captured later on in a naval battle in Java was an expert in Japanese and he took over the teaching. At war’s end he tried to get me to go to a language school in Denver to polish off my learning. However, my only desire after the war was to get back to my family and forget all about Japan. As it was, Washington decided for me anyway. They had all the language students in Japanese they needed when the war ended, and I couldn’t have gone had I even wished to.
During those early months, the Japanese tried to get us to sign statements we would be on our honor not to try to escape, would never insult the emperor, and so on. We managed to buck all this as a body, sometimes being on short rations that were already short, because we were so stubborn.
## International Red Cross
Gradually it developed that our prison camp would be the one the Japanese used as an example of their camps to be shown to the International Red Cross. This was a break for us since it led to better treatment, improved food, the installation of medical facilities, and men were permitted to study various subjects that the Japanese considered non-military.
Even a library was set up, though I will admit it was a library that must have been selected for a bunch of morons. The laughable thing about it now is (though at the time we didn’t think it was funny) the way the Japanese used to put on a pretty good meal the day the Red Cross people were due in. I’ll never forget our consternation when one Red Cross group got delayed at the last moment and failed to show up at the appointed date. They came the next day. The result was that we had good food for two days running. But, boy, did we pay for it during the next few weeks.
An odd thing concerning the International Red Cross was the way the Japanese kept the POWs from talking directly to the Red Cross people. Instead of permitting uncensored discussion with the Red Cross, the Japanese would appoint a prisoner committee, and invariably the committee was composed of the collaborators. It was for this reason that we never were able to check on the lack of mail.
The Japanese paid us for our work, presumably in accordance with international law. However, the law states each military prisoner who is required to work will only work at a job suitable for his military rate or rank. Well, I was a chief when the war started, but the Japanese forgot about all such things. They worked us according to our physical condition. The pay was something. I got fifteen sen a day. With the yen worth about 360 yen to the dollar after the war, that meant I was working for nothing. One American dollar was worth 36,000 sen, and I got 15 sen per day. You figure that out.
However, the officers were paid about the right equivalent of their rank in the early part of the war, and we soon had several million yen floating around the camp and nothing to buy. Some of the boys managed to organize a poker game and it lasted off and on in various hideaways until the cards wore out. You should have seen that deck of cards after it was used about two years. The deck was about six inches thick. You couldn’t shuffle it at all. And you should have seen the players try to hide the cards in their hands. They were all identifiable. In stud poker when an old dog-eared ace or joker was on the top of the stack, everyone knew it, and the way some of them tried to buy pots on the strength of that top card was something to see. When the war ended the U.S. Government let us turn in 200 yen each at the rate of about ten to one, I believe it was. We had one character who had dealt in the black market all during the war, having several good Japanese contacts outside the camp. And if he had one yen, he had a million. He had hoped to cash in, but was sorely disappointed when he learned only 200 yen were exchangeable. Such were the fortunes of war.
Another interesting sidelight on the International Red Cross was that in the early days of the war, in one of the few opportunities, a prisoner found a fleeting chance to talk to them. The matter of our being permitted to have Mass was brought to their attention. By Christmas 1942, we were allowed to have Mass, first for Christmas, and by Easter time in 1943 we had finally worked around to daily Mass. An Australian Chaplain, Father Turner, a Jesuit, was with us.
We stole the flour from the Japanese for making hosts, that being my special task. It was rather difficult, but I worked it out where I used a steel bolt with a round flat head which I heated in the ranges under the pots along with a piece of sheet metal. I would make hosts whenever the chance came, because the Japanese permitted Mass but wouldn’t let us make hosts out in the open. Doing this in a clandestine manner didn’t seem wrong to any of us. As for Mass wine, Father Turner managed to arrange for some through a Japanese Catholic priest. Father had asked the Japanese to permit a priest to come into the camp to hear his confession, and somehow he arranged it with the Japanese priest. The wine, along with a few other needed items, somehow came into the camp. Just how it was arranged we never did learn.
Having daily Mass, until Father Turner was taken away in early 1945, was the greatest blessing we had. Many non-Catholics in the prison became Catholics. At one time we even organized a Holy Name Society in secret (unknown to the Japanese), but eventually had to stop when one of the collaborators spilled the beans on us. We had been using what was supposed to be an abandoned outhouse for our meetings; and the Japanese would never have suspected it.
I lost track of Father Turner after he left Zentsuji, but I still hope to someday get in touch with him. That diary I had kept included his address as well as many others from New Zealand, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Canada, and the U.S. After the war, I tried reaching him by sending letters to a few addresses I thought I had remembered correctly. But they were all returned to me.
I should bring in some praise for how the International Red Cross did do some good once they were acquainted with any facts or problems. They were greatly handicapped by the intentional hindrances given them by the Japanese. After the war, when talking to some of them at Wakiyama, we learned it had been the same in all the POW camps.
## Boiled horse bones
As for food in the prison camp, it was a shame the way we boiled those poor horse bones that first six months there. We used to stack them up like cord wood and from experience we soon learned how long to let a given batch of bones rest before putting them in the pot again. The pots were big black kettles like we see or did see at hog killing time when we were young. Each batch of bones was labeled, and when their turn came, into the pot they went; and each successive use saw more of them broken up and pulverized to get the calcium.
After the first two months or so there, we all started losing the fillings from our teeth. Some of the less fortunate lost most of their teeth while there. I was pretty lucky. My teeth lasted until the war was over, though I did have to have every filling replaced. One of the prisoners who had had dental experience dug up some white-looking cement and filled my teeth when the regular fillings fell out. After the war, I started losing teeth though and today I have eleven missing. Suppose I should have a plate or two put in, but haven’t bothered about it yet. The rest are still pretty good.
Some of the more unlucky ones at the prison camp lost their teeth by other means. Some of the Japanese took delight in knocking out teeth. When my turn came for a beating, they hammered my chin. I carry a few scars but I also have the satisfaction of remembering one Japanese making me stand at attention while he wound up and let me have it, and he picked himself up off the floor while I still stood. It was the mule in me I guess, but I was just as mad as he was; so I made up my mind I would take that blow, if it were the last I ever took.
Of course I lived to regret it. That pipsqueak made life miserable for me until he was transferred. I carry a scar on my shin where he played Yankee Doodle with his hobnailed boots one winter night when I saw him trip over a stump and laughed at him. Another time he got me on the shins when he caught a Japanese guard stealing a wristwatch one of our shot-down aviators had managed to keep. It was the only timepiece we had among all the prisoners and was invaluable to us. When the complaint was made to the Japanese Commandant, he naturally tipped off the guard to get rid of the watch, then made us go out and inspect the guard house, their gear, and everything they had. We didn’t find the watch and didn’t expect to find one, naturally. Boy, did the Japanese then hold a field day on us. I was into it because this little Caesar, as we called him, got in his licks on me that time too.
After the war, during war crimes trials, he got twenty years for several of his cute little tricks at our prison and others. I had been called as a witness to the beating of an Australian Army Officer, but a deposition was accepted and I didn’t have to go back to Japan.
The only thing that bothered me was the fact that I was used to putting up my dukes when someone wanted to tap me on the kisser, but there you couldn’t very well do it because in these affairs a guard stood behind you with a fixed bayonet.
By early 1942 the prison camp was soon settled down to a routine, if you could call it that what with being mustered all hours of the night. We had been pretty checked over and were assigned work details. Most of us were initially working on terracing Backbreak Mountain. Soon, however, many of us were put to stevedoring on the docks and railroads twenty miles away.
We left camp for work at 0400 in the morning and arrived back there at 2000 at night. A water shortage developed shortly after we arrived so a detail had to haul wood barrels on a kuruma (wheeled cart) about five miles to get enough water for the soup we had three times a day.
Bath water was nonexistent, and about once a month enough trickled through the line to fill one Japanese style bath – a big tub about six feet by eight feet. You would at first think that was plenty big enough. But when you stop to realize that the Japanese camp staff took their hot bath first always, even though they had their own ofure (bath) in their outside barracks with water to waste they used our bath first to let us know how inferior we were. Then we went into the tub in relays of twenty men. As the camp reached a total of 800 and more, those who were in the last group to get a bath really had a mess on their hands. However, we all got a crack at the last group in, and we had to be satisfied or do without. By summer time when we were stevedoring cement for thirty days or so without a bath, you can be sure on one turned down that bath, no matter how dirty it was. Then to add insult to injury, the last in the bath had to clean it up. The first time I was in the last group it was a wee bit squeamish, but I soon got over it.
Later on in the winter of 1942-1943, water became more plentiful; so we were permitted a bath once a week, but the same water for over 800 men held true. It was that way throughout the war. Sometimes the number of prisoners fell well below 800 and then we rolled in luxury in that community bath.
When the poor devils from Bataan arrived, that is, about 200 or so, they had body lice so bad that the Japanese wouldn’t let them use the bath until after they had been decontaminated in the crudest methods ever invented. It took a week and it was wintertime. A number of them caught pneumonia as they had been on shorter rations than we. Those with pneumonia died eventually, as we had no real means of helping them. The Japanese cremated them. The best we could do for the poor unfortunates was the fact that everyone who was not sick donated a teaspoon of his soup of rice to give them a bulky meal. The type of food didn’t do much more than cause more complications, as they were already too weak to digest the coarse nourishment.
The nighttime musters, which were held without warning, were rough, especially in wintertime. To make it pleasant for everyone, we had to count off in Japanese and some of the fellows never could learn to count to twenty (they put twenty of us to a squad room in old World War I barracks.) The Japanese would require counting off over and over until the numbers were pronounced to their satisfaction. You can be sure after the first year or so we could count in Japanese as good as the Japanese themselves. Once or twice some of the fellows farthest away from the Japanese guards tried counting off for our boys who had some difficulty. That resulted in the one caught being sent out into the night to pace up and down the camp roads. In the summer time it wasn’t so bad other than for the mosquitoes, but in winter time it was not pleasant, to say the least.
I mustn’t forget to tell you about how we fertilized the crops for the Japanese with “night soil.” This was another phase of our life there, which required quite a bit of adjustment to become used to. But we all became very proficient honey dippers. There may have been weak stomachs, but hunger had chased away all this by the time we were introduced to this time honored method of fertilizing. I didn’t mind too much as I had seen it for so many years when on the China station.
As was bound to happen when hunger was uppermost in everyone’s mind, we all became experts in stealing from the Japanese. The only trouble was we were doing all our stealing from the military, and they had laws there during the war that included the death penalty and applied to their own civilians as well. Food shortages were bad after the first year. However ninety-nine percent of our smuggling systems worked very well and we were able to supplement our small ration this way. Sometimes a tasty tidbit came in, but this went to the sick by unanimous agreement, that is, unanimous among the safe POWs. Yes, we had a few who sold out to the Japanese, and until we had them spotted, life was miserable, for many well laid plans in the early days fell apart for some unknown reason, which later developed to be the collaborators selling out their fellow POWs for an extra bowl of rice. However, the one percent that did get caught paid heavily. The Japanese knew we were stealing; so when they did catch someone they made a horrible example.
In our camp we had only one death from this cause. A British aviator from Singapore was found with several rolls of tobacco leaf, and tobacco was the Army’s sole property in Japan in the leaf. So they knew they had this poor man cold turkey. He had obtained it from one of my own shipmates off the *Penguin* who had stolen it in an Army warehouse by going through the fences at night. The aviator would not squeal on him; so the Japanese threw him inside the so-called brig of the POW camp without clothes. It was dead winter, and he caught pneumonia and died a few days later. The Japanese officer responsible for that received a twenty-year sentence after the war.
Some of used to steal little cakes and cookies right under the Japanese noses when they had some of us working in a bakery preparing sweets for one of their Army hospitals. It finally got so serious that the Japanese took us out of the bakery and they never did learn how we managed to pilfer the sweets, thought they shook us down frequently. We had managed to work out a fast switch system, one to the other, among ten or twenty prisoners working at the bakery. Diverting their attention was simple enough. Over-under the fence delivery route was cleverly camouflaged, being a box buried in the ground and untouched daily until well after dark.
The Japanese also tried to teach the POWs how to bow Japanese style. We were required to bow to all military, as were the Japanese civilians for that matter. Many a Japanese temper was rubbed raw before they finally settled for a bow we secretly referred to as our “Nertz to his nibs the Emperor” bow said each time the despised bow was necessary. We had no choice in the bow deal. Even Japanese civilian got slapped around if they failed to bow when passing military personnel or one of the hundreds of War Dead Shrines. I laugh now, but during the early days as a POW we all had lots of knots on our heads.
One might think that no Japanese were any good. However, they were good as well as bad, and before the first year was out we had several Japanese civilians smuggling medicine in to us.
## Be happy, cooperate
In the early days of the war, when things went well for the Japanese, they used to line us up at odd times and read off proclamations a mile long telling us how we should be happy and cooperate as we would spend the rest of our days there. As time went on and things looked grim for them, they reached a point where they forbade us to smile or whistle. Soon they started digging bomb shelters (we dug them) and we naturally thought some would be for ourselves. We were only kidding ourselves. When the bombing started the Japanese all ran for the shelters and the guards on duty herded us to the upper floor of the barracks. A rather pleasant feeling.
Men at work outside in the damp were simply herded together out in the open. At first we were nervous, but after a while we realized this didn’t do any good. Our camp was never hit by bombs, though Takamatsu, a nearby city, was fire bombed and burned out completely. That was a city of 100,000. Later we learned that 60,000 had died there. Other POW camps were badly bombed.
One thing that used to try us all was when, during 1943, the Japanese set up a chicken and rabbit raising project, intended for the prisoners. After everyone pitched in and got the project going, the products went to a Japanese Army hospital nearby. However, on rare occasion we did get an egg (every New Year’s) and rabbits that died were ours to eat.
After the big mountain-terracing job had been completed, the Japanese kept a small crew of prisoners on that type of work throughout the war. Once in a while I was put on that detail too, and throughout the war we always kept a sharp lookout for snakes. Snake meat is rather dry, but when a man is hungry it beats even a filet of steak. Cats and dogs became non-existent in our area after the first year. Some of the men rigged deadfalls and caught all of them. Dog meat is not too bad; but I never could get used to that stringy cat meat.
One time during the war the Japanese gave a big steak dinner for us. I was chief cook and bottle washer at the time, and it was some job to cube the carcass (the poor animal must have starved to death, but we asked no questions), which measured in grams only. These big steaks weighed exactly thirty grams each; and we in the galley (it was more like a foundry really) worked all night weighing it out. But it was good, at that.
For a long time before that, we had been getting by on fish once a month. The Army gave us their rotted fish rather than throw it away. Our best source of food was the Army guards’ garbage can. As hunger became stronger, it got so bad that we were fighting like animals over that garbage. And finally we had to work out an arrangement whereby each squad room took turns at the garbage can. This smoothed things over nicely, but then the Japanese had lost their daily show in our fighting over the garbage; and to show their kindness they moved the garbage can outside the camp.
A big event for the smokers, including myself, was the monthly ration day on cigarettes. Before the war, I had smoked a pipe, but also used up to two packs of Luckies a day. That ration in Japan was one pack of ten cigarettes a month. And when a man is hungry, a smoke seems to ease it. It was wonderful getting all sopped up with that cheap Japanese tobacco one day a month; but for the next month we all had nicotine fits. The non-smokers did quite well trading their cigarettes for food. We had four die from starving themselves by trading badly needed food for cigarettes.
We made pipes from cherry wood when working in the mountains (it was a crime to steal wood of any kind as it belonged to the Emperor), and once in a while we managed to get tea leaves which smoked quite well after we got used to them. I still have my cherry wood pipe. Also my wooden bowl and my POW tag.
As the war continued, food became so scarce that rice was taken from us. We then substituted rice part of the time with soybeans, which were rich in protein. The bean was too rich for us at first, and really gave us the trots. The Japanese would only let us have them about twice a month though because of the wood required to cook them. Try boiling some soybeans and see for yourself how long it takes to make them soft enough to eat without any teeth or all the fillings gone. We had no soda or anything to help soften them, so had to boil them steadily for seventy-two hours.
On the other days we substituted rice with the grain sweepings off the dock. That mixture had everything from horse manure to nails and glass in it. It didn’t take long for the more ingenious to rig a good old fashioned washer similar to what the good panners used years ago in California. A few fine rocks remained a few men broke off what teeth they had left. Those dock sweepings had been used before that for feeding the chickens and the prisoners who worked there had worked out a system whereby they took turns watching for Japanese while some of the men sorted out the edible grains. This grain, however, all went to the sick.
An old Army Captain from Bataan with some chemistry knowledge managed to work out a concoction of clover leaves mixed with hulls of grain, which was found to help an awful lot in reducing Beri Beri. I have often wondered what happened to the Old Captain. He was pretty well wasted away when the war ended.
## Toward the end
In 1944, when things began to get really tough for the Japanese, they didn’t seem to care much whether we lived or not. So all summer long we lived on eggplant soup. Man, that was something! We were allowed only a few pounds of salt each day and we needed actually fifty pounds or more, as the camp was full. So the soup was flat and hard to down. But hunger brought us around. That fall we commenced eating the leaves from the eggplant, which had been saved. When they ran out, we started on sweet potato vines (dried). Those were really something.
When the Japanese found that we could live on those dried vines that was our major food item from then on until the end of the war. Red Cross food packages had been brought into Japan, but it took a long time for them to reach us. The Japanese couldn’t face the fact that those little boxes were full of life-saving food items which they themselves didn’t have in the Army. As I recall it, I received three of these packages during the last nine months of the war. We later learned that there were enough sent to Japan through the International Red Cross to feed all the prisoners with one box each week. A Japanese Army Captain in our camp got fifteen years for withholding those packages from us. That last winter we also received some warm clothing through the Red Cross. But once again, there was not enough to go around. We later learned there was plenty for all of us, but the Japanese held it up.
In the early part of the war, before the Japanese forbade whistling and laughing, they had permitted the prisoners to organize some entertainment groups. It was surprising how talented some of those scarecrows were. Despite being weak from hunger, beri beri and diarrhea, these men really put on some fine shows. For several months the place actually became bearable. The old retired Japanese Army Colonel was still in charge of the camp and he had permitted this relaxation. How those men ever found the energy to get together, make up programs, and practice them is beyond me. But they did it and to the dying day of every man who was there we will always have a warm spot for those men. Later several of them died, probably from malnutrition, though the Japanese always had an official cause of death, attributing it to some contagious disease.
Another interesting but dangerous pastime we had, after several of us had learned the lingo fairly well, was to steal Japanese newspapers and translate them. Five of us did that little job, each of us having a certain part of each article to work on, doing it in different places in the camp. Of course we never knew how true the articles were, because the Japanese sure fed their people a lot of hot air later in the war. In the early days they could publish good news no doubt; but later there was nothing but bad news.
Only three months before the war ended, I recall translating an article that told how we had lost our entire carrier fleet in the Marianas, and there was talk of an armistice as the U.S. forces were about washed up! However, they did publish the truth about President Roosevelt’s death and even let us have a memorial service for him in the prison camp.
During the last summer there, the ill effects of living on dried sweet potato vines and dock sweepings finally commenced showing up in a big way. Everyone seemed to be sick at once. The Japanese felt the same way about human beings as they did about their work animals; if sick, cut down the food. If they died… oh, well.
Just before the first A-bomb hit Hiroshima, I came down with whatever it was. I was blacked out for eight days. I snapped out of it though and went back to my pots in the galley. We were down to a rather small group at Zentsuji, so I fell heir to cooking for the entire camp. Of course it wasn’t much of a job cooking vines and sweepings. The only trouble was that I had to get up at 0100 and did not get out of the barn until 2000 every evening. I was tired and didn’t care much for the long hours.
Commencing on the Feast of St. Joseph, March 19, 1945, was when our area really started to catch it from the bombs. From that date on we all learned to be very wary around the Japanese. They were so sensitive that they were snapping at one another. When Hiroshima was hit, we of course had no ideas what had happened, though we could see the flames. The Japanese didn’t know what had happened at first either. This was proven by their intelligence coming into our camp and questioning us very closely.
I could well imagine how we could know something about an A-bomb. We didn’t even know what the jelly gasoline bombs were until some evacuees came through on the railroad and those of us who could speak the lingo managed to ask about the badly burned people wrapped head to foot in bandages. From their answers we soon put two and two together and figured out what it was. Those napalm bombs really had the Japanese civilians jittery.
After Hiroshima, the Japanese were pretty touchy with us, though they did seem to have a little more interest in our welfare. The only trouble was that their own people had nothing and they couldn’t do much for us either. We had a hunch that the end was near because of the fact that several of the meanest guards suddenly disappeared right after Hiroshima. It was a good thing we were becoming optimistic, otherwise we would never had made that last month. I was down to 120 pounds after dropping from 175 pounds at the start of the war. However, I was in good shape compared too many. Beri beri had raised hob with almost everyone. But for some reason, after the second winter it never bothered me too much.
Soon Nagasaki got an A-bomb. This really shook the Japanese. The Kamikazes tried to get us. They were sworn to die for the Emperor and decided to take a few of us with them. The guard was doubled, which brought an end to this danger. All regular bombers kept splattering Japan everywhere. It got to the point where we never had any rest at all. Air raid alarms went on day and night. The Japanese home defense force was out all the time. Around our area their weapons were bamboo spears. We picked up rumors that commando units were expected to land in our general area. We were on Shikoku Island, on the inland sea.
The Japanese didn’t tell us the war was over at all. We found out for sure when most of the guards up and left, leaving their rifles behind. We organized the few Marines we had in camp into a security guard. Our only real worry was the Kamikazes as there were some loose on Shikoku. However, we were never seriously bothered. The day the war ended we knew something was a foot because all the Japanese listened to a radio broadcast, which we later learned was the Emperor giving the people the bad news.
It was funny the way the Japanese more or less left us to find out for ourselves. It was probably just as well. By the time we got the Japanese radio to working and picked up American broadcasts telling POWs everywhere what to do, the mean guards had put lots of distance between the camp and themselves. In some areas the POWs got their hands on the guard who had been mean, and that was the last ever heard of them.
Another peculiar thing that happened just before the Japanese left the camp, was their taking of our POW tailor aside and having him fashion an American flag of some cloth that gave him. He couldn’t tip us off on what had happened. They kept him away from the rest of us until they left. Then when the Japanese left and we had our radio going, we learned what was behind that. POW camps were told by our forces via our radio to spread flags on the roofs of buildings or on the ground at the campsite. Soon planes came over and commenced dropping parachute loads of food, medicine and clothing. Some of the parachutes failed to open. In our camp, one load of shoes went clean through the slate roof, two floors of a building and buried themselves in the ground under the building.
A case of peaches from another load that had a parachute failure hit a brick structure. The case didn’t even break open. But every can inside was found bone dry. The impact had been flat on the bottom of the case and the cans were found to have fine slits where they burst and ejected the contents. It was hard to believe, but I saw it with my own eyes.
With these friendly bombs falling all around, we didn’t know where to go. In or out of the immediate camp vicinity was not safe. Many drops fell outside the camp. It was interesting to see how the Japanese civilians, organized by the mayor and police of the nearby town, gathered up every single item; and to the best of the POWs knowledge, they brought every bit of it to the camp.
The only casualty we learned of from the bad drops was over bear Kobe. A Navy carrier plane dropped a gasoline drum full of canned beer on a makeshift chute; and it didn’t work, and the drop struck a woman on a hillside, burying her.
For the first few days, other than keeping a close guard on the camp, we all sat around eating till we were ready to burst. It was a wonder we didn’t kill ourselves. Quite a number had not only indigestion but the trots as well. I played it cautious and tried to eat a balanced diet, but it was hard to resist eating mountains of the food we had not seen in so long. The most amazing thing was the way we gained weight. I gained nearly 40 pounds in a month!
It was over a month after the war ended before an Army Rescue team found us. We had been instructed by radio to remain where we had been as POWs. The orders were repeated for a week or so: “Don’t under any circumstances move from the spot where you were held as a POW.” So we stayed put. However, within a week the Japanese civilians sent delegations to the camp telling us they invited us out to various homes for small parties. We held a powwow and decided it was safe; and thus all of us did have a look-see at some of the countryside as sightseers rather than as POW work detail.
You may have seen some of the pictures taken of myself and other POWs right after the war. Most of these were taken nearly a month after the war ended, and in them you can see we were putting on weight. The food and supply planes, all the way from B-29s to little fighters dropped enough supplies in our camp area to supply 1,000 men. They must have had bum dope. At one time we had close to 1,000 men in the camp; but at the war’s end there were only about 125 remaining.
You can well imagine the temptation to overeat was enormous because of the large supply of food. We tried to curb it by the older and senior men giving orders to lay off, even going so far as to set up a rationing system, liberal in quantity, but nevertheless rationing. You can imagine how receptive most were to rationing after having been on short rations so long. The system helped avoid criminal waste though, and a few days before the Army Rescue team got to us, we had given out limited quantities of food and medicine to the Japanese civilians who had helped us during the war. The poor creatures wanted to accept so badly it was pitiful; but they were deathly afraid of being accused of stealing from us as their own army would. However, we set their worries at easy by making up signed statements attesting to the fact that we had given the individual the goods in thanksgiving for their assistance during the war.
Actually, if it hadn’t been for an old man by the name of Shirakawa (White river in English), I probably wouldn’t be here today. I was in pretty bad shape in the winter of 1944 and he smuggled in some medicine that pulled me through. If I ever go to Japan I will make it a point to look him up, if he still lives.
Well, after the Army Rescue team came in during the middle of September, they gave us all a very thorough medical check up. Each rescue team had doctors and nurses. And we prepared for the trip out of Japan. I was found fit to travel as an ambulatory patient. We were all classified as patients. Thus, I was able to do a lot of sightseeing in the long slow trip by train from Zentsuji to Takamatsu, then across the inland sea by ferry, then by train to Wakiyama, a pre-war resort town converted into a evacuation center, that is, what was left of it.
During the 400-mile trip from Zentsuji to Wakiyama every town we passed through was burned out completely. It was odd to note how our bombers had avoided the railroads while at the same time they wrecked everything along the railroads. They must have done some pretty good precision bombing. In Wakiyama, the whole town was destroyed except several huge hotels on a point at the edge of the town. These hotels were the evacuation center. There, teams of doctors numbering about 20 each, all specialists, gave us a real checking over, and then our intelligence people commenced their questioning regarding atrocities. It was all tiring, but we didn’t mind, as we were free men on our way home.
I was found to be in good shape other than being under weight, with bad teeth and bad eyes, and enough effects from beri beri to warrant a series of some kind of shots, which ended several months later in Guam.
Anyway, I was permitted to leave Wakiyama right away and I returned to Guam via a destroyer.
## Back to Guam and family
Upon arrival at Guam I had to enter the hospital, as were all ex-POWs when they arrived at their final destination. After being checking in and squared away, I commenced the tedious task of fighting red tape to obtain permission to leave the hospital to try to find Maria and the children.
It was an odd thing that they had no records of the families of those of us who returned to Guam. For a while I was pretty worried because I had never received any mail from Maria during the war years. The Japanese had let her write regularly, but the mail never reached me. However, Mama’s cards and letters did reach me, at least some of them did. The Japanese also let me write to Maria, but she never received a single letter. It was the same with all of us who had families in Guam. I had no idea how Maria had fared during the war until after my return. I believe a priest who was a good friend of Father Michael had located Maria shortly after our troops had reoccupied Guam and had relayed word back to Mama and the rest of you through Father Michael. To this day Maria often talks about the things Mary sent her, which were a Godsend at that critical time when the only clothing Maria and the children had was the rags they had on their backs.
I arrived in Guam on December 19, 1945, and after a struggle from about 1000 in the morning until 2100 that evening, I finally located Maria and the children living in the same spot Cajetan found us, only the place was so poorly constructed at that time that a pig would have been insulted had he to live in it. I was so happy to be back and to find all safe that I quickly forgot the feeling of resentment which had struck me over the fact that we had more than 150,000 troops in Guam at the time and no one had given a thought to putting the families of the POWs under a decent roof.
After I returned, however, the picture changed. Had I accepted all the building materials and supplies, food, household equipment, and so on, that were offered, I could still be in business. However, I still lived in the pre-war days in my thinking and refused everything I couldn’t pay for. Everyone thought I was crazy, not only myself but also all the fellows who returned to Guam. Later we found out it would have been all right to accept all that was offered because when the demobilization started, the thousands of reserves who had charge of supply dumps couldn’t leave for home until their depots were disposed of. They made short work of that little obstacle.
Well, anyway, that should suffice for a brief incomplete answer to your question, Bill. I have probably left out many of the most interesting details; but it will give you something of an idea of what it was like. I laugh about it now, but I don’t believe I would want to go through it again.
However, I will say I learned many valuable lessons there. One thing, most important of all, I learned to be thankful to God every day of my life for whatever He brings to me or my family. I also learned to be patient and forbearing, something I most certainly was not before the war. I also learned that material wealth is for the birds. Spiritual wealth and health mean far more to me. Maria feels exactly the same on these points.
I will close for this time hoping, as always, that this little letter finds all of you in the best of health and happiness under the protection of Our Blessed Mother. Love from all the family,
Your loving brother,
*Bob*
## For further reading
Mansell, Roger. “[Guam Timeline 8 Dec 1941 to 31 Dec 1943](http://www.mansell.com/pow_resources/guam/g-timeline.html).” *Allied POWS Under the Japanese, WWII*, last modified 2 August 2020.
––– “[Roster of Guam Military, Native Guard, and Civilians Captured and Taken to Japan](http://www.mansell.com/pow_resources/guam/guamroster.html).” *Allied POWS Under the Japanese, WWII*, last modified 2 August 2020.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Palomo, Tony, and Paul J. Borja, eds. *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam.* Maite: Guam 50th Liberation Committee, 1994.
Thomas, James O. *Trapped with the Enemy!: Four Years a Civilian P.O.W. in Japan*. \[Philadelphia\]: Xlibris Corporation, 2002.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Robert O'Brien: US Prisoner of War
---
### [War Survivor: Rosanne Santos Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-rosanne-santos-ada/)
**Published:** May 22, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Born on the March to Manenggon. Rosanne Borja Santos Ada, (1944-2021), was born at the end of June 1944, the eighth child of Ana Sablan Borja Santos and Mariano Barcinas Santos. Pregnant with Rosanne, Ana and Mariano were forced to march along with their seven other children from Sumai to Fena and to the Manenggon concentration camp. She was born en route to the camp.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Rosanne Santos Ada
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Born on the March to Manenggon
p>Rosanne Borja Santos Ada, (1944 – 2021), was born at the end of June 1944, the eighth child of Ana Sablan Borja Santos and Mariano Barcinas Santos. Pregnant with Rosanne, Ana and Mariano were forced to march along with their seven other children from[ Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) to Fena and to the [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/) concentration camp. She was born en route to the camp.
> My family and other Sumai residents were grouped together to be massacred, During the march, my mother became so malnourished and couldn’t produce breast milk.
>
> Rosanne Santos Ada
Roseanne was fed by three wet nurses, who eventually became her Godmothers.
One of the significant memories of the march that her mother shared with her was when one of her family members, Juan Roberto and his wife, who was light skinned and of Spanish decent, looked up in the sky when the Americans were attacking Guam. Mrs. Roberto, who was pregnant, was shot and killed by US bombers. Her three young children survived.
During the occupation, the Japanese troops influenced the CHamoru/Chamorro people and their lifestyle. Her mom knew how to speak Japanese from hearing them speak on a daily basis. They also needed to learn the language to be aware of what was going on and protect themselves from the Japanese troops.
> The Japanese forced the young girls and boys to work in the rice fields. My mom was pregnant and didn’t have to go out on the rice fields. Other children were forced to learn Japanese in school.
## War experience impacted them for the rest of their lives
Her mother and father’s experience of war would eventually impact how Ada and her siblings were raised and taught how to live.
> During the war, we didn’t have food; we were all starving. After the damage of the bombing, nothing was alive – no animals, no vegetation; and the Japanese took all of the people’s livestock. We had only the clothes on our body.
Her father didn’t have any money with them physically because they all had to bury money somewhere so the Japanese troops would not take it from them.
> If the Japanese saw you in possession of American money, you can get killed.
>
> We were taught survival skills like how to save and ration our food. We were told not to take so much food if you won’t be able to eat it. When the Americans came to liberate Guam, the CHamoru people were given canned rations.
The liberation of the CHamoru people from the Japanese influenced Ada’s family’s faith and religion. Ada went to Mt. Carmel School in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) and Cathedral Grade School in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
> The nuns from Notre Dame were American-born nuns and we learned Catholicism and English from them.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Christine Restuvog Quinata.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Rosanne Santos Ada
---
### [War Survivor: Sr. Bernard Unpingco](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-sr-bernard-unpingco/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** War is non-discriminatory. Sister Mary Bernard Unpingco (1935 - ) is a School Sister of Notre Dame and a survivor of war. She was born in San Ramon, Hagåtña, and named Rita Reyes Unpingco. Her parents were Eliza Guevara Reyes and Jose Aguon Unpingco. Unpingco was the middle child of seven children: Juan, Norbert (Bert), Gloria, Rita, Fe, Teresita and Antonio (Speaker Tony Unpingco). The family also reared (pokasi) Rosario Reyes, who was Eliza's oldest brother's child. Rosario's mother had died at childbirth.
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Sr. Bernard Unpingco
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## War is non-discriminatory
Sister Mary Bernard Unpingco (1935 – ) is a School Sister of Notre Dame and a survivor of war. She was born in San Ramon, [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), and named Rita Reyes Unpingco. Her parents were Eliza Guevara Reyes and Jose Aguon Unpingco. Unpingco was the middle child of seven children: Juan, Norbert (Bert), Gloria, Rita, Fe, Teresita and Antonio (Speaker Tony Unpingco). The family also reared (*pokasi*) Rosario Reyes, who was Eliza’s oldest brother’s child. Rosario’s mother had died at childbirth.
Eliza’s sister, Ana Reyes Aflague, and her son also lived with them after Ana’s husband died. Unpingco’s father, Jose, served in the US Navy and was captured and imprisoned by the Japanese for the duration of the war. Although Unpingco was very young, her memories are vivid of Ana and her uncles coming to check on them from time to time.
Unpingco was an observant and inquisitive child. She remembers that she was attending Mass at the Cathedral when the bombing started.
> It was frightening. I looked up at all the people who were hugging, crying and praying, wondering what would happen to us. The next thing I knew, everyone started moving.
>
> Sr. Bernard Unpingco
It appeared to young Unpingco that her mother and father had a plan of action for emergencies in case her father wasn’t around. She and the younger ones walked up San Ramon hill and she recalls an old lady asking her brother, Bert, for a ride up the hill on their carabao. Once they reached the top, however, the old lady got off and left.
They walked to Apusento in [Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/), where they had a ranch, which eventually became their home for the duration of the war.
> I remember my dad visiting us for a very brief time at Apusento. I remember he had broken his arm because it was very wet and slippery. He checked on us to see that we were okay and then he went away again. I never really knew where he went to – maybe back to where he was imprisoned.
One day, the Japanese showed up at their ranch.
> My siblings and I hid in the big *bokonngo* (hole) under the *lemai* (breadfruit) tree nearby and we watched as they pillaged our home for eggs and other things to eat. It was very scary. The Japanese took my brother, Juan, with them. They said he had to help offload the ships carrying supplies. I never saw him again until much later on the road to Manenggon.
Although the ranch was not near a river, the family used a large drum to catch rain water, and Unpingco enjoyed running out into the rain to shower whenever she could.
Eventually, the children were ordered to return to school and life resumed to something close to normal, except that the Japanese had to be obeyed.
> I remember attending Japanese school. Bert and I would walk … from Apusento to school in Sinajana. The older kids would run ahead and I was often left trailing behind. I was usually late, so I would hide under the *nunu* tree until just before recess, then dash into class as the kids were running out to play. I memorized all the writing on the board to make up for missing class. I had a good memory. I even remember going to school in the same room in the same grade for two years.
When the CHamorus/Chamorros were ordered to go to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/), everybody started walking, but some of the sick and infirm were to be transported later on by the Japanese. Unpingco was told by her mother to accompany her aunt and her sick son, but the Japanese saw her and chased her away. Only the sick were allowed to ride in the trucks. Since she was not sick, she was chased away and told to run ahead to catch up to the family.
## Lost on the march to Manenggon
> I was traumatized because I got lost. For all of two nights and one whole day, I wandered by myself.
To her salvation, there were hundreds of people all walking in one direction, and so Unpingco followed them blindly, resting against a tree at nightfall and listening for any familiar sounds.
> I found my family instead of them finding me. On the second night being alone, I was resting quietly in the dark, listening to all the sounds around me.
Out of the dark, Unpingco heard her brother, Juan, laughing, so she gravitated to the sound of his voice.
> I found him with Uncle Kiko. I was just so happy that I wasn’t lost anymore.
Unpingco has no clear memory of when and how long they were at Manenggon before the American soldiers rescued them. She just remembers being frightened until the American soldiers gave them candy and rations.
Unpingco remembers that the soldiers accompanied them across the mountainous paths to get to their base camp. The family was eventually able to return to the family home in Hagåtña after the war. It had been used as a Headquarters by the Japanese, but was still livable because the bombs only hit one wall. Unpingco’s dad’s brother, Felipe, came to live with them after the war to help out.
Unpingco was eight years old when the war ended, but wanted to share her memories through this story.
> Although I was very young and my experiences were limited to that of a child, I am a survivor of that time. I probably was spared much of the atrocities of war, because I was with family for the most part, but war is nondiscriminatory.
Unpingco believes that she felt the trauma of war, though, because of her experience of being separated from her family when she was lost.
> I believe that no child should ever have to endure what I went through during the war. I believe this experience played a great part in the decisions I made later on in life.
Unpingco entered the Aspiranture in 1952 and became Sister Mary Bernard with the School Sisters of Notre Dame. In 1954, she was sent to the SSND Motherhouse in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In 1956, she was professed. Sister Mary Bernard received her BA degree from Maryknoll College (Miriam College) and her MA degree from the University of Guam.
As an educator, she served in schools in Wisconsin, Guam, the Marshall Islands, Chuuk and Yap. In addition to teaching, Sister Mary Bernard served as Regional Leader and Councilor for the School Sisters of Notre Dame. She is with the Notre Dame community in Talo’fo’fo.
> Daily Mass and Holy Communion strengthened me and fortified me to proceed with my decision to follow Him.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Christine Dimla Lizama.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Sr. Bernard Unpingco
---
### [Micronesia Milestones](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
**Published:** February 17, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia's Micronesia and World Milestones. A Journey through 4,000 Years
**Content:**
# MICRONESIA MILESTONES
## Guampedia's Micronesia and World Milestones
Micronesia Milestones Lesson Plan: Connecting Personal History to the Histories of Others [here.](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesia-milestones-lesson-plan-connecting-personal-history-to-the-histories-of-others/)
Download the Micronesia Milestones timeline [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/0-Micronesia-Milestone-Timeline-Stories_20250530.pdf).
### A Journey through 4,000 Years
[  ](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Great_Sphinx_-_Giza_-Egypt.jpg)World Milestone
Ancient Egyptians Build Sphinx
2500 BC
The Great Sphinx of Giza, literally Father of Dread, is a limestone statue of a reclining sphinx, a mythical creature. Facing directly from West to East, it is on the west bank of the Nile in Giza, Egypt. It is the oldest known monumental sculpture in Egypt. Image information: [*Great Sphinx of Giza*.](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Great_Sphinx_-_Giza_-Egypt.jpg)
Micronesia Milestone
Ancient People Settle Marianas
2000 - 1500 BC
The Marianas are home to one of the oldest [Pacific Island cultures](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/). The Marianas were settled by seafaring peoples from Island Southeast Asia more than 3,500 years ago. It is uncertain whether the islands were settled in waves of migration or all at once, though it is known that the Marianas were continuously occupied by people who became known as [CHamorus/Chamorros](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-dna-studies-and-the-origin-of-the-chamorro-people/). Image information: *Ladrones/Mariana Islands* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Ancient People Settle Palauan Islands
1500 BC
The [Palauan archipelago](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/) was settled in a series of migrations originating from Island Southeast Asia around 1100 BC. Palau's geographic location made it an easy stepping stone into the Pacific from Asia. Image information: *Village on the Palau Islands*.
World Milestone
Moses Gives 10 Commandments to the Jewish People
1240 BC
The Ten Commandments, also known as Aseret HaDibrot (“Ten Sayings” in Hebrew) or Decalogue, are the first ten of the 613 commandments given by God to the Jewish people. They form the foundation of Jewish ethics, as well as civil and religious law. These commandments are mentioned twice in the Torah—once in Exodus and again in Deuteronomy. Image information: *Moses Smashing the Tablets of the Law*.
Micronesia Milestone
Ancient Peoples Settle Yap
1200 - 1000 BC
The first settlers in [Yap](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/) were ancient peoples from the Malay Peninsula, the Indonesian archipelago, New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands. Some of the people of Yap's neighboring islands are descendants of Polynesian settlers and as such, have significant ethnic dissimilarities from the people of the Yap main islands. Image information: *Port of Yap*.
World Milestone
Birth of Lao-tzu (Laozi)
604 BC
Lao-tzu, founder of Taoism, was born in 604 BC. Lao-Tzu, also Laozi, (literally "Old Master") was a Chinese philosopher and writer. He was a scholar, the Keeper of the Archives for the royal court, and is the reputed author of the Tao Te Ching, the foundation of philosophical Taoism. A semi-legendary figure and contemporary of Confucius, Lao-tzu is a deity in religious Taoism and traditional Chinese religions. Image information: *Confucius*.
World Milestone
Birth of Siddhartha Gautama
563 BC
Siddhartha Gautama, the founder of Buddhism, was born in what is modern day Nepal. Gautama is the primary figure in Buddhism. He is believed by Buddhists to be an enlightened teacher that attained full Buddhahood. Image information: *Birth of Buddha at Lumbini*.
World Milestone
Birth of Jesus
4 BC
Jesus of Nazareth, the founder of Christianity, was born around 4 BC. Jesus is a religious leader revered in Christianity, one of the world’s major religions. He is regarded by most Christians as the incarnation of God. Image information: *Adoration of the Shepherds*.
World Milestone
Roman Colosseum is Built
AD 372
The Colosseum, also known as the Flavian Amphitheater, opened to the public around AD 80. The massive stone amphitheater was commissioned by Emperor Vespasian of the Flavian dynasty as a gift to the Roman people. Vespasian’s son Titus opened the Colosseum with 100 days of games, including gladiatorial combats and wild animal fights. Image information: *History of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages*.
Micronesia Milestone
Ancient People Settle Kiribati
AD 500
[Kiribati](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-kiribati/) was first inhabited by [Micronesian](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") people about AD 500. Later, invasions by Samoans and Tongans introduced Polynesian elements into the culture and invasions by Fijians introduced Melanesian elements too. Image information: *Tabiteuean Warriors of the Gilbert Islands, About 1840*.
Micronesia Milestone
Ancient People Settle Chuuk, Pohnpei, Kosrae
AD 500
Ancient people settle [Chuuk, Pohnpei, Kosrae](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/) from Island Southeast Asia, Melanesia and West Polynesia in different waves of migration. These islands were inhabited for at least 1,000 years before they were visited by European explorers. Image information: Carolinian Navigation, 1836. Image information: *Grand Archipelago of the Carolines* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
World Milestone
Birth of Muhammad
AD 570
Muhammad was born at Mecca, Arabia (now in Saudi Arabia). He is the founder of Islam and the proclaimer of the Qurʾān. According to Islamic doctrine, he was a prophet and God’s messenger, sent to present and confirm the teachings preached previously by Adam, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and other prophets. Image information: *Birth of Prophet Muhammad*.
World Milestone
Mayans Build Chichen Itza Pyramid
AD 750
Chichen Itza, a large pre-Columbian city, was built by the Maya people around AD 750. The archaeological site is located in Tinúm Municipality, Yucatán State, Mexico. Image information: *Chichen Itza*.
Micronesia Milestone
Marianas Pottery Transitions
AD 1000
The oldest [Marianas redware pottery](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/ "Ancient CHamoru Pottery Usage") was small thin walled bowls sometimes decorated with impressively fine designs. Over the years, though, pottery styles changed. Pottery became coarser, thicker and larger. By AD 1000 CHamorus/Chamorros were making large bowls with thickened rims, many with combing marks. Image information: Image of AD 500 - AD 1000 pottery courtesy of [Dr. Mike Carson](https://www.guampedia.com/mike-t-carson/ "Mike T. Carson").
Micronesia Milestone
Latte Architecture Develops in the Marianas
AD 1000
More than 1,500 years after the Marianas were first settled CHamorus/Chamorros developed *[latte](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/ "Latte Structures")*, comprised of a stone pillar and a stone capstone. *Latte* were erected in two parallel rows of six to ten pillars and used as building foundations. Image information: *Latte Village* detail from the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum").
World Milestone
Polynesians Settle Hawai’i
AD 1000
The original settlement of [Hawai’i](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-hawaii/ "POP Cultures: Hawai’i") was by Polynesians who migrated northwest from the Marquesas Islands, followed by a second wave of people that sailed from [Tahiti](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-tahiti/) during the 9th or 10th century. Image information: *The Temple of the King at Tiritatéa Bay*.
Micronesia Milestone
Nauru is First Settled
AD 1000
[Nauru](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-nauru/ "POP Cultures: Nauru") is settled by ancient people from both [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") and [Polynesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-polynesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Polynesia"). There are 12 traditional clans or tribes which are represented in the 12-pointed star in the nation’s flag. Nauruan society, like other Micronesian cultures, traces descent on the matrilineal, or female, line. Image information: *Scene at Arenibek, Nauru*.
Micronesia Milestone
Leluh and Nan Madol are Built
AD 1200
Leluh in [Kosrae](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") and Nan Madol in [Pohnpei](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") are built. These ancient settlements were governmental centers and home to kings and high chiefs. Image information: *Village in Kosrae* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
World Milestone
Marco Polo Returns from China
AD 1295
Marco Polo, a Venetian merchant, journeyed across Asia at the height of the Mongol Empire. Marco Polo remained abroad for 24 years. Though not the first European to explore China he became famous for his travels thanks to a popular book he co-authored while languishing in a Genoese prison. Image information: *Mosaic of Marco Polo*.
Micronesia Milestone
Dry Land Rice Farming in the Marianas
AD 1300
Early historic accounts about the Marianas say [rice](https://www.guampedia.com/rice-in-ancient-guam/ "Ancient CHamoru Use of Rice") was produced in large quantities in pre-Spanish times. It was used as a commodity for [trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) between islands and later, with the Europeans to obtain metal and other goods. The CHamorus/Chamorros were the only Pacific Island people known to have cultivated rice dating back to pre-contact times. Image information: Altered *Island of Guam: Agricultural Work* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
World Milestone
Aztec Empire at its Peak
1487
The Aztec Empire, or the Triple Alliance, began as an alliance of three Nahua altepetl city-states: Mexico-Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan. It reaches its peak under the rule of Ahuitzotl. Image information: *Auitzotl, the Eighth Aztec King*.
World Milestone
Ming Emperor Rebuilds Great Wall
1492
The Ming emperor orders rebuilding of the Great Wall as protection against northern invaders. Building the Great Wall began when fortifications, built by various states from 771 BC on, were connected by the first emperor of China, Qin Shi Huang, to protect against incursions by nomads from Inner Asia. Image information: *Great Wall of the Ming Dynasty*.
World Milestone
Columbus Completes Atlantic Exploration
1493
Christopher Columbus, an Italian explorer and navigator, completes four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean under the auspices of the Catholic Monarchs of Spain. Columbus first left Spain in August 1492 with three ships, making landfall in the Bahamas. Image information: *Columbus’ Vessels* from the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).
Micronesia Milestone
Treaty of Tordesillas is Signed
1494
The [Treaty of Tordesillas](https://www.guampedia.com/treaty-of-tordesillas/ "Treaty of Tordesillas") is signed by Pope Alexander VI, dividing the world between Spain and Portugal. The Mariana Islands are placed on the Spanish side. Image information: Courtesy of [Dr. Carlos Madrid](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/).
World Milestone
Aztec Capital Falls to Cortés
1521
The Aztec empire flourished between 1345 and 1521, dominating ancient Mesoamerica. But Hernan Cortés, with his formidable firearms and thirst for treasure, brought devastating destruction and disease, along with willing local allies. Image information: *Storming of the Teocalli by Cortez and His Troops*.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamorus/Chamorros Encounter Ferdinand Magellan
1521
The first European encounter for CHamorus/Chamorros in the Marianas was with Spain's [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/ "Ferdinand Magellan") and his crew aboard three ships attempting to circumnavigate the world. Image information: *First Encounter* courtesy of the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum").
Micronesia Milestone
Álvaro de Saavedra Sights the Marshall Islands
1529
Spanish explorer Álvaro de Saavedra came across the [Marshall Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls") on an expedition to find new lands in the Pacific and to bring back spice plants to Europe. He sailed from Mexico to the Philippines, making him the first European navigator to cross the Pacific Ocean from the Americas. Image information: *Canoe, Marshall Islands*.
Micronesia Milestone
Treaty of Zaragoza is Ratified by Spain and Portugal
1529
This peace [treaty](https://www.guampedia.com/treaty-of-zaragoza/ "Treaty of Zaragoza") did not modify the line of demarcation established by the [Treaty of Tordesillas](https://www.guampedia.com/treaty-of-tordesillas/ "Treaty of Tordesillas"). However, Portugal gained control of all lands and seas west of the line, including all of Asia and its neighboring islands so far “discovered,” leaving Spain with most of the Pacific. Image information: *Portrait of Charles V*.
World Milestone
Council of Trent Convenes
1545-1563
The Catholic Church's Council of Trent, prompted by the Protestant Reformation, issued condemnations of what it defined to be heresies committed by Protestants. The Council issued key statements and clarifications of the Church's doctrine and teachings, including scripture, sacred tradition, original sin, the sacraments, Mass and the veneration of saints. Image information: *Council of Trent*.
Micronesia Milestone
Miguel Legazpi Claims the Marianas for Spain
1565
[Miguel López de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/ "Miguel López de Legazpi"), a colonial official in Mexico, Pacific explorer and conquistador, led the 1565 expedition that visited Guam on its westward voyage from Mexico to Cebu in the Philippines. Legazpi claimed Guam for Spain, and was later granted possession of Guam and Rota by the Spanish King Philip II. Image information: *Miguel López de Legazpi*.
World Milestone
Oda Nobunaga Moves to Unite Japan
1568
Oda Nobunaga, a powerful feudal lord of Japan in the late 16th century, attempts to unify Japan during the late Sengoku period (Age of the Warring States), and gains control over most of Honshu. Nobunaga is regarded as one of three unifiers of Japan. Image information: *Portrait of Oda Nobunaga*.
Micronesia Milestone
Manila Galleons Bring Trade from Asia to Mexico
1568 - 1815
The [Manila Galleon](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/ "Manila Galleon Trade Route-La Nao de China: A Legacy in the Marianas") (“Nao de China” or “Nao de Acapulco”) brings porcelain, silk, ivory, spices, and myriad other exotic goods from China to Mexico via Manila in exchange for New World silver. The Galleons stopped in the Marianas on the return trip to Manila, once or twice a year. Image information: *Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zaragosa* courtesy of the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum").
World Milestone
Sir Francis Drake Circumnavigates the World
1582
Francis Drake, an English sea captain, privateer, slave trader, naval officer and explorer, was knighted for plundering Spanish ships and towns. He was the second explorer to circumnavigate the world in a single expedition, and was the first to complete the voyage as captain. Image information: *Sir Francis Drake*.
World Milestone
England Defeats the Spanish Armada
1588
The Spanish Armada, a fleet of 130 ships, tries to overthrow England and the establishment of Protestantism in 1588. The attack was Spain's attempt to stop English interference in the Spanish Netherlands and the harm caused to Spanish interests by English and Dutch privateering. The armada was defeated, however, losing one third of the ships. Image information: *English Ships and the Spanish Armada, August 1588*.
Micronesia Milestone
Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora Jumps Ship on Rota
1602
Franciscan lay brother [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/ "Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora") deserts a ship off the shores of Rota on his way to Manila. Although he was only in the Mariana Islands for seven months, he provided an invaluable historical contribution through descriptive written accounts of the lives, customs, and culture of CHamorus/Chamorros in the early 17th century. Image information: *Chamorros of the Marianas, 1602,* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
World Milestone
Manchus Establish Qing Dynasty
1644
The Qing dynasty is established, becoming the last imperial dynasty of China. It ruled China until 1912, when it was succeeded by the Republic of China. It lasted for almost three centuries and formed the territorial base for modern China. It was the fourth largest empire in world history. Image information: *Portrait of Hong Taiji*.
Micronesia Milestone
Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores Arrives on Guam
1668
[Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/ "Father Diego Luis de San Vitores"), a Jesuit, brought Christianity to the Marianas in 1668. He was killed on Guam just a little less than four years after his arrival, a death he welcomed because he would be considered a martyr in his efforts to spread Christianity. Image information: *San Vitores* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
First Catholic Boys School Established on Guam
1669
The [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/ "Colegio de San Juan de Letrán"), a boy’s school or seminary, is established in 1669 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña") by Father Diego Luis de San Vitores, the Jesuit priest who started the first Catholic mission in the Marianas. It was still in existence in 1899 when the Americans claimed the island. Image information: *Colegio de San Juan de Letran, Hagåtña, 1819,* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Hurao Rallies 2,000 Warriors on Guam to Take a Stand
1671
[Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/ "Hurao"), a Hagåtña CHamori (high caste) who, with the backing of the village *makanas* (spiritual leaders), was key in instigating a major battle. He rallied 2,000 CHamoru/Chamorro warriors to take up arms. This battle was the first mass movement by Chamorros against the Spanish. Image information: Rendering of Hurao by Jose "Malet" Garrido.
Micronesia Milestone
Matå'pang Kills San Vitores
1672
[Matå’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/) from Tomhom ([Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)) killed Father Diego Luís de San Vitores, the Spanish priest who brought Christianity to the Marianas. At first a Christian convert, Matå’pang rejected Christianity because he saw that it was being used as a tool to control his people and obliterate CHamoru/Chamorro traditions and beliefs. Image information: *San Vitores Shrine Statue*, photo by [Victor Consaga](https://www.guampedia.com/victor-consaga/ "Victor Consaga").
Micronesia Milestone
Agualin Attacks Catholic Mission
1676
[Agualin](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-aguarin/ "Agualin") (or “Aguarin”) was a CHamoru/Chamorro chief who led several revolts against the Spanish. He was from [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"), but traveled from village to village to inspire other Chamorros to fight Spanish colonialism and Catholicism. Image information: Rendering of *Agualin* by Jose "Malet" Garrido.
World Milestone
Chief Metacom Resists British
1678
Chief Metacom, of the Wampanoag people, stood up to the British colonists in America. Metacom used his tribal alliances to coordinate efforts to push European colonists out of New England. Conflicts over land use, diminished game as a consequence of expanding European settlement, and other tensions, were behind their dissatisfaction. Image information: *Metacom* from the World History Encyclopedia.
Micronesia Milestone
Control of the Marianas is Transferred from the Church to a Spanish Governor
1680
Spanish Captain Antonio Saravia was appointed the first official Military Head Commander (later governor) of Guam upon the authority of King Charles II of Spain. One of Saravia’s first acts was to persuade all the CHamoru/Chamorro leaders to take and sign an oath of allegiance to Spain. Image information: *Spanish Governor’s Palace, Umatac ([Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/ "Humåtak/Umatac"))*, courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
Micronesia Milestone
Hineti Stops CHamoru/Chamorro Uprising
1684
[Hineti](https://www.guampedia.com/hineti-2/ "Hineti"), a clan leader from [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/ "Sinajana (Sinahånña)"), chose to protect the Spanish in hopes of improving his personal status and gain power. Hineti defended the Spanish against CHamoru/Chamorro revolts, and is most known for curbing a Chamorro uprising in Hagåtña in 1684. Image information: *Maga’lahi Hineti* by Raph Unpingco.
Micronesia Milestone
Islands named Islas de Carolinas
1668
Spanish explorer Francisco Lazcano named Chuuk, Kosrae, Palau, Pohnpei, and Yap “[Islas de Carolinas](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia")” after King Carlos II of Spain. For about 300 years after this, explorers passed by having little contact with islanders. Image information: *Caroline Islands* courtesy of [Dr. Don Rubinstein](https://www.guampedia.com/donald-rubinstein/ "Donald Rubinstein").
Micronesia Milestone
Santa Marian Kamalen Statue Found
1690
[Santa Marian Kamalen](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/ "Santa Marian Kamalen") statue is found in [Malesso'](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/ "Malesso’/Merizo") after the galleon Nuestra Señora del Pilar shipwrecked off Cocos Island. Image information: *Santa Marian Kamalen* courtesy of the Department of Chamorro Affairs.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Resistance to Spanish Colonialism Ceases
1695
Priests working to convert CHamorus/Chamorros to Christianity are met with resistance. Chamorros accept some but not all of their teachings. Once [Padre San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/ "Father Diego Luis de San Vitores") is killed, soldiers are brought to subdue the uprising. Many are killed. A last battle at Aguijan ends in defeat and the Spanish gain control over the Marianas. Image information: *Humåtak Church* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
Micronesia Milestone
Spanish Forcibly Relocate CHamorus/Chamorros
1698
CHamorus/Chamorros fought the Spanish for control of the Marianas for almost 30 years. At the same time introduced diseases were taking their [toll on people](https://www.guampedia.com/envisioning-the-past-near-extinction/) as they had no resistance to diseases. After the rebellion was quelled the Spanish forced Chamorros from the northern islands to relocate to Guam and Rota. Image information: *Map of Hagåtña, 1819;* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
World Milestone
United Kingdom of Great Britain Formed - England, Wales and Scotland
1707
The Acts of Union, passed by the English and Scottish Parliaments in 1707, led to the creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain. The UK Parliament met for the first time in October 1707. Image information: *England, Scotland, and Wales*.
World Milestone
Americans Sign Declaration of Independence
1776
This declaration announced that the 13 colonies at war with the Kingdom of Great Britain would regard themselves as no longer under British rule. With the declaration, these new states took a collective first step toward forming the United States of America. It has become a well-known statement on human rights. Image information: *Declaration of Independence*.
Micronesia Milestone
The Antelope is Wrecked on Palau
1783
A British ship, the *Antelope*, is wrecked on [Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/). Storyboards were first made as souvenirs at this time. Lee Boo, the son of the Ibedul, ruler of Koror, Palau, was taken to London by a British sea captain, Henry Wilson, to learn more about Europe. He died of Smallpox there a year later. Image information: *Wreck of the Antelope*.
Micronesia Milestone
Trading Resumes Between Carolines and Guam
1787
Ancient trading voyages from the [Carolines](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") to Guam are resumed after more than 100 years. Carolinians from the atolls of Lamotrek, Satawal, Elato, and Woleai sailed into [Talo’fo’fo’](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/ "Talo’fo’fo (Talofofo)") Bay in Guam. Luwito, the Carolinian navigator, said they had arrived in Guam using directions from an ancient chant. Image information: *Waa (Canoe) of the Caroline Islands* courtesy of the Spanish Documents Collection at the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
Micronesia Milestone
Russian Expedition Visits Marshalls
1816
Russian Otto von Kotzebue leads a scientific expedition through the Marshalls. He stays for a month on the atoll of Wojja and leaves plants and animals with the islanders there. Image information: [*Otto von Kotzebue*](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Otto_von_Kotzebue_-_Forschungsreisender.jpg).
Micronesia Milestone
Freycinet Documents Life in the Marianas
1819
Frenchman [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/ "Louis Claude de Freycinet") visits the Marianas, documenting the lifestyle, plants, animals of the time. Image information: *Hagåtña House Chores, 1824*, courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Whaling Ships Frequent Micronesia
1820
[Whaling](https://www.guampedia.com/whaling-influence-in-the-marianas/ "Whaling Influence in the Marianas") ships begin to appear in [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia"), stopping on Guam for supplies and recruiting crew. Whales were hunted near Kosrae, Pohnpei, the Northern Marianas and the Marshalls for about 40 years. Image information: *Chipper Ship Three Brothers* courtesy of Jillette Leon-Guerrero.
World Milestone
Mexico Achieves Independence from Spain
1821
The Mexican War of Independence ended the rule of Spain in the territory of New Spain. The move for independence was inspired by the Age of Enlightenment and the American and French Revolutions. Social and political changes and a deep economic crisis in New Spain caused discomfort among the elite. Image information: *Generals of the Army of the Three Guarantees*.
Micronesia Milestone
Duperrey Documents Kosrae, Chuuk
1824
French Captain Louis Duperrey at [Kosrae](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") arrives on a scientific expedition aboard the ship *Coquille*. He and his crew stay in Kosrae for ten days. They bring the first pig and metal to the island. When Duperrey’s expedition leaves Kosrae, it moves to Chuuk, where Duperrey makes the first map of Chuuk. Image information: *Louis Isidore Duperrey*.
Micronesia Milestone
Trading Mission from Australia to Pohnpei
1836
Captain CH Hart and his crew sail to Sapwuahfik, [Pohnpei](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") aboard trading cutter *Lampton* of Sydney, Australia, on a trading mission. Hart and his crew were chased off the island. A year later, they returned. Two days of fighting left most of the islanders dead. Image information: *An Homeward Bound East-Indiaman Taking A Pilot on Board*.
Micronesia Milestone
Protestant Missionaries Arrive in Pohnpei
1852
American protestant missionaries arrive in [Pohnpei](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/). Congregational Churches were established on Pohnpei, Kosrae, the Marshalls and Kiribati. By the end of the century Congregational Churches were established throughout eastern Micronesia along with the Marshall Islands, Nauru and Kiribati. Image information: *American Missionaries to Ponape, Micronesia, 1852*.
Micronesia Milestone
Palomo Ordained as First CHamoru/Chamorro Catholic Priest
1859
[Jose Torres Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/ "Padre Jose Bernardo Palomo") is ordained as the first CHamoru/Chamorro Catholic priest. His parents died during the Smallpox epidemic in 1856 along with 5,532 others on Guam. Palomo was widely regarded as one of the wisest and most educated men on Guam and was fluent in Spanish, Chamorro, English, French, and Carolinian. Image information: *Padre Palomo* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
Micronesia Milestone
Trading with Foreigners Becomes Widespread throughout Micronesia
1860
Traders were in [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") at the same time as the whalers and missionaries, but it was around 1860 that trading activity became more widespread. Germans, Japanese and American traders mostly operated in the Marianas, the Marshalls, Kosrae, Pohnpei, Yap, and Palau. Chuuk had fewer traders. Image information: *Cesar & Helene (ship)*.
World Milestone
American Civil War
1861-1865
War broke out over the enslavement of black people shortly after US President Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated. The loyalists of the Union in the North proclaimed support for the Constitution. They faced secessionists in the Confederate States in the South, who advocated for states’ rights to uphold slavery. Image information: *First at Vicksburg*.
Micronesia Milestone
Some CHamorus/Chamorros Move Back to Saipan from Guam
1865
Some CHamorus/Chamorros begin to move back to [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/) from Guam, 67 years after the Spanish forced their families to leave the island. Image information: *Village of Garapan in 1887*.
Micronesia Milestone
David O'Keefe Washes Ashore in Yap
1871
Irish American David O’Keefe washes ashore on [Yap](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") after a storm wrecked the ship he was traveling on. He eventually brings about a new trade route in the region. Image information: *Yap* from the Adolf Raitz von Frentz collection.
Micronesia Milestone
Bartola Garrido of Guam Moves to Yap
1875
CHamoru/Chamorro [Bartola Garrido](https://www.guampedia.com/bartola-garrido/ "Bartola Garrido") moves to Yap and opens a school for girls. She later claims the island group for Spain. She was a devout Catholic and deeply loyal to Spain. Image information: *Bartola Garrido* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Marianas Trench is First Sounded
1875
The depth of the Marianas Trench is first sounded by the crew of the *HMS Challenger*, using a weighted rope which recorded a depth of 4,475 fathoms (26,850 feet). In 1877, a map was published showing the location of the sounding. Image information: *HMS Challenger*.
World Milestone
Alexander Graham Bell Patents the Telephone
1876
Alexander Graham Bell receives a patent for his revolutionary new invention, the telephone, at age 26. Bell wanted to improve on the telegraph by creating a device that combined aspects of the telegraph and record player to allow people to speak to each other from a distance. Image information: *Alexander Graham Bell*.
Micronesia Milestone
Escuela de Niñas Opens on Guam
1879
[Escuela de Niñas](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/), the first school for girls, opens on Guam. The teachers are paid from an endowment from Queen Mariana of Austria, Spain’s queen regent. One teacher and an assistant taught the young ladies, ages four to eleven. The curriculum consisted of Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic and sewing. Image information: *Escuela de Niñas* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Spain's Claim to Yap Over Germany is Settled
1885
Spain’s claim to Yap over Germany is officially settled. Soon Spanish [Capuchin](https://www.guampedia.com/capuchins/) missionaries are in most Micronesian islands to establish Catholicism. In [Yap](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/) and [Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/) this was their first introduction to Christianity. The other islands in the region were introduced to Christianity by American protestants 20 or 30 years prior. Image information: *Baptism of the First Yapese Child*.
Micronesia Milestone
Islanders Showcased in Spain's Philippine Exposition
1887
People from Spain’s Pacific colonies are taken to Spain for an exposition, including two CHamorus/Chamorros from Guam and two Carolinians. The Philippine Exposition was held at the Crystal Palace in the Retiro of Madrid, Spain. The buildings are still there. Image information: *Crystal Palace* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/)).
World Milestone
Women Granted Right to Vote in New Zealand
1893
New Zealand becomes the first country in the world to grant women the right to vote. The governor, Lord Glasgow, signed a new Electoral Act into law making for a radical change. Many other democracies did not allow women to vote till decades later. Image information: *National Council of Women, Christchurch, 1896*.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Families Move to Palau
1894
A group of CHamorus/Chamorros from Guam move to [Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau") to produce copra in a joint venture with American trader David O’Keefe. Palauans allowed them to use land for copra plantations. The families stay on Palau until the end of World War II. Some married Palauans and live there still. Image information: *de Rosario Family* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Treaty of Paris is Signed
1898
The Treaty cedes Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines from Spain to the US. Six months later [Captain Henry Glass](https://www.guampedia.com/captain-henry-glass/) arrived on Guam aboard the *USS Charleston* to claim the island. [Governor Juan Marina](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-juan-marina/ "Governor Juan Marina") had no idea his country was at war with the US. Image information: *Captain Henry Glass* from the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Spain Sells Northern Marianas, the Carolines and the Marshalls to Germany
1898
It was the end of the Spanish empire in the Pacific and as Germany wanted a colonial empire, they bought the islands. Kaiser Wilhelm II at the time was building a new high seas navy. [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI") became the administrative center. The Germans built schools, a hospital, and other public buildings. Image information: *Handover Ceremony*.
Micronesia Milestone
First Protestant Church Established on Guam
1899
Two CHamoru/Chamorro brothers, Jose and Luis (Castro) Cusino, return to establish the [first protestant church](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-the-chamorro-protestant-congregation-on-guam/ "Origin of the CHamoru Protestant Congregation in Guam") on Guam. They had left the island years before to work as whalers, settling in Hawai`i and becoming Protestants. Hearing that their birthplace had become an American territory, they decided to return to Guam to evangelize. Image information: *Luis Custino* courtesy of the Micronesian Seminar (MicSem).
Micronesia Milestone
CHamorus/Chamorros Petition US Congress
1901
Guam leaders sought self-government through a formal [petition](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/ "1901 Petition"), shortly after they became subjects of the American empire. It was sent to US Congress in 1901, signed by 32 residents. The petition asserted the belief that the conditions instigated by the new naval government and the structure of the government itself were defective. Image information: *US Congress*.
World Milestone
Insular Cases Handed Down
1901
The Insular Cases, a series of opinions by the US Supreme Court regarding the status of US territories, are issued. They respond to the question of how American rights apply to those in US territories. In short, the opinions said that the US Constitution does not automatically extend to territories. Image information: *The Fuller Court (1898-1902)*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Transpacific Cable Station Opens
1903
The first telephone calls were made through the privately built [Transpacific Cable Station](https://www.guampedia.com/early-transpacific-telecommunications/ "Early Transpacific Telecommunications") at [Sumai/Sumay](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/ "Sumai (Sumay)"). It was the first telephonic communications in the region. Guam was an important part of the East-West trade route because of its location, its deep water harbor and because of the plentiful fresh water supply. Image information: *Cable Station, 1905*, courtesy of James Oelke-Farley.
World Milestone
Russo-Japanese War
1904-1905
The Russo-Japanese War is fought in which, for the first time, an Asian power defeats a modern European power. A victorious Japan forced Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East. Image information: *The Russo-Japanese War*.
Micronesia Milestone
First CHamoru/Chamorro Band Forms
1905
The Insular Force Navy Band, also called the Guam Band, was made up of a mixture of mostly CHamorus/Chamorros, a few Filipinos and three Italian immigrants. The band played regularly at the Plaza de España. Image information: *First Chamorro Band, 1905,* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Pohnpeians Rebel Against German Rule
1910
A group of [Pohnpeians](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/) rise up against German rule in the Sokehs Rebellion. A trial was convened for the 36 rebels. Seventeen were convicted for the murder of four German officials and five boatmen and insurrection, and condemned to death. Twelve other received multi-year sentences of hard labor. Image information: *Sokehs Rebellion*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Lepers Exiled to Culion Island
1912
The Navy forcibly relocates 18 CHamorus/Chamorros with Hansen’s Disease (leprosy) to [Culion Island, Philippines](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/). They had previously been confined at a colony in Tumon. Most would never see their families again. At Culion, Chamorros found themselves in isolation, unable to communicate with other patients. Image information: *Chamorro Patients at Culion "Leper Colony," Philippines*, courtesy of [Dr. Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/ "Anne Perez Hattori").
Micronesia Milestone
SMS Cormoran Anchors at Apra Harbor, Guam
1914
A German Naval ship, the [*SMS Cormoran II*](https://www.guampedia.com/rjasan_sms_cormoran_ii/ "SMS Cormoran II"), sails into Apra Harbor in desperate need of fuel. As the US Navy refuses to give up their coal supply, the ship is marooned on Guam with its crew of 370 men. They were treated with hospitality and friendship. Image information: *SMS Cormoran II* courtesy of the War in the Pacific National Historical Park (WAPA).
Micronesia Milestone
Japan's Presence Expands in Micronesia
1914
Japan takes control of German and Spanish possessions in [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia"), including all of the Micronesian islands except Guam, which is under US control. The move was considered a political and economic necessity for expansion. The earliest Japanese migrants to Micronesia worked as traders and then as fishermen, farmers, and laborers. Image information: *Sugarcane Farmers* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
World Milestone
World War I
1914-1918
World War I was an international conflict that involved most of Europe along with Russia, the US, the Middle East, and other regions. The war pitted the Central Powers—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey—against the Allies—mainly France, Great Britain, Russia, Italy, Japan, and, from 1917, the US. The Allies won. Image information: *Vickers Machine Gun in the Battle of Passchendaele*.
Micronesia Milestone
First US Shot of WWI is Fired at Cormoran
1917
The first shot by Americans during WWI is fired over the bow of the [*SMS Cormoran*](https://www.guampedia.com/rjasan_sms_cormoran_ii/ "SMS Cormoran II") as it is scuttled in Apra Harbor, Guam. About 370 crew members became prisoners of war and taken to the US. The four Chinese and 29 New Guinean crew members were sent back to their homes. Image information: *SMS Cormoran Crew* courtesy of [Don Farrell](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/).
Micronesia Milestone
English Declared Official Language of Guam
1917
In 1917, Guam Naval Governor Roy C. Smith [banned](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/ "English and Chamorro Language Policies") speaking CHamoru/Chamorro. He said English was the only official language and that Chamorro must not be spoken except for official interpreting. Speaking Chamorro was also forbidden in schools, playgrounds and baseball fields. Students were reprimanded and fined for speaking their native language. Image information: *Captain Roy Campbell Smith*.
Micronesia Milestone
The Guam Hymn is Penned by Ramon Sablan
1919
[Ramon Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-dr-ramon-manalisay-sablan/) wrote the [Guam Hymn](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/), “Stand Ye Guamanians” while he was a young man. He later went on to become the first CHamoru/Chamorro medical doctor. He wrote the song in English as this was a time when the island was administered by the Navy and speaking Chamorro was discouraged. Image information: *Young Ramon Sablan*, family collection.
World Milestone
League of Nations Awards Islands to Japan
1919
The League of Nations awards all of Germany’s possessions in the Pacific located north of the equator under mandate to Japan. Garapan, [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI") is developed as the regional capital, and numerous Japanese, Koreans, Okinawans, and Taiwanese migrate to the islands. Image information: *League of Nations Commission*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Teachers Rally for a Guam Museum
1926
The [Guam Teachers Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-teachers-association/ "Guam Teachers’ Association") begins planning for a [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/). The teachers believed it was important to gather materials for future generations to know their past. They sponsored the first collection of natural and scientific specimens, works of art and literary curiosities for future study of the island’s history. Image information: *Guam Teachers Association* courtesy of the Sanchez Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
A Bill of Rights Created for CHamorus/Chamorros of Guam
1930
US Naval Governor [Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/ "Governor Willis W. Bradley") supported CHamoru/Chamorro aspirations for citizenship and self-government. Bradley proclaimed a Bill of Rights for the people of Guam without waiting for federal approval. Despite Bradley’s efforts, however, US citizenship and a bill of rights for Chamorros were not approved at the federal level. Image information: *Gov. Bradley Signs Bill of Rights* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Museum Opens in Hagåtña
1932
A small [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) opens in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) under the direction of the American Legion. Artifacts and historical items collected by teachers and students were put on display and used to teach about the island’s history. Image information: *Guam Museum* courtesy of [Don Farrell](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/).
World Milestone
Hitler Becomes German Chancellor
1933
Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialist German Workers Party (or Nazi Party), is named chancellor of Germany. Hitler’s rise to prominence in Germany was spurred by the people’s frustration with economic conditions and the defeat in the Great War and the harsh peace terms of the Versailles treaty. Image information: *Adolf Hitler*.
Micronesia Milestone
Pan American Begins Regular Flights to Guam
1935
The [Pan American](https://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) Clipper Service started flying a San Francisco to Manila route with stops at Midway, Wake and Guam. These were seaplanes that could land on the calm lagoons of the Pacific Islands. On Guam they landed at Apra Harbor where guests stayed at the Pan Am Hotel, Sumay. Image information: *Pan American Clipper, 1935,* courtesy of ROD Sullivan.
Micronesia Milestone
First Telephone Call from Guam to Outside World
1936
The first telephone contact with the outside world from Guam was made on 16 May 1936 when US Navy First Class Radioman AB Carter with his ham station, call letters unknown, worked V6LLQ in California. Image information: *Telephone Exchange* from Micronesian Seminar (MicSem).
Micronesia Milestone
CHamorus/Chamorros Go to Washington DC to Ask for Civilian Government
1936
The 2nd Guam Congress sends [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/ "Francisco B. Leon Guerrero") and Baltazar J. Bordallo to lobby in Washington DC for [citizenship](https://www.guampedia.com/national-attention-on-guams-postwar-campaign-for-citizenship/). There was an island-wide drive to collect donations for the lobbying trip in 1936 with about $6,000 collected. With government funding unavailable, Leon Guerrero sold family land to help pay the estimated $10,000 cost of the trip. Image information: *BJ Bordallo and FB Leon Guerrero in Washington, DC* courtesy of the Sanchez Collection.
World Milestone
Amelia Earhart and Fred Noonan Disappear in the Pacific
1937
Aviation pioneers, Amelia Earhart and Fred Noonan, disappear in the Pacific while attempting to make a circumnavigational flight of the globe. Earhart was the first female aviator to fly solo across the Atlantic Ocean. Fascination with her life, career and disappearance continues to this day. Image information: *Earhart and Noonan*.
Micronesia Milestone
Anthropologist Brought to Guam to Study CHamorus/Chamorros
1938
Anthropologist [Dr. Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/ "Laura Maud Thompson") is brought to Guam to study the CHamoru/Chamorro people at the request of the Navy. Thompson was stationed in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña") but soon set up field headquarters in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) at the south of Guam. She wrote a book “Guam and Its People” from her findings. Image information: *Dr. Thompson Mending Clay Pot* courtesy of [Dr. Rebecca A. Stephenson](https://www.guampedia.com/rebecca-stephenson/ "Rebecca A. Stephenson").
World Milestone
World War II
1939-1945
World War II was a global war that lasted six years. The vast majority of the world’s countries—including all the great powers—eventually formed two opposing military alliances: the Allies and the Axis. A state of total war emerged, directly involving more than 100 million people from over 30 countries. Image information: *USS SHAW*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam is Invaded by Japanese
1941
[Terror](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/) gripped the people of Guam as Japanese warplanes bombed Sumai/Sumay and strafed Piti and Hagåtña on 8 December. A day later the planes returned striking military facilities and the Pan American Airways hotel in Sumai. On 10 December Japanese forces invaded Guam. American forces were outnumbered and the island was taken by the Japanese. Image information: *Capture of Guam* from the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Japan Rules Micronesia, Including Guam
1942 - 1944
Peoples of Micronesia, including Guam, live under [Japanese rule](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/ "Japanese Occupation of Guam"). The prosperous village of Sumay is evacuated by Japanese for their own use. 96,000 Japanese nationals live in Micronesia. Image information: *Guam Japanese Department of Education* courtesy of Sanchez Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamorus/Chamorros Forced to Concentration Camps
1944
CHamorus/Chamorros on Guam are forced to march to [concentration camps](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/ "War Atrocities: Manenggon Concentration Camp"), as dozens of others are massacred by Japanese soldiers. They are confined in the camps as the Americans invade Guam. The Americans battle the Japanese all over Micronesia until WWII is finally over, with the US prevailing. Image information: *Manenggon Concentration Camp* courtesy of [Don Farrell](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/ "Don Farrell").
Micronesia Milestone
US Military Begins Taking Land from CHamorus/Chamorros
1945
When the Navy took back [control](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/) of Guam the appointed naval governor immediately began condemning huge tracts of land, including whole villages. The US had flattened portions of Guam during the intense bombing, and now the naval government began changing the landscape of the island to build several military bases. Image information: *Aerial Guam* courtesy of Micronesian Seminar (MicSem).
World Milestone
United Nations is Formed
1945
The United Nations, an intergovernmental organization tasked to promote international co-operation and to create and maintain international order, is established in 1945. It was a replacement for the ineffective League of Nations. It created the [Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/) and assigned the US to administer Micronesia at the time. Image information: *The San Francisco Conference, 25 April - 26 June 1945*, United Nations Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Celebrates its First Liberation Day
1945
After World War II was over community leader [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/ "Agueda Iglesias Johnston") convinces US military leaders on Guam to support a celebration to commemorate the [Liberation](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/ "Guam Liberation Day") of the island from the Japanese. This celebration continues to this day as one of Guam’s holidays—Liberation Day, which is celebrated on July 21st. Image information: *First Liberation Day Celebration* courtesy of the Sanchez Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
Rebuilding of Guam Gets Underway
1946
Declared off-limits to [resettlement](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/), former Hagåtña residents move into areas where they had ranches before the war, especially Agana Heights, Sinajana, and Barrigada. Sumai/Sumay was taken over by the military for new bases as was Fena, Tiyan and land in Yigo. Some 300 business licenses were issued in 1946. Image information: *Sinajana Village Out of Bounds* from the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
US Tests Bombs in the Marshall Islands
1946 - 1956
Nuclear testing at [Bikini Atoll](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/) began with a series of 23 nuclear devices detonated by the US at seven test sites on the reef, the sea, in the air and underwater. Residents were assured they could return home after the test but that proved untrue as the island is uninhabitable. Image information: *MIKE, Operation Ivy*.
Micronesia Milestone
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands is Formed
1947
The United Nations forms the [Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/) to be administered by the US. The Territory contained 100,000 people scattered over a water area the size of continental United States. They represent a variety of cultures and spoke nine languages. Image information: *UN Team Addresses University of Guam Students*.
Micronesia Milestone
Brown Treesnake is Introduced to Guam
Late 1940s-Early 1950s
The [Brown Treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/ "Brown Treesnake") is introduced to Guam aboard a military cargo ship, probably from Australia or Papua New Guinea, starting the decimation of Guam’s native [birds](https://www.guampedia.com/a-native-forest-birds-of-guam/). Image information: *Brown Treesnake* courtesy of Isaac Chellman.
Micronesia Milestone
Red "Blood" Border is Added to Guam's Flag
1948
While the [Guam Flag](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-seal-and-flag/ "Guam Seal and Flag") dates back to 1917, a red border is added in 1948 to commemorate those lost in World War II. The addition was documented in the Guam Congress Bill No. 12 approved by Naval Governor [Charles Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/ "Governor Charles Alan Pownall"). World War II claimed 1,170 CHamoru/Chamorro lives. Image information: *79th United Memorial Ceremony* by Ed San Nicolas.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Congress Walks Out
1949
[Guam Congress walks out](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/ "Guam Congress Walkout") as a protest against the US Naval Government and to underscore its quest for self-government. The protest drew nationwide attention. The walkout was the most openly rebellious act that CHamorus/Chamorros had committed against any of their colonial rulers since the Chamorro-Spanish resistance in the late 1600s. Image information: *House of Assembly 9th Guam Congress* courtesy of the Sanchez Collection.
World Milestone
People's Republic of China is Founded
1949
Chinese leader Mao Zedong declares the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The party’s goal was an overhaul of the land ownership system and extensive land reforms. China’s old system of gentry landlord ownership of farmland and tenant peasants was replaced with a distribution system that reduced economic inequality. Image information: *Founding of the People's Republic of China*.
Micronesia Milestone
Organic Act for Guam is Signed
1950
An [Organic Act for Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/ "The Organic Act of Guam"), created by US Congress, goes into effect and civilian rule begins with appointed governors. [Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/ "Governor Carlton Skinner") is the first appointed civilian governor of Guam. Image information: *Signing the Organic Act of Guam* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
World Milestone
Korean War
1950-1953
The Korean War, between North Korea (with the support of China and the Soviet Union) and South Korea (with support of the US), begins in 1950 when North Korea invades South Korea following a series of clashes along the border. Korea was split into two sovereign states. Both governments claim to be the sole legitimate government of all of Korea. Image information: *South Korean Evacuation of Suwon Airfield*.
World Milestone
Rock n' Roll is Popularized
1950s
Rock n’ roll, an original music style, is created in the US and evolves by the mid-1960s into the international style known as rock. The seeds were in place for decades, but they flowered in the mid-1950s when nourished by a volatile mix of black culture and white spending power. Image information: *Elvis Presley's Jailhouse Rock Promotion*.
Micronesia Milestone
First Guam Legislature is Elected
1950s
The First [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/ "Guam Legislature") is elected in 1950. The senators passed major laws such as: a uniform wage law eliminating higher wages for off-island government recruits; the reorganization of the island court system; the establishment of a merit system for government of Guam employees and the Government Employees Retirement law. Image information: Guam Legislature Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
Territorial College of Guam is Established
1952
The Territorial College of Guam is founded in 1952 as a two-year teacher-training school, established by Guam’s first civilian governor, [Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/ "Governor Carlton Skinner"). Its first president was IG Andrews. The College eventually becomes the University of Guam. Image information: *Territorial College of Guam* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
First Locally Owned Financial Institution Opens on Guam
1954
[Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/ "Governor Joseph Flores") creates a joint venture to found Guam Savings and Loan in 1954. He and his partners sold about 125 shares to start the first financial institution chartered on Guam and the first to be locally owned. It was also the first to sell shares to the public. Image information: *Marianas Finance Corp.*, courtesy of Philip Flores.
World Milestone
Children are First Inoculated for Polio
1955
Jonas Edward Salk, an American medical researcher and virologist, discovers and develops one of the first successful polio vaccines. Until 1955, when the Salk vaccine was introduced, polio was considered one of the most frightening public health problems in the world. Image information: *Jonas E. Salk* from the History of Medicine Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
Security Clearance Lifted on Guam
1962
President John F. Kennedy’s Executive Order 11045 rescinds the Navy’s wartime authority to refuse entry to civilian visitors for security reasons. The action unleashed the island’s [tourism](https://www.guampedia.com/evolution-of-the-tourism-industry-on-guam-2/ "Evolution of the Tourism Industry on Guam") potential and ushered in an era of unprecedented economic and social advancement. The [security clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/ "Security Clearance on Guam") program was highly criticized by Guam’s leaders. Image information: [*Governor Manuel Guerrero*](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/ "Governor Manuel FL Guerrero") courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
World Milestone
John Glenn Orbits the Earth
1962
NASA launches one of the most important flights in American history, to send a man to orbit Earth, observe his reactions and return him home safely. John Glenn, the pilot, became a symbol of American ambition. In 4 hours and 56 minutes, Glen circled the globe 3 times. Image information: [*Friendship 7, NASA*](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:John_Glenn_With_T.J._O'Malley_and_Paul_Donnelly_in_Front_of_-_GPN-2002-000049.jpg).
Micronesia Milestone
Typhoon Karen Devastates Guam
1962
Typhoon Karen devastates Guam with wind gusts estimated up to 185 mph. Nearly all island homes were damaged or destroyed, leaving at least 45,000 people homeless and 11 dead. Communication and utilities were crippled. It is the first time US federal disaster assistance was offered, ushering in [concrete houses](https://www.guampedia.com/kaiser-pre-fab-homes/). Image information: Typhoon Karen damage to the village of Yona. Image information: *Yona After Typhoon Karen* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications")).
Micronesia Milestone
Solomon Commission Report Released
1963
The Solomon Commission’s report to President Kennedy brings US government attention to the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands ([TTPI](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/ "Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in Guam")). Commission recommendations had a significant impact in [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia"). For instance, one recommendation said that there was a need for a TTPI legislature with local representatives from all six districts (Northern Marianas, Palau, the Marshalls, Yap, Pohnpei, Kosrae, and Chuuk). Image information: *Map of TTPI*.
![Civil Rights March]()World Milestone
Civil Rights Rally in Washington DC
1963
A civil rights rally is held by 250,000 people in front of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC to draw attention to continuing challenges and inequalities faced by African Americans 100 years after emancipation. It was also the occasion of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s now-iconic “I Have A Dream” speech. Image information: *Civil Rights March on Wash\[ington\], D.C.*
Micronesia Milestone
Congress of Micronesia is Created
1964
US President Lyndon Johnson approves the establishment of the Congress of Micronesia. Representatives to the Congress are elected from the six districts of the of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands ([TTPI](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/ "Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in Guam")). The six districts were the Northern Marianas, Palau, the Marshalls, Yap, Pohnpei, Kosrae, and Chuuk. The first meeting of the Congress of Micronesia is held in Saipan in 1965. Image information: *Congress of Micronesia*.
World Milestone
Vietnam War
1965-1975
The Vietnam War was a conflict in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. The North Vietnamese army was supported by the Soviet Union, China and other communist allies. On the other side, the South Vietnamese army was supported by the US, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and other anti-communist allies. Bombing missions flew from Guam and many CHamorus/Chamorros lost their lives fighting in Vietnam. Image information: *Soldiers Carry a Wounded Comrade Through a Swamp*.
World Milestone
Anti-Vietnam War Movement Begins in US
1965
The Anti-Vietnam War protest movement began mostly on college campuses and then spread to become one of the largest social movements of its time. Women’s rights, Black Power and Native people’s rights were all getting started at the same time. The protests attracted a widening support for several years. Image information: *Vietnam War Protesters*.
Micronesia Milestone
Peace Corps Volunteers Come to Micronesia
1966
Peace Corps volunteers begin arriving in many islands of [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia"). They shared western ways, both good and bad, helping along many social and economic changes of the times. Image information: *Peace Corps Volunteer*.
Micronesia Milestone
Nauru Becomes Independent
1966
[Nauru](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-nauru/ "POP Cultures: Nauru") becomes the world’s smallest independent republic following a two-year constitutional convention. Hammer DeRoburt is chosen as its first president. Image information: *President Hammer DeRoburt of Nauru*.
Micronesia Milestone
Micronesian Area Research Center Opens at UOG
1967
[Dr. Antonio C. Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-antonio-c-yamashita/ "Antonio C. Yamashita"), president of the then-College of Guam, gathers noted scholars of Guam together to discuss the need to establish a research library in and about Micronesia in 1967. A year later the [Micronesian Area Research Center](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/ "MARC Publications") opened. Image information: Courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).
Micronesia Milestone
College of Guam Renamed University of Guam
1968
In 1965, the College of Guam was accredited as a four-year, degree granting institution. Located in Mangilao, it became the University of Guam in 1968. Enrollment had reached 1,800 students while staff and faculty totaled more than 130. Image information: *College of Guam* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/ "Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")).
Micronesia Milestone
Congress Approves Elected Governor for Guam
1968
The [Guam Elective Governor Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/ "Elective Governor Act 1968") by US Congress passes in 1968. It granted the people of Guam the authority to elect their Governor and Lieutenant Governor. [Carlos Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/ "Governor Carlos Camacho"), who was serving as Guam’s last appointed governor, was elected as its first Governor of Guam. Image information: *Governor Carlos Camacho* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
Micronesia Milestone
Failed Effort Made to Reunify the Marianas
1969
In 1968, the Second Mariana Islands District Legislature adopts a resolution requesting that the US congressional visiting team urge US citizenship for the inhabitants of the Northern Mariana Islands and [reunification](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-efforts-to-reunify-the-mariana-islands/ "History of Efforts to Reunify the Mariana Islands") of the Marianas. A vote taken on Guam in 1969, however, rejected the effort though the voter turnout was low. Image information: Guampedia graphic.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Language Classes Added to Guam's Public Schools
Early 1970s
A Chamorro Language and Culture Program is added to Guam’s public school curriculum under the leadership of [Clotilde "Ding" Castro Gould](https://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/ "Clotilde “Ding” Castro Gould"). She helped develop the CHamoru/Chamorro language curriculum for the elementary schools and train teachers for the new curriculum. Image information: *Clotilde Gould in Classroom* courtesy of Sandy Gould-Yow.
Micronesia Milestone
Carlos Camacho First Elected Governor of Guam
1970
[Governor Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/ "Governor Carlos Camacho") served as not only Guam’s last appointed governor, but also its first elected governor after the Guam Elected Governor Act was passed in 1968. Camacho’s election in 1970 was the first time the people of Guam selected their own leader since the Spanish colonized the island beginning in 1668. Image information: *President Nixon and Governor Camacho*, 1970 Guam USA Magazine.
Micronesia Milestone
Last Japanese Straggler Caught on Guam
1972
Japanese [Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-sgt-shoichi-yokoi-last-straggler-on-guam/ "WWII: Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi, Last Straggler on Guam") is captured by Manuel De Gracia and Jesus Duenas of [Talo’fo’fo’](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/ "Talo’fo’fo (Talofofo)"). He was the last Japanese straggler on Guam, having hid in the jungle for 27 years. The two Talo'fo'fo' men found and captured him while they were hunting at night. He lived in an underground cave. Image information: *Japanese Consul James Shintaku, Governor Carlos Camacho, and Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/ "Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)")).
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Gains Non-Voting Congressional Representation
1972
US Congress passes a law establishing a [Delegate of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congressional-representation/ "Guam Congressional Representation Act 1972"). An elected official from Guam can speak on the House floor and introduce legislation though not vote. [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/ "Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat") became the first from Guam to take the oath of office as a member of the 93rd Congress in 1973. Image information: *Won Pat As First Delegate to Congress* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/)).
World Milestone
Roe vs Wade Confirms Women's Right to Choose
1973
A landmark legal decision is issued whereby the US Supreme Court struck down a Texas statute banning abortion, effectively legalizing the procedure across the US. The Court ruling said that a woman’s right to an abortion is implicit in the right to privacy protected by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution. Image information: *Norma McCorvey (Jane Roe) and her lawyer Gloria Allred on the steps of the Supreme Court, 1989*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Hymn is Translated to Fanhoge CHamoru/Chamorro
1974
[Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/ "Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan") translates the "Guam Hymn" into Chamorro. Untalan was an educator, political pioneer and cultural advocate. “[Fanhoge CHamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/ "Guam Hymn / Fanohge CHamoru")” becomes the anthem for Guam. The original song was written by [Ramon Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-dr-ramon-manalisay-sablan/ "Dr. Ramon Manalisay Sablan") in 1919. Image information: *Lagrimas LG Untalan in 3rd Guam Legislature*, Guam Legislature Collection.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Land Trust Passes into Law
1975
The CHamoru Land Trust Act, written by Sen. Paul Bordallo, passes with the intention of providing land to landless CHamorus/Chamorros, many of who had lost their land during the US Navy’s [land takings](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/ "Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule") just after World War II. Much of the land was used for military bases. Image information: *CHamoru Land Trust Commission Logo*.
Micronesia Milestone
University of Hawai’i Publishes Chamorro-English Dictionary
1975
A comprehensive CHamoru/Chamorro-English Dictionary is published as a collaboration between linguistics professor Donald Topping of University of Hawai’i, Pedro M. Ogo of Rota, and Bernadita C. Dungca of the University of Guam. Image information: Guampedia scan.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Established
1975
[Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/ "Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo") establishes the Insular Arts Council, now the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, as part of the executive office in 1975. The agency was dedicated to the development of programs in music, visual arts, cultural heritage, literature and arts education. Image information: *CAHA Logo*.
Micronesia Milestone
Northern Marianas Approves US Commonwealth Status
1975
The people of the [Northern Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/) decide not to seek independence, but instead to forge a closer relationship with the US. Negotiations for commonwealth status began in 1972 and a covenant to establish a commonwealth in political union with the US was approved in a 1975 referendum. Image information: *Audience at Covenant Signing*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Attempts a Constitution
1976
Legislation authorizes a second [Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/ "Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon)") to be held to make recommended modifications to the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/ "The Organic Act of Guam"). The proposed constitution incorporated social, economic, cultural, political and administrative reforms. It is rejected by the people who decided they must sort out their political relationship with the US first. Image information: *Constitutional Convention* courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/)).
Micronesia Milestone
Mau Pialiug Navigates the Hōkūle'a
1976
Pius Mau Piailug, master navigator from Satawal, [Yap](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") State, was a teacher of traditional wayfinding methods for [open-ocean voyaging](https://www.guampedia.com/proa-and-navigation/ "For the Seafarers"). Mau shared his knowledge with the Polynesian Voyaging Society. With Mau’s help, the group was able to sail the Hōkūle’a, a modern double-hulled Hawaiian voyaging canoe, from Hawai`i to Tahiti. Image information: *Mau Piailug Holding Canoe Ropes*.
Micronesia Milestone
Northern Marianas Constitution Goes Into Effect
1977
A new government and constitution go into effect in the [Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI"). Carlos S. Camacho becomes the first elected governor. Image information: *Governor Carlos Camacho, NMI*.
Micronesia Milestone
Kiribati Attains Independence
1979
[Kiribati](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-kiribati/ "POP Cultures: Kiribati") attains independence from the United Kingdom. Ieremia Tabai is the first President. The sovereign state comprises 32 atolls and reef islands and one raised coral island, Banaba. Kiribati is a total land area of 310 square miles and is dispersed over 1.3 million square miles. Tarawa is the capital. Image information: *Nation of Kiribati Independence Celebration*.
Micronesia Milestone
Republic of Palau is Established
1981
[Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau") opts for independence in 1978. It approved a new constitution and became the Republic of Palau in 1981. Haruo Remeliik is elected its first president. Image information: *Haruo Remeliik, 1976*.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamorus/Chamorros Revive Traditional Canoe Making
1982
[Segundo Blas](https://www.guampedia.com/segundo-blas/ "Segundo Blas") trains Rob Limtiaco and Gary Guerrero how to build a traditional Chamorro [canoe](https://www.guampedia.com/canoe-building-2/ "Canoe Building"), an art that was nearly lost. Together the men built a 15-foot outrigger canoe with funding from the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA). Image information: *Saina’s Maiden Voyage*, by Ron J. Castro.
Micronesia Milestone
Republic of the Marshall Islands is Established
1983
[Republic of the Marshall Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls") is established and Amata Kabua is elected its first president. Independence is achieved in 1986 and a Compact of Free Association goes into effect with the US. Image information: *Amata Kabua*.
World Milestone
Benigno Aquino is Slain in the Philippines
1983
Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., a political rival of Philippines president Marcos, is slain in Manila. Aquino was a leader of the opposition towards President Ferdinand Marcos. He had been permitted to leave the country for medical treatment in the US but was then assassinated at the airport upon his return. Image information: *Benigno Aquino Jr*.
Micronesia Milestone
Federated States of Micronesia is Established
1983
[Federated States of Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia") is established. It includes Chuuk, Pohnpei, Yap, and Kosrae. Tosiwo Nakayama of Onoun, Chuuk, is elected its first president. Independence is achieved in 1986 and a Compact of Free Association goes into effect with the US. Image information: *Senator Tosiwo Nakayama, Truk*.
Micronesia Milestone
The Inifresi is Adopted by the Government of Guam
1984
The Government of Guam adopts the [Inifresi](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-pledge-chamorro-inefresi/ "Guam Pledge: Inifresi") as a pledge for Guam’s schoolchildren to learn. It is usually recited during festivities after “[Fanohge CHamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/)” (“Guam Hymn”) and the Pledge of Allegiance. Inifresi was written by Bernadita Camacho Dungca, PhD. Image information: [*Inifresi*](https://vimeo.com/735310963?share=copy), performed by Wettengel Elementary School's 4th Grade Reading Class, 2021.
Micronesia Milestone
Palau President Remeliik is Assassinated
1985
[Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau") President Haruo Remeliik is assassinated as negotiations for a nuclear free Palau are underway. He served as the first president of Palau from 1981 until his assassination in 1985. The murder was never solved. Image information: *Palau President Haruo Remeliik Giving a Speech*.
World Milestone
Marcos is Exiled from the Philippines
1986
Ferdinand Marcos is exiled from the Philippines after ruling for 20 years. He was the 10th president of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He ruled as a dictator under martial law from 1972 to 1981. His political opponent’s wife, Corazon Aquino, becomes president. Image information: *Ferdinand Marcos, 1982*.
Micronesia Milestone
Palau's Ngirmang Nominated for Nobel Peace Prize
1988
Palauan Gabriela Ngirmang is nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize for her role in keeping Palau nuclear-free as the leader of a women’s organization “Otil a Beluad” (“Anchor of our Land”). She addressed the United Nations and US Congress in her efforts. Image information: *Gabriela Ngirmang (Palau)*.
World Milestone
Tiananmen Square Massacre
1989
More than one million in Beijing demonstrate for democracy as chaos spreads across China. Thousands are killed in Tiananmen Square as Chinese leaders take hard line toward demonstrators. Image information: *Flag on Tiananmen Square*.
World Milestone
World Wide Web Debuts
1991
The World Wide Web debuts, popularizing the internet. English scientist Tim Berners-Lee invented the Web in 1989, writing the first web browser in 1990 while employed at CERN in Switzerland. The browser was released publicly in 1991. The Web has been central to the development of the Information Age. Image information: *WWW's "Historical" Logo*.
Micronesia Milestone
Nasion Chamoru is Formed
1991
[Nasion Chamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/nasion-chamoru/ "Nasion Chamoru") is formed, led by [Angel LG Santos](https://www.guampedia.com/angel-leon-guerrero-santos/ "Angel Leon Guerrero Santos"), with the intent of creating an independence movement for the CHamoru/Chamorro people. Santos read a declaration asserting the right of the Chamorros to exist as a nation and called on the Chamorros present to sign this declaration. Image information: *Nasion Chamoru* courtesy of [Dr. Judy Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-flores/ "Judy Flores").
Micronesia Milestone
Angel Santos Takes Governor Ada to Court
1992
[Angel LG Santos](https://www.guampedia.com/angel-leon-guerrero-santos/ "Angel Leon Guerrero Santos"), along with other members of Nasion CHamoru, asked the Superior Court of Guam to order [Governor Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/ "Governor Joseph F. Ada") to implement the CHamoru/Chamorro Land Trust Act and prevails. Later, as a senator, Santos authorized the Rules and Regulations for the Chamorro Land Trust Commission. Image information: *Old Videos of Late Angel Santos Resurface, Shed Light on Current Events*.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Land Trust Holds its First Meeting
1993
An act to provide landless CHamorus/Chamorros with $1 a year leases for land to live and farm on finally had its first meeting 18 years after it was signed into law. The newly formed CHamoru Land Trust Commission began the difficult task of surveying land and making it available to eligible applicants. Image information: *CHamoru Land Trust Commission Logo*.
Micronesia Milestone
US Signs Nuclear-Free Compact with Palau
1994
The [Republic of Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau") gains its independence and after much political upheaval and hard work, signs a nuclear-free 50 year compact with the US. Image information: Guampedia Graphic.
Micronesia Milestone
UN's TTPI Ends
1994
The United Nation’s Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands ([TTPI](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/ "Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in Guam")), formed just after World War II, ends in 1994. All the islands under its jurisdiction had transitioned into various political entities. It was first administered from Guam and then Saipan. Image information: *HiCom Johnston Shaking Hands with Pres. Nixon on Guam*.
Micronesia Milestone
Adelup Protest for CHamoru/Chamorro Land Trust Act
1995
[Angel LG Santos](https://www.guampedia.com/angel-leon-guerrero-santos/ "Angel Leon Guerrero Santos") begins a hunger strike to protest the distribution of land in the Land for the Landless program as it is open to non-CHamorus/Chamorros. Santos wants it placed under the CHamoru Land Trust. Two months later lawmakers approved a bill to transfer all land from the Land for the Landless program to the Trust. Image information: *[Nasion Chamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/nasion-chamoru/ "Nasion Chamoru") Protest at Adelup* courtesy of the Department of Chamorro Affairs.
Micronesia Milestone
CHamoru/Chamorro Registry Created
1996
The CHamoru/Chamorro Registry is created to register the people of Guam who were made US citizens by the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/ "The Organic Act of Guam") in 1950 and their descendants. The registry is also used “for historical, ethnological and genealogical proposes, as well as for the future exercise of [self-determination](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/chamorro-quest-for-self-determination/ "CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination") by the indigenous Chamorro people of Guam.” Image information: *Registration at Micronesian Island Fair* courtesy of the Office of [Senator Vicente (ben) C. Pangelinan](https://www.guampedia.com/vicente-cabrera-pangelinan/ "Vicente Cabrera Pangelinan").
World Milestone
Google is Launched
1998
Google, a web search engine, is launched. Two Stanford University students built a search engine that used links to determine the importance of pages on the Web. The idea was to organize the world’s information and make it accessible and useful. They found some investors and it was launched. Image information: *1998 Google Logo*.
World Milestone
Terrorists Attack US
2001
Hijackers ram jetliners into the twin towers of New York City’s World Trade Center and the Pentagon, terrorizing the US. A fourth hijacked plane crashes 80 miles outside of Pittsburgh. More than 3,000 people died. Islamic militant Osama bin Laden and the al-Qaeda terrorist network are identified as behind the attacks. Image information: *NYC WTC Site 2001-09-13*.
World Milestone
Tsunamis Devastate Indonesia
2004
A series of tsunamis up to 100 ft high, created by an earthquake, flooded communities along the coasts of the Indian Ocean and killed an estimated 227,898 people in 14 countries. It was one of the deadliest natural disasters in recorded history and the deadliest of the 21st century. Indonesia was the hardest-hit country. Image information: *Us Navy 050102-N-9593M-040 a Village near the Coast of Sumatra Lays in Ruin After the Tsunami That Struck South East Asia*.
World Milestone
Facebook is Launched
2004
The social networking service Facebook is launched in 2004. It was created by two Harvard University students to communicate with their friends. Later it was expanded to other colleges and then corporations, and by September 2006, to everyone with a valid email address along with an age requirement of being 13 and older. Image information: *Facebook Logo 2004*.
World Milestone
Apple Releases the First iPhone
2007
The development of the iPhone began with a request from Apple Inc. CEO Steve Jobs to the company’s engineers, asking them to investigate the use of touchscreen devices with excellent synchronization software. Jobs also had Apple develop the iTunes software. The iconic cell phone went on the market in 2007. Image information: *Steven P. Jobs Presents the iPhone*.
World Milestone
US Elects its First Black President
2008
Barack Obama, born and raised in Hawai'i, is elected president of the United States, the first black man to lead the US. Obama, a Democrat, served two terms as the 44th President from 2009 to 2017. He previously served as a senator. Image information: *US President Barack Obama Taking His Oath of Office*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guampedia, Guam's Online Resource, is Launched
2008
After six years of development, Guampedia goes online. It is a community project that highlights the unique CHamoru/Chamorro heritage and history of Guam and the Mariana Islands. Through peer-reviewed entries and accompanying media, Guampedia provides an important educational and informational resource to those wanting a better understanding of the region. Image information: Guampedia screen grab.
Micronesia Milestone
Lawsuit Filed to Save Pågat
2010
Guam Preservation Trust and [We Are Guahan](https://www.guampedia.com/we-are-guahan/) join in a lawsuit with the National Trust for Historic Preservation against the Department of Defense over a decision to use an area of land adjacent to the historic and culturally-rich village of [Pågat](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/ "Pågat") for a firing range complex for US Marines. Image information: *Pågat Cleanup* courtesy of We Are Guahan.
Micronesia Milestone
DoD Moves Firing Range to Ritidian
2011
A federal judge dismisses a lawsuit regarding building a military firing range at [Pågat](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/ "Pågat"), Guam but only after the Department of Defense agrees to conduct more environmental research, in essence, beginning the site selection process all over again. [Ritidian](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/ "Ritidian (Litekyan)"), on the northeast coast of Guam, is then chosen as the preferred firing range site. Image information: *WPW Championship*.
World Milestone
Bin Laden is Hunted Down, Killed by US
2011
A US special forces team, under the direction of US President Barack Obama, kills Osama Bin Laden in Pakistan, 10 years after he led a terrorist attack on the US. Image information: *Crowd Cheers Because of the Death of Osama Bin Laden*.
Micronesia Milestone
Palau's Rock Islands Become a World Heritage Site
2012
The Rock Island’s Southern Lagoon in [Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau") is added to the list of UNESCO world heritage sites. The vast marine site is recognized for its exceptional ecological diversity, coral reefs, lagoon, limestone islands and marine lakes. Since the islands are isolated from each other, 52 marine lakes are different marine ecosystems. Image information: *Rock-Islands, Republic of Palau*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Hosts Festival of the Pacific
2016
Guam is the site of [FestPac](https://www.guampedia.com/what-is-festpac/ "What is FestPac?"). Every four years since 1972, the islands of the Pacific gather to share in a special celebration of the arts. Thousands participate in the festival for two weeks which showcases traditional arts other forms of artistic traditions unique to this part of the world. Image information: *FestPac Logo*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Museum Opens
2016
The [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum"), a government owned institution with a focus on the history of Guam, opens in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"). It is hoped to encourage people to engage in dialogue, to share multiple perspectives and experiences, and debate issues that concern residents today. The building was designed by CHamoru/Chamorro architect [Andrew Laguaña](https://www.guampedia.com/andrew-andy-laguana/ "Andrew “Andy” Laguaña"). Image information: *Opening Exhibition* courtesy of the Guam Museum.
Micronesia Milestone
Marshall's Elects First Woman President in Micronesia
2016
[Republic of the Marshall Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls") elects Hilda C. Heine, first woman president in the [Micronesian](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") region. She is also the first person in the Marshalls to earn a doctorate. She founded Women United Together Marshall Islands (WUTMI). Heine served as the Minister of Education prior to assuming office. Image information: *Her Excellency Hilda C. Heine*.
Micronesia Milestone
Pohnpei's Nan Madol Named World Heritage Site
2016
Nan Madol, 99 ancient islets in [Pohnpei](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia"), is added to UNESCO world heritage sites. The islets contain architectural remains dating from the 13th century. Nan Madol is located off the south-east coast of Pohnpei. It contains the remains of stone palaces, temples and tombs built between the 13th and 16th centuries. Image information: *Kids in Passage Through Basalt Wall, Nan Madol, Pohnpei*.
Micronesia Milestone
North Korea Threatens to Bomb Guam
2017
North Korea renews its threat to attack Guam with missiles, warning that US President Donald Trump’s social media antics and military moves are pushing Pyongyang over the edge. The US responds by increasing the number of bombs stored on island. Tourism from Japan drops but increases from South Korea. Image information: *WESTERN PACIFIC*.
Micronesia Milestone
Guam Museum's Permanent Exhibit Opens
2018
The [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum")’s permanent exhibit “I Hinanao-Ta Nu Manaotao Tåno’-I CHamoru Siha: The Journey of the CHamoru People” opens. It tells the 3,500 year story of the CHamoru/Chamorro people and of Guam. The exhibit has seven galleries that takes the visitor through a timeline of history. Image information: Permanent Exhibit Entrance Mural of Fo’na (Fu’una) courtesy of the Guam Museum.
Micronesia Milestone
Women Lead Guam: Maga’håga Leon Guerrero
2019
[Lourdes Aflague Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/) is elected as the first woman governor of Guam. With her inauguration in January 2019 as the Maga’håga of Guam, all branches of the Government of Guam are led by women. Tina Muna Barnes is selected as the Speaker of the Guam Legislature, with 10 of the 15 senators being women as well. Katherine Maraman serves as Guam’s Chief Justice of the Guam Supreme Court. Image information: Guampedia photo.
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Tiempo (Timelines)
**Tags:** Guampedia's Micronesia and World Milestones
---
### [American Pacific Nursing Leaders Council](https://www.guampedia.com/american-pacific-nursing-leaders-council/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The American Pacific Nursing Leaders Council (APNLC) was founded by nurses in 1978 to promote the advancement of nursing practice and standards in the US – affiliated jurisdictions in the Pacific.
**Content:**
# American Pacific Nursing Leaders Council
#### Table of Contents
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## Advancing nursing standards in the Pacific
The American Pacific Nursing Leaders Council (APNLC) was founded by nurses in 1978 to promote the advancement of nursing practice and standards in the US – affiliated jurisdictions in the Pacific.
The jurisdictions include the Territory of Guam, the Territory of American Samoa, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, the State of Hawaii, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republic of Palau. Each jurisdiction has four voting delegates. Ex-officio members include the US Department of Health and Human Services Region IX Nursing Consultant and the World Health Organization Nursing Consultant.
## Facilitating communication
The purposes of the organization are to provide a communication mechanism for nursing leaders, to discuss problems confronting nurses in the American Pacific Basin, to examine solutions to problems or resolutions to issues, to explore educational needs of nurses, and to share expertise of nurse members.
The APNLC believes nursing is the common ground amidst a diversity in culture and language. Nursing leaders from these islands meet annually to network, share knowledge and concerns, problem-solve issues, and collaborate on projects. Over the years all jurisdictions have succeeded in developing nurse practice acts and nurse education and licensing requirements. A study was completed in 2002 which provided information as to how nurses could allocate more time for patient care.
[***By Karen A. Fury Cruz, RN, MPH***](http://www.guampedia.com/karen-cruz/)
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** American Pacific Nursing Leaders Council
---
### [Guam Humanities Council](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-humanities-council/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Humanities Council is an independent nonprofit organization dedicated to promoting community humanities programming for the people of Guam. The organization was founded in 1991 as the result of an effort spearheaded by professor George Boughton of the University of Guam.
**Content:**
# Guam Humanities Council
View more images for the Guam Humanities Council/Humanities Guåhan entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622566922764).
#### Table of Contents
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## Creates humanities programs
The Guam Humanities Council is an independent nonprofit organization dedicated to promoting community humanities programming for the people of Guam. The organization was founded in 1991 as the result of an effort spearheaded by professor George Boughton of the University of Guam. The organization was officially incorporated on September 19, 1991.
The original incorporator members included: George J. Boughton, Rosa Palomo, Remington Rose-Crossley, Nerissa Bretania-Shafer, Robert A. Underwood, Antonio Leon Guerrero, Alberto Lamorena, John Morvant, Mary Louise Wheeler, Eulalia J. Harui-Walsh and Sister Francis Jerome Cruz.
## Mission
The mission of the Guam Humanities Council is to foster community engagement and dialogue, inspire critical thinking, celebrate diversity and enrich the quality of life of island residents through the power of the humanities.
## Governance
An eleven-member board of directors governs the council. The board of directors is made up of representatives of academia, the general community and gubernatorial appointees. Directors serve an initial three-year term renewable for an additional term. The sitting members of the board of directors elect new directors.
The council is managed by an executive director who oversees the day-to-day operations and reports to the executive council of the board of directors.
## National Endowment for the Humanities affiliate
The Guam council is an affiliate of the National Endowment for the Humanities. As such, it receives an annual operational grant from the national organization. The council raises additional funds for programming through fundraising activities, grant writing and limited product sales.
## Programs and activities
The Guam Humanities Council was initially established as a granting organization, but eventually established special council projects and activities. Today, the council presents a diverse range of quality humanities programs that include:
- Motheread/Fatheread Family Literacy Program
- Community Grant Program
- Smithsonian Institution Museum on Main Street (MoMS)
- Cultural Workshops and Performances
- NEH We The People Initiative
- Good Offices
- Resource Center
The council also organizes an annual fundraising event that has a major humanities component. The first such event was held in 1993 and included a weeklong series of renaissance music activities featuring the “Waverly Consort” and traditional Chamorro music.
In 2006, the council presented Writing the Pacific, featuring the preeminent Samoan novelist, poet and scholar Albert Wendt, who gave readings of his work, conducted a writing workshop at the University of Guam, premiered the documentary film “The New Oceania,” and gave the keynote address at the council’s gala anniversary dinner that was accompanied by readings from Guam and other Micronesian poets and writers.
For 2007, the Council presented, Envisioning the Pacific, a series of three events, From L.A. to Guam: Alex Munoz – Chamorro Filmmaker; Micronesia Sound Waves and *Ekungok yan Atan*, Listen and Look: Stories for Guam, that focused on the use of visual media and technology to document and effectively communicate cultural experience in Guam and throughout the region.
***By [Jillette Leon-Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/) and [Kimberlee Kihleng, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/kimberlee-kihleng/)***
## For further reading
*Humanities Guåhan*. “[HUMANITIES MAKE US](https://www.humanitiesguahan.org/).”
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Humanities Council
---
### [Guam Liberation Day](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/)
**Published:** April 14, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam's biggest celebration. After World War II was over community leader Agueda Iglesias Johnston convinced US military leaders on Guam to support a celebration to commemorate the Liberation of the island from the Japanese. It was enacted into law in 1951 in Bill 35 sponsored by Speaker Antonio B. Won Pat. This celebration continues to this day as one of Guam’s holidays – Liberation Day, which is celebrated on July 21st.
**Content:**
# Guam Liberation Day
View more images in Flickr [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157651802121176/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Guam's biggest celebration
After[ World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) was over community leader [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/) convinced US military leaders on Guam to support a celebration to commemorate the Liberation of the island from the Japanese. It was enacted into law in 1951 in Bill 35 sponsored by [Speaker Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/). This celebration continues to this day as one of Guam’s holidays – Liberation Day, which is celebrated on July 21st.
While there were Liberation Day commemorations in the late 1940s and then Liberation Day celebrations in the early 1950s, the first Liberation Day queen contest wasn’t held until 1948. Beatrice Blas Calvo Perez was the first Liberation Day Queen of Guam. The winner was declared based on ticket sales, just as it is today.
## Follows the pre-war tradition of annual fairs
Before the outbreak of World War II on Guam, some of the most anticipated events were the annual fairs held at the historic Plaza de España in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and later at the Bradley Park in Anigua. The Guam Island Fair was an opportunity to show off an array of talent, competition, display prized products and socialize. There were always queens that graced the fair grounds with all their beauty, pride and splendor.
Today, the committee that plans Liberation Day is still called the Guam Island Fair committee.
Liberation Day festivities include a queen contest, a summer carnival and a mile long parade on Marine Corps Drive in Hagåtña. Thousands participate by making floats or marching in the parade along with the US military. More recently various ethnic groups, including the Japanese, take part in the parade as well, showing their love for Guam.
Solemn commemorations at massacre sites in [Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/) and [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) as well as the [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) Overlook and other World War II memorials are also held at this time.
## Multi-day extravaganza
Guam’s celebration of Liberation is not confined to just one day. Since its beginning, the events have always been a multi-day extravaganza. In past Liberation celebrations, activities have included sports events (including boxing and wrestling), agricultural fairs, bicycle races, greased pig catching competitions, a battle of the bands in 1971, and even a circus.
Traditionally though, the events include religious and memorial services, the Liberation queen contest, a carnival, and of course, the parade. The parade route is from Adelup to the Paseo de Susana.
The route has been changed in the past, however. In 1976 it started at Adelup and ended at Camp Asan. In 1983 it started at Adelup and ended at the Hagåtña pool, rather than Paseo.
The carnival’s location has changed over the years as well. While it is usually at Paseo it has been held at the former Yigo Amusement Park, the Harmon Cliff line, and Tiyan.
## Village floats are best loved in the parade
The parade floats are both commercial and civic. The village floats are the best loved, as volunteers from many of the villages get together to create floats using natural materials to represent the theme for the year. Oftentimes the floats include hanging fresh fruits and betelnut that is thrown to the parade watchers, or live performances that go on for the whole parade.
Some dedicated parade watchers line up hours before the sign-up sheet for parade spots becomes available. Parade spots are given on a first-come, first-served basis. Families and businesses usually set up their tents the night before and camp out before the parade happens on Liberation Day, usually starting at 10 am.
During the parade, the parade route is shut down, the grand marshal leads the bands, marching units, and floats. Government officials make speeches, there are musical performances, and spectators watch, barbecue, and celebrate.
And if people don’t want to brave the extremely hot and sometimes rainy weather, they can also watch from the comfort of their homes. The parade has been broadcasted live by PBS GUAM since 1995.
[***By Shannon Ada***](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-ada/)
## Video: *75 Years of Sacrifice*
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, Post WWII Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Liberation Day
---
### [Fino' Håya Project](https://www.guampedia.com/fino-haya-project/)
**Published:** March 23, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam Community College created a series of 16 videos in Fino' Håya, the indigenous language of the island of Guam, in an effort to revive, promote, and preserve this unique bond to our ancestors.
**Content:**
# Fino' Håya Project
##### Share This
The [Guam Community College](http://www.guamcc.edu/Pages/Default.aspx) created a series of 16 videos in *Fino’ Håya*, the indigenous language of the island of Guam, in an effort to revive, promote, and preserve this unique bond to our ancestors. Produced over a period of three years (2010-2012), these videos highlight the pre-contact (before European or Western infusion) way of life – the food, names of plants, fish, illnesses, cures, traditional practices and the culture of the indigenous people of the land.
Fino’ Håya is one of an estimated 1,200 languages in the Austronesian language family that originated in what is now Taiwan more than 5,000 years ago. The first people of the Marianas are believed to have arrived in our archipelago about 3,500 years ago. They spoke a language that was replete with reduplication, affixation, morphophonemic, and linguistic characteristics that are just as strong today as they were in ancient times.
This project was made possible, in part, through a grant from the Administration for Native Americans.
Each video is available in two formats – one version has English subtitles and the other version has sign language.
The videos are available here: [Fino’ Håya YouTube Channel](http://www.youtube.com/user/finohaya)
The Fino’ Håya Video Project is also on the Guam Community College website [here](https://guamcc.edu/fino-haya-video-project).
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Education, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Island Life, Language, Our Heritage, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fino' Håya Project
---
### [Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital-volunteers-association/)
**Published:** May 21, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Founded in 1965 by the late Senator Cecilia Cruz Bamba, the Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association (GMHVA) is a nonprofit organization of dedicated people, who, through their gift of time, talent, and personal interest, supplement the professional hospital staff in caring for the comfort and welfare of the patients, personnel, and visitors to the hospital.
**Content:**
# Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association
#### Table of Contents
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Founded in 1965 by the late Senator[ Cecilia Cruz Bamba](http://www.guampedia.com/cecilia-cruz-bamba-2/), the Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association (GMHVA) is a nonprofit organization of dedicated people who, through their gift of time, talent, and personal interest, supplement the professional hospital staff in caring for the comfort and welfare of the patients, personnel, and visitors to the hospital.
Since its inception, the GMH Volunteers Association has provided Guam Memorial Hospital, Guam’s only public hospital, with continuous support services as well as millions of dollars worth of medical equipment, hospital furnishings, and assistance.
In turn, GMHVA’s work is largely supported through the generosity from Guam’s businesses, civic organizations, government leaders, the medical community, as well as friends and families of the volunteers. Their contributions greatly help GMHVA raise funds to purchase much needed medical equipment, furnishings and supplies, as well as transport vehicles for the hospital.
## Ladies in Pink
According to longtime volunteer Margaret Jones, Cecilia Bamba organized the GMHVA among a group of her friends. They met and established their bylaws, volunteer hours, and even their pink pinafore uniforms, modeled after the Academy of Our Lady of Guam uniforms. Bamba’s son, former Senator George Bamba, Jr., recalled that it was his mother’s desire to give back to the community that compelled her to found the organization. Believing the women of Guam were the most sensitive to the needs of the community, Cecilia Bamba brought women together to address the various needs of the hospital and its patients.
Their work brought them close to the people who came to the hospital for healing. Volunteers escorted mobile patients to their rooms, provided reassurance and words of comfort, and engaged with patients and their families to lift their spirits in often difficult circumstances. Over the years, the association grew, and volunteers donated countless hours in various projects of the GMHVA and organizing its signature events aimed at raising funds and inspiring the community to help the hospital.
## Community fundraising
The Annual Charity Ball is the highlight of GMHVA’s yearly fundraising events. The first ball was held in 1965 at the Guam Recreation Center, which was located in Anigua. According to Jones, the theme for the ball was “My Fair Lady,” and everyone had to dress in black and white. Since then, each ball has had a different theme and fundraising goal, usually to raise money for equipment or bring awareness of the importance for the hospital to have the latest technology available to its doctors and patients. In 2025, GMHVA celebrated their 60th anniversary with the charity ball theme “Years of Grace and Giving: A Legacy of Caring, Compassion, and Contribution.”
Other fundraising projects, such as the Thanksgiving Raffle, Christmas bazaars, the Holiday Home Tours that took place from 1968 to 1998, and golf tournaments all helped to generate funds for GMHVA’s endeavors.
The hospital Gift Shop (which was founded in 1971) and the Gift Cart, wholly managed and operated by volunteers, both provide service to patients, families, visitors, and employees of the hospital. The Gift Shop and the Gift Cart provide a significant ongoing source of funds for GMHVA’s hospital projects, dedicated to the improvement of healthcare at the hospital.
Additionally, the Healing Tree is an ongoing project of the GMHVA that began in 2002 to inspire the community to help the hospital. The “tree” is a display at the hospital with gold colored “leaves” that are engraved with the names of businesses, organizations and other generous donors to the hospital.
Since its inception in 1965, the volunteers’ fundraising efforts have raised over $10 million dollars for the hospital.
Through their efforts, GMHVA fundraising has contributed to the purchase of patient beds, specialized ICU patient beds, operating room sterilization equipment, non-invasive ventilators, respirators, an ultrasound unit, life pack monitor/defibrillator sets, bariatric beds, transport vehicles, sleeper chairs, television sets, and EKG/EDG equipment. GMHVA also has helped find funds to send nurses for certification training or to help pay off hospital invoices.
## Service and patient care
In addition to managing and operating the Gift Shop, GMHVA members assist in other areas. In earlier years, GMHVA members supported the community by taking baby photos and feeding newborns.
Today, GMHVA members continue to provide escort-errand services for patients and visitors as needed, and offer support by visiting and reading to patients, providing interpreter and translation services, helping visitors at the information desk, and through holiday caroling and gift-giving.
GMHVA volunteers are dedicated to providing patient care. These services include visiting patients, offering interpretation services for patients who do not speak English, providing comfort to sick children by reading books and playing games, manning the hospital’s information booth and directing visitors to the relevant wards, and providing assistance to hospital departments as needed. GMHVA volunteers with experience with cutting hair also support patients by providing hair grooming services.
Another critical service that GMHVA offers is the “Angels in Need” program, which was established in 2018 to provide financial support to families of gravely ill infants and young children at the hospital who are in need of life-saving medical treatments that are not available in Guam. The program fills an urgent need in the community by providing financial support for parents to accompany their children who are in need of off-island medical treatment. While off-island hospitals as well as Medicaid and other insurances offer assistance to finance the child’s treatment, there are no provisions in place to financially support parents to accompany their children off-island.
After a GMHA doctor determines that a child needs life-saving medical treatment that can only be provided off-island, a GMHA social worker can then evaluate and refer a family to the Angels in Need program to seek financial assistance. Through the Angels in Need program, the family is provided with funds for food and lodging, and emergency passports if needed. A total of up to $5,000 for one month is immediately provided so that the child can begin the life-saving treatment off-island with their parent accompanying them.
## Bridging the hospital and the community
Founded to provide a bridge between the hospital and the island community, GMHVA has grown in membership. As of **2025** there are 133 committed volunteers of diverse backgrounds and skills, assisting and donating their personal time to Guam Memorial Hospital to provide the best possible health care for the community of Guam.
Now donning their signature pink vests, the volunteers continue to build upon the legacy through their work that was begun by Cecilia Bamba and the Founding Members. With their “prescription of love” they bring comfort to thousands of hospital patients and their families. What began 60 years ago as a helping hand for doctors and nurses has now become the heart of the Guam Memorial Hospital community.
***Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association***
## GMHVA Founding Members
- Cecilia Bamba, Founder
- Delfina Guerrero
- Margaret Jones
- Eugenia Leon Guerrero
- Dinang Manibusan
- Clementina Perez
- Mariquita Souder
- Marian Taitano
## 1965 GMHVA Officers
- Honorary President – First Lady Delfina Guerrero
- Founder & President – Cecilia Bamba
- Vice President – Dinang Manibusan
- Secretary – June Untalan
- Treasurer – Ana Laguana
- Member at Large – Gloria Webster
- Member at Large – Thelma Graut
## 2025 GMHVA Officers
- Honorary President – First Gentleman Jeffrey Cook
- President – Terese Calvo
- Vice President – Daisy Sablan
- Recording Secretary – June Perez
- Corresponding Secretary – Beverly Lotz
- Treasurer – Felice Meeks
- Assistant Treasurer- Teresita Delos Reyes
- Member at Large – Aurea Fisher
- Member at Large – Rita Untalan-Guerrero
- Immediate Past President – Hilda Pellacani
## GMHVA Presidents
- Cecilia Bamba, Founder, 1965
- Margaret Jones, 1966
- Doreen Hartzel, 1967, 1968
- Norma Nicolls, 1969
- Madeleine Bordallo, 1970, 1971
- Diane Pickens, 1972
- Roseanne Turnbull, 1973
- Elizabeth Lang, 1974
- Joan Holmes, 1975
- Rita Raker, 1976
- Doris Skouros, 1977
- Sandy Henroid, 1978
- Carrie Houlett, 1979
- Tita Souder, 1980, 1981
- Cheko Ando, 1982
- Hilda Pellacani, 1983, 1984
- Edwina Jose, 1985, 1986
- Rosa Carter, 1987
- Ann Muna, 1988, 1989
- Lee Hagerstrom, 1990
- Jackie Svitil, 1991
- Nicole Woo, 1991, 1992, 1993
- Censia Thompson, 1994
- Toni Gumataotao, 1995
- Rosemary Kissing, 1996
- Priscilla Muna, 1997
- Lina McDonald, 1998
- Priscilla Muna, 1999
- Betsy Teehan, 2000, 2001
- Bennett San Agustin, 2002, 2003
- Mae Quinata, 2004, 2005
- Evelyna Akimoto, 2006, 2007
- Dorothy Borlas, 2008, 2009
- Lulu Duenas, 2010, 2011
- Josephine Mesa, 2012, 2013
- Beverly Lotz, 2014
- Jenny Cruz, 2015, 2016
- Myrna Aquino, 2017
- Joyce Crisostomo, 2018, 2019
- Christine M.S. Calvo, 2020, 2021
- Toni Pecon, 2022, 2023
- Hilda Pellacani, 2024
- Terese Calvo, 2025
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association
---
### [Guam Commonwealth Act](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-commonwealth-act/)
**Published:** August 21, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** 30 Years in the making. Guam’s Commonwealth Act was both a continuation of indigenous rights struggles from the early 20th century and a reaction to Washington’s negotiations and status agreements with Guam’s regional neighbors to end the United Nation’s Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI). For three decades, from the early 1970s to 2001, the commonwealth movement was the dominant theme in federal-territorial relations and a major expression of Chamorro/CHamoru cultural nationalism.
**Content:**
# Guam Commonwealth Act
View more images for the Guam Commonwealth Act entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157634244059966).
#### Table of Contents
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## 30 years in the making
Guam’s Commonwealth Act was both a continuation of Indigenous rights struggles from the early 20th century and a reaction to Washington’s negotiations and status agreements with Guam’s regional neighbors to end the United Nation’s Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI). For three decades, from the early 1970s to 2001, the commonwealth movement was the dominant theme in federal-territorial relations and a major expression of CHamoru/Chamorro cultural nationalism.
While Guam’s 50 year quest for civil rights through US citizenship was finally addressed by the [1950 Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), that federal legislation conferred only a modest degree of home rule, leaving the island with an appointed governor, no representation in Congress and little autonomy or flexibility in the application of federal law to the island. Moreover, the Pentagon clamped a security clearance requirement on Guam a few months after the Organic Act, stifling visitation and commercial development until it was lifted in 1962. By 1972, the island had been accorded the right to elect its own governor and a non-voting delegate to the House of Representatives.
At that time, however, the Northern Marianas, a district of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands seeking affiliation with the United States, began negotiating with the US Government for a commonwealth status that was modeled on the agreement negotiated by Puerto Rico in 1950. Drafted between December 1972 and February 1975, the Commonwealth Covenant was approved by the Northern Marianas electorate in a 17 June 1975 plebiscite by a 78.8 percent margin.
The Northern Marianas “Covenant” provided a significant degree of autonomy under a locally adopted constitution, requiring “mutual consent” for key self-government provisions to be modified, limiting land ownership to residents of Northern Marianas descent, and delegating control of immigration, labor and tax laws to the local government.
## Genesis of the commonwealth quest
The speedy negotiations and innovative agreement between the Northern Marianas and the US shocked many Guam residents. The voters of Guam had rejected reunification with the Northern Marianas in 1969, fearing the financial burden of developing the neighbor islands and because the Northern Marianas CHamorus, who had been under Japan’s pre-World War II rule, had assisted the Japanese military in their wartime occupation of Guam. The CHamorus of Guam had remained steadfastly loyal to “Uncle Sam” during those agonizing war years, many suffering starvation, torture and death at the hands of the Japanese, and most losing their homes and businesses in the American bombardment and recapture of the island.
The perception of many Guam leaders was that their loyalty, patriotism and sacrifice counted for little, while those who had aided America’s wartime enemy were rewarded with high-level US attention, comprehensive negotiations and a more autonomous and honorable status in the American family. This was a major psychological blow for Guam’s senior leadership. As [Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), Guam’s delegate to the US Congress, said at the time,
“Whatever the needs—real or perceived—of the Pentagon in the Western Pacific, the willingness of Washington to deal so generously with non-citizens while denying their fellow Americans equal treatment can only be viewed with suspicion and resentment by the people of Guam.”
Won Pat’s generation had seen the island’s military role transformed from a small naval refueling and communications station into a major US staging base for the war on Japan, with more than 200,000 military personnel and 21 bases occupying an estimated eighty percent of the island’s 212 square miles. After the war, about 63 percent of the island was officially retained (bought or leased)—much of that through controversial eminent domain land condemnation proceedings—to convert the bases into Cold War sentinels.
These acquisitions displaced more than 11,000 CHamorus, almost half of the indigenous population—a heart-rending experience following their liberation from wartime trauma. The new installations included a Strategic Air Command base, which supported US forces in the Korean War and hosted B-52 bombers that flew thousands of missions in the Vietnam War; a naval base which home ported Polaris nuclear missile submarines and nuclear powered attack submarines in the era of “Mutually Assured Destruction;” and a Naval Air Station and top-secret Naval Facility which tracked Soviet naval activity in the Pacific.
The evolving US military posture on the island had significantly affected the indigenous population, regarding political and economic development before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and causing major land alienation, immigration and environmental impacts in the postwar years. Washington’s immigration policy was regarded as especially controversial because many CHamorus believed the federal government allowed an unnecessarily high number of permanent immigrants into the island, affecting the social, cultural and political character of their homeland. Many indigenous rights advocates maintain this policy violates the United Nations Charter, which discourages permanent immigration into non-self-governing territories.
Residents who claim CHamoru ancestry today represent less than half of the island’s 160,000 residents, down from ninety percent in 1950 and 55 percent in the mid-1970s. The other two-thirds of Guam’s population are immigrants (and their descendants) from the Philippines, US states and other Asian and Pacific nations, including a recent wave of more than 35,000 citizens of the Freely Associated States (the Federated States of Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands). Filipinos are now the second largest ethnic group on Guam, accounting for about 26 percent of the population.
These postwar developments, especially the accelerating change in the island’s ethnic makeup, led to growing concerns regarding the loss of CHamoru culture and primacy. Diminishing use of the CHamoru language, which had been banned from the public school system and replaced with English under [US Naval rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), was seen as symptomatic of the loss of indigenous identity. In the late 1960s, the local government began mandating CHamoru cultural studies and language programs in public elementary, secondary and college curriculum.
## Launching the commonwealth movement
These initiatives to encourage CHamoru language and cultural studies reflected linkages in the evolving views of many CHamorus regarding cultural preservation, indigenous primacy and greater autonomy within the US family. The blanket application of federal laws to the island was seen as especially problematic because the people of Guam do not have an equal voice with communities in US states in the formulation and enactment of federal laws affecting them. Owing to the island’s unincorporated status, Guam residents have no representation in the US Senate—only a non-voting delegate in the House of Representatives—and may not vote for president.
The sense of being ignored by Washington officials while Northern Marianas residents received first-class treatment spurred the Guam Legislature to institute a political status movement by establishing official commissions to study options, issue reports, conduct public education campaigns, recommend plebiscites and engage Washington in negotiations. A 1973 legislative status commission, saying independence and statehood were unrealistic, concluded that the most feasible option for an improved interim political relationship within the US political family was the commonwealth status Puerto Rico enjoyed and which the Northern Marianas was seeking.
Because US administrations had accepted commonwealth pacts with these two territories, Guam leaders assumed it represented a new transitional or interim status in the US territorial relations hierarchy—above unincorporated but below incorporated—which could limit US federal power and enhance local control of island affairs. Commonwealth was seen as a solution that allowed continued US sovereignty while addressing local autonomy issues, such as the application of US law, military land acquisition policy and preservation of CHamoru culture and primacy.
The commission also invited a UN committee on decolonization to visit Guam in October 1974 to affirm that the island was non-self-governing and had a right to independence as an ultimate political status. The federal government, which maintained that Guam had opted for affiliation with the US and achieved self-government, blocked the visit. However, Washington was reluctant to petition the UN to remove Guam from the list of small, non-self governing territories because the committee overseeing this decolonization list was often led by US antagonists, such as Libya and Cuba, which would oppose the US request and elevate the international profile of Guam’s quest for greater autonomy and self-determination.
As the Northern Marianas negotiations concluded, US National Security Council officials, who appreciated the implications of the new agreement for Guam, conducted a classified study that supported a comparable status for the island. US President Gerald R. Ford approved the recommendation in 1975, and US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger instructed an Under Secretaries Committee to “seek agreement with Guamanian representatives on a commonwealth arrangement no less favorable than that which we are negotiating with the Northern Marianas.”
However, US Department of Interior officials responsible for carrying out the directive were extremely reluctant to engage Guam in substantive negotiations (which might include ostensibly “non-negotiable” topics such as US sovereignty, military bases and foreign affairs). Their reactive, foot-dragging approach attempted to cajole island officials to open a “dialogue” on Guam—federal relations with a limited agenda without actually informing them of the Presidential directive. Disagreement among Guam leaders on negotiation strategy, status approaches and the strong preference of Rep. Phillip Burton, the powerful chairman of the US House Subcommittee on Territorial and Insular Affairs, for a locally drafted-constitution ended consideration of the proactive negotiations envisioned in the Ford/Kissinger directive.
## Guam’s commonwealth strategy
During this period, Chairman Burton, who regarded himself as a benefactor of the island territories, repeatedly told Guam leaders that he would ensure that the benefits the Northern Marianas received under its new status would eventually be provided to Guam. He urged Guam leaders not to object formally to the Northern Marianas commonwealth legislation in Congress and insisted that allowing Guam to draft its own constitution would enable the islanders to gain the status improvements they sought.
Guam leaders established a new political status commission in 1975 and, persuaded by Burton and Won Pat to support the draft constitution approach, organized a 1976 plebiscite on options that did not include a “commonwealth” choice. The island, already suffering from high unemployment and inflation, was struck by super-typhoon Pamela in May, which caused widespread damage to homes and public utilities, as well as the military base complex, leading to large infusions of federal emergency relief funds and capital rehabilitation investments. On 4 September 1976 the plebiscite vote was held and 58 percent of voters chose the status quo “with improvements” over four other options. Statehood was second with twenty-four percent.
The following month, as a result of Won Pat’s efforts with Burton to provide Guam another means of expanding local autonomy, Congress authorized island leaders to draft a constitution and federal relations act “within the existing territorial-federal relationship.” Both documents, which would replace the Organic Act, required US legislative and executive branch approval. However, Guam voters rejected the draft constitution in 1979, primarily under the logic of “political status first.” The spirited convention debates, carried live via television, and extensive public advocacy campaigns, culminating in the defeat of the draft constitution, provided a major impetus for the next evolution in the process.
Reflecting growing public awareness of the UN mandated “self-determination” process sweeping Micronesia and continued concern with the loss of CHamoru culture and primacy, Guam leaders established a Commission on Self-Determination, under the direction of the Governor, to supplant the previous commissions on political status, which had been under the control of the Guam Legislature. The change in terminology and organization structure reflected a growing assertiveness regarding the island’s agenda for negotiations.
The new commission then organized a 1982 plebiscite, resulting in a plurality vote for commonwealth (49 percent), which was generically defined along the lines of the Puerto Rico and Northern Marianas pacts. Statehood received 26 percent of the vote; status quo 10 percent; while free association and independence each received four percent. A runoff chose commonwealth (73 percent) over statehood (27 percent) as the preferred status.
Rep. Phil Burton died in 1983. However, a group of US congressmen, at the request of Won Pat, met with island leaders in Albuquerque in 1984. Touted as the “Spirit of Albuquerque,” the congressmen advised Guam leaders to develop a “working draft” of a bill that addressed their concerns, but to remain willing to compromise when negotiations on the proposal were joined. Rep. Morris K. Udall, chairman of the House committee with primary jurisdiction over the bill, reiterated the need for flexibility.
During the next three years, the Commission held numerous outreach and public comment sessions and reviewed numerous suggestions and proposals. The active public discussion and debate over the bill’s provisions was closely followed by the island media, and as the Commission refined the draft, it decided that Guam voters should ratify the bill before submitting it to the US Congress.
## Major provisions of the Commonwealth Act
The Commonwealth Act was drafted under the administration of [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) (1983–86) and became the keystone of the territory’s federal relations platform under him and later under [Governors Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) (1987–1994) and [Carl Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/) (1994–2003). Beginning in the spring of 1988, the legislation was introduced in several consecutive sessions of the Congress during the tenures of Guam Delegates [Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/) (1985–1993) and [Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) (1993–2003).
The final version of the measure called for mutual consent on key self-government aspects of a federal-territorial commonwealth relationship, including the application of federal law to the island, and provided the local government authority over immigration, labor law and the Exclusive Economic Zone. The bill prohibited the federal use of eminent domain power to acquire land for military bases, and required the return of excess Defense Department lands to the local government and consultation with Guam officials before major changes to force levels or base missions. The measure would also provide Guam greater authority to negotiate commercial agreements directly with Asian-Pacific states and a greater role in awarding commercial air carrier routes into Guam.
CHamoru grassroots groups that had been garnering public support for indigenous rights for more than a decade through advocacy campaigns on cultural and environmental preservation, land rights and political status, lobbied for many of these provisions. More importantly, because Guam remained on the UN list of small, non-self-governing territories and was ostensibly eligible for an internationally monitored self-determination process, indigenous rights advocates had urged the Commission early in its deliberations to address that issue, introducing a new and potentially governing dynamic.
Citing UN decolonization principles and international treaties, the Commission determined that the “self” in self-determination could only be the indigenous residents and their descendants, because [post-World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) settlers had by birth or naturalization already chosen their national affiliation. The residual sovereignty of the CHamoru people was asserted in commonwealth bill provisions that provided for special cultural preservation and land trust programs and the exclusive right to determine the island’s ultimate political status in a future act of self-determination. The CHamoru “self” was further defined as people born on Guam as of 1 August 1950 (the effective date of the Guam Organic Act) and their descendants. All qualified voters could vote on the draft commonwealth bill, however, because it was deemed an “interim” or “transitional” status.
Guam voters approved most of the bill in an August 1987 referendum. Immigration and self-determination provisions that had failed to receive a majority were revised and narrowly approved in a second vote. Guam Governor Joseph F. Ada described the proposed commonwealth status as “a relationship of mutual consent: in which the power of the federal government unilaterally to change our status, change agreements we arrive at, and impose unilateral federal law upon us is restricted… Only by giving us the right of consent can our people truly be empowered.”
The proposed legislation received two hearings (1989 and 1997) by the House Interior Subcommittee on Territorial and Insular Affairs. Gov. Ada testified and publicly maintained he was bound by the bill’s language (as approved by Guam voters) and unable to negotiate changes. As a result of the first hearing, the Commission agreed to meet regularly with a federal executive branch task force to try to resolve US concerns with the bill’s major provisions. Among its strategies, the Ada Administration hoped that emphasizing the island’s “colonial status” under an ostensibly “anti-colonial” nation would encourage Washington officials to offer concessions. The Gutierrez efforts included a demonstration of party loyalty, with more than $1 million in contributions to the re-election campaign of President William J. Clinton.
However, the administrations of Presidents George HW Bush (1989–1993) and Clinton (1993–2001) consistently opposed major provisions of the bill, focusing their objections on issues of sovereignty, constitutionality and policy continuity, and arguing that the proposal sought a composite status that included incompatible aspects of independence, free association, commonwealth and statehood. The bill would authorize the exclusion of US citizens (the settler population), based on ethnicity, from a vote on ultimate status, which federal officials said conflicted with constitutional protections against non-discriminatory voting. Other provisions, they argued, ran counter to strategic defense interests and territorial policy. The measure was never reported out of committee.
Guam officials involved in the commonwealth quest generally attribute its failure to Washington’s refusal to recognize the residual sovereignty of the CHamoru people, their non-self-governing status and their exclusive right to self-determination. Local leaders also assert that Washington—the Pentagon, specifically—believed that greater local autonomy would restrict and jeopardize the US defense posture and military flexibility in the region. Since the passing of the Commonwealth Act on Guam, the White House, too, has refused to negotiate this status, and Congressional leaders deliberately have tried to control the issues Guam leaders wanted addressed.
Robert F. Rogers, a Guam historian and former political status adviser to Gov. Ricardo J. Bordallo, agrees that US “obduracy” played a significant role in blocking the legislation, especially regarding Washington’s geopolitical use of the island or allowing local leaders to participate in determining US national security policy for the region. However, Rogers also attributes much of the failure to what he calls the adversarial posture, inflexible position and poor strategy of Guam leaders, who forfeited an opportunity to craft a compromise bill with a Democratically-controlled Congress, relegating negotiations to a task force of federal officials who habitually defend the status quo. The Commission’s discussions with the task force never yielded significant US concessions, let alone a final agreement.
[***By Frank Quimby***](https://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/ "Frank Quimby")
## e-Publication: The Draft Guam Commonwealth Act
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Bettis, Leland. “Political Reviews: Guam.” *Contemporary Pacific* 6, no. 1 (1994): 173.
Guam Legislature. An Analysis of Social, Cultural and Historical Factors Bearing on the Political Status of Guam. By Andrew Gayle. Hagåtña: GL, 1974.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
––– “Requiem for a Quest: The Failure of Guam’s Leaders to Secure Fundamental Political Changes.” In *Leadership in the Pacific Islands: Tradition and the Future*. Edited by Donald R. Shuster, Peter Larmour, and Karin Von Strokirch. Cambridge and Mangilao: Australian National University and Micronesian Area Research Center, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura, and Robert A. Underwood, eds. *Chamorro Self-Determination: Right of a People*. Hagåtña and Mangilao: Chamorro Studies Association and Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
Underwood, Robert A. “The Status of Having No Status.” Annual College of Arts and Sciences Research Conference, University of Guam, Mangilao, GU, 26 April 1999.
Willens, Howard P., and Dirk A. Ballendorf. *The Secret Guam Study: How President Ford’s 1975 Approval of Commonwealth Was Blocked by Federal Officials.* Mangilao and Saipan: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, e-Publications, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Guam Commonwealth Act
---
### [CHamorus/Chamorros Yearn for Freedom](https://www.guampedia.com/interpretive-essay-chamorus-yearn-for-freedom/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Interpretive essay: WWII made indelible impact on CHamorus. To this day, whenever we speak of the period before the "war" and after the "war" we invariably mean World War II. We do this almost subconsciously despite that sons and daughters of Guam have been involved in other wars since World War II: in Korea, Vietnam and the Persian Gulf. The invasion, occupation and eventual liberation of Guam made such an indelible impact on our people that it is likely to serve as the benchmark, the road junction, and the springboard for what we do for many, many years to come.
**Content:**
# CHamorus/Chamorros Yearn for Freedom
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: WWII made indelible impact on CHamorus
To this day, whenever we speak of the period before the “war” and after the “war” we invariably mean World War II. We do this almost subconsciously despite that sons and daughters of Guam have been involved in other wars since World War II: in Korea, Vietnam and the Persian Gulf. The invasion, occupation and eventual liberation of Guam made such an indelible impact on our people that it is likely to serve as the benchmark, the road junction, and the springboard for what we do for many, many years to come.
While this difficult period deprived those of my generation most of our tender teen years, it taught us more about life, family and ourselves than I, for one, had ever learned before or since in all the schools I have attended. The CHamoru/Chamorro spirit was not an abstraction; rather, it was demonstrably real during those years and I have drawn inspiration and sustenance from that reality my entire life.
## Harsh by any standard
Our World War II experience was harsh by any standard. Severe deprivation, indignities, and punishment were commonplace. There was always that pervasive sense of personal insecurity. Most members of my generation as well as the older generation prefer not to dwell on the scars of those difficult years.
## Enduring CHamoru spirit
But those of us who survived the trial of the war years bear witness to a side of the occupation that I will call the “inner Guam,” one that the enemy was never privileged to enter. It was the purest product of the cauldron of war, the brightest star in the dark sky of those traumatic times.
They would recall, as I do, the manifestation and magnificence of the CHamoru spirit. Though only a legend to some, it is a living, breathing reality to us; a source of strength that saw us through the worst of times and guides us in the challenging times ahead. My generation was caught between childhood and adulthood. The unexpected and violent interruption of our lives and the common adversity that we shared gave our parents and elders an unusual opportunity to inculcate in us much more vital learning than we could have received in calmer times.
Challenged by the threatening experience of war and pressed to our limits, we learned things about human nature and ourselves that we might never have been able to grasp in peaceful, less demanding, times.
We learned: to be tolerant when conditions were intolerable; to be generous when there was so little to give; to be patient when our deepest desire was to end our bondage; lo be ourselves, preserving our language and culture while the enemy was trying to impose his on us.
Life seemed more endangered, more tentative, and therefore, more precious then. We learned through toil the sweetness of the saltiness of the sweat that trickled down our faces at the peak of a hard day’s work.
We clearly saw and keenly appreciated the basic choices of life, between freedom and bondage; justice and oppression; hope and despair; surviving and perishing. Through the heat and dust and smoke, we saw ourselves and what we stood for.
There were many painful experiences in that dark period in our history. But there were also many pleasant memories:
- The long hours on a log with our parents sharing their thoughts and experiences with us, much like the generations before them had done; but with greater urgency as the winds of war swirled around the island;
- The groups of neighboring farmers who pooled their strength to push back the jungle so we could plant; The women caring for the sick, working the gardens preparing food over open fires;
- The men echoing each other’s folk song at twilight as they cut tuba;
- The labor camps where we realized how we had to protect each other, how we had to care for one another as an island family;
- The devout men and women who emerged as our natural leaders and who would always lead us in prayer during our most trying and fearful moments as we labored to finish our forced labor projects under incredible duress;
- There was the young Japanese officer who taught me elementary Japanese in exchange for my father teaching him English and who, after getting to know us, innocently asked my father why we were at war;
- There was this same officer who came to say good-bye and as he left to defend against the invasion, I felt an indescribably mixed emotion of seeing a new friend leaving to fight those coming to liberate us;
- There were the US Marines, the soldiers, the sailors and the Coast Guardsmen who, after hopping from island to island, liberated one of their own and seemed as glad as we were that they had come back to Guam;
- And there were the joyous faces of my fellow CHamorus, 23,000 strong, who had endured 31 months of harsh enemy occupation, including internment in concentration camps,in a war they had no part in starting.
As excruciating and as harrowing as the occupation was, our people did not surrender without a fight and did not stop fighting after the surrender. In the face of an overwhelmingly larger enemy force, a handful of US sailors and Marines stood their ground. Standing beside them, with equal valor and courage but even with greater pride and determination, were the members of the Navy Insular Force Guard.
## Defense of Guam was defense of home
For these men, CHamorus all, the defense of Guam meant the defense of home, family and honor. Although they wore the same US Navy uniforms, their pay was exactly one-half that of the stateside comrades. Although they fought under the same US flag, they were considered only half-brothers in the patronizing, colonial society on Guam at that time.
Yet, when it came time to shed blood against foreign invaders, the CHamorus of the Navy Insular Force demonstrated their loyalty to the US in the same way they demonstrated their love for the US principles of freedom and democracy: not halfheartedly, but totally and wholeheartedly.
It is that commitment to home, family and honor that has sustained us over the years as a people. In the years since Magellan landed on Guam, our people have been colonized, proselytized, Catholicized, and subsidized. Guam has fallen under Spanish, American, Japanese and again American rule.
## CHamorus never asked what we wanted
But never have we been asked what we as a people wanted. Progress, whatever there was of it, moved at a pace of the administering authority. It was his choice to uncover or cover at his will what he wished to know about us, and it was our lot to remain mute to the process. The attitude developed that the foreigners’ right to dominate the land was established by their finding it, and the people – like the flora and fauna – had no alternative but to acquiesce in silence.
The Spaniards made Guam their own, but never did they ask the CHamoru people, the Old People, what relationship should be forged with them. Nor, centuries later, when the US took control of the island did it ask the descendants of those CHamorus and those Spaniards what association should be formed.
We must wonder why the colonizing forces never asked this most fundamental question. Perhaps they felt that the new order they were bringing was so progressive that the people could not help but be overjoyed to embrace it. Or perhaps the ugly hand of racism was at work, and they believed the people could not tell the difference between freedom and subjugation.
Whatever the case, with the close of the war and with increased education opportunities becoming available to the people of Guam, those of my generation realized the disparities we had accepted without question for so long did not have to be the case. It was as if we had been born blind and then miraculously had been given sight.
It came as a shock to realize that darkness was not inevitable nor the natural state of the world. And so it was we who realized that we were not a second class people. Invisible barriers were just that -invisible and without reason. New horizons revealing incredible vistas began to open before us. We had been told for generations, for example, that should we join the Navy, we were worthy to serve as servants, as stewards. My generation began to ask: And why not officers? There was no reply.
And so slowly at first, and then with accelerating force, we set out on a quest to achieve our self-determination as a people – economically, culturally, and politically.
Genuine self-determination, if the word is to have any meaning, is a self-help program. If you truly want it, if it truly means anything to you, you must reach out for it and grasp it as your own. That we have done.
During the 25th anniversary celebration in 1969 one of the most distinguished officers in the Marine Corps, Gen. Lemuel C. Shepherd, was our guest of honor. Having commanded one of the major units that liberated Guam, Gen. Shepherd had a very special place in his heart for the people of Guam and, in particular for those under his command who were killed in action during the fighting. I remember still his closing remarks before a full house at the Guam Legislature:
> When I get to heaven, my men who died here during the war will be at the gate waiting for me with this question: ‘Lem, was dying for Guam worth it?’ My answer to them will be that having just visited Guam recently, the answer is, you damn right it was.
>
> Gen. Lemuel C. Shepherd
In closing my recollections of this very auspicious occasion, I cannot resist the urge to share an exchange I had with my own father as I was about to leave Guam after spending a week’s leave following my graduation from Notre Dame and my being commissioned a second lieutenant in the US Marines.
Departing with me that day was a group of young Guamanians who had just been recruited in the Army and on their way to basic training. As with me, most of them would eventually find themselves serving in Korea. Unlike me, however, some of them would die there and others would return home with lives and limbs shattered forever.
It made for a large group, the recruits and their mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters, aunts and uncles, and me and my family. We made our way to the tarmac for our final goodbyes, and as I gathered my things for boarding, my father grabbed my arm.
In his eyes was the old fierceness, and despite his failing health, he was the robust and feisty man who had been a boxer and a fighter for equality. To my utter amazement, he said to me:
> Since you are now an officer of the United States, Lieutenant, answer me this. Why is it that we are treated as equals only in war but not in peace?
>
> Vicente Cruz Blaz
Still holding my arm, he pulled me to him and said:
> You don’t have to answer now. Just remember that the quest must endure.
My chest was tight as I said, “Yes, Sir.”
As I finished kissing him good-bye, he whispered, “By the way, you never did return the salute I gave you when you first arrived.” I stepped back from him, and standing ramrod straight, I brought my hand to my forehead in a crisp salute but my arm was trembling from the unexpected and affectionate admonition from my Navy man father.
To this day, my father’s question continues to haunt all of us, but at least we now have that question formalized and on the Congressional table – the Commonwealth of Guam.
On this, the anniversary of our liberation, we will be shedding a few tears – of gratitude to our liberators; of remembrance of our brothers and sisters who suffered with us but are unable to join us; and of thanksgiving as we thank Almighty God for all the blessings that have come our way during these golden years.
## The work is not complete: True self-determination evades our people
But after those tears have stopped and have become a precious memory for us all, we must remember that the work begun by the Liberators in 1944 is not yet complete. The people of Guam picked up the torch of freedom passed to them on July 21, 1944. All who call Guam home have worked so hard and so determinedly that the entire world can see the island and its people have come so far from that terrible time of long ago.
But true self-determination and equality still evade our people. Thus, the quest endures.
[***By Congressman Vicente “Ben” Blaz***](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/)
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted with permission from *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, in 1994. The Guam Commonwealth Act was never enacted by Congress.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Politics and Government, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** CHamorus/Chamorros Yearn for Freedom
---
### [Fanohge CHamoru Exhibition Video Features](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibition-vignettes/)
**Published:** August 16, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future, an exhibition about Guam’s historical quest for political self-determination, ran from 28 March to 31 May 2022, at the Guam Museum. The exhibition was a collaborative effort between Dr. Kevin Escudero, a visiting scholar from Brown University, the Guam Museum, the Commission on Decolonization, and Guampedia.
**Content:**
# Fanohge CHamoru Exhibition Video Features
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/V-01-Emily-Sablan.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/V-02-Dr.-Kelly-Marsh-Taitano.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/V-03-Wettengel.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Wettengel-StandYe_1024.webp)
[ Play
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[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/V-Souder.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/Self-Determination-Featured-Image.webp)
##### Share This
*Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future*, an exhibition about Guam’s historical quest for political self-determination, ran from 28 March to 31 May 2022, at the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum"). The exhibition was a collaborative effort between Dr. Kevin Escudero, a visiting scholar from Brown University, the Guam Museum, the [Commission on Decolonization](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-decolonization/ "Commission on Decolonization"), and Guampedia. Drawing inspiration from the words of the [Guam Hymn](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/ "Guam Hymn / Fanohge CHamoru") and the [Inifresi](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-pledge-chamorro-inefresi/ "Guam Pledge: Inifresi"), aspects of CHamoru/Chamorro cultural heritage and traditional values, and from artwork by artist [Kie Susuico](https://www.guampedia.com/kie-susuico/ "Kie Susuico"), *Fanohge CHamoru* highlighted the events and people that actively engaged in the effort to bring greater self-government for the people of Guam. It also encouraged visitors to ponder important questions about [Guam’s political status](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-political-status/ "Guam’s Political Status") and imagine a future for the island community as a whole.
*Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta* was made possible through a grant from the American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS) and funding from the Guam Commission on Decolonization.
## [Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-put-i-tano-ta-charting-our-collective-future/)
[
Section 1: Introduction
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](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-1-introduction/)
[
Section 2: Unpacking Terms
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Section 3: Identifying Roles
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[
Section 4: Timeline
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](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-4-timeline/)
[
Section 5: Oral Histories
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Section 6: CHamoru Renaissance
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Section 7: Envisioning and Enacting
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Section 8: Organic Act
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Section 9: Closing and Acknowledgements
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Fanohge CHamoru Exhibition Video Features
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](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibition-vignettes/)
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future, Guampedia Resources, Indigenous Lenses, Multimedia, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Fanohge CHamoru Exhibition Video Features
---
### [Lesson Plan: S-Curves and Snakes](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-s-curves-and-snake/)
**Published:** January 6, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: S-Curves and Snakes
##### Share This
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/S-Curves-and-Snakes.pdf)*.
**Understanding population curves**
**Subjects**
Environmental Science, Biology, Social Studies, Physical Education
**Grade-level**
Elementary, 4-5 (advanced)
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
55 minutes
**Materials required**
- Field or gym
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
Guampedia: [Brown Treesnake](http://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/)
**Related links**
- Guampedia: [Native Forest Birds of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/a-native-forest-birds-of-guam/)
- [2020 island Areas Census](https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/2020-island-areas-guam.html)
## Lesson Plan
**Description**
In this lesson, students will participate in a physical activity that teaches explains s-curves in population growth data. Students will also practice creating tables and plotting data points.
**Note:** This activity is designed for incorporation into a regular science curriculum that covers population curves.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will read and discuss population growth trends (using whichever textbook is available and normally used to cover this topic).
- Visit the US Census [Guam data](https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/2020-island-areas-guam.html) online as of 2020.
- Students will then experience the population growth by playing the roles of snakes and birds.
**Questions or Assessment**
- How well did students understand s-curves and population growth prior to the exercise?
- Following the exercise, do students have a firmer grasp of population curves?
**Procedure**
***Teacher prep***
None
***In-class Discussion of Population Growth Curves* (15 minutes)**
Using a textbook, handouts, or whichever method preferred, introduce the topic of population growth and s-curves to students.
1. Conceptually, many students will be confused by the manner and reasons for s-curve population growth. List their questions on the board.
2. To provide regional context, have students read about the predominance of the brown treesnake on Guam.
3. Also have them read about the decline of [Native Forest Birds of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/a-native-forest-birds-of-guam/).
***Activity Preparation* (5 minutes)**
1. After asking for volunteers, assign two students to be “field researchers”.
2. Explain that these two students will be venturing into the wild to record the growth pattern of the brown treesnake on Guam.
- Have these two students bring a notepad and pencil with them.
- Then share that the rest of the class will play the role of snakes and food.
3. Take students to a large, open space where students may run around and be loud.
***Playing* (15 minutes)**
1. Identify two “safe areas” on either side of the field. Explain that students playing the food (birds) are to attempt to cross from one side to another without being tagged (eaten) by a snake.
- Further explain that resources (food/birds) lead to an increase of snakes. When a snake eats/tags a bird, then they can sustain, reproduce, and create more snakes.
2. Pick one student to be the first snake. She/he will stand in the middle of the gym/field.
3. The rest of the students are food (birds). They will line up on one side of the gym/field and attempt to cross to the other side.
4. Have the “field researchers” record the number of snakes and birds after each round.
5. The teacher will yell, “start,” and students must immediately attempt to cross the field/gym. If they are tagged, they must freeze for the remainder of the round. After the round is over, they will become a snake and must attempt to tag/eat other birds.
6. When all the students have either crossed the field safely, or been tagged/eaten by a snake, then the round is over. Have the “field researchers” record the number of birds and snakes.
7. Repeat rounds until there are no birds left.
***Classroom Recap* (15 minutes)**
1. Upon returning to the classroom, have the “field researchers” write on the chalkboard the number of birds and snakes after each round.
2. Ask students to describe the experience. Write notes on the board.
- Ask students if it was easier to get past the snakes in the earlier rounds.
- Ask students if it became increasingly difficult over time to find food/birds to eat. Prompt them to explain further when were the easiest times to find food, and the hardest times.
3. Next, plot the points on an x-y axis with the x being time (each round), and the y being number of snakes.
4. The curve will be an s-curve. Returning to the descriptions listed on the board, identify on the s-curve when the hardest times where to find food, and the easiest times. Further explain that abundance of resources (and the lack of natural predators) can lead to population booms much like those experience on Guam in relation to the brown treesnake.
***Recap* (5 minutes)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson:
“Today we were introduced to the concept of population growth and s-curves. We also learned about the predominance of brown treesnakes on-island. We then role-played as snakes and birds, and experienced firsthand a population explosion. After plotting our field researcher’s data points onto a graph, we created our own s-curve and hopefully better understood the concept by having actively participated in it.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the lesson.
**Categories:** Biology, Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Environmental Science, Grade-levels, High School, Middle School, Physical Education, Social Studies, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: S-Curves and Snakes
---
### [Voices of Our Elders Media Files](https://www.guampedia.com/voices-of-our-elders-vignettes/)
**Published:** November 2, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Project Contributors. Toni "Malia" Ramirez, Antonia Degracia Castro, and Pale' Eric Forbes, OFM Cap..
**Content:**
# Voices of Our Elders Media Files
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Project Contributors
### Toni "Malia" Ramirez
![Voices of Our Elders Media Files Toni "Malia" Ramirez](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Malia_VOE-768x499.webp "Voices of Our Elders Media Files Toni "Malia" Ramirez - Guampedia - Guampedia")
Toni “Malia” Ramirez is an oral historian for the Department of Parks and Recreation Historic Resources Division.
### Antonia Degracia Castro
Born in 1937, Antonio Degracia Castro is the daughter of Manuel Borja Degracia and Dolores Taitano Tolentino, and the youngest of nine children. Her brothers are Esteban, Francisco, Manuel and Herman. Her sisters are Monica, Ana, Elena and Enriqueta. As a young child Castro lived in Abo’ on the outskirts of [Sumai Village](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) broke out on Guam. her family moved to what is now [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/) where she resided until her father relocated the family to [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) in 1953 to begin farming with his friend Francisco Cruz. Dolores Degracia passed away shortly after the war, when Antonia was only 12 years old. Castro graduated from George Washington High School in 1957 and soon married her husband, Juan Pablo Castro, whom she had met a year earlier. Their marriage lasted 55 years and together they had seven children: Gloria, Louise, Zeta, Richard, Viola, Hilda and Douglas.
Castro graduated from the University of Guam in 1974 and immediately began her teaching career at MU Lujan Elementary School. She then went on to teach at Talo’fo’fo,[ Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) and [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) Elementary Schools. In 1991, she joined the Chamorro Studies Division as a School Program Consultant for the Bilingual Bicultural Program. She wrote for the Chamorro language feature *Fino’ Chamorro* in the *Pacific Daily News* and taught Chamorro teachers to weave using coconut and pandanus leaves, as well as how to make and use traditional throw nets (*talaya*). Castro authored several books for the Chamorro Studies Division in addition to a book about her experiences during World War II on Guam—*Lasting Pain*. Castro keeps busy by caring for family members, planting around her house in Talo’fo’fo, and enjoying her crafts and writing. She died in 2016.
### Pale' Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.
Eric Forbes, OFM Cap., earned a BA in history at San Francisco State University in 1984. He earned his masters of divinity in 1990 from the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California. He has also taken post-graduate courses in pastoral counseling at Creighton University in Omaha, Nebraska and Franciscan studies at St. Bonaventure University in Olean, New York.
Forbes is the Capuchin superior for Guam and Hawaii. Born and raised on Guam, he graduated from Father Duenas Memorial School in 1980. Forbes entered the Capuchin Franciscan Order in 1984 and was ordained a Catholic priest in 1990. He was previously a pastor on Guam and Saipan, and the vocation and formation director for the Capuchin Order.
He has also been a columnist for the *Pacific Daily News* and a contributor in *Guam History: Perspectives, Vol 1* (Mangilao, GU: MARC). Forbes authored *Historia de la Mision de Guam de los Capuchinos Espanoles* (Pamplona, Spain : Curia Provincial de Capuchinos, 2001) as well as, *The German Capuchins in the Marianas 1907-1919* (2007: Capuchin Friars, Guam). His most recent publication is *Pale’ Roman* (2009 : Capuchin Friars, Guam).
Forbes authors a blog about the Chamorro language and Marianas history: [Paleric](http://paleric.blogspot.com/).
## Videos
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[ Play
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View more videos [here](https://vimeo.com/showcase/3635942?share=copy).
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Chamorro Folktales, Featured, Guampedia Resources, Indigenous Lenses, Island Life, Multimedia, Our Heritage, People and Places, Value Systems, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Voices of Our Elders Media Files
---
### [I Tinituhon](https://www.guampedia.com/i-tinituhon/)
**Published:** May 20, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** I Tinituhon is a Guampedia film produced by Fiesta Productions. It is a film based on Guam's creation myth of Puntan and Fu'una. The film features Andrew Artero and Rita Nauta.
**Content:**
# I Tinituhon
##### Share This
*I Tinituhon* is a Guampedia film produced by Fiesta Productions. It is a film based on Guam’s creation myth of [Puntan and Fu’una](http://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/). The film features [Andrew Artero](http://www.guampedia.com/andrew-diaz-artero/) and [Rita Nauta](http://www.guampedia.com/rita-nauta/).
[ Play
I Tinituhon (CHamoru)
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/I-Tinituhon-CHamoru1100.webp)
[ Play
I Tinituhon (English)
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/I-Tinituhon-English1100.webp)
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Chamorro Folktales, Guampedia Resources, Home - Latest, Our Heritage
**Tags:** I Tinituhon
---
### [Young Men's League of Guam (YMLG)](https://www.guampedia.com/young-mens-league-of-guam-ymlg/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Young Men’s League of Guam (YMLG) was formed in 1917 so that CHamorus and Guam Filipinos would have an organization that they could call their own. Its formation, however, came under some heavy opposition
**Content:**
# Young Men's League of Guam (YMLG)
View more images for the Young Men’s League of Guam (YMLG) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622525072958/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## US President was asked to intervene
The Young Men’s League of Guam (YMLG) was formed in 1917 so that CHamorus/Chamorros and Guam Filipinos would have an organization that they could call their own. Its formation, however, came under some heavy opposition. In fact, it took the strong arms of the President of the United States to permit the establishment of a Young Men’s Club in Guam.
In 1916, a small group of young men, headed by Manuel Franquez, Jose Salas, Luis Camacho, Jose de Torres, Francisco L. Guerrero, Manuel Ulloa and Justo Aflague, attempted to form a “Young Men’s Institute,” but obstacles were thrown in their path, primarily by then governor, WJ Maxwell, and Agana’s parish priest, Padre Luís María de León, who felt that such an organization “was not good for my Catholic young men and therefore I advised their parents that they could not let them enter in that society.”
The young men then proceeded to take the matter up with President Woodrow Wilson. In a “confidential” letter to the President dated 1 January 1916, the young men said in part:
> We have organized a Young Men’s Institute under which we gather from time to time in the night. Our doings consist of reading newspapers, magazines, books, etc. We also dedicate ourselves to physical exercise, such as gymnasium, boxing, etc. One day Jose Flores Muna, our president, was called by Spanish priest, P. Luís María de León, who told him to have the organization dissolved, and to give heed to the Roman Catholic religion so as not to make confusion.
>
> But as our president expressed himself in a way that he made it understood that (he) was not willing to approve of the dissolution, he abandoned the convent. But shortly thereafter, our president was called by the governor and was told the same thing that P. Luis had told him, and when our president reasoned that the organization was to educate the young men for moral progress (which) was not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States, our president was warned to abandon the organization or be removed from office. (Mr. Muna was the clerk to the civil registry under the Insular Government of Guam.)
>
> Now we earnestly decided for ourselves, and in our name, on behalf of the young men of Guam to address your honor, the honorable President of the United States, to ask (for) your protection of us in our peaceful enterprise and that we be not molested on account of the influence and belief of the Roman Catholic fathers that we may abandon that religion, because under the Government of the United States we feel ambitious in the exercise of free thought.
After a series of consultations between Governor Maxwell, WW Rowley, an advisor to the young men, and the young men themselves, the matter was resolved and the group was formed.
In explaining the purpose of the proposed organization, Rowley, who was later to become editor of the Guam Recorder, a monthly publication, said the objectives of the organization were:
> To promote a social intercourse and to improve the moral, physical and standing of those interested. My intentions and also those of the men who were only willing to assist in helping those young men, were, I assure you, honorable from the beginning, there was no intention, nor was there even a thought of attempting to attract the young men’s minds from their church, or from their faith.
In a letter to Rowley, Governor Maxwell pointed out that a formal association must file papers of incorporation with the government, along with a copy of its constitution and by-laws, and that if the association had minors as members (those below 23 years of age) written consent of the parents accepting all legal and financial obligations must be included. The governor added that Rowley must refrain from:
> interfering with the exercise of the right of the parish priest to instruct his flock and especially his young men, in accordance with the tenets of their faith, and if the parish priest believes that your organization is one with which Catholic boys should not associate themselves he has a perfect right to say so.
After a brief respite, the organization was finally formed and the name “Young Men’s League of Guam” was adopted. Its basic purposes are expressed in its preamble which, to this day, three generations later, had not changed:
> For God and Guam, we associate ourselves together
> To promote fellowship, closer understanding among
> Fellowmen and to inculcate a sense of individual
> obligation to God and country.
>
> To encourage active participation all matters
> That have to do with the welfare and betterment
> Of the people of Guam and the nation.
>
> To uphold and defend the principles of good
> Government. To assist in every honorable way
> In furthering the interests of its members
> and their families.
>
> To assist and cooperate in the educational and
> recreational programs of the Territory of Guam.
Shortly after its formation in 1917, the YMLG gave a stage show as part of the Independence Day celebration at the Cine Gaiety Theater on 3 July. Participants included Joaquin Guerrero, who gave the introductory remarks, a song by a quartet comprised of Misses Gutierrez and Arceo and Mrs. J. Aflague and Sablan; a novelty dance by twin brothers Juan and Jose Cruz; a baritone solo by J. Aflague; a Chamorro steel music composed by J. Manibusan and played by Elias Toves; a one-act play, *Fun at the Doctor’s Office,* performed by J. San Nicolas, C. Herrero, M. Franquez, and F.L. Guerrero; a Spanish Dance, *La Jota*, by Mary Torres and Manuel Franquez; a mezzo soprano solo by Josephine Pangelinan; and a piano and violin duet by Rosalia Pangelinan and Roman Sablan.
It was estimated that more than 1,000 people attended the gala event.
## First YMLG officers
The first officers of the YMLG were Leon Flores, president; Jose Duenas, vice president; Manuel Ulloa, secretary; and Adriano M. Cristobal, treasurer. The organization’s librarian was Vicente Arriola; its sergeant of arms, Y. Aflague; and its sports manager was Manuel Franquez.
These prominent citizens were the forbearers of some of today’s and yesterday’s community leaders. Leon Flores was born in the Philippines and came to Guam as a political exile in 1901. He was a *gobernadorcillo* (mayor) in the province of Ilocos Norte and was sent to Guam for refusing to pledge allegiance to the United States. He later assumed the position of Guam’s civil registrar. He was the father of the late [Archbishop Felixberto Camacho Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/) and the late Senator Leon Flores, who also held the position of Island Attorney.
Jose Duenas, among whose claim to fame was the arduous and dangerous task of keeping tab of the death toll during an influenza epidemic in 1918 when hundreds of people perished, was the father of retired Federal District Court Judge Cristobal C. Duenas and pre-war Attorney Edward Duenas, and the brother of [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), renowned both in war and peace.
Manuel Ulloa’s family was eminent in the field of education. Cristobal, also born in the Philippines, was the father of the late Senator Nito Cristobal and Rev. Father Daniel Cristobal, and the grandfather of Superior Court Judge Alberto Lamorena III, and Rev. Father Adrian Cristobal.
Vicente Arriola was the father of former legislative speaker and attorney, [Joaquin C. Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-c-arriola/).
Y. Aflague’s family was prominent in business and in government service. Manuel Franquez became commander of the Guam Militia, which coincidentally, was organized in 1917. Franquez held the rank of colonel.
## 1917 historical tidbits
Guam’s population in 1917 was 14,142 which included 651 American officers, sailors and their families, 57 American civilians, 104 Japanese nationals, 12 Englishmen, five Germans, 15 Spaniards, and one African American. The person responsible for the census was none other than Leon Flores.
Also organized in 1917 was the first Guam Congress, whose members were appointed by the Naval governor – who was then Captain Roy Smith – and served primarily as an advisory board to the chief executive. The quasi-legislative body was the first ever in recorded Guam history although it had no real legislative authority. The advisory body, which met on Saturdays, did provide a forum for discussion of island issues. Some of the congressional members were also members of the YMLG.
Among prominent citizens who passed away in the 1917 was Jose Herrero, a lieutenant in the Insular Artillery and secretary to the governor during the Spanish regime. Herrero was the son of Jose Ganga Herrero, who served as the governor of Guam from 1823 to 1828. He was the great great grandfather of former governor [Joseph Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), whose mother is Regina Herrero Ada.
Two members of the YMLG got married in 1917 – [Simon Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/), son of Mr. and Mrs. Candido Sanchez, who married Antonia Cruz, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Mariano Cruz. The wedding reception was held at the Sanchez home in San Antonio, the easternmost district in the city of Hagåtña.
Also declaring marital vows were Nieves M. Flores and Guadalupe dela Cruz of Sumai by the sea. Their wedding reception was held at the home of the bridegrooms’ uncle, Leon Flores. [Nieves Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-nieves-m-flores/) was a surveyor who later founded the Guam Institute, a private elementary and high school. Guam’s public library in Hagåtña was named in his honor. Flores’ two sons were Alex, who became the first local editor of the *Guam Daily News*, predecessor of the *Pacific Daily News*, and Sabino, who became director of the Department of Labor.
Judges of the Higher Court of Equity included AT Perez and VB Martinez, and judges of the Police Court were Frank Portusach and Antonio Suarez. J. Schnabel was superintendent of Public Instruction.
And burning the baseball paths was Jose (Icha) Guzman, who was hitting at a .384 clip as a member of the Civil Employees baseball team. The team finished the season with five wins and four defeats – not bad when one realizes that some of the Civil Employee’s opponents were among the best the Navy and marines could muster.
In 1918, some of the YMLG members competed in the Guam Baseball League. They were members of the All Natives team and competed against the Navy, the Agana Marines, and the Sumai Marines.
## Over the years
By 1924, the YMLG had developed a library, thanks to book donations from its members and other sources, including contributions received from Naval Governor HB Price and Lieutenant PJ Searles. It also formed its own baseball team with Jose B. Salas serving as team manager and Jose M. Perez as team captain.
Jose C. Duenas was elected YMLG president in 1924 but had to relinquish the post because of other duties and business. He was succeeded by Francisco L. Guerrero, with Jose B. Bamba serving as secretary. Duenas had succeeded Francisco Taitano as president.
By 1938, the league had built a handball court behind its building in Hagåtña and invited school children to use it anytime from 3:30 to 6:30 pm, Monday through Friday. The League also leased Alupat Island in Hagåtña Bay (off of Dungca’s Beach) for recreational use and urged the public to use it.
On Sunday, 18 February 1940, the YMLG and the [Guam Teachers’ Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-teachers-association/) met in friendly sports competition with the League winning five of seven events. The YMLG whipped GTA in *chong-ka* (board game played with small seashells), tug-of-war, softball, straight pool, and checkers. GTA prevailed in acey-deucey (a backgammon variation) and in tennis.
Following World War II, the YMLG was revived, primarily through the efforts of *Guam Daily News* publisher [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), who had the distinction of serving more than five terms as league president. He joined the Navy and left Guam around 1917 and settled in the San Francisco Bay area after his discharge from the Navy. Flores’ able associates included such league stalwarts as Adolfo Sgambelluri, Pete Perez, Joaquin Guerrero, Bill Flores, Felix Camacho, Jose D. Leon Guerrero, Antonio SN Duenas, BP Carbullido, Ben Reyes, Juan Roberto, Jesus F. Perez, Tommy Tanaka and Peter Siguenza.
A new YMLG building was built, a neighboring structure was purchased and various fund-raising activities were held to boost its scholarship fund, and for other altruistic purposes. These events included bingos, raffles and boxing smokers.
In 1961, the YMLG sponsored a benefit boxing smoker at the Paseo de Susana. Results of the fights were: tenejeros Boy of the Philippines whipped Sammy Borja, Kid San Nicolas defeated Paul Sebastian of PI, Galo Taimanglo outpointed Toy Junior, Greg Pangelinan decisioned Noah Sesi, and Pete Pacaigue whipped Rocky Alfonso.
In 1965 and 1966, the YMLG hosted the annual [Liberation Day](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/) festivities.
A good number of local youngsters were assisted financially by the YMLG through the club’s scholarship fund. Some of the recipients are, or were, holding high positions in government as well as in the private sector.
## YMLG member highlights
The league’s roster of members, past and present, is replete with men who have helped guide the destiny of the island.
Guam-born male governors of Guam were all YMLG members. They are [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), [Manuel F.L. Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/), [Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), [Paul M. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/), [Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), [Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), [Felix P. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/) and [Eddie Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/).
Two venerable pioneers in the campaign for US citizenship for the people of Guam were league members – Baltazar J. Bordallo and [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/). Both were members of the pre-war Guam Congress with Bordallo representing the House of Council and Guerrero the House of Assembly. The two men journeyed to Washington, DC in 1936 and lobbied for congressional enactment of citizenship legislation, but it wasn’t until 1950 when Congress deemed fit to grant American citizenship to the people of Guam.
All three male Guam delegates to Congress were and are members of the YMLG – [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), who represented Guam for 12 years; [General Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/), who served eight years; and[ Dr. Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) who served for eight years.
Some of Guam’s most eminent businessmen were league members – Pedro Martinez, Eduardo T. Calvo, Joseph Flores, Pedro M. Ada and Ambrosio Shimizu, among them.
Members of the clergy included the late Archbishop Felixberto Flores and [Monsignor Oscar L. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-oscar-calvo/).
Many educators, past and present, were also members of the YMLG, including [Simon Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/), superintendent of schools; his son, [Dr. Pedro C. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), president of the University of Guam, and commissioner of education at the Virgin Islands and American Samoa; Dr. Wilfred Leon Guerrero, Dr. Jose Cruz, and Dr. Jose Nededog, all presidents of the University of Guam; Luis P. Untalan, B. Carbullido, Tomas R. Santos; Dr. Jeff Barcinas, Victor Artero, Tony Artero, and Dr. Jose (Buddy) Leon Guerrero.
Former members of the Guam Legislature and the Guam Congress that were members of the YMLG include Jose D. Leon Guerrero, Carlito Bordallo, George Bamba, James Butler, Felix T. Carbullido, Bill Flores, Antonio SN Duenas, Alberto T. Lamorena, Pedro B. Leon Guerrero, Manuel U. Lujan, Jesus C. Okiyama, Paul D. Palting, Joaquin A. Perez, Pedro D. Perez, Ignacio P. Quitagua, Manuel G. Sablan, Juan Q. San Miguel, Tomas R. Santos, Tomas S. Tanaka, Juan Tuncap, Raymond Underwood, Mariano Barcinas Santos, and Florencio T. Ramirez.
Former judges who were YMLG members include Jose C. Manibusan, Vicente C. Reyes, Francisco G. Lujan and Vicente B. Bamba.
Guam officials dealing with public safety and security who were YMLG members include Antonio C. Baza, US Marshall; Juan Muna, Selective Service director and colonel in the Guam Militia; Adolfo Camacho Sgambelluri, chief of customs and father of former chief of police, Adolf Sgambelluri; and Juan A. Roberto, a former chief of police as well.
Municipal officers included Luis C. Baza, Sinajana; Jesus S. Camacho, Barrigada; Francisco Chargualaf, Malesso’; Fred Gutierrez, chief commissioner; Vicente A. Limtiaco, Piti; Joaquin D Perez, Sånta Rita-Sumai: Joaquin S. Santos, Asan; and Vicente U. Zafra, chief commissioner.
Other distinguished YMLG members include Jose LG Bitanga, pioneer land surveyor who was said to know every piece of real estate on the island; Felix M. Camacho, father of the late Governor Camacho; Francisco de la Cruz, founder of the Guam Academy of Music; Francisco Terlaje Flores, head of the pre-war Department of Records and Accounts; Joaquin Guerrero, director of agriculture; Luis P. Garrido, godfather of all “ham” radio operators; and Galo Salas, the island’s first treasurer under the Government of Guam.
Other notable Guam residents who were YMLG members are Frank D. Perez, who served both in the pre-war and post-war legislative bodies, and the father of the Guam Economic Development Authority; Adrian Sanchez, who also served in the lawmaking body and a retired senior Navy Chief; Manuel Calvo, former mayor of Yigo; Judge Joaquin Manibusan, whose father, Jose Manibusan, was senior judge of the Island Court; Atanacio (Tas) Salas, an outstanding baseball shortstop in yesteryears; Peter Siguenza Sr., the first Chamorro to become an officer in the Marine Corps; Al Carbullido, the first director of the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority, as well as the first suruhanu; and John Pangelinan, former mayor of Agana Heights.
***By [Tony Palomo](http:///guampedia.com/tony-palomo/), Peter Siguenza, and Paul Terlaje***
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Young Men's League of Guam (YMLG)
---
### [Agana Heights (Tutuhan)](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Agana Heights sits just above the capital city of Hagåtña and was a resettlement community for many residents of old Hagåtña after World War II ended in 1944.
**Content:**
# Agana Heights (Tutuhan)
View more images for the Agana Heights (Tutuhan) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622532925228/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
Agana Heights sits just above the capital city of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and was a resettlement community for many residents of old Hagåtña after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) ended in 1944.
Before it was a village, many say the area was called Tutujan. Some village elders say that the place name Tutujan is derived from the CHamoru/Chamorro word *tutuhon* which means “to begin, start, or set out.” However, other elders say the *tutuhan* name is derived from the name of a trail along the cliffline between Fort Santa Agueda (also known as Fort Apugan) and Government House.
## Population
The US Census in 2010 listed Agana Heights population at 3,808.
## Village officials
The current mayor is Richard B. Arroyo.
## Village description
The villages of [Asan/Maina](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/), Hagåtña, [Ordot/Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) and [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) border Agana Heights.
The sections of the village are As Apugan, Tipugan, Fonte, Hilaan, Taigigao, and Charito. Fonte River divides Agana Heights from Maina village and Taigigao Street is the boundary separating Agana Heights from Ordot/Chalan Pago. Sinajana village and Agana Heights village are also separated by a shared roadway.
Before World War II, Agana Heights was a farming community for residents who lived in Hagåtña. Today, sprinkled throughout the village are some beautiful homes with gated and manicured lawns, quaint residential homes, apartment complexes, and a row of buildings that serve as homes to different religious denominations and organizations. Agana Heights has been transformed into a thriving community.
Agana Heights is home to historic Fort Apugan, also known as Fort Santa Agueda, located next to Government House. The village of Agana Heights also features Tutujan Park, completed in 2002, also known as “Triangle Park” for the triangular shape it takes as it located at the fork – in the middle of the road – that separates San Ramon Hill from Pale’ Kiernan Drive.
## Village history
Before World War II, Agana Heights was primarily farm land for the residents of Hagåtña. It was also the site for the Spanish militia’s “lookout” for incoming ships and possible danger. That site today is Fort Santa Agueda, also known as Fort Apugan, which is a popular tour site because of its panoramic view of the island’s capital city, bay of Hagåtña, the Philippine Sea, and the sheer northern clifflines of Oka Point and Urunao Point.
The US military also used the area before World War II where the US Naval Hospital Marianas now stands, for officer’s quarters and a sick bay. During the war, the Japanese military used the facilities for training carrier pigeons as a means of communication. After the recapture of the island by US forces, the facilities were utilized as an internment camp for prisoners of war.
The village [grew substantially](http://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/) after World War II, as people who owned land in Agana Heights moved there since the bombed capital of Hagåtña was off limits.
Today, Agana Heights is home of two of the island’s oldest organizations: the Elks Club and the Shriners Club. It is also home to churches of the island’s major religions: the Agana Heights General Baptist Church, Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Scottish Rite Temple, and the Christian Science Church.
Agana Heights is also the birthplace of [Little League Baseball](http://www.guampedia.com/baseball-youth-league/) on Guam where in 1955, the first Little League game was played. The Agana Heights team won three consecutive championships in 1955, 1956, and 1957. The Agana Heights Cougars, a major league team, also won the first Guam Major League Baseball Championship which was held in 1974. Today, many baseball teams continue to play for the village.
[***By Peter A. San Nicolas***](http://www.guampedia.com/peter-san-nicolas/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Agana Heights Elementary School**
Agana Heights Elementary School was opened in 1958 and has grades kindergarten through fifth.
**Archbishop’s Residence**
The Archbishop’s Residence was constructed in the early 1960’s. The late Catholic Bishop Apollinaris W. Baumgartner was the first to take residency.
**Elks Club**
The Elk’s Club is one of Guam’s oldest organizations established before World War II. The club house was located in Hagåtña and was relocated after the war to its present site in Agana Heights.
**General Baptist Memorial Church**
One of the island’s first Baptist churches, this church was built in 1955. It is one of the first buildings located among a row of religious institutions along one of the village’s main roads.
**Government House**
The architectural design of the governor’s official residence incorporates elements of both CHamoru and Spanish-cultural heritage. Its design was completed in 1951 by renowned architect Richard Nuetra. The structure has undergone several renovations as new governors took office and after the island was devastated by typhoons.
**Maria Artero Catholic Pre-School and Kindergarten**
Nestled in the middle of the village, this school is one several Catholic Schools of the Archdiocese of Agana’s school system.
**Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament Church**
The Agana Heights Catholic Church, dedicated in 1951, sits in the center of the village. It underwent a major renovation in 1995 after the structure was continually damaged by series of typhoons in the early 1980s and a powerful earthquake in 1993.
The annual village fiesta of Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament is celebrated in November.
**Scottish Rite Masonic Center**
This organization was formed in 1899. In January 1955, through the combined efforts of all the Masonic Bodies in Guam the organization’s current home, a concrete block two-story structure was completed. It is the home of Charleston Lodge as well as other active Masonic bodies.
**St. Fidelis Friary**
In 2002, Super Typhoon Pongsona damaged the St. Fidelis Friary beyond repair. The 50 year old building was demolished and a new friary built on the same site was dedicated in June 2007.
**Seventh-day Adventist Church**
On 11 June 1960, the Agana Heights Seventh-day Adventist Church opened. The Agana Heights chapel was dedicated to Mrs. Ana T. Gay, an early SDA convert who donated the property for erecting a church for the Guam-Micronesia Mission.
**U.S. Naval Hospital, Guam**
The first US Naval Hospital on Guam was established in Hagåtña, in August 1899. The current naval hospital, built in 1953, sits on 47 acres of prime real estate in Agana Heights overlooking the capital. The facility opened in 1954 and today remains the primary medical provider for military members and their families.
**Guam High School**
The Department of Defense Education Activity’s islandwide high school, Guam High, is also located on this base. It was formerly located in the neighboring village of Maina in the former Commander Naval Forces Marianas headquarters, Nimitz Hill.
It is one of the three US Department of Defense (DoD) Domestic Dependent Elementary and Secondary Schools (DDESS) on Guam for children and wards of active-duty military members, and federal employees hired from the US with “return rights”. The DoD DDESS schools on Guam opened 29 September 1997.
### Historical
**Fort Santa Agueda**
This *bateria* (battery), built during the administration of Spanish [Governor Manuel Muro](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-muro/) (1794 to 1802), was developed for tactical purposes. It sits atop Apugan Hill and is also commonly called [Fort Apugan](http://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/). It is one of the few surviving Spanish forts on Guam. It provides a commanding view of the capital village of Hagåtña, the Philippine Sea, and the sheer northern clifflines of Oka Point and Ritidian Point. The fort is also in a prime location to study the northern topography of the island with its raised limestone plateau.
### Recreational
**Fonte River**
This river is the border of Agana Heights and Maina. A bridge across the Fonte River is the the topic of a local ghost story about the “White Lady.” It is also the location of the first dam built on Guam, the Libugon Dam. This dam was the main source of fresh water for the capital city of Hagåtña before World War II. The Fonte Valley River remains a popular swimming spot and hiking trail.
**Sgt. Pedro C. Pangelinan Baseball Field**
One of Guam’s first and oldest baseball fields is the Agana Heights Sgt. Pedro C. Pangelinan baseball field, named after the Guam soldier killed in action in 1968 in Vietnam. The ballpark was developed in 1949 and completed in 1951 and was the site of the first Little League Baseball game on Guam.
**The Cliff**
Seated along one of Agana Height’s cliff lines, The Cliff, is one Guam’s first hotels. It was established in Agana Heights in 1959. It has more recently become a business and residential condominium.
**Tutujan Park**
Tutujan Park, also known as “Triangle Park”, complete with water and power, was built in 2002, funded by the AB Won Pat Guam International Airport Authority. For a small fee, the park can be reserved for private functions through the Agana Heights mayor’s office.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Richard B. Arroyo, Mayor, 2025-Present
- Paul M. McDonald, Mayor, 1993-2024
- Frank M. Portusach, Commissioner/Mayor, 1977-1992
- Juan E. Garcia, Commissioner, 1969-1977
- Juan L. Pangelinan, Commissioner, 1956-1969 (first elected village official)
- Anselmo Garrido, Commissioner, 1946-1953 (appointed by naval governor)
- Beldad S. Santos, Commissioner, 1944-1946 (appointed by naval governor)
## Vice mayor/deputy commissioner
- Juan L. Pangelinan, Deputy Commissioner, 1952-1956 (under Sinajaña)
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Agana Heights (Tutuhan)
---
### [Barrigada (Barigåda)](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Barrigada comes from the CHamoru word meaning “flank” (the side of the stomach). The first written mention of the word “Barrigada” comes from Recollect Father Aniceto Ibanez del Carmen, who served on Guam for 40 years and in 1866, referred to people hunting deer in the region called “Barrigadan Tiyan.”
**Content:**
# Barrigada (Barigåda)
View more photos for the Barrigada (Barigåda) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622409258529/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
Barrigada comes from the CHamoru/Chamorro word meaning “flank” (the side of the stomach). The first written mention of the word “Barrigada” comes from Recollect Father Aniceto Ibanez del Carmen, who served on Guam for 40 years and in 1866, referred to people hunting deer in the region called “Barrigadan Tiyan.”
A 1902 map, drawn with the assistance of CHamoru priest [Father Jose Palomo y Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), shows two names for the large hill that dominates central Guam: “Mt. Tuyan or La Barrigada.” Both names fit well with the ancient CHamoru [creation story of Puntan and Fu’una](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-dos-amantes-folktale/), which tells that the island was formed by the body of Fu’una. Both the *tuyan* “stomach” and the *barrigada* “flank” are located in the middle of the body.
## Population
According to the 2010 US Census, there were 8,875 people living in Barrigada.
## Village officials
June U. Blas is the mayor of Barrigada and Jessie P. Bautista is the vice mayor.
## Village description
Barrigada is a land-locked village located near the center of the island on Guam’s limestone plateau. It stretches from the cliff line overlooking Harmon Industrial Park in the East to Mt. Barrigada in the north. Upscale homes have been developed on Mt. Barrigada, along an area known as Barrigada Heights; overlooking Tiyan, the interior hills of Guam, and the Philippine sea. To the south is the village of [Mongmong-Toto-Maite](https://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-toto-maite/), and to the east is the village [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/).
In the past, Barrigada was a popular ranching area for people from [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Today, some parts of the village still have a rural feel attributed to the long winding roads that make their way through hills, valleys, dense vegetation, and wetlands. The village of Barrigada is now a heavily-populated residential area bordered by considerable commercial development along routes 8 (Purple Heart Memorial Highway), 10 (Vietnam Veterans Highway), and 16 (US Army Corps Drive). The recently returned former federally-designated land located in Tiyan (formerly the Naval Air Station, Guam) has become the site of some government of Guam offices, private businesses, and residential homes.
## Village history
Little is known about the ancient villages that were scattered through central Guam. However, early archaeological studies on Guam found a large number of latte stones in the region now called Tiyan, which suggests that the area was well-populated. CHamorus were forced out of this region during the Spanish-CHamoru Wars of the late 17th century. However, it was not long until CHamorus started using the area for ranching and hunting, and for grazing cattle.
During the early 20th century, the village was established near the current location of P.C. Lujan school which was surrounded by scattered ranches. Some of the island’s best soil was located at Tiyan, which was ideal for corn. Early in the [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), a deep well was drilled here to attract farmers to settle. By 1924, there were enough people to warrant the construction of Barrigada’s first school. By 1940, about 875 people lived in the municipality of Barrigada, which at the time also included what is now [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) and Toto.
During [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the Japanese allowed people in Barrigada to stay in the village and several Hagåtña families moved to their Barrigada ranches during these years. However, these residents were forced to provide food for the Japanese. CHamorus were also forced to help build an airfield for the Japanese at Tiyan. When American forces arrived and secured the western beach heads in July 1944, Barrigada, and its well, were among the first inland objectives. Marines faced fierce fighting on 2 to 3 August 1944 in what came to be known as the “Battle of Barrigada.”
When the war ended, the United States military decided that the old village center would be needed for a military golf course and other military facilities. The village center was relocated to the present location of San Vicente Church where the Navy laid out new streets and lots. San Vicente Church was built in 1947. Many people who had lived in Hagåtña before the war, moved permanently to Barrigada which resulted in a 270 percent population increase between 1940 and 1946.
[***By Michael R. Clement, Jr.***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**BP Carbullido Elementary School**
Barrigada Elementary School was established in 1965 and renamed [Baltazar P. Carbullido Elementary School](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=550) in 1966. Carbullido was a public servant, civic leader and became the islands youngest CHamoru principal at the age of 16. The school is located on Kanada-Toto Loop Road from Route 8 or Purple Heart Highway. Carbullido is home of the Ko’ko’s.
**LP Untalan Middle School**
[Luis Palomo Untalan Middle School](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=554) was first established in 1958 as Barrigada Junior High School. In 1978, it was renamed in honor of the Guam teacher. The campus sits along Route 10 or Vietnam Memorial Highway. Untalan is home of the Wildcats.
**PC Lujan Elementary School**
[Pedro Camacho Lujan Elementary School](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=558) was first established in 1961 as East Barrigada Elementary School until 1968 in honor of the Island Court clerk, Senior Judge, Guam Congressman, Senator, and Major in the Guam Militia. PC Lujan is located along Route 8 in Radio Barrigada and is the home of the Satellites.
**Tiyan High School**
The newest of all Guam Department of Education high schools, Tiyan High School is located at the site of the former military base in Barrigada. The school is home of the titans.
As a result of the GDOE redistricting plan, students from the areas of Barrigada, Barrigada Heights, Mongmong, Toto, Maite, Tiyan, Adelup, Anigua, Hagatna, Maina, Mogfog, Las Palmas, and Macheche comprise the new Tiyan school district.
**Harvest Christian Academy**
This Christian school has provided an education to Guam students for more than 40 years, starting as a small independent study program. Harvest Christian Academy began as a ministry outreach of Harvest Baptist Church in 1975. The school teaches kindergarten through grade 12.
**San Roke/San Vicente Catholic Church**
The San Roke/San Vicente Catholic Church sits in the middle of the village across the street from the mayor’s office and community center.
**San Vicente Catholic School**
Nestled in the middle of the village is San Vicente Catholic School founded in 1955 by [Bishop Baumgartner, OFM Cap](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1344). The school was built on land donated by Maria Camacho and Jose Crisostomo. San Vicente has classes from pre-school to 8th grade.
**AB Won Pat Guam International Airport Authority**
Barrigada is home to Guam’s airport the Antonio B. Won Pat Guam International Airport Authority, the primary regional facility in Micronesia. The Guam International Air Terminal opened in 1982 and in 1986 accommodated 900,000 passengers. In January 1989, the airport was renamed in honor of [Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512).
**Guam Main Facility, US Post Office**
Barrigada is home to the US Post Office’s Guam Main Facility, located along Route 16, or US Army Corp Drive.
**Guam National Guard Readiness Facility**
In 2001, the Guam National Guard opened this state-of-the-art facility that houses administrative offices, classrooms, secure storage areas for equipment and weapons and a shopping area for guard members and their dependents.
**The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints**
[The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1406), or the Mormon Church, in Barrigada was completed and dedicated in March 1970 after moving from its Anigua location consisting of two Quonset huts. In 1950, the first congregation was a group of servicemen and the following year both military and civilian members began meeting. The Mormon Church is located along Route 8 between Jackson and Pipeline Roads.
### Recreational
**Mt. Barrigada (elevation: 674 ft.)**
A short drive up Mt. Barrigada offers spectacular views of Tiyan, the hills of central Guam, and the Philippine Sea. Also located along the hillside of Mt. Barrigada are upscale homes, Guam Memorial Hospital’s Skilled Nursing Facility, a Presbyterian Church and St. Dominic’s senior care facility.
**Sports areas**
There are softball and football fields located in Tiyan in what was formerly known as “Naval Air Station Brewer Field.” The area is a favorite walking/running area for residents.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- June U. Blas, Mayor, 2013-Present
- Jessie B. Palican, Mayor, 2005-2012
- Peter S. Aguon, Mayor, 2001-2005
- Raymond S. Laguana, Commissioner/Mayor, 1977-2001
- Pedro T. Rosario, Commissioner, 1969-1977
- Jose F. Mendiola, Commissioner, 1968-1969
- Jesus S. Camacho, Commissioner, 1949-1968
- Pedro G. Cruz, Commissioner, 1946-1949
- Vicente Palomo, Commissioner, 1946-1946
- Vicente M. Flores, Commissioner, 1945-1946
- Jesus Villagomez, Commissioner, (no dates provided)
- Gregorio C. Camacho, Commissioner, (no dates provided)
- Pedro L. Cepeda Commissioner, (no dates provided)
- Jose Castro Commissioner, (no dates provided)
## Vice mayors/deputy commissioners
- Jessie P. Bautista, 2013-Present
- June U. Blas, Vice Mayor, 2001-2012
- Vicente L. Guerrero, Vice Mayor, 1997-2001
- Jessie B. Palican, Assistant Commissioner/Vice Mayor, 1985-1997
- Jose F. Mendiola, Assistant Commissioner, 1981-1985
- Bernardo LG Mafnas, Assistant Commissioner, 1977-1981
- Raymond S. Laguana, Assistant Commissioner, 1969-1977
- Jose F. Mendiola, Assistant Commissioner, 1945-1969
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Hunter-Anderson, Rosalind, and Darlene Moore. *A Study of Eight Post-World War II Resettlement Villages on Guam.* GMF: Micronesian Archeological Research Services, 2006.
Ibañez del Carmen, Aniceto, OAR, and Francisco Resano del Corazón de Jesús, OAR. *Chronicle of the Mariana Islands: Recorded in the Agaña Parish Church 1846-1899*. Translated, annotated, and edited by Marjorie G. Driver and Omaira Brunal-Perry. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1998.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
## Know my island- Know my history
**Traditional CHamoru place names**
Some of the traditional CHamoru place names in Barrigada include Aspengao, Cañada (which means “valley” in CHamoru), Leyang (cave), Ungaguan, Lalo, Tiyan and Lusong.
**Village Fiestas**
Barrigada has three feast days for three patron saints: San Vicente, San Roke, and San Ramon.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Barrigada (Barigåda)
---
### [Fort San Jose](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-jose/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort San Jose, built about 1805, was the third of four Spanish fortifications built in the southern village of Humåtak/Umatac. The fort was constructed atop a hill located on the northern side of Humåtak Bay.
**Content:**
# Fort San Jose
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Defensive position in Humåtak
Fort San Jose, built about 1805, was the third of four Spanish fortifications built in the southern village of [Humåtak/Umatac](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/). The fort was constructed atop a hill located on the northern side of Humåtak Bay. From this location, the fort had a sweeping view of the coastline and was well-positioned to defend the ships that anchored off the bay.
During the second half of the 16th century, Humåtak Bay became an important safe-haven and supply station for Spanish galleons sailing across the Pacific Ocean during the [Acapulco-Manila galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) (1565–1815). However, these galleons, loaded with treasures, also caught the attention of Spain’s enemies. The first English privateer to reach Guam’s waters was Thomas Cavendish in 1588, aboard the *Desire*. Cavendish replenished his ship with food and water supplied by CHamorus/Chamorros in flying *proas* (outrigger sailing canoes) that came to meet the ship, but he did not anchor. Later, the ill-tempered Cavendish ordered his men to spray the *proas* with musket fire as the islanders tried to follow his departing vessel. With the steady increase of non-Spanish ships sailing through the Pacific, fortification of the island became imperative.
From 1680 to 1810, four Spanish fortifications were built to protect the anchorage at Humåtak Bay. In 1680, a battery named Nuestra Señora del Carmen was assembled on the shoreline of the bay to protect the mouth of the Salupat River where ships filled their water barrels. By 1742, British Commodore George Anson reported on the existence of [Fort Santo Angel](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santo-angel/), on the northern tip of the bay. This fort was later modified in 1756. In 1805, Fort San Jose was constructed on a hill above and to the north of Santo Angel. And, by 1810, the last Humåtak fortification, [Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-soledad/), was constructed on the southern tip of the bay.
Fort San Jose was built during the administration of Governor Vicente Blanco (1802-1806). Its construction was instigated by the 1803 inspection of its predecessor, Fort Santo Angel, by Captain Ignatio Martinez. It was determined that Santo Angel was in poor condition as a result of years of pounding surf wearing away its foundation.
Upon this inspection, Governor Blanco ordered Fort San Jose to be constructed on the hill above the damaged Fort Santo Angel in order to strengthen the defense of the bay. In an 1805 document, Governor Blanco identified the fort by name and described that it housed five eight-caliber cannons, one six-caliber cannon, a sentry-box, and a powder magazine.
The fort was built in an oval shape, approximately 40 *varas*, or 112 feet, above sea level. Its walls were constructed of [*mampostería* ](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/)(stone and mortar). The esplanade was level and protected with a knee-high parapet, over which the cannons were positioned to fire.
The condition of the fort steadily deteriorated over the years. The Mexican Revolution facilitated the end of the galleon trade. In 1815, the last Cavite ship returned to the Philippines, officially bringing an end to an era that lasted for 250 years. Spain no longer had the means to maintain Guam’s fortifications. In 1818, Governor José de Medinilla y Pineda reported that the construction of San Jose was poorly planned and the ground it was situated on had sunk. He also observed that the fort was not situated in an area where it could protect the bay’s channel entrance. By 1853, Governor Felipe de la Corte declared the fort to be in total ruins. Today, little remains to distinguish the area of the fort.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office.](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/)“
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 18, *Russian Expeditions, 1808-1827*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 2001.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort San Jose
---
### [Fort San Luis](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-luis/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort San Luis was the first of three Spanish fortifications constructed to protect the anchorage at Apra Harbor. The fort was constructed on the northern shoreline of Orote Peninsula near present day Gab Gab Beach.
**Content:**
# Fort San Luis
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Built to protect harbors
Fort San Luis was the first of three Spanish fortifications constructed to protect the anchorage at [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/). The fort was constructed on the northern shoreline of Orote Peninsula near present day Gab Gab Beach. This strategic location allowed the Spanish to defend ships that were anchored in both the harbor’s large outer section as well as its more shallow inner section.
The development of the new harbor was spurred by the increasing number of non-Spanish ships sailing through the Pacific in the early 18th century. Spain, wanting to deny the possibility of rival powers interfering with its Pacific trade route and missionary objectives, issued orders to strengthen Guam’s defenses. Apra Harbor was tested for depth and mapped during the administration of Governor Francisco de Cardenas Pacheco (1734-1740). In 1734, the new anchorage was opened and by 1740 most ships anchored in the harbor, as it offered ships better protection from enemy vessels and poor weather conditions than did the southern anchorages at [Humåtak ](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/)and [Malesso](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)‘.
In 1737, Fort San Luis was constructed to protect the new harbor. The fort was built close to the water’s edge and protected both the inner and outer harbors. Its walls were constructed of stone and mortar with dimensions measuring 40 feet long by 24 feet wide, with a height of 13 feet from its base to the top of its embrasures. The cemented stone structure was built atop a bare rock foundation. In a letter addressed to the King of Spain in 1738, Pacheco reported that the fort housed six cannons: two 10-caliber (500-yard range), one eight-caliber (475-yard range), one six-caliber (350-yard range), and two four-caliber (250-yard range).
## Weaknesses
Although the fort’s location was strategic in the sense that it could protect the inner and outer harbors, it did have its flaws. First, it was not sheltered from behind except for a small hill, which enemy forces could overtake by landing at alternate sites. Second, the fort had no protection on either side of it, also making it prone to ground attack from troops landing at other sites. Finally, enemy fire could cause small land slides at the rear of the fort, impeding its efficiency in returning fire.
Like other Spanish fortifications on the island, Fort San Luis changed over the decades. In 1742, British Commodore George Anson received reports that San Luis had five eight-caliber cannons. In 1772, Lieutenant Julien Crozet, commander of a French expedition that anchored at Apra, described the fort as having eight 12-caliber cannons and, by 1817, Russian commander Otto von Kotzebue reported that the condition of the fort had declined and it was no longer in use.
Today, there are no visible remains of Fort San Luis.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 13, *Failure at Ulithi Atoll, 1727-1746*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1998.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort San Luis
---
### [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Hagåtña is derived from the word haga, meaning blood. It is believed that this village came about due to the bloodlines of the families that established the village. Appearing as "Agadña" or "Agaña" in Spanish maps, and later, "Agana" in American maps, the Guam Legislature in 1998 changed the official spelling to "Hagåtña" to reflect the original CHamoru pronunciation of the village's name.
**Content:**
# Hagåtña
View more photos for the Hagåtña entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622478409756/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
Hagåtña is derived from the word *haga*, meaning blood. It is believed that this village came about due to the bloodlines of the families that established the village. Appearing as “Agadña” or “Agaña” in Spanish maps, and later, “Agana” in American maps, the Guam Legislature in 1998 changed the official spelling to “Hagåtña” to reflect the original CHamoru/Chamorro pronunciation of the village’s name.
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, the village population was 1,051.
## Village officials
The current mayor is Michael Thomas Cruz Gumataotao.
## Village description
Hagåtña, located in central Guam, is nestled between Agana Bay and the cliffs of Agana Heights. It is considered the first European city in the Pacific because of the early colonization of the Marianas, as compared to the rest of the Pacific. It was declared a city by a Spanish royal decree 40 March 1686 as the capital of the Marianas, the residence of the Spanish governor and the site of the garrison.
Guam’s main roadway, Marine Corps Drive, runs through the village from east to west. Another major artery, Route 4, dissects the village from the shoreline to the central part of the island, running east. Hagåtña borders the village of [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) in the east and [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) to the west.
The capital of Guam, Hagåtña is the seat of the island’s three branches of government: Judicial, Legislative, and Executive as well as the religious center for the Catholic Church. It is also home to numerous commercial activities including legal offices, banks, department/variety stores, insurance, technical and professional services and restaurants.
The cultural resources of the village are significant being home to a large number of Guam’s historical sites. The [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/), Hagåtña boat basin (formally known as the Gregorio D. Perez Marina), the Guam Public Library (formally the Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library) and numerous public facilities are also located within the village.
As opposed to the island’s historical past, Hagåtña is currently one of the least populated villages on the island. Residential homes primarily are located below the cliff at the western portion of the village.
## Village history
Carbon dating indicates that the village was inhabited 2,630 years ago and possibly as long as 3,020 years ago. These dates indicate that Hagåtña was settled prior to the appearance of [*Latte*](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/), stone pillars and cup-shaped capstones, approximately 1,100 years ago. Little is known about the village during this time.
[Ferdinand Magellan](http://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) made landfall on Guam 6 March 1521, but it was not until 1565 that [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi](http://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) claimed the Mariana Islands for Spain. The Galleon Trade between Acapulco and Manila was established shortly after Legazpi’s arrival in Manila and passed regularly though the “Ladrone Islands.” Between Magellan’s visit and 1602, approximately 74 ships with as many as 300 people aboard passed through the islands, usually between Guam and Rota. The islanders began to anticipate the arrival of the ships and set out in their swift canoes to trade water and produce for [iron](http://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/).
During this period it is known that outsiders lived among the CHamoru people for long periods of time although there is scant information about the village of Hagåtña.
**Whalers, pirates and traders**
Until 1815 [Spanish Galleons](http://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) plied the waters between Rota and Guam conducting trade between Manila and Acapulco. At least 33 other non-Spanish ships are documented to have had contact with the islands during this same period. They were usually whalers, pirates preying on the Galleons, or traders.
Few detailed accounts of the village are known prior to the arrival of the Catholic mission headed by[ Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in 1668. San Vitores is credited with establishing the Catholic Church in the Mariana Islands. Shortly after arriving on the island of Guam, he renamed the village of Hagåtña, “San Ignacio de Agadña,” in honor of his holy father and patriarch.
At that time Hagåtña was reported to be the island’s principal village. It is estimated that 1,000 people lived in the village that reportedly had 203 dwellings: 53 upper-class homes and 150 other dwellings that belonged to lower caste residents “who had no part of the affairs of Agadña.”
San Vitores was initially welcomed by the island’s nobles, notably the principal Chief of Hagåtña, [Chief Quipuha (Kepuha)](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/). In appreciation of his graciousness, Chief Quipuha was the first adult CHamoru to be baptized and was renamed Juan in honor of Saint John the Baptist, the patron saint of the island. *Don* Juan Quipuha as he was then called, is reported to have donated land in Hagåtña for the construction of the first Catholic Church and the house of the Society of Jesus. Upon his passing, he was buried beneath the altar of the Church. Some historians believe that the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral Basilica was built on the site of this first Catholic Church.
Some have questioned the reason why the mission was established in Hagåtña. Father Francisco Garcia, who chronicled San Vitores’ life in 1683, states that Father San Vitores was called back to Hagåtña after visiting several villages on the island when the:
> Nobles made it a point of honor that he live in their village. After all, the superior of all the fathers should live in the principal village. According to Garcia, Father San Vitores was not happy with this situation but made the best of it saying, ‘I am not a prisoner here without consolation, obeying the divine disposition of affairs as if it were the most glorious of missions.’ Garcia said, ‘But what the devil planned in order to block the spread of the Faith, the Lord used as a means to establish it more solidly. He \[San Vitores\] made Agadña the stronghold for Christianity in the islands, with a church and a house of the Society of Jesus.’
Violence erupted within a few months of the arrival of San Vitores, due to growing opposition to the missionaries’ teachings — which clashed with the traditional practices of the CHamorus. Sporadic fighting on Guam continued for 16 years with a final major uprising in 1684 when the hostile CHamoru faction tried unsuccessfully to drive the Spanish out once and for all, though uprisings continued in the northern Marianas until 1695. Spanish troops aided by newly baptized Catholic CHamorus were finally able to subdue resistance to the establishment of Guam as a Spanish colony.
**From Spanish hands to American**
During this time, Hagåtña remained the principal village of the island and eventually became the seat of the Spanish government. In 1687 it was formally named as a city and began to take on the characteristics of a Spanish capital. Hagåtña remained the seat of the Spanish government in the Mariana Islands until June of 1898 when Governor Juan Marina, his Spanish officers and military personnel surrendered their arms to Captain Henry Glass of the USS *Charleston* and boarded the ship as prisoners of war. All Spanish flags on the island were confiscated and the Americans departed without leaving a single American soldier on the island.
A little over a year later, the first regularly [appointed American military governor](http://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-governors-of-guam/), Richard P. Leary, arrived on Guam. While Governor Leary lived on board the ship for three months while the governor’s residence was being renovated, his aide [William Safford](http://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/) took up residence in Hagåtña and in effect was the acting or Lieutenant Governor of Guam. Safford, a naturalist, kept a journal of his year-long residence on the island that provides detailed descriptions of the village of Hagåtña.
Arriving for the first time in the village of Hagåtña he observed:
> Several streets diverging from the entrance to the town, more or less in the direction parallel to the beach and to the cliffs back of the town. Everything clean and tidy; best houses of masonry with tiled roofs, others of frame or bamboo thatched with coconut leaves or Nipa palm. All of them raised from the ground. Reached the Plaza de Magallanes, upon which face the Palace or Government House, and other public buildings including the Tribunal. Behind the Palace rises the steep escarpment of a plateau on the brink of which is an old fort and powder magazine now used as a signal station; on the west side of the plaza are the Public Treasury and the barracks of the native troops; on the east side the church, the palace and government store house are on the south side; and the tribunal and several private dwellings on the north side.
Between 1899 and 1941 Hagåtña became the seat of the [American naval government](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). During this time improvements were made to the village and a new hospital was built. Entertainment centered around the Plaza de España, the old Spanish seat of government in the center of the village. The population of the village steadily grew from 7,432 in 1920 to more than 10,000 in 1940.
**Japanese takeover**
On 8 December 1941 [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) came to Guam. By December 10th the island was officially claimed by Japan and Hagåtña was renamed Akashi-shi. Akashi-shi became the headquarters of the Japanese administration. The Japanese occupation lasted about two and a half years.
American bombardment to retake the island began on June 16 and lasted for three weeks. Systematic bombardment began on July 8th. Hagåtña sustained major damage during this time. More than 1,200 homes were destroyed in addition to many public and private buildings. Numerous structures of historical significance also sustained major damage or were destroyed.
**Post-war rebuilding**
Post war was a time of rebuilding. Hagåtña again became the capital city of the US Territory of Guam. The rubble from the war was bulldozed into the sea to form the Paseo de Susanna. The federal government, and later the government of Guam condemned large tracts of land and redrew property lots in the village essentially redistributing villages resources. In some cases this action left original landowners without any property in the village. The village population plummeted from 10,004 in 1940 to only 800 in 1950, a ninety-two percent decrease.
By 1960 the population had grown to 1,642. The village reported the second highest median family income on the island with the largest group of workers engaged in wholesale or retail trades, professional services or public administration.
In 1962, a [mandatory security clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/) required of visitors to the island was lifted. The security clearance had been in place for 21 years and restricted entry to many including US citizens. The lifting of this security requirement brought about significant change to the island and the village of Hagåtña.
While Hagåtña had always been the center of government and commerce on the island, the new tourism industry shifted the focus from Hagåtña to Tumon. The island experienced a building boom as well as an increased presence of military personnel due to America’s entry into the Vietnam War. The population of Hagåtña grew to 2,119 by 1970 with the largest group of workers engaged as craftsmen and carpenters while the wholesale and retail trades reported 175 less workers than in 1960.
By 1980, the village population had shrunk to 896, climbing back to 1,100 by the year 2000.
A cultural revival in the 1990s spurred the renaming of the village to its traditional name, Hagåtña. Today, the village remains the seat of the island’s government as well as a center of commerce and trade. The village’s residential population is only a shadow of its former self. This fact combined with it’s significant historical and cultural heritage have fueled a movement to revitalize the island’s capital city. A master plan has been developed by the Hagåtña Restoration and Redevelopment Authority to revitalize, preserve and protect the heritage and economic vitality of Guam’s capital city.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Academy of Our Lady of Guam**
The island’s only all-girls Catholic school is located in the heart of Hagåtña. It was founded by the Sisters of Mercy, after Bishop Apollinaris Baumgartner asked them to establish Guam’s first permanent Catholic school. On 8 September 1949, the Sisters opened the doors to the Academy of Our Lady of Guam, a girls high school, and the Cathedral Grade School, a primary school for boys and girls, both located in Hagåtña.
Sister Mary Inez ([Mary](https://www.guampedia.com/mary-essie-underwood/)[ Essie Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/mary-essie-underwood/)) served as co-founder and first principal of both schools. While the Academy accepted students only for the ninth grade during that year, it eventually became a four-year high school. The school has educated several generations of Guam’s young women.
### Historical
**Senator Angel Leon Guerrero Santos Memorial Park/Latte Stone Park**
This park was originally established during the administration of US appointed Governor [Ford Quint Elvidge](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ford-quint-elvidge/) (1953 to 1956). The park was renamed the Senator [Angel Leon Guerrero Santos](http://www.guampedia.com/angel-leon-guerrero-santos/) Latte Memorial Park in 2005 in honor of the Guam Legislature senator’s efforts on behalf of the CHamoru people. Santos was a CHamoru rights activist and founding member of [Nasion Chamoru](http://www.guampedia.com/nasion-chamoru/), an indigenous activist group.
The park contains eight [*latte*](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/) (stone pillars with capstones) transferred by the military from their original locations in the Me’pu and [Fena](http://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/) regions in the southern interior of Guam as new military bases were being built in these locations.
**Japanese World War II Caves**
These caves, located at the base of the cliff line, were man-made with forced labor during the Japanese occupation during World War II. They were used for storage of supplies and shelter. One cave entrance is located directly behind the Latte Stone site at the Senator Angel Leon Guerrero Santos Latte Memorial Park.
**Lujan House**
Also known as the Guam Institute, the [Lujan House](http://www.guampedia.com/lujan-house/) is one of the few remaining pre-World War II houses in Hagåtña. The house was built in 1911 by Jose Pangelinan Lujan and was first used as a residence. In 1928 the Guam Institute, founded by Nieves M. Flores in 1922, moved to the Lujan House. Students paid a monthly fee of $1.00 in order to attend this private school. Among the many notable leaders that graduated from this school were Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo, Bishop Felixberto C. Flores and Judge Cristobal Duenas. The school was forced to close when the Japanese invaded the island in December 1941. The Guam Institute was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on 6 October 1977.
**Plaza de España**
The Plaza de España was the location of the Governor’s Palace during the Spanish occupation. Academics speculate that the plaza was established at its current location after a typhoon in 1693 destroyed Fort Santa María de Guadalupe, where the governor’s residence had been located since 1683. The Governor’s Palace served as the seat of government for both the Spanish and the first U.S. Naval Government. Most of the palace was destroyed by the shelling of Hagåtña during the retaking of Guam in World War II.
The historical structures of the Plaza de España that have survived until the 21st century include:
- The Garden House, which was built around 1736. Prior to World War II, it was used as storage shed to house garden tools for the Plaza de España. In 1954, the Guam Women’s Club, at the request of Governor Elvidge, re-established and staffed the Guam Museum within the Garden House, though it has since closed. The original Museum had been bombed during World War II.
- The *Azotea* and inner court are the only visible structure left of the Spanish palace. In 1933, the U.S. Naval Government built a tiered tin roof over the Azotea, which was originally an open terrace.
- The Chocolate House functioned as a *merienda* place, where the Spanish and American administrators of Guam and their families entertained, serving morning and afternoon beverages and pastries. The Chocolate House contains two of the oldest Spanish coat of arms on Guam. One is made from soft greenstone dated 1879; the other made of marble is dated 1895.
- The *Almacen* (Warehouse) Arches and *Almacen* flagstone floors — The remains of the former entrance to the palace warehouse, which later became an arsenal, and segments of the original floors are still present.
- The ruins of the walls built during Governor Muro’s administration, including the more that nine-foot walls behind the *Azotea* and the low walls behind the Plaza de España ruins, also remain standing.
The Plaza was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on 1 May 1974.
**Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica**
The Cathedral-Basilica rests on the site of the first Roman Catholic mission in the Mariana Islands. CHamorus constructed the original wooden thatched chapel from 1669 to 1670 under the direction of Padre Diego Luís de San Vitores on lands granted by Chief Quipuha of Hagåtña. The CHamoru nobility initially welcomed San Vitores and his fellow priests. The chief of one of the mountain villages complained about letting strangers live in their land, but upon learning that the men were padres, he invited them to his village. Chief Quipuha was the first adult to be baptized, followed by all of the nobles of Hagåtña. *Don* Juan Quiphua, as he was called after he became a Christian, was the first to be buried beneath the church.
Significant dates/events in the history of the building of the Cathedral-Basilica:
- In 1705 through 1709, Governor Manuel Argüelles y Valdéz built a church of three naves in Hagåtña using blocks of coral from the sea.
- In 1862, Father Aniceto Ibanez constructed a beautiful chapel to the side of the existing church.
- In 1772, French Commander Crozet described the church as a “beautiful church of red brick and tile.”
- In 1912, the Iglesia de Dulce Nombre de Maria was designated a Cathedral. This structure survived until World War II when it was destroyed during the shelling of Hagåtña in preparation for the American invasion.
- In 1958, the present building was completed.
- In 1981, Pope John Paul II elevated the Cathedral to a minor Basilica.
- In 1998, the church underwent major renovations to include a museum gallery featuring exhibits of Guam history and culture and a gift shop.
One of the principal features of the Cathedral-Basilica is the statue of [Santa Marian Kamalen](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/). According to oral tradition, a fisherman off Cocos Island, [Malesso](http://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)‘ discovered the statue, during the late 17th century. It is believed that the statue, the patron saint of the Mariana Islands, washed up on the shores of Malesso’ in spite of its great weight.
By the mid 1800s, it was transferred and permanently housed at the Iglesia de Dulce Nombre de Maria.
**Santo Papa as Juan Pablo Dos Monument**
This bronze statue commemorates the 1981 visit by Pope John Paul II to Guam. This was the first papal visit to the island. The statue stands on a median on Chalan Santo Papa Juan Pablo Dos Street, named in his honor. It is the location where he held an outdoor Mass in February 1981. The bronze statute originally rotated one full turn every 12 hours; the motor no longer works.
**Spanish Bridge**
This stone bridge, also known as *Tollai Acho* (stone bridge in CHamoru), was built around 1800 during the Spanish administration of Governor Manuel Muro, and named after San Antonio de Padua. The bridge spanned the Hagåtña River, where it flowed before its course was greatly changed after the village was rebuilt, after World War II. On the south side of the bridge sits a bronze statue of *La Sirena*, Guam’s legendary mermaid.
The single span, arched bridge with stone abutments is located at Aspinall Street and Route 1. The bridge originally connected the districts of San Ignacio and Bilibic. The bridge was damaged during World War II and finally restored in 1966 with concrete. The bridge was listed on the National Register of Historic Sites on 6 September 1974.
**Guam Museum**
The [Guam Museum](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/), located at Skinner Plaza in the heart of Hagåtña, Guam, is a government of Guam owned museum focused on the history of Guam. Its official name is Senator [Antonio M. Palomo](http://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/) Guam Museum and Educational Facility.
The Guam Museum, opened in 2016, reflects the diversity, creativity, and resilience of Guam and the Mariana Islands. It is hoped to encourage people to engage in dialogue, to share multiple perspectives and experiences, and debate issues that concern us all today.
**Guam Congress Building**
The newly-restored Guam Congress Building holds the legislative session hall, hearing rooms, and offices of the island’s senators. The [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) returned to the building, after more than 25 years of absence, in January 2017, after reconstruction finished in December 2016.
The building is the site of the historic Guam Congress walk-out, which led to the passage of the Organic Act of Guam in 1950.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Michael Thomas Cruz Gumataotao, Mayor, 2025-Present
- John A. Cruz, Mayor, 2005-2024
- Felix F. Ungacta, Commissioner/Mayor, 1981-2005
- Thomas F. Mendiola, Commissioner, 1973-1981
- Lucas L. San Nicolas, Commissioner, 1962-1973
- Juan D. Perez, Commissioner, 1952-1962
- Antonio Suarez, Commissioner, 1918-1930
- Joaquin Cruz Perez, Commissioner, 1894-1899
## Deputy commissioners
- Vicente dela Cruz, Deputy Commissioner, (no date provided)
- Lorenzo Franquez, Deputy Commissioner, 1930
- Lucas de Castro, Deputy Commissioner, (no date provided)
- Jesus de Rivera, Deputy Commissioner, (no date provided)
- Antonio Guerrero, Deputy Commissioner, 1832-1834
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Anonymous. *The Social-Economic Impact of Modern Technology Upon a Developing Insular Region: Guam*. Mangilao: University of Guam, 1975.
Apple, Russell A. *Guam: Two Invasions and Three Military Occupations: A Historical Summary of War in the Pacific National Historical Park, Guam*. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1980.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Francis X. Hezel, SJ. *El Palacio: The Spanish Palace in Agana, 1668-1898*. MARC Education Series no. 26. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Freycinet, Rose Marie Pinon de. *A Woman of Courage: The Journal of Rose de Freycinet on Her Voyage Around the World, 1817-1820*. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1996.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan MH Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
Safford, William E. *A Year on the Island of Guam: An Account of the First American Administration*. Washington, DC: HL McQueen, 1910.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Hagåtña
---
### [Lujan House](https://www.guampedia.com/lujan-house/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Jose P. Lujan 1911 house in Hagåtña is listed on both the Guam and National Registers of Historic Sites. With so few prewar homes left standing, particularly in Hagåtña, it was important that this structure was restored, according to the Guam Preservation Trust. The two story structure is located on the corner of Hesler and Padre Palomo Streets.
**Content:**
# Lujan House
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Old Hagåtña home
The Jose P. Lujan 1911 house in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) is listed on both the Guam and National Registers of Historic Sites. With so few prewar homes left standing, particularly in Hagåtña, it was important that this structure was restored, according to the Guam Preservation Trust. The two-story structure is located on the corner of Hesler and Padre Palomo Streets.
Lujan, a CHamoru/Chamorro Hagåtña resident, built the house reportedly by hauling the coral stones from Hagåtña Bay. The Spanish-introduced CHamoru method of construction used for this two-story house is [*mamposteria*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/). Lujan built the house with the intention of renting to US Naval officers who were his first tenants.
Historians speculate that the house was one of the first built in Guam with indoor plumbing. Sometime in the 1920’s, Lujan lived in the house with his new wife for two years while he built them another house in Anigua.
## Home of the Guam Institute
For a long period of this building’s life, it housed the Guam Institute, one of the first private schools during Guam’s [Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), run by Nieves Flores. [Archbishop Felixberto Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/) (the first CHamoru archbishop), the first CHamoru Chief Judge Joaquin Perez, [Governor Ricardo Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), and other prominent local figures were all students at this school.
The Guam Preservation Trust rehabilitated the structure and retrofitted the upper floor for use as the Trust’s office space and the lower floor to be used by various cultural groups–in keeping with the structure’s use as an institution of learning.
This house is a tangible link to Old Hagåtña. The Trust is recreating the old road that formerly ran right in front of the Lujan House and interpretive signage to tell the story of Old Hagåtña and how Guam’s capital village fell victim to the war, its reoccupation and installation of city streets in a capital village that used to house 9,832 people pre-war (half of the island’s population at the time). The signage reminds people of the out-migration of Hagåtña during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and the [Post World War II Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/).
## Rehabilitation completed
The Guam Preservation Trust completed rehabilitation efforts in 2010 of the 1911 Historic Jose P. Lujan house in Hagåtña. It now houses the Trust’s offices.
The Department of Parks and Recreation, Government of Guam, which owns the Lujan House, applied to the Guam Preservation Trust in November 2005 to restore the structure. Several studies were conducted by the Trust before the work was begun. Because this 1911 structure showed obvious earthquake damage on sections of the east wall and had not been maintained for several years, a structural analysis was first conducted by then Duenas, Camacho, Bordallo, and Associates in 2006. The results of this structural analysis were encouraging. Only the upper east wall and a few *ifit* wood columns could not be salvaged.
Once the structural soundness of this building was established, the Trust contracted Setiadi Architects and its consultant Mason Architects, an internationally recognized restoration architectural firm, to prepare a historic structures report in 2007. This report provided research and information on the structure’s historical background, chronology of use, and existing physical condition. It offered recommendations for proper treatment and directed the 2008 rehabilitation architecture and engineering drawings, which reflected a first floor meeting area and second floor office space.
The Trust successfully managed the construction rehabilitation phase with local contractor JRN from 2008 until 2010. After investing approximately $900,000 towards breathing new life into this house, the Guam Preservation Trust opened its office doors in this beautiful home that Jose P. Lujan built more than 100 years ago.
Due to financial constraints, however, a landscaping plan was not included in the design or construction phases. The Trust is working with the University of Guam’s College of Agriculture to plant ornamentals, fruit trees and many plants that were found along homes in pre World War II Hagåtña such as mango, *achote*, *laguana*, *donne’,* and tobacco.
While the second floor is being used as administrative and management space for the staff of the Guam Preservation Trust, the first floor must be used for advertised Board of Directors public meetings in order to meet Americans with Disabilities Act requirement of being accessible. When not being used by the Board, the first floor can be used by various community organizations throughout the year.
## About the structure
The two-story *mamposteria* structure is approximately 50 feet long, 25 feet wide, and 25 feet tall. The top of the lower floor, or *påpa’ såtge*, is seven feet tall. The second floor is 10 feet tall at the top of the roof beam, and several more feet taller at the top of the roof hip.
The original construction method of *mamposteria* and *trapechai* walls with *ifit* wood flooring, columns, window shutters, structural columns, and metal roof had seen modifications in its lifetime with the use of Philippine mahogany and incompatible cement.
The rehabilitation work undertaken by the Trust included replacing the entire roof, and replacing the balcony and rotting segments of the floor boards and columns with an *ifit* species from the Philippines. Unfortunately, Guam does not currently have quantities of mature *ifit* wood for use as lumber.
The first floor limestone rubble walls, with each wall section about two feet thick, consisted of two parallel walls, filled with sand, shell and rubble. A limestone plaster mix was spread evenly on the wall’s surface. Of all the walls in the Lujan House, only the upper east wall needed to be reconstructed.
The second floor was constructed of limestone and *ifit* as well but with a different construction method. The limestone walls on the second floor have an infill *ifit* cross bracing embedded in each wall—serving the same means as contemporary rebar in cement. This method, called *trapechai*, allows for thinner walls on the second floor, some as thin as seven inches as compared to the two-foot thick walls on the lower floor.
The second floor demolition phase exposed only two original *ifit* structural columns needing to be replaced.
In the reflected second floor ceiling is evidence of a 1982 collaborative restoration project undertaken by the Lujan family heirs, the Department of Parks and Recreation, and the Guam Women’s Club. This restoration work was overseen by local architects Jack B. Jones, FAIA, and Mark Ruth, AIA. The Philippine mahogany ceiling from this 1982 work was still salvageable and was reused.
The Trust designed and recreated a coral Santa Cruz Street directly in front of the house that used to be there before World War II. The devastation of the Japanese occupation and the severe bombing of historic Hagåtña from the American forces in their efforts to retake Guam left few homes in what was once the most populated village in Guam. Other than the occupation and bombing, the American Naval Administration’s efforts to restore Hagåtña included razing the entire village, bulldozing the debris into Hagåtña Bay and restructuring Hagåtña into city blocks that left land owners with fragmented lots. This restructuring of Hagåtña forced CHamoru’s to relocate to their outlying farm villages and saw the creation of many post World War II villages, such as [Dedidu (Dededo)](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), [Barigåda (Barrigada)](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/), and [Yo’ña](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/).
The Lujan House is a testament to one of Guam’s best-known CHamoru builders, designers, and businessmen Jose Pangelinan Lujan.
***[By Rosanna P. Barcinas](https://www.guampedia.com/rosanna-p-barcinas/ "Rosanna P. Barcinas")***
## For further reading
*Guam Preservation Trust*. “[Jose P. Lujan House & Guam Institute: Centennial 1911-2011](https://guampreservationtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/Lujan-House-Brochure-to-go-on-web.pdf).” Hagåtña: GPT, 2011.
National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers. “[Guam | NCSHPO](https://ncshpo.org/directory/guam/).” Directory.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Lujan House
---
### [Sinajana (Sinahånña)](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** It is said that wild yams grew plentiful in the lands nestled above the capital village of Hagåtña. These yams were harvested and cooked in earthen ovens dug into the ground, a process known as chinåhan. The village name of Sinajana is believed to derive from this word, from which comes chinahån-ña – “his or her cooking ground.”
**Content:**
# Sinajana (Sinahånña)
View more images for the Sinajana (Sinahånña) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622532456706/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
It is said that wild yams grew plentiful in the lands nestled above the capital village of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). These yams were harvested and cooked in earthen ovens dug into the ground, a process known as *chinåhan*. The village name of Sinajana is believed to derive from this word, from which comes *chinahån-ña –* “his or her cooking ground.”
## Population
The 2010 US Census counted Sinajana village to have a population of 2,592.
## Village officials
The current mayor of Sinajana is Robert RDC Hofmann.
## Village description
Sinajana is perched along a hilltop between Agana Springs and Agana Heights. When entering the village from San Ramon Hill, one comes upon the Catholic Saint Fidelis Franciscan Friary, whose order maintains Sinajana’s Saint Jude Thaddeus Catholic Church, among others. The annual village *fiesta* is celebrated on the last weekend of October, in honor of Saint Jude, patron saint of the impossible.
The two main schools are Carlos L. Taitano Elementary School, a public school, and Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School, a private Catholic school.
CL Taitano Elementary School is centrally located within walking distance of the village fire station, St. Jude Thaddeus Church, mayor’s office, and community center. Within this busy block one will also pass the old Won Pat store, which is now an apartment complex. A *hotno*, or old Spanish oven, can still be found in the yard.
Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School sits on the site of the old Saint Jude Thaddeus Junior High School campus. The Sinajana Community Center houses mayoral administrative offices, the Senior Citizen Recreational Center, Guma’ Mami, Inc., and sports facilities for basketball and baseball. Since the 1950s and 1960s, basketball and baseball have been the principal form of recreation for the neighborhood youth and intra-village leagues. In more recent years a street hockey tournament is held during the time of the village fiesta.
## Village history
Sinajana was in existence before the arrival of Spanish missionaries in 1668 and was bordered by the areas now known as Cha’ot and Otdot, the present-day[ Ordot](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) village. This ancient village was the domain of Hineti, a CHamoru/Chamorro who was loyal to the Spanish and the Marianas Mission, and was baptized *Don* Ignacio de Hineti. On 23 July 1684, at the climax of the CHamoru-Spanish Wars, Hineti joined with the Spaniards and recruited about 50 CHamorus, armed with lances, to secure the Spanish stockade and the Spanish flag in Hagåtña from CHamoru homeland defenders. For this, he was awarded the position and title of sergeant major by the Spanish governor Captain General D. Antonio de Saravia.
The last Spanish census, taken in 1897, listed 133 residents in Sinajana. There were family names that still exist today, including Quidachay, Fegurgur, Atoigue, Taisague, Concepcion, Agualo, San Nicolas, Dela Rosa, Taimanglo, Gogo, Quichocho, Agui, Neputi, Lujan, Tedtaotao, Achaigua, Matanane, Navaro, Castro, Crisostimo, Balajadia, and Fejeran.
Although pre-World War II Sinajana was an agricultural village, at one time operating as the coffee capital of the island and supplying all of civilian Guam, much has changed with modern urbanization. The destruction of Hagåtña during [WWII](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) sent thousands in search of homes, and Sinajana absorbed many families when the US military government erected temporary housing in the village. By 1950, the population had swelled to 3,000.
St. Jude Junior High School, built in 1955 under the guidance of Sinajana pastor Fr. Raymond Demers, had the distinction of being the only school on island built entirely through “happy labor.” More than 500 men from the village volunteered for the construction. The Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, from Lacrosse, Wisconsin, administered the school at the request of Bishop Apollinaris William Baumgartner, after whom the school is now named.
Also in the village at one time was the former George Washington High School campus, which was later moved to Mongmong and finally to its present location in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/). CL Taitano Elementary School was previously known as Sinajana Elementary School before being renamed after the former educator and village resident.
After Supertyphoon Karen destroyed eighty percent of the village structures in 1962, the next decade ushered in an onslaught of unimaginable change, as “urban renewal” forced the relocation of hundreds of villagers to other parts of the island, changing forever the lives of those families who lost their link to the old concept of Sinajana village life.
[***By Fanai Castro***](http://www.guampedia.com/fanai-castro/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School**
This kindergarten to eighth grade school is part of the Catholic School System. The school, formerly called St. Jude’s Catholic School, was renamed in honor of Bishop Apollinaris William Baumgartner, OFM Cap, DD who came to Guam on 23 October 1945. Bishop Baumgartner was instrumental in laying the foundation of the island’s Catholic school system.
**CL Taitano Elementary School**
This school is one of the elementary schools of the Guam Public School System. It was established in 1958 as Sinajana Elementary School and renamed in 1970 to honor the late Carlos Lizama Taitano who was a public servant and civic leader.
**St. Jude Church**
St. Jude Thaddeus Catholic Church, located in the heart of the village near the Sinajana mayor’s office and Community Center and the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority (GHURA), was rebuilt and rededicated after Supertyphoon Pongsona partially destroyed it on 8 December 2002.
### Historical
**Ada’s Funeral Home**
Ada’s Funeral Home was the first funeral home to operate on island, and continues to be operated by the Ada family.
**Butler’s Store**
Butler’s Emporium is situated on Route 4, next to Leonard’s White House. It is the longest continuing business on Guam. Next to the building the concrete foundation is the only remnant remaining of the Coca-Cola bottling factory owned by the Butlers. In the 1920s, founder Chester Butler was the first person to receive a license to manufacture and sell the soda outside the continental US.
**Hotno**
The old Won Pat store is located across from the fire station. In the yard can be found an old Spanish stone oven, or *hotno*.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Robert Hofmann, Mayor, 2013-Present
- Roke B. Blas, Mayor, 2005-2012
- Daniel E. Sablan, Mayor, 1997-2005
- Francisco N. Lizama, Commissioner/Mayor, 1981-1997
- Ignacio N. Sablan, Commissioner, 1973-1981
- Alfonso M. Pangelinan, Commissioner, 1968-1973
- Francisco R. Santos, Commissioner, 1965-1968
- Luis C. Baza, Commissioner, 1957-1965
- Manuel G. Sablan, Commissioner, 1953-1957
- Felipe R. Ignacio, Commissioner, (no dates provided)
## Vice mayors/deputy commissioners/assistant commissioners
- Rudy Iriarte, Vice Mayor, 2013-2024
- Robert RC Hofmann, Vice Mayor, 2005-2012
- Vicente SA Lizama, Vice Mayor, 2001-2005
- Roke B. Blas, Vice Mayo,r 1997-2001
- Daniel E. Sablan, Assistant Commissioner/Vice Mayor, 1981-1997
- Margaret D. Mendiola, Assistant Commissioner, 1980-1981
- Francisco N. Lizama, Assistant Commissioner, 1973-1980
- Ignacio N. Sablan, Assistant Commissioner, 1969-1973
- Alfonso M. Pangelinan, Assistant Commissioner, 1965-1967
- Jacinto B. Calvo, Assistant Commissioner, 1961-1965
- Vicente S. Iriarte, Assistant Commissioner, 1957-1961
- Luis C. Baza, Assistant Commissioner, 1944-1957
- Vicente T. Gogue, Deputy Commissioner, 1935
- Juan S. Aflague, Deputy Commissioner, 1935
- Vicente Gogo, Deputy Commissioner, 1931
- Andres Crisostomo, Deputy Commissioner, 1930
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
St. Jude Dedication Souvenir Booklet Committee. *Biba St. Jude Thaddeus.* Sinajana: St. Jude Booklet Committee, 2003.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Sinajana (Sinahånña)
---
### [Spanish Forts of Guam Overview](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-forts-of-guam-overview/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In order to protect Spain’s interests in Guam and its Pacific trade routes, several fortifications were constructed to defend the island. Beginning with the first stockade in Hagåtña in 1671 and ending with the semi-reductos (half-enclosed parapets) in 1835, the Spanish administration built fourteen fortifications of various types and dimensions on Guam.
**Content:**
# Spanish Forts of Guam Overview
View more images for the Spanish Forts of Guam Overview entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622497491588/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Built to defend the island
In order to protect Spain’s interests in Guam and its Pacific trade routes, several fortifications were constructed to defend the island. Beginning with the first stockade in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in 1671 and ending with the *semi-reductos* (half-enclosed parapets) in 1835, the Spanish administration built 14 fortifications of various types and dimensions in Guam. Most of these defensive structures were open batteries designed for cannons to fire through embrasures. Six fortifications were constructed in the village of Hagåtña. Four fortifications were built to protect [Humåtak ](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/)Bay. Three fortifications were built to defend [Apra Harbor,](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/) and one unnamed battery was assembled in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) to protect the anchorage outside the village.
## Acapulco-Manila galleon trade
Although [Miguel López de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) officially claimed Guam as a Spanish possession in 1565, the island was relatively unaffected by the symbolic gesture, as the first Spanish settlement was not established until 1668. Spain’s primary interest in the island for the first hundred years of colonization revolved around the [Acapulco-Manila galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/). For 250 years (1565 – 1815) merchant ships crossed the vast Pacific Ocean connecting Manila with Acapulco and eventually Spain. Guam’s location made it a convenient and important provisioning station and landmark for these ships during the long Acapulco to Manila leg of their voyage.
In the early years of the galleon trade, however, ships were not required to anchor at Guam. The westbound ships from Acapulco occasionally anchored at Humåtak Bay, but usually they merely slowed their speed with furled sails in order to trade pieces of iron for provisions with the many eager CHamorus/Chamorros that sailed toward them in their proas. Additionally, the eastbound ships from Manila were still well-provisioned and sailed northeast with the monsoon winds, avoiding Guam and the rest of the Mariana Islands on their return route to Acapulco.
## Construction of fortifications
However, in 1668, Guam entered into an era of drastic change under [Spanish rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/). In June of that year, [Father Diego Luís de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) led four [Jesuit](https://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) missionaries and a small group of military and lay escorts to Guam in order to establish the first Spanish mission and colony in the Mariana Islands. By this time, introducing Christianity to the CHamorus was not a novel idea. However, San Vitores was the first to successfully negotiate support for the new mission. The Jesuits established their headquarters in the central village of Hagåtña.
Despite the protection provided to the Jesuits in the form of a small complement of Spanish and Filipino soldiers, the Mariana Islands were a dangerous mission for the Jesuits. The new colony was dependent on the Spanish galleons, now mandated to stop at Guam to provide supplies and support to the mission. CHamoru resistance against Spanish colonization steadily increased in the years following San Vitores’ arrival. This hostility was in part the result of the Jesuits seeking to change the long-established lifestyle of the independent islanders. By 1671, the first fortification in the form of a stockade was built in Hagåtña to protect the mission and ward off a large-scale attack led by the high-ranking *Chamorri*, or high-caste member, named [Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/).
Accordingly, the first fortification was built to protect the Spanish colonizers from CHamoru rebels. In the years to come, fortifying the island would be in response to the growing number of non-Spanish ships sailing through the Pacific. These ships, often sailed by pirates or privateers, posed a threat in the eyes of Spain to it’s profitable silver-laden galleon trade and missionary endeavors in the region.
The Spanish concentrated their defensive efforts in four primary locations: Hagåtña, Humåtak, Malesso’, and Apra Harbor. Hagåtña was selected as a settlement site by San Vitores because it was the largest CHamoru settlement accessible by ship. Hagåtña was later declared the capital city of the Mariana Islands and became home to all of [Guam’s Spanish governors](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-biographies/spanish-governors-of-guam/). From 1671 to 1835, a total of six Spanish fortifications would be built at this seaside village.
Although Hagåtña became the primary settlement for the Spanish colony, offloading supplies at this location was often dangerous because of the reef. Spain requested that the missionaries find a safer harbor for the ships to offload their supplies. Humåtak eventually became the principal site for vessels to anchor and offload their goods. Malesso’ was also designated as layover port for the Cavite supply ships as they waited for favorable trade winds to take them back to the Philippines. From 1680 to 1810, Spain built a battery and three stone fortifications in Humåtak to protect the bay and also assembled a battery in the village of Malesso’.
With an ever increasing threat from non-Spanish ships sailing through the region, Spain set out to find an anchorage that could be better defended than that of Humåtak and Malesso’. In 1734, a new anchorage was opened at Apra Harbor. Not only was the new anchorage easier to defend from enemy attack, it also provided better protection from inclement weather. By the 1740s, most ships anchored in the new harbor. The Acapulco ships, however, continued to offload their goods in Humåtak without anchoring and usually only stayed for one day. From 1737 to 1801, Spain built three fortifications to defend Apra Harbor.
The maintenance of Guam’s defenses proved difficult through the years. By the beginning of the 19th century, Spain was no longer the powerful nation it had once been. The independence of New Spain (Mexico), the end of the galleon trade in 1815, and the tremendous war debt Spain had incurred brought economic challenges to Guam. Although the defensive needs of the island had been continually addressed in the 19th century, bureaucracy and the financial downturn of Spain prevented it from implementing and maintaining effective defensive objectives. As a result, several visitors and governors such as Luís de Ibañez y García (1871-1873) and Francisco Olive y García (1884-1885) questioned the effectiveness of Guam’s defenses. Today, the remnants of only five of the 14 Spanish fortifications still grace the island. They include: [Fort Santa Agueda](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/), [Fort Soledåd](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-soledad/), [Fort Santo Angel](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santo-angel/ "Fort Santo Angel"), [Fort San Jose](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-jose/) and [Fort Santiago](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santiago/).
## 17th century fortifications
In the 17th century, Spain built three defenses on Guam: a stockade in Hagåtña, a battery in Humåtak, and a fort in Hagåtña. The first undertaking was a stockade built in Hagåtña in 1671 to protect the new Spanish settlement. The stockade was constructed of coconut tree logs, and within its walls was a church and mission housing. Two towers were built into the walls, each armed with a small brass cannon. The stockade had a force of 31 men armed with bows and arrows and some firearms. For the next 22 years, the wooden stockade, which was renovated several times, was the main defensive fortification on the island.
In 1680, the Spanish built a battery in the village of Humåtak. The purpose of the battery was to protect Humåtak Bay and the mouth of the Salupat River, which provided water to the Acapulco ships. The original name of the fortification was Nuestra Señora del Carmen, but the name was lost, and by 1831, it was mistakenly referred to as the Battery of Santa Barbara. The earliest report on the battery stated that it contained five cannons.
In 1683 the Spanish built the first stone fort in Hagåtña and named it Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe. The fort was a slightly elevated one-story structure. Its shape was quadrangular and it could hold up to 400 soldiers. Bastions located at each corner of the fort contained artillery and the fort was equipped with a catapult-type weapon that hurled stones at enemy forces.
## 18th century fortifications
By the early 18th century, the increasing number of non-Spanish ships sailing through the Pacific was of concern to Spain. The Council of the Indies considered the defense of the island to be essential in order to deny other forces from occupying the island and thereby threatening Spain’s galleon trade with the Philippines and missionary work in the Pacific. There were six fortifications assembled in Guam during the 18th century.
In the first quarter of the 18th century, there was evidence that a battery was in existence in Malesso’. The battery did not receive a formal name and its exact location is still under question. However, the battery was mentioned in a 1724 encounter that had occurred between the captain of a Cavite ship and Governor Luís Antonio Sánchez de Tagle. During the altercation, two cannons were brought to Malesso’ from Humåtak to reinforce the battery.
By the 1730s, Apra Harbor became a focal point for construction. The new harbor provided ships with better protection from enemies and inclement weather than did the anchorages at Humåtak and Malesso’. To protect the new anchorage two stone fortifications were built, [Fort San Luís](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-luis/) and [Fort Santiago](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santiago/). San Luís was built in 1737 along the shoreline near present day Gab Gab Beach and protected both the outer and inner portions of the harbor with its six cannons. At a later and yet to be determined date in the 1700s, Fort Santiago was built atop Orote Peninsula to protect the main entrance to the harbor. Santiago was large enough to house six cannons and included a soldier’s quarters and munitions storage.
In 1751, Fort San Fernando was constructed in Hagåtña to protect the channel entrance. San Fernando was built in the same area that Fort Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe was built in 1683. San Fernando stood until 1799 when Governor Manuel Muro dismantled it and built Fort San Raphael to replace the dilapidated fort. San Raphael was the last of Hagåtña’s three shoreline forts and was designed to hold 17 cannons. All three forts were constructed in the location of the current Skinner Plaza. In 1756, Spain built Fort Santo Angel to help protect Humåtak Bay. The stone fort was the second fortification in Humåtak, and it was built atop a large rock structure on the north side of the bay. It was designed to house three cannons.
## 19th century fortifications
In the early 19th century, the Spanish, still wary of enemy invasions, constructed five fortifications. In 1800, the Spanish built [Fort Santa Agueda](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/) in Hagåtña. The stone fort stood atop Apugan Hill and protected the low-lying Governor’s Palace and Fort San Raphael. The fort was designed with embrasures for 10 cannons.
In 1801, Fort Santa Cruz was built to defend Apra Harbor. By this time, Fort San Luís was in ruins and Fort Santiago could not adequately defend the harbor should enemy vessels enter the channel entrance. The stone fort, officially known as Nuestra Señora de los Dolores y la Santa Cruz, was built on the islet of Santa Cruz. It was designed with 11 embrasures for any caliber of cannon. After [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Fort Santa Cruz was demolished.
In 1805, Fort San Jose was constructed in Humåtak to defend the bay. The stone fort was built in response to a report that stated its predecessor, Fort Santo Angel, was in poor condition. San Jose was built on a hill above and to the north of Santo Angel and housed six cannons.
In a document dated 1810, Governor Alexandro Parreño described the completion of [Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-soledad/) in the village of Humåtak. The stone fort was designed to help strengthen the flaws of the other forts built along Humåtak’s coastline. Soledåd could accommodate seven cannons and was located atop Chalan Aniti, overseeing the entrance and anchorage at Humåtak Bay.
The last Spanish fortification built on Guam was the semi-reductos in 1835. Concerned that well-trained ship crews could threaten his defenses, Governor Francisco Ramón de Villalobos built a semi-circular fortification to protect the governor’s palace in Hagåtña. The outer wall was made of stone masonry measuring seven and one-half feet high and four inches thick. The fort contained seven platforms for artillery and was constructed in front of the governor’s palace and extended into the present-day Plaza de España.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G. *Cross, Sword, and Silver: The Nascent Spanish Colony in the Marianas.* Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
–––. *Fray Juan Pobre in the Marianas 1602.* MARC Miscellaneous Series no. 8. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
Valle, Maria Teresa del. *The Importance of the Mariana Islands to Spain at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century*. Edited by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 11. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1991.
## Know my history - Know my island
**Guam’s only true fort**
Although many of Guam’s Spanish fortifications are referred to as forts, they were mostly *baterías*, or batteries, which was a place where pieces of artillery were positioned. A *batería* could be a permanent or temporary structure, but it was usually designed as a flat platform to support the artillery pieces along with, perhaps, one or two other structures to store materials.
A *fuerte*, or fort, was a small fortification which included rooms, walls of variable sizes and coverage. The main difference between a *batería* and a *fuerte* is that forts may not have artillery installed. The *fuerte*, like a *bateria*, can be a permanent or temporary structure.
Guam’s only true fort was Fort Santa Cruz, constructed in 1801 to defend Apra Harbor. The stone fort, was officially known as Nuestra Señora de los Dolores y la Santa Cruz, built on the islet of Santa Cruz was destroyed shortly after World War II.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Spanish Forts of Guam Overview
---
### [Fort Soledad](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-soledad/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd, or Fort Soledad, the last of four Spanish fortifications built in the village of Humåtak/Umatac, is located atop a steep bluff called Chalan Aniti, or Path of the Ancestors. The fort provides a superior view of the village, the bay, the rugged coastline, and the imposing southern mountain range.
**Content:**
# Fort Soledad
#### Table of Contents
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## Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd, c. 1810
Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd, or Fort Soledad, the last of four Spanish fortifications built in the village of [Humåtak/Umatac](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), is located atop a steep bluff called *Chalan Aniti*, or Path of the Ancestors. The fort provides a superior view of the village, the bay, the rugged coastline, and the imposing southern mountain range. The fort was constructed to strengthen the defenses of Guam’s most prominent [Spanish-era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) bay.
Humåtak Bay served as an important supply station for ships crossing the vast Pacific Ocean during the era of the [Acapulco-Manila galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) (1565 – 1815). With an increasing number of non-Spanish ships sailing through the Pacific in the last half of the 18th century, it became necessary to protect Spanish interests on the island. Fort Soledad helped to strengthen flaws of the other forts built along Humåtak’s coastline. [Fort Santo Angel](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santo-angel/), located on the opposite side of the bay, was built in 1756 and had been badly damaged from years of pounding waves. Governor Alexandro Parreño (1806 – 1812) determined that the foundation supporting the fort was unsafe and had the fort dismantled. [Fort San Jose](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-jose/), despite being newly constructed in 1805, was positioned too far north to adequately protect the entrance of the bay.
Although Governor Vicente Blanco (1802 – 1806) had described artillery that had been mounted on *Chalan Aniti* as early as 1803, it was not until some time during Parreño’s administration that the fort’s construction was completed and officially named *Fort Nuestra Señora de la Soledåd*, Our Lady of Solitude. In a document dated 1810, Parreño described the features of the newly built fort, which included a barbette, a guardroom for officers and troops, and an arsenal storeroom.
The fort faced the sea and was elevated 80 *varas*, or approximately 224 feet, above the bay. The *esplanade* was paved with flagged coral stones and was partially surrounded by a low parapet constructed of [*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/), stone and mortar. The fort could accommodate seven cannons that were to be fired on a fixed line over the parapet.
Unfortunately for Spain, the Mexican Revolution brought an end to the galleon trade. By 1815, the last Cavite ship returned to the Philippines from Acapulco, signifying the end of an era. Spain no longer had the means to maintain Guam’s fortifications and Fort Soledad was allowed to deteriorate. Treasure hunters expedited the fort’s destruction as they pulled up the floors in search of the fortune rumored to be buried at the site. After the [Second World War](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), souvenir hunters continued to pillage the fort. The government of Guam, however, stopped the complete destruction of the fort and continues to protect the site as a public park.
The fort’s sentry post, overlooking the picturesque bay, has become an icon of the island’s beauty and the days of the Spanish Galleon trade. Today, the park is one of the most visited places in southern Guam. In the mid 1990s, restoration efforts were made to the area’s stonework and more recently several beautification projects have been undertaken by the community to improve the historic landmark.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort Soledad
---
### [Talo'fo'fo (Talofofo)](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The village probably derives its name from the phrase "entalo’ i fe’fo’,” which means between the cliffs. It’s possible that the name is derived from another word, fo’fo’, which means a bubbling spring.
**Content:**
# Talo'fo'fo (Talofofo)
View more images for the Talo’fo’fo (Talofofo) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622402442839).
#### Table of Contents
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
The village probably derives its name from the phrase “*entalo’ i fe’fo’*,” which means between the cliffs. It’s possible that the name is derived from another word, *fo’fo’*, which means a bubbling spring. As the Talo’fo’fo River and the Talo’fo’fo Falls are located in the village, the name could mean “between the bubbling springs.”
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, the population was 3,050.
## Village officials
The current mayor of Talof’ofo’, [Vicente S. Taitague](https://mcog.guam.gov/honorable-vicente-s-taitague), was first elected in 2008.
## Village description
Former Mayor Tito Mantanona coined the name “God’s Country” for Talo’fo’fo, a nickname affectionately used by many residents and seen on signs throughout the village. At the heart of Talo’fo’fo is a four-way intersection recognized as the crossroads of this small village. Anyone giving directions to a location in this village inevitably starts with this intersection, which is also at the heart of economic activity in Talo’fo’fo, with three corner stores doing business near the four-way intersection. North from the intersection is the village’s Catholic church, San Miguel Church, as well as the mayor’s office and houses, most of them similar to homes in suburban communities.
East from the intersection is the Onward Talo’fo’fo Golf Course, after which the road intersects with Route 17, locally known as Cross Island Road.
West from the intersection are more houses and Talo’fo’fo Elementary School, a sports field, and the Talo’fo’fo gym.
South of the intersection is the Seventh-day Adventist Church and Notre Dame High School. As the road heads downhill toward the Talo’fo’fo sub-communities of Ipan and Talo’fo’fo Bay, it passes the ancient Talo’fo’fo Caves.
Sitting below the hills of the main village is the coastal community of Ipan, Talo’fo’fo. A number of secluded beaches and a scattering of houses, along with a gas station, make up most of Ipan. The area also includes Ipan Beach Park, a popular spot for barbecues. Jeff’s Pirates Cove is located on the northern border of Ipan and has become an institution in the area. It is best known for its relaxed-atmosphere bar and grill, along with a small souvenir store and an outdoor area used for arts and craft fairs, concerts and other gatherings.
The southern boundary of Talo’fo’fo is marked by the Ugum River (joined by the Talo’fo’fo River), which flows into Talo’fo’fo Bay. But as the Talo’fo’fo Bay park facilities are on the southern side of the bay, the area most people visit in Talo’fo’fo Bay is actually part of the neighboring village, [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/).
## Village history
The original pre-Spanish inhabitants of Talo’fo’fo lived mostly in settlements along the Talo’fo’fo and Ugum rivers, although artifacts have been found in the Talo’fo’fo Caves, perhaps suggesting that people used the caves for shelter during typhoons.
In 1672, Spanish Jesuit priest [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) ordered a church to be constructed at the Pigpug settlement near Talo’fo’fo Bay, and this church became the center of the new Christian community.
The settlement never grew very large in size or prominence, although Talo’fo’fo Bay was the site of a few notable landings. One such landing was in 1788 of a large group of islanders from Lamotrek in the Caroline Islands, who arrived in canoes on a trading mission to obtain iron. It was the first such expedition since inter-island trade had come to a halt due to the Spanish-CHamoru/Chamorro Wars 100 years before. The Spanish-CHamoru Wars were a series of rebellions by some of the CHamorus against Catholic indoctrination many years before.
After several months, the Carolinians departed for Lamotrek with iron and trade goods, but it later turned out that they never reached home and were probably hit by a storm. *Don* Luis de Torres, a Spanish-CHamoru military officer, travelled to Woleai in 1804 to reassure the Carolines that their peers had not died at the hands of the Spanish. Carolinians subsequently resumed their annual trading voyages to Guam.
Talo’fo’fo Bay was also the site of the eastern landing of Japanese forces during the invasion of Guam on 10 December 1941, when a detachment meant to land at Ylig Bay in [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/) mistakenly landed at Talo’fo’fo Bay instead. The detachment marched north to [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to meet the other landing forces.
In April and May of 1944, the American forces first started preparing for the invasion of the Marianas, including bombing raids over Guam and Saipan. On April 8, the submarine USS Seahorse torpedoed the 6,780-ton Japanese converted submarine tender Aratama Maru near the eastern coast of Guam, and the burning ship made it into Talo’fo’fo Bay, sinking three days later.
From August 1944 to September 1945, after the Americans recaptured Guam from the Japanese, the military government built the new community of Talo’fo’fo in the hills where it now stands.
In the northern part of Ipan, a Flight Personnel Rehabilitation Camp was built in 1945, with a beer garden, softball diamonds, volleyball courts, and horseshoe pitching pits. Later, a salt-water swimming pool was built. After providing for nearly 10,000 officers and soldiers, the camp was devastated in 1949 by Typhoon Allen.
In 1951, the San Miguel Church was constructed in the main village. While Talo’fo’fo had previously been a part of the municipality of Inalåhan under the municipalities established in 1920 by the pre-war U.S. government, [Talo’fo’fo soon became a municipality of its own after the war](http://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/).
In 1972, two hunters from Talo’fo’fo, Jesus M. Duenas and Manuel Degracia, discovered and captured a Japanese soldier named [Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi](http://www.guampedia.com/wwii-sgt-shoichi-yokoi-last-straggler-on-guam/) who had been living in the jungles of Guam for 28 years. Yokoi’s incredible story quickly spread around the world. Instead of allowing himself to be captured by American forces in 1944, Yokoi and 10 others hid in the hills of Talo’fo’fo.
Yokoi was the only survivor, making clothing from the fibers of wild hibiscus plants and surviving on a diet of coconuts, breadfruit, papayas, snails, eels, and rats. He lived in a tunnel-like underground cave in a bamboo grove not far from Talo’fo’fo Falls. After he was discovered, Yokoi became a celebrity, after nearly three decades of seclusion. He died in 1997 at the age of 82.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Notre Dame High School**
Nestled in the hillside of Talo’fo’fo village, Notre Dame High School established on Guam in 1968 by the School Sisters of Notre Dame, is one of three Catholic high schools on Guam, but the only co-educational facility.
**Talo’fo’fo Elementary School**
Constructed in 1965, Talo’fo’fo Elementary School, remains the only public school servicing the elementary-aged children of this close-knit southern village.
### Historical
**Talo’fo’fo Caves**
This series of caves on the side of the cliffs of the main village of Talo’fo’fo are famous for artifacts and pictographs of the ancient CHamorus.
### Recreational
**First Beach**
Island residents and visitors frequent this area that has about three large coral holes forming submerged natural pools in the waters of a beach located in Ipan just before the entrance to the main Talo’fo’fo village.
**Ipan Beach Park**
This shaded beach area features several pavilions and barbecue pits, along with trees that keep beachgoers cool even on hot days.
**Tongan Beach**
Located along Route 4, just past Ipan Beach Park, this privately owned resort offers residents a camping experience. The small resort includes a large pool and restrooms with changing areas. Several local companies and organizations have reserved the space for private parties on the beach.
**Jeff’s Pirates Cove**
Now a landmark on Guam, this popular establishment features a bar and grill with local food, a gift shop, a small museum, and recreational grounds that has been owned by Jeff Pleadwell since 1979. Numerous concerts have been held there, along with a semi-annual arts and crafts fair, weddings, and other parties. A previous owner was said to have found evidence of Malay pirates having stayed in the area, inspiring the Cove’s name, but in 1962 Typhoon Karen wiped out all traces of the Malay village, including a pirate ship scuba divers discovered in 1953.
**Valley of the Latte**
Formerly known as the Jungle Riverboat Cruise, scenic boat tours of Talo’fo’fo and Ugum Rivers go to the ancient Talo’fo’fo Village, the site of a CHamoru hut and latte stones. Visitors can enjoy CHamoru cultural activities, demonstrations, local food, and a petting zoo.
**Onward Talo’fo’fo Golf Club**
Designed by nine American professional golfers, this course offers spectacular views. It features a relatively flat front nine, with fairways lined by tropical trees, flowers, and water hazards. Hole 6 is designed as a replica of Talo’fo’fo Falls and is good for scenic photo opportunities. The back nine is more difficult but overlooks Guam’s tropical jungle and mountains.
**Talo’fo’fo Falls**
Located along the Ugum River, on the boundary between Talo’fo’fo and Inalåhan, the Talo’fo’fo Falls are accessed by a road in Malojloj, Inalåhan. At the bottom of the two-tier falls are swimming holes popular among visitors. The falls have been turned into a tourist destination, with a paved road, visitor facilities, and an entrance fee. A replica of Sgt. Yokoi’s cave is nearby, as the original cave collapsed.
## Village mayors/commissioners
Before World War II, the commissioners of Talo’fo’fo were appointed by the Naval governor. Starting in 1952, the commissioners and mayors were elected.
- Vicente S. Taitague, Mayor, 2009-Present
- Pedro D. Paulino, Mayor, 2005-2009
- Anthony C. Leon Guerrero, Mayor, 2001-2005
- Vicente S. Taitague, Mayor, 1997-2001
- Tito A. Mantanona, Commissioner/Mayor, 1981-1997
- Roman LG Quinata, Commissioner, 1969-1981
- Juan C. Tenorio, Commissioner, 1961-1969
- Jose P. Cruz, Commissioner, 1952-1961
- Vicente Cepeda, Castro Commissioner, 1941-1944
- Cayetano Aguon Quinata, Acting Commissioner, 1928-1929
- Vicente Cepeda Castro, Commissioner, 1920-1928
## Deputy commissioners
- Jose Castro Aguon Deputy Commissioner/Acting Commissioner, 1939-1941
- Vicente Cepeda Castro Deputy Commissioner, 1917-1920
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “[MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam](https://mcog.guam.gov/).”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Talo'fo'fo (Talofofo)
---
### [Indios](https://www.guampedia.com/indios/)
**Published:** November 19, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** ndios were defined as the native indigenous peoples in all the Spanish American and Asian possessions. During the Spanish colonial period in the Mariana Islands (17th through 19th centuries) the CHamoru people were classified as indios.
**Content:**
# Indios
 Hagåtña (Agana), Guam: House Chores. From the Freycinet collection, 1824 and courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Native peoples
*Indios* were defined as the native Indigenous peoples in all the Spanish American and Asian possessions. During the [Spanish colonial period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) in the Mariana Islands (17th through 19th centuries) the CHamoru/Chamorro people were classified as *indios.* In the Spanish racial hierarchy, *indios* were the lowest-ranked group. The order was *[peninsulares](https://www.guampedia.com/peninsulares/), [criollos](https://www.guampedia.com/criollo/), [mestizos](https://www.guampedia.com/mestizo-mestisu/),* [Filipinos](https://www.guampedia.com/filipinos-on-guam/) and *indios.*
Originally, native Filipinos were included in the *indio* category in the Mariana Islands along with CHamorus, but were later designated as “Filipinos” in Spanish censuses. The Spaniards first brought Filipinos to the Mariana Islands in the 17th century to serve in the *seccion de guardia civil urbano-rural* (Spanish army in the Marianas).
Because of expensive Spanish taxes levied on *peninsulares* (Spanish-born Spaniards), *criollos* (Marianas-born Spaniards), and *mestizos* (part-CHamoru and part-Spanish individuals), many *mestizos* with darker skin complexions would state that they were full-blooded CHamorus – *indios –* to avoid paying. Additionally, many Japanese-CHamorus and Chinese-CHamorus were mistakenly thought to be CHamorus and also classified as *indios.*
[***By Chelsea M. San Nicolas***](http://www.guampedia.com/chelsea-m-san-nicolas/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Mariana Islands*. Translated by Elfriede Craddock and edited by Scott Russell. Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 1. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1989.
García, Francisco Olive y. *The Mariana Islands, 1884-1887: Random Notes.* 2nd ed. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Ibañez del Carmen, Aniceto, OAR, and Francisco Resano del Corazón de Jesús, OAR. *Chronicle of the Mariana Islands: Recorded in the Agaña Parish Church 1846-1899*. Translated, annotated, and edited by Marjorie G. Driver and Omaira Brunal-Perry. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1998.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Stratification, Spanish Era, Spanish Racial Hierarchy
**Tags:** Indios
---
### [Geftao: Unselfishness](https://www.guampedia.com/geftao-unselfishness/)
**Published:** November 24, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In CHamoru culture many values are exhibited in daily life. Geftao (generous, giving in the CHamoru language) is an example of a principle that conveys cultural mores through practice and lifestyle.
**Content:**
# Geftao: Unselfishness
 Hagåtña (Agana), Guam: House Chores. From the Freycinet collection, 1824 and courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Generosity
In CHamoru/Chamorro culture many values are exhibited in daily life. *Geftao* (generous, giving in the CHamoru language) is an example of a principle that conveys cultural mores through practice and lifestyle.
To be *geftao* is a holdover from ancient CHamoru times. For example, it is unacceptable and a cause for embarrassment to be a poor host (*taotao guma’*) to your relatives, friends and even strangers. A CHamoru host’s goal is to make their guests comfortable when they visit their homes or at events such as parties or social gatherings.
It is a common sight in traditional CHamoru homes for guests to be offered (always more than once) and even served drinks and food by hosts or children. A good host will also check on their guests several times to see if they want for anything and ensure that they are comfortable. If it is a party, when the visitors depart, they usually do not leave empty handed. More than likely they are given food that has been packed for them to take home so they may eat again later.
## Intricate protocol
It is considered good manners for guests to express humility when offers are made, although this back and forth of hospitality is an intricate process. A guest may refuse once or twice, in the spirit of politeness, but should always accept the next offer – even if they don’t want the offering – or they will be considered rude and take the risk of the host being offended, insulted and even hurt.
*Chamorro Heritage: A Sense of Place,* a book prepared by the Department of CHamoru Affairs, explains that while the concept of *geftao* or *yo’ase’* (to be hospitable or giving) is not unique to CHamoru culture what makes it unique is:
> …the merging of a desire to share with that visitor. For example, when visiting one’s home, it is not enough to simply be gracious and courteous, but additionally invite – invite to the point of insistence – that one must share food in a meal with each other. Another example has been that of giving the unqualified use of prized possessions such as land, when a need has been perceived, and expecting it to be returned when the other person’s need has been satisfied. Finally, when one assists in any effort, such as fishing, the host or owner feels obligated to share the results of that effort, in this case a catch of fish, with those who were simply present.
## Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro practice
One of the earliest recorded historical account of the CHamorus showing *geftao* was made by Spanish Catholic Fray [Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) who jumped ship in 1602 in *Luta* (Rota) – located 40 miles north of Guam in the Mariana Islands – prior to the introduction of Christianity.
Zamora was impressed by the “Christian nature” of his CHamoru hosts and their sincere gentility. Zamora also described more detailed CHamoru values, especially *[inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)*, literally translated to mean to make good, which considers the importance of the well-being and benefit of all in the community over independent needs. *Inafa’maolek* is a central philosophy of CHamoru cultural values.
> Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora visited Luta (Rota) in 1602. He stayed in the village of Tazga, which was located about 50 paces from the sea. He reported that the CHamorus were good to him and invited him to share whatever they had. They treated him as a family member. They, the chief, Sunama, and his wife, Sosanbra, treated him as a son, and the chief’s children treated him as a brother.
## Extension of a core value
The core CHamoru value of [*inafa’ maolek*](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/) is basically interwoven with the practice of *geftao,* which is an extension of the other traditional CHamoru cultural traditions: reciprocity, respect and family.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Geftao: Unselfishness
---
### [Guam Public Library Collection](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-public-library-collection/)
**Published:** April 21, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** This gallery or collection does not belong to Guampedia. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from the Guam Public Library.
**Content:**
# Guam Public Library Collection
**Editor’s note:** This gallery or collection does not belong to Guampedia. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from the Guam Public Library System. View collection [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622620148515/).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/P4633-Insular-Force-Guard_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-2-Colegio_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Rare-26-Carolinians_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-73-Canoe_Featured-Image1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/P793_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-19-Trading_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Rare-17-Trading_Wars-Featured-Image1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-14-Fort-Santo-Angel.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/Chamorros-Trading.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/LP835-MARC-Ward.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/P4860-Tan-Elena-C-Benavente.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/P6853-Senators-at-Judiciary-Address-1979.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-20-Chamoru.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Guam-Banners_28x37-copy-1.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/P6343-Guam-Judge-Benson-1980.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/P101-Judges-Duenas-and-Benson.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/106-P983-Sinajana_5Mid-1.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/73-L449_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/35-Rare-16-Chamoru_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/P6117-Pope-John-Paul-II.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/L298_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Rare-39-Agana-Map_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/L292-1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/L310_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/04-Rare-25-Agana-House-Chores-copy.webp)
[ Explore More Images from the Guam Public Library System ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622620148515/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Guam Public Library Collection
---
### [Joseph Charles Murphy](https://www.guampedia.com/joseph-charles-murphy/)
**Published:** March 4, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Joseph C. Murphy (1927-2009) was a newspaper columnist and editor best known for “Pipe Dreams,” a column he wrote for more than 50 years.
**Content:**
# Joseph Charles Murphy
#### Table of Contents
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## Newspaper editor, author of "Pipe Dreams," "Murphy's Law"
Joseph C. Murphy (1927 – 2009) was a newspaper columnist and editor best known for “Pipe Dreams,” a column he wrote for more than 50 years.
Murphy arrived in Guam 8 December 1965 to run the *Guam Daily News* owned, at the time, by publisher Joseph Flores. With little staff, Murphy worked seven days a week covering local news, writing editorials, and his daily column “Pipe Dreams” in addition to putting together national and international news.
In 1970, a businessman from Hawai’i, Chin Ho, bought the newspaper and resold it to Gannett, Inc. a year later. Murphy became the editor of the paper renamed, *[The Pacific Daily News](https://www.guampdn.com/)*. He continued to write his daily “Pipe Dreams” column and a daily editorial for many more years.
Murphy retired as *Pacific Daily News* editor in 1988 but continued to write his column until he died in 2009. “Pipe Dreams” was renamed “Murphy’s Law” after he quit smoking in 1998.
## Coined "Only on Guam"
Throughout his professional life, Murphy documented the changes Guam experienced as it grew from a rural-based society with a population of about 60,000 and two traffic lights to an international tourist destination with a population of about 165,000 in 2009. His writings serve as a valuable record of a dynamic period in the history of modern Guam.
His favorite topics to write about were new development, the economy, innovative ideas and politics. In 1981 *Daily News* gave him an entire year to travel around the Pacific and write about other islands, comparing and contrasting governments, educational systems and economies.
He coined the phase “Only on Guam” as an occasional item in his column poking fun at the idiosyncrasies that make Guam such an interesting and unique place to live. Those “items” were published into two books, *Guam is a Four Letter Word* and *Son of a Four Letter Word*.
## Early life
Murphy was born 23 February 1927 in Appleton, Wisconsin. An adventurer at heart, he left home at 17 when he joined the US Navy during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
In 1944 while home on leave from the Navy he met Marion, the woman who would later become his wife. They wrote to each other for a year, and then World War II was over and he went home to finish high school with her. They eloped on the night of their high school graduation and were married for 62 years.
He earned a degree in Journalism from the University of Wisconsin at Madison and worked as a journalist ever since. Murphy worked as a reporter, editor and columnist in Wisconsin, Oregon and California before taking a job on Guam in 1965.
## Private life
Murphy arrived on Guam on the Feast day of [Santa Marian Kamalen](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/), the island’s patron saint, December 8th. This religious event is celebrated with a procession through [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). He joked that at first he thought that procession was a welcoming parade, just for him.
After relocating his large family to Guam, a few months later, he believed he had found his place in the world as most everyone had large Catholic families on Guam, just like his. The Murphys lived in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) and then Camp Witek, Yona.
Murphy loved adventure and took advantage of offers to try things and write about them. One Liberation Day (July 21st), a celebration held on Guam to commemorate the end of the Japanese occupation during WWII, he parachuted from a small plane on a bet, breaking his leg in the process. He went to the depths of the sea on a navy submarine, rolled and dove with the showmen Blue Angels, and on the Christmas Drop to Micronesia. He also traveled by ship or on small planes to many islands in Micronesia for graduations and other news events.
He and his wife Marion traveled the world. After raising their eight children, the Murphys went to China the first year it was opened to Westerners, to Europe and Asia, traveling around the world at least twice. He loved to learn about history, geography, culture and politics, always looking for new ideas that might work on Guam, his beloved home, and shared those thoughts in his column in the *Daily News*.
He was a great believer in equality, pushing his daughters as well as his sons to find their passions and excel in life. He thought highly of people from all cultures. Because he and Marion’s attitudes were passed on to their children, they have dozens of grandchildren and great grandchildren who are not only Irish and German, but also CHamoru/Chamorro, Filipino, Palauan, Chuukese and African-American.
Murphy always kept a pen and paper in a pocket to jot down notes for his column and wanted to write until his death. He left a legacy of writers, both among his own children, grandchildren and great grandchildren and many others who were inspired by his words and actions to become journalists.
He and Marion had eight children, 26 grandchildren and 19 great grandchildren (as of 2010) as well as numerous nephews and nieces. In addition to his family, he and Marion took in students from Guam, Saipan, Yap and Chuuk while they attended school on Guam.
He died at the age of 81 on 5 February 2009 at his home in [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), Guam.
***[By Jillette Leon-Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
**Categories:** Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Transportation, Technology, and Communications
**Tags:** Joseph Charles Murphy
---
### [Folktale: Gadao's Strength](https://www.guampedia.com/folktale-gadaos-strength/)
**Published:** February 11, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Once upon a time, a long time ago, on the island of Guahan in the Mariana Islands there lived two manmaga’låhi (chiefs) named Malaguana and Gadao. Malaguana was the maga’låhi of Tomhom (Tumon) in Northern Guahan. Gadao was from southern Guahan and was the maga’låhi of Inalåhan.
**Content:**
# Folktale: Gadao's Strength
 Maga'låhi Gadao Statue. Guampedia photo.
##### Share This
Once upon a time, a long time ago, on the island of Guahan in the Mariana Islands there lived two *manmaga’låhi* (chiefs) named Malaguana and Gadao. Malaguana was the [*maga’låhi* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)of Tomhom ([Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)) in Northern Guahan. Gadao was from southern Guahan and was the *maga’låhi* of [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/).
The *manmaga’låhi*, in those days, were usually the strongest and wisest members of their clans. However, there was much debate about who was the strongest and mightiest *maga’låhi* of the entire island. Legend had it that because of his tremendous strength, Malaguana was widely regarded as being the greatest *maga’låhi* of Guahan. This unofficial title was something that Malaguana and the villagers of Tomhom were proud of and quick to defend. However, there was one skeptic from another village who, during a visit to his relatives in Tomhom, expressed his belief that Malaguana was no match for Gadao.
“Although Malaguana is one of the strongest and mightiest *manmaga’låhi* of Guahan, his strength is nothing compared to that of Gadao of Inalahan village,” said the visitor.
When Malaguana heard about the visitor’s remark he was eager to visit Inalåhan to prove that he was stronger and mightier than Gadao. “I am the strongest and the greatest *maga’låhi* of Guahan and I will prove it by defeating Gadao in a duel of strength!” boasted Malaguana.
Determined to end the debate over who was the strongest *maga’låhi* of Guahan Malaguana made his way to Inalåhan. As he entered the southern coastal village Malaguana met up with a man who appeared to be a village farmer. Little did he know that the farmer was Maga’låhi Gadao.
“Hafa adai!” Malaguana called out, “I am Maga’låhi Malaguana of Tomhom, the greatest *maga’låhi* of Guahan, and I am here to challenge the strength of Gadao. Bring me to him at once!”
Gadao was surprised at Malaguana’s words. He decided not to reveal his true identity just yet. He said in a friendly tone, “Welcome to Inalåhan, Maga’låhi Malaguana. If you wish to meet Gadao I will certainly take you to him. But since you’ve traveled such a long way, I would first like you to join me for some refreshing coconut juice.”
“Thank you,” Malaguana said gratefully.
Gadao went to the nearest coconut tree and with incredible force shook the tree until all the coconuts came falling down. Gadao picked one up from the ground and, with his bare hands, cracked it into two perfect halves, giving one half to Malaguana.
Malaguana was astonished by what he had just witnessed. He could not believe that an ordinary man could possess such tremendous strength. When Gadao looked the other way, Malaguana picked up one of the fallen coconuts and attempted to crack it open with his bare hands. He couldn’t do it, and began to doubt his superiority over Gadao.
“If an ordinary Inalåhan farmer possesses this much strength, how much stronger is their Maga’låhi Gadao?” Malaguana thought to himself. Unwilling to risk defeat and ruin his reputation, Malaguana decided to return to Tomhom.
“I thought you wanted me to introduce you to Gadao?” said Gadao, as he observed Malaguana getting ready to depart. For a moment Malaguana was silent as he thought of an excuse. He finally said, “I’m sorry, I must go home now. I have been away from Tomhom too long and I feel that my leadership is greatly needed back home.”
Gadao was quite pleased at this outcome because he was able to intimidate Malaguana without actually challenging him. Gadao decided against revealing his true identity because he knew that Malaguana would go home thinking that Gadao was more powerful than he actually was.
Gadao, however, felt sorry for Malaguana and decided to offer to take him home by canoe and Malaguana accepted Gadao’s offer. The two *maga’låhi* got into Gadao’s canoe and began to paddle in opposite directions. Unaware that the other was paddling in the opposing direction, both *maga’låhi* paddled harder and harder as they noticed that the canoe wasn’t moving. Finally, the opposing forces, the canoe split in half and both *maga’låhi* were thrust in opposite directions.
As a remembrance of this event, Gadao drew the story on a wall in a cave. Today, this same petroglyph is still well preserved in Gadao’s Cave in Inalåhan. In honor of Gadao, a statue was placed alongside Inalåhan Bay. The statue is a huge figure of Gadao sitting in his portion of the ripped canoe and holding a paddle.
**Editor’s note:** Excerpted from “Legends of Guam,” produced by the class members of an education class at the College of Guam in 1962.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Chamorro Folktales, Our Heritage
**Tags:** legend, legends
---
### [Gadao yan Otro Pinenta Siha: Traditional Art](https://www.guampedia.com/gadao-yan-otro-pinenta-siha-traditional-art/)
**Published:** November 26, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Discussing the pre-colonial arts of Chamorros is a difficult task. Documents by the Spanish who first made contact with Chamorros are limited.
**Content:**
# Gadao yan Otro Pinenta Siha: Traditional Art
View more images for the Gadao yan Otro Pinenta Siha: Traditional Art entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622709530753/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Pre-colonial art
Discussing the pre-colonial arts of CHamorus/Chamorros is a difficult task. Documents by the Spanish who first made contact with Chamorros are limited. These accounts are incomplete and heavily laden with bias. Mentions are made of certain skills of Chamorros, certain technologies, certain practices, but they are often only mentioned, or they are mentioned and then condemned as savage. Similarly, much of the arts that Chamorros possessed were not passed down after centuries of colonization, or were made from natural materials which have not lasted through time.
From what researchers know from this period however, can nonetheless provide an interesting snapshot of the arts of Chamorros during the first centuries of European contact. The term “art” here refers to skills or goods that Chamorros produced, which did not only displayed Chamorro collective or individual craftsmanship, but also their creativity; something which was produced not only to be functional, but also to be *gef pago* (beautiful).
## Carving
Carving was an essential part of life for ancient Chamorros. By carving *håyu* (wood), *to’lang* (bone) and *cheggai* (shell) they created all the [tools](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-tool-making/) which were necessary to sustain themselves. In the things that they carved, is evidence that Chamorros used their skills to show their individual identity and their creativity.
When English explorer [Thomas Cavendish](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-thomas-canvedish/) visited Guam in 1588, he noted that the ends of [Chamorro canoes](https://www.guampedia.com/canoe-building-2/) featured interesting carved figureheads. These figures sported long flowing hair that was tied up once or twice, and stood at the “head of their boates \[sic\] like…images of the devil.” These carvings might have been modeled after the owner or the navigator of the canoe, or perhaps represented an ancestral spirit who was asked to protect the boat. Although we can’t be sure as to why they were made or whom these figureheads represented, we can be sure that they gave each canoe a distinct identity, that these carvings were meant to not be practical but rather express a creativity and give an identity to each vessel.
A similar creativity could be found in the carving of *tunas*. A *tunas* was a tall wooden *båston* (walking stick) which was carried by all unmarried men or bachelors. These men were called *uritao* or *ulitao*. Each *tunas* was carved and colored in a distinct way, in order to signify to whom the staff belonged. It is speculated that these staffs served a similar function as the Chuukese love stick and provided a way of identifying a bachelor by the carvings on his *tunas* even if he was absent or unseen.
An *uritao* who was visiting a woman would leave his *tunas* outside the door of the home, so that all who came by would know who was inside. A bachelor wooing a woman could poke his tunas through the floor or the wall of her house. If the woman being wooed recognized the carvings or the markings on the staff, she could then reject the advances by pushing the staff away or accept them by pulling the staff in or meeting the *uritao* outside.
Chamorros also created beautiful forms of *alåhas* ([jewelry](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-jewelry/)) carved from various shells. By using and wearing these works of art, Chamorros could signify their social status or *ginefsaga’* (wealth) but also enhance their beauty and individuality.
## Story telling
As Chamorros had an oral culture those with a very adept mind, a good memory, a sharp wit or a flair with words were highly regarded. Storytelling, the retelling of family histories, *[chamorita](https://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/)* (improvisational singing) and *mari* (debate) were all considered art forms, and a master of any of these skills was considered to be as great as a warrior on the battlefield.
Ancient Chamorros held regular large *gupot siha* (parties) and the displaying of these oratory skills was an important part of the entertainment. Individuals would vie against each other, families would compete and mock each other and sometimes entire villages would become embroiled in debates or displays of who had the better storyteller or singer. According to [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/)’s account of these interactions from 1602:
> They also get together to hold debates: those representing one side meeting in certain barn-like structures (*kamarines)*, those of the other side in others. One debater will get to his feet and begin to argue, or to make up ballads, or to poke fun at those across from him who are from another village. When the first group has finished, someone from the opposing side gets up and begins to argue against the first side. In this fashion, as I have said, people from many villages get together to debate from eight o’clock in the morning until two in the afternoon, when they eat.
>
> The wisest of the indios gather for these debates, some will have learned the skill, called *mari*, when very young.
## Performance
The other half of the entertainment at these parties, was also taken very seriously and considered to be a form of artistry amongst Chamorros, were physical spectacles of strength and dexterity. At these *gupot siha* young men would perform different feats such as *afulo’* (wrestling) before the highest class members of a village in order to gain respect or favor in their eyes. The account of Zamora also noted that they also competed by hurling spears at each other and catching them in mid-air.
> Sometimes they take hard falls. When this happens, the friend of the one pinned underneath comes forth and, with great arrogance, says, ‘Now, you will have to fight me’, and he begins to fight with the victor. In this way, one follows another and some are so arrogant that they say, ‘you are mere children and should fight with children and not with me.’ This is the way they prove their strength. Sometimes they will step away from each other and, although they seem to be jesting, they actually are not, as is true in fencing. At ten or twelve paces, they throw darts at each other and, although their aim is very accurate, they are even more adept at deliberately missing the target and will often snatch the dart in midair. Such as person will say to the one who threw it, ‘Do you think I’m blind? Notice that I have good eyes.’ He then throws it back at him. This is the way they brag before their leading citizens.
In addition to the wrestling and dart competitions, Chamorros also competed in sham fights with a weapon called a *fudfud*, which was a long wooden pole about five and and a half feet long, with which they would duel.
There are references to dances as well, by both men and women, individually or in *linahyan* (large groups), which were also considered an important art form amongst Chamorros. The particulars of the these dances were not well recorded and traditional dancers were eventually prohibited by the Spanish missionaries. However there are a few brief historical descriptions of ancient Chamorro dance. Rose Freycinet, wife of French explorer, [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/), kept a journal describing Chamorro dancers in 1819 as moving “first in groups and in circles, gesticulating and contorting themselves to a rather slow tune.” Michael Clement Sr. made note of references to Chamorro dances in a report by Father Francisco Garcia in 1683, as derived from early Jesuit missionary notes. European explorer [Jules-Sebastien-Cesar Dumont D’Urville](https://www.guampedia.com/jules-sebastien-cesar-dumont-durville/)‘s refers to a Chamorro “Dance of the Ancients” which Clement conjectures may have been a reference to performances of the [Puntan and Fu’una ](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/)creation story. Louis Freycinet noted in 1819 that the hand and body gestures in Chamorro dances were a way of clarifying word meanings.
The historical literature also contains several references to Chamorros dancing the “Dance of Montezuma” that at least by 1819 had been performed for visitors by students from the Colegio de San Juan de Letran using Mexican costumes that had possibly been preserved by [Jesuits](https://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) until their expulsion from Guam in 1769.
## Weaving, rope and banner making
The [weaving](https://www.guampedia.com/weaving/) of *akgak* (pandanus), *hagon niyok* (coconut leaves) and also the making of *tali’* (rope) was also an important skill that ancient Chamorros used to survive, which also had some aesthetic and creative qualities. Ceremonial outfits such as skirts, headbands, sashes or belts would be woven and sometimes adorned with shell beads or flowers.
One of the most distinct and visible ways in which Chamorros wove things creatively was in the making of large *akgak babao*, or banners. Large banners would be used by men returning from a voyage or a fishing trip to communicate whether their journey had been a success or a failure. These *babao* were also essential in wars that would break out between families or villages. Warriors would carry into battle with them a banner representing their family, ancestors or village. When Freycinet visited Guam in 1819, he was told that the Chamorro name “Babauta” meant “he who defended our banner.” In modern Chamorro the name translates to “our banner.”
Much of the visual arts of Chamorros, especially that which involved painting, did not survive the centuries due to its being created with perishable materials. Chamorros made pigment for paints from *afok* (quicklime), red earth, charcoal, breadfruit sap, and *låñan niyok* (coconut oil). The colors of *agaga’* (red), å’paka’ (white) and å*tilong* (black) were painted prominently on the canoes of the time. Chamorros also painted images of their ancestors in pieces of bark and wood and kept them in *liyang siha* (caves) called *guma’alumsek*. No examples of these forms of artistry survived.
## Cave drawings
The only examples of Chamorro painting that have survived are [pictographs and petroglyphs](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-cave-art/) found in *liyang siha* (caves) throughout the Mariana Islands. Petroglyphs are made by first scratching the surface of a wall and then painting into the incisions. Pictographs are made from paint applied directly to the wall surface. The types of imagery that Chamorros painted varied based on what the paintings were meant to convey. Some pictographs such as the famous paintings in Gadao’s Cave in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), Guam, are now used as identity symbols referring to ancient people of the land the “*taotao tåno*”. It is not known what the symbols represent, but a recent theory is that they could represent the famous battle between [Chief Gadao](https://www.guampedia.com/folktale-gadaos-strength/) of Inalåhan and another from [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). Other paintings seem to recount family or historical events, or perhaps were painted to record an event of significance or even provide directions to good hunting or fishing sites.
Some figures are drawn *taiulu* (without heads) and were most likely meant to be ancestral spirits. It is possible then, that in addition to recounting past events, these drawings might have been made in order to affect current or future events. A painting of a man riding in a canoe might be a story of someone who travelled far or caught many fish, but it could also represent an attempt to communicate with the spirits of Chamorro ancestors and to ask them for protection or help in ensuring a safe voyage or *menha* (a good catch).
Although [tattoo ](https://www.guampedia.com/on-the-question-of-tattoo-by-ancestral-chamorros-2/)is a common artistry in other Micronesian Islands (such as Yap, Belau and the Marshall Islands) and other islands in the Pacific, there is no evidence that Chamorros participated in this art. Explorers did notice one type of bodily art that Chamorros, in particular Chamorro women used and archeological evidence has further supported its existence. In order to beautify themselves women would stain their front upper [*nifen* (teeth)](https://www.guampedia.com/body-modification-in-ancient-guam/) with pugua’ or other plant juice in order to blacken them. There is also evidence of Chamorros scratching marks into their front *nifen*.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Clement, Michael R. “The Ancient Origins of Chamorro Music.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2001.
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na. Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. By Scott Russell. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 32. Saipan: CNMIHPO, 1998.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Freycinet, Rose Marie Pinon de. “Health and Courage Restored.” In *A Woman of Courage: The Journal of Rose de Freycinet on Her Voyage Around the World, 1817-1820*. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1996.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Symbolism
**Tags:** Gadao yan Otro Pinenta Siha: Traditional Art
---
### [Guampedia Historic Eras Timeline Images](https://www.guampedia.com/guampediaguam-history-timeline-images/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia acknowledges organizations and individuals for photo contributions used to develop the Guampedia Historic Eras Timeline.
**Content:**
# Guampedia Historic Eras Timeline Images
#### Table of Contents
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## Acknowledgements
Guampedia would like to acknowledge organizations and individuals (listed below) for photo contributions used to develop the Guampedia Historic Eras Timeline.
## Ancient Guam Era (Before Present-1668)
Ancient Chamorro Fishing Scene
CHamoru/Chamorro Proa
Haputo Latte
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Ancient Guam Fishing Scene](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3989387714)Guam Public Library SystemPhoto 2[CHamoru/Chamorro Proa](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3973997120)Guam Public Library SystemPhoto 3Pictographs/ Gadao’s Cave[Victor Consaga](https://www.guampedia.com/victor-consaga/)Photo 4Haputo Latte[Leslie Reynolds](https://www.guampedia.com/leslie-reynolds/)
## Spanish Era (1668-1898)
Humåtak (Umatac) Church
Tailayak Spanish Bridge
Farming
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Humåtak/Umatac Church, 1830](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4002325029#/photos/guampedia/4002325029/lightbox/)Guam Public Library SystemPhoto 2[Taelayag/Tailayak Spanish Bridge](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3970067813#/photos/guampedia/3970067813/lightbox/)[Lawrence J. Cunningham](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/)Photo 3[Farming on Guam](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3973968924#/photos/guampedia/3973968924/lightbox/)Guam Public Library System
## Naval Era (1898-1941)
Pan American Party
Chamorro Nurses, 1930
Ada Soap Factory
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Reverend & Mrs. Joaquin Sablan](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4003884902#/photos/guampedia/4003884902/lightbox/)[Capuchin Order, Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/capuchins/) / [MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/)Photo 2[CHamoru/Chamorro Nurses, 1930](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3961613524#/photos/guampedia/3961613524/lightbox/)Smithsonian Institution / [Dr. Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)Photo 3[Ada Soap Factory](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3960815581#/photos/guampedia/3960815581/lightbox/)MARC / Dr. Anne Perez Hattori
## WWII-Japanese Era (1941-1944)
Japanese War Memorial
Rice Field Workers
Hagåtña Band Stand (Plaza de España)
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1Japanese War Memorial[Wakako Higuchi](https://www.guampedia.com/wakako-higuchi/)Photo 2[Rice Field Workers](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/52503115644)War in the Pacific National Historical Park (WAPA)Photo 3[Hagåtña Band Stand (Plaza de España)](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4332147534#/photos/guampedia/4332147534/lightbox/)David Morris
## Post-War Era (1945-1950)
Children in Agana after the liberation of Guam 1944
Prayers for Tinta & Faha Victims
College Students
Women Thatching, Agat 1945
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Children](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4003809576#/photos/guampedia/4003809576/lightbox/)David MorrisPhoto 2[Prayers for Tinta & Faha Victims](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/3985411277#/photos/guampedia/3985411277/lightbox/)MARCPhoto 3[College Students](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4009459113#/photos/guampedia/4009459113/lightbox/)MARCPhoto 4[Weaving Party](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4007186123#/photos/guampedia/4007186123/lightbox/)National Archives / MARC
## Guamanian Era (1950-1970)
All Stars 1956
1st Guam Legislature
Gov. Camacho Greets Troops
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Baseball Youth All Stars](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4010045503#/photos/guampedia/4010045503/lightbox/)Agana Heights Mayor’s OfficePhoto 2[*I Mina Uno Na Liheslaturan Guåhan* /
1st Guam Legislature](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4003884448#/photos/guampedia/4003884448/lightbox/)Guam Legislature ArchivesPhoto 3[Gov. Camacho Greets Guam Troops](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4003481753#/photos/guampedia/4003481753/lightbox/)Guam USA Magazine, 1970
## Contemporary Guam (1970-Present)
Coastline Aerial
Dancers at Gef Pa’go
Japanese Autumn Festival
Yigo Fiesta Table
ImageTitleCopyright ©Photo 1[Coastline Aerial](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4012969690#/photos/guampedia/4012969690/lightbox/)National Park ServicesPhoto 2Dancers at Gef Pa’go[Humanities Guåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-humanities-council/) (Guam Humanities Council)Photo 3Japanese Autumn FestivalDavid Castro / Guahan MagazinePhoto 4[Yigo Fiesta Table](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/4007707064#/photos/guampedia/4007707064/lightbox/)[Leevin Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/leevin-camacho/)
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Tiempo (Timelines)
**Tags:** Guampedia Historic Eras Timeline Images
---
### [Micronesia Milestones Lesson Plan: Connecting Personal History to the Histories of Others](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesia-milestones-lesson-plan-connecting-personal-history-to-the-histories-of-others/)
**Published:** April 29, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** This mini unit introduces students to an idea that storytellers can be different and that timelines can be broadened to include all sorts of stories/narratives that co-occur in time.
**Content:**
# Micronesia Milestones Lesson Plan: Connecting Personal History to the Histories of Others
[  ](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/MM-Connecting-Personal-History.pdf).
[***By Terry Perez***](https://www.guampedia.com/teresita-l-perez/)
Some of us in the Pacific grow up learning about ourselves from our families and communities before we even learn about the outside world. Then there are some of us in school systems which have normalized learning about the outside world first, systems that do not foreground the narratives that come from the personal and the communal. Under these conditions, then, how do we become global citizens while maintaining a strong sense of who we are? By positioning personal narratives within a variety of historical contexts and using Guampedia’s [Micronesia Milestones timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/), this mini-unit endeavors to help students answer this question.
This mini unit introduces students to an idea that storytellers can be different and that timelines can be broadened to include all sorts of stories/narratives that co-occur in time. Using timelines as the medium of study, in this three-day mini unit (with optional enrichment activity), students will analyze past events; they will use the Guampedia Micronesia Milestones timeline as a model to craft their own personal history timelines and to fill out the timeline with events that stem from family and community, region, nation, and the world. Each lesson is set up for 80 – 90 minute blocks.
**Subject:** History, Language Arts/Composition, Technology
**Grade-level:** High School, 9-12
**Time required:** 80-90 minutes a day for 4-5 days
**Materials Required:** [Micronesia Milestones timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
**Previous knowledge:** Introducing this mini unit in a world history course after discussing the early western civilizations is suggested. Students should have had some experience summarizing information (stories, historical narratives, etc.), although a refresher lesson is included in Day Two lesson.
**Common Core State Standards**
- **ELA-LITERACY.CCRA.R.1** Read closely to determine what the text says explicitly and to make logical inferences from it; cite specific textual evidence when writing or speaking to support conclusions drawn from the text.
- **ELA-LITERACY.CCRA.R.2** Determine central ideas or themes of a text and analyze their development; summarize the key supporting details and ideas.
- **ELA-LITERACY.RH.9-10.9** Compare and contrast treatments of the same topic in several primary and secondary sources.
- **ELA-LITERACY.RI.9-10.7** Analyze various accounts of a subject told in different mediums (e.g., a person’s life story in both print and multimedia), determining which details are emphasized in each account.
## Lesson Plan
**Objectives**
This type of activity encourages students to look for different perspectives and to be aware about how time, location, and other variables, affect the presentation of history in texts, in the media, etc. Other objectives include students learning to:
- Use simple digital resources and reference material (online encyclopedias, region-specific databases like Guampedia, Micronesian Seminar)
- Use primary source research
- Learn about credible source and perspective of source
- Position themselves as researchers, including learning about public information and private information
- Engage in contrast analysis of primary and secondary sources using an historical event or a time frame as a common point of information. In other words, compare or contrast different versions of the same event or same time period and draw conclusions as to the differences that exist (as well as the similarities).
- Summarize information
### Procedure
Create a multi-perspective timeline using time as the centering point (eg. What happened to me in August 2010? What was going in my community? What was happening in the world?). To do this timeline students will:
1. Research and gather information from sources specific to their time period
2. Interview a source:
- carefully create questions that respect private and public information
- include source background information
3. Read and summarize sources to draw contrasts and comparisons between the personal and the local, regional, and or global events in their lives.
4. Include source information
Write a reflective piece that discusses the conclusions drawn from looking at the same time period with multiple events and from multiple perspectives.
### Assessment
- Did students create a timeline with multiple perspectives?
- Did students discuss sources?
- Did students analyze through reflection and discussion what the timeline represented?
Measuring the quality of these projects may require a rubric. The goal is to have students engage in the activities in the first place without necessarily assigning a letter grade.
## Day 1
**Materials required**
- Teacher timeline (end product)
- Internet access
- Two sets of guiding questions – for analyzing the timeline and for preparing to ask and interview family members and set up a method to gather information.
**Related Links**
- [Guampedia.com](https://www.guampedia.com/)
- [Micronesia Milestones (MM) timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
### Procedure
***Teacher Discussion/Prep* (20 minutes)**
1. Teacher timeline: sample of five events
2. Can easily be drawn on a board. If pre-done, then can be projected onto a screen.
3. Go through a demonstration of major events, discuss what happens to parallel, and how I interpret, how I connect.
4. Teacher should introduce the timeline by saying “I was reflecting on the stuff I’ve done in my life and this is what I came up with.”
5. Sample of information (not in timeline form, but the teacher should be ready to present as a timeline mirroring the style in MM).
- Spring 1995 – I gigged at Seattle club – it was my first time and I opened for a very popular musician friend, so the café was packed with people who had to stand up.
- That year, around the nation, the Seattle music scene was super popular with bands like Nirvana, Pearl Jam, and Soundgarden topping the music charts.
- Summer 1995 – On Guam, my friends were meeting for our 10-year high school reunion.
- Spring 1995 – Timothy McVeigh bombed a federal building in Oklahoma City.
***Recap/Questions***
1. What are the differences and similarities in these events?
2. What other information is missing?
3. What other information would they like to know?
4. What other conclusions can we draw?
5. Are we accurate in our conclusions? Why or why not?
***MM Timeline* (20 minutes)**
Look at the MM timeline. Introduce it, not as a personal timeline, but as a timeline that represents the experiences of communities. Note the regions involved in the first entry, note the actual time frames: Egypt and Marianas
Teacher reads out loud and then directs students to answer:
1. What are the differences and similarities in these events?
- Differences: from different cultures, different landscapes
- Similarities: shared goals to maybe improve lives, honor cultural practices
2. What other information is missing? What other information would they like to know?
3. What other conclusions can we draw?
- The idea of groups working together to achieve a goal, not necessarily just culture based
4. Are we accurate in our conclusions? Why or why not?
- Discuss reliability of sources
***Teams* (20 minutes)**
Assign pairs or small groups to choose another pairing in the MM timeline to discuss difference and similarities in their groups and then to present.
***My Stories* (10 minutes)**
Assign class time for students to sketch a timeline of three to five (the amount is important) events in their lives, – major or not that happened at three to five different time frames (one event per time frame). Ask them to keep in mind their reasons for choosing these specific events.
***Prep Homework* (20 minute)**
1. Discuss the difference between public and private information.
2. Ask students what qualifies as public information and what qualifies as private.
3. Discuss who is OK to ask and who should not be approached, if any.
4. Inform them of the goal of the homework: to fill out the timeline similar to the MM timeline and the teacher sample on the board.
5. Some sample interview questions could be:
- What was happening on the island in 2015?
- What were you doing in 2015?
- What was happening in our village/island in summer of 2018?
6. Ask students to write down their methodology answering the following questions
- Who will you ask?
- Why will you ask them?
- Is it OK to ask them?
- What will you say to them is the reason for the asking?
- Be sure to include that you will mention them (not by name) in your timeline and reflection to your classmates and teacher. If the family member is not OK with this part, then you should not ask them. Think about asking other friends your age. So who else can you ask?
- What question(s) will you ask?
- How will you keep track of their response(s)?
***Homework***
1. Teacher tells students they are going to collect data for every time period they include in their timeline.
2. They will interview family members about personal events or local/community events that co-occurred with the events on their timeline.
3. They are to remember the rules and guidelines (the questions to help develop a methodology) for interviewing before approaching anyone.
4. They should remember to take notes and write down responses.
## Day 2
**Materials required**
- 11 x 17 paper
- Day One analysis questions
- Guiding analysis questions for timeline
- Information from family/friend/community sources
- Typed teacher (personal) narrative of an event mentioned in the teacher’s personal timeline from Day One
- Internet access
- The class’s history textbook
**Related links**
- [Guampedia.com](https://www.guampedia.com/)
- [Micronesia Milestones (MM) timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
- Internet sources like the MM timeline
### Procedure
***Summary Refresher* (30 minutes)**
1. Teacher uses the personal event noted in the teacher timeline from the day before (in this sample my story of “gigging in Seattle in 1995”) to show key points in summarizing information.
2. Teacher should also project the story on a whiteboard or screen to annotate/underline. Students identify the key points in the story that should be included in the timeline. Teacher underlines or annotates the story on the board, asking students to follow with their hard copy.
3. Students, using the narrative, learn to scan for repeated terms and concepts that indicate important or key point (for example, “Seattle” or ideas like “anxiety” and “butterflies in my stomach” are mentioned frequently in the story). The teacher should emphasize that repeated ideas are important to mention in summaries.
4. After looking at the key terms, the teacher asks students to take out a paper, write down only the key words and then to recreate the story in a shortened form, making sure to include the key terms at least once in their summaries.
5. Compare the two summaries (the one from the timeline yesterday and the one they worked on today using the source story), which one is more accurate and contains the key points. Think about which version contains a more complete picture.
6. Discuss why and elicit that having the complete version of the story to work with from a primary source allowed for a better and more complete picture.
***Creating Our Stories* (40 minutes)**
1. Students start penciling in their timeline.
- Again the teacher models how the MM timeline documents two events that happen near or around the same time period.
2. Students will check their original information to see if they have the key points on the timeline from their interviews and summarizing when necessary.
- Even if students don’t need to summarize their family interviews (i.e. the information was already in summary form), they will be required to summarize information from secondary sources.
3. Students exchange timelines with at least one other classmate. A small group of three is ideal for multiple perspectives.
4. Classmates read and ask for clarification of ideas if needed. Think of this section as a peer review of their draft timeline. If their peer is asking for more information for the timeline.
***Recap* (last 10 or 15 minutes of class)**
The teacher should practice the homework activity with some sample timelines from students. Teacher ask students to share the timeline and go through the questions/tasks from the first day of class analysis.
***Homework***
Students start engaging in the reflective process by answering the original questions from Day One using their timeline:
- What are the differences and similarities in these events?
- What other information is missing? What other information would they like to know?
- What other conclusions can we draw? Are we accurate in our conclusions? Why or why not?
## Day 3
The students should have a foundation of the personal and community/family-based perspectives on their timeline from which to use secondary sources. By this time, they should also have had experience understanding source information and reading narratives to look for key points and to summarize information.
**Materials required**
- Student draft timeline
- The teacher Day One timeline
- Guiding questions for analysis
- Information from family/friend/community source
- Internet access (a computer lab – or shared computers)
- The class’s history textbook
**Related links**
- [Guampedia.com](https://www.guampedia.com/)
- [Micronesia Milestones (MM) timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/)
- [Digital History](http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu) and other resources like this reference site
### Procedure
***Recap on Storytellers* (15 minutes)**
The lesson should begin with teachers reminding students that history is a set of stories very much influenced by who the storyteller is. Teachers can ask students to think about the storytellers in their lives. Teachers can ask this question:
- Is the same story told differently by different people?
- What happens?
- What do they think of these different stories?
- Are they necessary?
- What would it be like if there was only one storyteller that had the right to tell stories and no one else did?
- Remind them that the timeline is a story of time. And that the project is asking them to look at how the perspective of a time period changes depending on the storyteller.
- Then, the teacher presents the teacher timeline and asks the following questions about the information that is
- Personal: (Gigging at a club)
- National: (Oklahoma City bombing)
And then asks different questions about source:
1. What do these two events mean?
- One seems fun, the other is incredibly tragic. One affected more people, the other affected a smaller group.
2. Are they the same? Different?
- Elicit that one story happened directly to the storyteller, the other one didn’t – but it still happened at the same time.
3. How does the storyteller feel about each event?
4. What do you think? In my case, I am the storyteller and I can share my opinions and thoughts on how news of the bombing affected me.
5. What information as a reader do you need?
- More info about the bombing
At this point the teacher acknowledges that it’s easier to write and read about personal stories, but to imagine that for someone in Oklahoma, the bombing was also a personal story.
So maybe we need more information on Oklahoma City and the bombings. The fastest place is to search online.
***Secondary Source* (25 minutes)**
1. Teachers ask students to look at their timeline and select one time period and event (whatever criteria, an important event for you) to explore using a secondary source.
2. The teacher introduces the online resources and gives examples of search terms and follow with a demo using a few reference sites online.
3. The teacher discusses issues with broad results gained from Google and should help students screen sources from those types of search engines.
4. The teacher should also carefully discuss Wikipedia as not necessarily a bad source but a good place to start and find links to resources.
5. The teacher can write a few search terms as well as eliciting ideas from the class.
6. Teachers should emphasize that these terms be used in conjunction with the year and months of these events, use the following search terms, and that search terms are really dependent on the sites they select:
- World events
- Pacific events in..
- Events in US history for the year…
- Achievements during…
- Top ten songs, etc.
7. The teacher should share this example of different categories that can also be search terms.
- This example framework of headings can be also used to organize their timeline and elicit and write other possible headings (beyond personal).
- Warn students that they should have at least three headings. Again, if the parallel to MM needs to be shown you can say that the headings for the MM timeline could be:
- Western World
- Micronesia
- Some other examples of different timeline headings (this one has four)
- Personal
- Family
- Pacific
- US
***Searching* (50 minutes)**
1. After the demo, students should start their own online searches.
2. The teacher reminds them to focus only on one time period and one event, using one of the reference sites or history text.
3. After students find the information, they read and summarize it, being sure to label and pencil it in the timeline.
4. Students should check in with peers periodically to share their timeline drafts and see if the information is enough for their peer readers.
5. Instructor checks in every 20 minutes to question the class:
- What are they finding?
- How are they summarizing?
- Who are their sources?
***Homework (due after about three days)***
- Students should finalize the timeline and be ready to present information to the class.
- They will write a reflection on their timeline using the guiding questions from Day One. There is no page requirement, but content emphasis should be on drawing conclusions about how they connect to the events they’ve researched.
## Day 4 - 5
### An Activity for Deep Diving
It’s important that a fourth day be scheduled for presentations. You may also need a fifth day for students to finish their work in class, depending on how much guidance your students need. Students may need more time. Whether this lesson extends to a fourth or fifth day, teachers should allot an entire class period for the sharing of timelines, after all, the unit is about multiple perspectives over a time period. Students do not have to share all the events on the timeline, just one. And they should share their reflections on that event.
**A (hypothetical) Podcast**
This activity focuses on **ELA-Literacy.W.11-12.3**: Write narratives to develop real or imagined experiences or events using effective technique, well-chosen details, and well-structured event sequences.
Students in small groups can choose to write a script for a hypothetical interview using characters or people from the Guampedia MM timeline. A sample idea would be to take an Egyptian pyramid builder interviewing a Marianas seafarer who has just landed in the Marianas. This activity requires further research into who these people are so that students can find sufficient common ground as well as differences between the two sets of events and people. To allow students to record the interviews and to have these interviews posted on a class Moodle page would be a great tool for sharing with other students.
**Categories:** Education, Educational Lesson Plans, Grade-levels, High School, History, Language Arts, Subjects, Technology
**Tags:** Micronesia Milestones Lesson Plan
---
### [Baseball: Youth League](https://www.guampedia.com/baseball-youth-league/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Youth baseball on Guam developed as an organized sport after World War II and enjoyed several decades as the predominant youth sport on the island. Guam’s top youth baseball teams have represented Guam well in international competitions such as the Little League World Series and the Babe Ruth World Series.
**Content:**
# Baseball: Youth League
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Organized after World War II
Youth baseball on Guam developed as an organized sport after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and enjoyed several decades as the predominant youth sport on the island. Guam’s top youth baseball teams have represented Guam well in international competitions such as the Little League World Series and the Babe Ruth World Series.
Little League baseball was the first organized form of youth baseball on Guam, while Babe Ruth baseball developed as a second league soon after. The two leagues, while working toward many of the same goals, have also competed for youth baseball players over the years.
Today, many children on Guam still play youth baseball, although it has lost much of its popularity due to the rise in other youth sports such as soccer, football and basketball.
## Early years
Although baseball was Guam’s most popular sport before World War II, no organized form of youth baseball seemed to have existed during this period. While there was an organized league for adult players, young players played in backyards and village lots, without official equipment. Baseball old-timers such as Gregorio Calvo and Tun Charlie M. Perez recall playing baseball with “lemon china” fruits, or using their bare hands to field balls, and a stick instead of a bat.
About a decade after World War II, however, baseball enthusiasts started organizing village youth baseball teams into a sort of informal village league. While Little League rules were followed, the village league was not officially chartered with the US Little League organization.
Leagues were sponsored by various civic service or community groups. Frank Camacho of Agana Heights, who later became a long-time president of Central Little League on Guam, recalls playing for the Agana Heights Blues in those early days. He said there were ten teams in the 9-12-year-old league, and said the league was initially established by the Agana Heights Athletic Club, headed by Tun Pete Rosario and coach Tony Calvo.
In 1956, an older league was formed for 13-15-year-olds using “Pony League Baseball” rules, although again it wasn’t officially chartered.
In 1957, the Civic Improvement Council of Sinajana, headed by Judge Joaquin Manibusan, took over the administration of the league.
Camacho said the village teams were very popular within each village, and said many village residents would march to the ballgames in a sort of parade, and practically the entire village would watch every game.
Nicholas Francisco, former mayor of [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/), remembers playing for the Mangilao team sponsored by the Santa Teresita Church. The young players on the team had to go to Mass to receive communion before each game, or they weren’t allowed to play by Father Luis, who also took the players to Diary Queen for ice cream if they won.
## Chartering of Little League
A tireless promoter of youth baseball was Ben Munoz, also known as “Major Ben” because of his 27 years on the Guam Police Department. He started as a coach of the Mangilao youth baseball team in 1959, and in the mid-1960s he pushed to have the youth baseball leagues officially chartered under the the Little League headquarters in Williamsport, Pa.
In 1967, after several years of pushing for the charter, officials in Pennsylvania approved the charter for Guam. The charter not only sanctioned the Guam league, but allowed its champions to compete with Little League teams from other areas.
Judge Manibusan became the first Guam Little League president and Major Ben Munoz became its first District Administrator. In the first year of the league, nearly 200 players were on the rosters of twelve teams.
Little League baseball grew rapidly after that, expanding into different age divisions and eventually into Northern, Central and Southern regions.
In 1972, Guam baseball history was made when the island hosted the first Far East Little League Baseball Tournament. Participants included Japan, Guam and Hong Kong. After that year, the Far East tournament became a showcase of baseball and goodwill for teams from Guam, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Later, the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas, Palau and the Federated States of Micronesia joined the tournament.
## Babe Ruth baseball
In 1968, just a year after Guam Little League became officially chartered, Guam Babe Ruth also became officially chartered for its 16-18-year-old division. James Ferrante was the first commissioner of the league, although Pete Rosario, Public Safety Commissioner, and Juan Garcia, Agana Heights mayor, were also instrumental in starting up the league.
Others who helped start Babe Ruth included Judge Joaquin Perez, Juan Rivera and Major Ben Munoz. Munoz, in fact, managed the first championship team and took the team to the World Series in New Jersey.
Reasons for the second league forming included an abundance of youth baseball players, the rising popularity of Babe Ruth Baseball in the mainland, and partially because of disagreements between administrators.
After chartering in 1968, Babe Ruth expanded to the 13-15 league, and later added the Bambino League (10-12 years), Rookie League (5-9 years) and the Prep League (13-year-olds only). In the late 1990s, the Bambino League changed its name to the Cal Ripken League after baseball star Cal Ripken Jr. donated millions of dollars to the organization.
## Peak of popularity
While competing mainly with youth basketball for its players (and later with youth football), youth baseball grew rapidly in the number of players it attracted on Guam in the 1970s, and then reached its peak in the 1980s and early 1990s.
Guam Little League popularity actually peaked in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when it had five different regions: Northern, Northeast, Central East, Central West and Southern. In addition, within each region there were three age divisions with 10 teams in each age division.
But Babe Ruth was also growing in popularity, and by the mid-1980s Babe Ruth actually surpassed the Guam Little League in numbers of participants. Both leagues, however, had a large number of young players in a large number of teams at the same time.
In the late 1990s, however, a rise in youth soccer participation began to pull potential players away from youth baseball and football. A recent youth basketball league has further drawn players away from youth baseball, so that the numbers of players are a mere fraction of what they were just 15 years ago.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
Borja, Paul. “Ben Munoz – A Guam Baseball Pioneer.” In *Guam Amateur Baseball League*. Hagåtña: Mobil Games, 1991.
–––. “Charlie M. Perez – A Guam Baseball Pioneer.” In *Guam Amateur Baseball League*. Hagåtña: Mobil Games, 1991.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Sports and Recreation
**Tags:** Baseball: Youth League
---
### [Baseball: Guam Major League](https://www.guampedia.com/baseball-guam-major-league/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Major League was formed in 1974 and has been Guam’s premier baseball league ever since, although it changed its name to the Budweiser Baseball League in 2003. Except for one season at the LeoPalace Hotel, the GML has played nearly all its games at Paseo Stadium in Hagatna and watching GML games has become a tradition for baseball fans on Guam.
**Content:**
# Baseball: Guam Major League
#### Table of Contents
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## Budweiser Baseball League
The Guam Major League was formed in 1974 and has been Guam’s premier baseball league ever since, although it changed its name to the Budweiser Baseball League in 2003. Except for one season at the LeoPalace Hotel, the GML has played nearly all its games at Paseo Stadium in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and watching GML games has become a tradition for baseball fans on Guam.
## Forming the League
While an adult baseball league existed on Guam with local and military teams before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), no such league had been started up after the war. Youth baseball had become big on Guam in the 1950s and 1960s, but after players graduated from high school there was no outlet for them except for the many softball leagues.
According to Dennis Zermeno, who ran the GML for many years, the person who initiated the desire to organize an organized adult baseball league was Lloyd Tatum, who had a son playing baseball. Tatum ran a small notice in the Pacific Daily News calling for those interested in forming a baseball league to attend an evening meeting in the old Guam Legislature building session hall across from the Hagåtña Cathedral.
From this meeting, a board of directors was formed and Dr. Robert Connolly was elected president and Tatum was elected secretary-treasurer. The first official GML board meeting (the first of the annual board meetings) was held on 30 September 1973, setting the league rules, fees, and by-laws. Other board members included Junior Taeu and Joe Guerrero.
The board decided to play night games on Tuesdays and Thursdays with a double-header on Saturday and Sunday afternoons. Weekly radio broadcasts were also set up for KUAM radio, with Dennis Zermeno announcing the games. Zermeno would continue announcing the games for nearly thirty years.
The games were to be played at the Paseo baseball field in Hagåtña, and a cyclone outfield fence was constructed, with advertising billboards placed on the fence to defray the cost of putting it up.
## Early seasons
The first season had six teams: the Agana Heights Cougars, University of Guam Tritons, Atkins Kroll Islanders, 4-0 Dodgers, USS Proteus, and Tamuning Rebels. The season consisted of twenty games with the two winners meeting in a best-of-five game series for the championship.
The highlights of the schedule were the weekend day doubleheaders at Paseo, which saw large crowds filling the old rusted out wood planked bleachers.
Led by slugger Ronnie Tavares and manager Alex Ojeda, the Cougars won their first eight games of the season. Agana Heights met the UOG Tritons in the title series, and beat the Tritons three games to two, winning game five by a score of 5-3 to capture the first-ever GML title.
In 1976, The Atkins Kroll Islanders were declared GML champions. They held a 2-0 lead over the Ace Hardware Aces before Typhoon Pamela came and tossed Paseo ballpark into the Paseo de Susana landscape and the Agana boat basin.
## Standout players
All-time great John Farnum has been involved with the GML for almost its entire history—first as a player and later as a coach. Farnum is remembered by old-timers as an amazing power hitter with a vicious swing.
Keith Hattig, a more recent player, is also remembered for his all-around playing ability. Hattig was a line-drive hitter with enough power to hit homers when it counted, and he was just as exceptional at shortstop as he was as a hitter. Hattig, the first person from Guam to play professional baseball in the major leagues, currently plays in the minor leagues.
Ronnie Tavares is also hailed as one of best baseball players Guam has ever produced, with brilliance at both pitching and shortstop. The Agana Heights phenom became the first ever GML Most Valuable Player, and the MVP award was later named after him. His career and life were cut short in 1976 by a boating accident.
Other greats include Eddie Aguon, Pete Aguon, Lavoice Thomas, Benji Pangelinan, Bob Misko, Richard Martinez, Randy Kakigi and Uchel Sechewas. Pete Aguon and Rick Miner were known for their dynamic double-play combination, and Roke Alcantara was known for his superior fielding at third base. Willie Brenan and Ben Taijeron were also known for their intensity in every game.
## GML and international baseball
In 1982, the GML introduced the Western Pacific Invitational Baseball Tournament. With a usual four-team format, this tournament featured top teams from Korea, Chinese-Taipei, Japan and the Micronesian region. In the thirteen year run of the tournament, Korean teams were involved in eleven championship games. Participating teams included visiting squads from Japan; Hawaii; Korea; Chinese-Taipei; Philippines; Oceania; China; and Palau.
In 1989, both China and Chinese Taipei participated. The two teams competed against each other at the Paseo Stadium several years before diplomatic compromises allowed such athletic meetings.
In 1996 escalating costs and lower revenues forced suspension of the tournament. In this final year of tournament play, Team Guam captured its first ever and only Western Pacific Invitational Baseball Tournament championship.
## On the radio
The Guam Major League was unique in its weekly AM radio play-by-play coverage. The radio games keep fans in touch with the league action and helped build a loyal following.
Dennis Zermeno, league treasurer and coordinator since 1975, was also the league’s passionate play-by-play radio announcer for twenty-eight years. Zermeno was a nightly fixture in the stadium press box and was known as the voice of the GML.
He was aided by numerous memorable “color” announcers, including Jr. Taeu (also known as “the Mad Samoan”); Jerry Modene (who managed GML games and later did his radio announcing dressed in a suit and bow-tie); Simon Sanchez, who later became a senator; Bobby Torres, who later became a Supreme Court justice; and Roger Wynn, who also served as official scorekeeper, umpire, public address announcer, ticket-seller and other roles.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Sports and Recreation
**Tags:** Baseball: Guam Major League
---
### [Jesuit Administration of the Marianas](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In addition to the evangelization of the Mariana Islands, the Jesuits introduced a European system of education to Chamorros. The Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, a school for boys in Hagåtña, was established by Father Diego Luis de San Vitores, a Jesuit priest who arrived on Guam in 1668 and established the first Catholic mission in the capital city of Hagåtña.
**Content:**
# Jesuit Administration of the Marianas
#### Table of Contents
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## Education and Christianization
### First Catholic schools
In addition to the evangelization of the Mariana Islands, the [Jesuits](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) introduced a European system of education to CHamorus/Chamorros. The [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/), a school for boys in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), was established by [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), a Jesuit priest who arrived in Guam in 1668 and established the first Catholic mission in the capital city of Hagåtña.
The administration of the other schools in the island was overseen by the Council for Public Education (*Junta de Enseñanza Pública*) that was comprised of the governor, the parish priest of Hagåtña, and the judge of the first instance.
In all of the schools, the students received lessons in religion, reading, writing, Castilian Spanish, and mathematics as well as the more practical skills of forging, carpentry, and agriculture.
### Christianization was first priority
The early missionaries in the Mariana Islands baptized thousands of Chamorros. Despite resistance among many Chamorros and the widespread blood shed and death that resulted, a majority of the population of the Marianas throughout the first century of Spanish rule in the islands were eventually converted to Christianity.
San Vitores arrived with a contingent of Jesuit representatives, including Fathers [Luis Medina](http://www.guampedia.com/father-luis-de-medina/) and Pedro Casanova, as well as soldiers who were sent to provide protection for the priests. The Jesuit missionaries and the soldiers lived together in a small building constructed out of perishable materials (*camarín*) in Hagåtña. [Kepuha](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/), a leading high-status Chamorro who recognized the gain he could reap from close ties with the Europeans, welcomed the Jesuits into his home and was the first Chamorro adult baptized by the Jesuits.
Father San Vitores had the first church on the island built and dedicated it to the Sweet Name of Mary (*Dulce Nombre de María*). The church was constructed out of [stone masonry](http://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/) and a tile roof and was completed in February 1669.
## Eight Jesuits killed by Chamorros
During the early years of the Jesuit administration, Chamorros and Christian missionaries engaged in clashes that at times resulted in violence. Between 1672 and 1684, eight Jesuit representatives lost their lives because of clashes caused by their efforts to spread the Catholic faith.
The Jesuits killed were:
- Father Diego Luis de San Vitores (1672)
- Father Francisco Esquerra (1674)
- Brother Pedro Diaz (1675)
- Father Antonio María de San Basilio (1676)
- Father Sebastían de Monroy (1676)
- Father Manuel Solórzano (1684)
- Father Teofilo de los Angeles (1684)
- Brother Baltasar Bubois (1684)
Many Chamorros were killed as a result of these clashes leading to a significant decline in the indigenous population. By 1674, more troops were sent to the island to help protect the missionaries and with them, Damian de Esplaña became the first commanding officer of the military troops.
Other Jesuit priests who helped to convert the people of the Marianas included Father Bustillos in Guam, Fathers Cardeñoso and Morales in Tinian, and Father Casanova in Rota.
Unexpectedly, after a century of service in the Marianas, in 1769 a royal decree ordered the removal of all Jesuits representatives from Spanish settlements. The Jesuit priests were soon succeeded by the Order of the Recollect Friars, also known as the Discalced Augustinians.
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Santa María, Gregorio de. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1844-1852*. Edited by Marjorie G. Driver and Omaira Brunal-Perry. MARC Educational Series no. 21. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1996.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Jesuit Administration of the Marianas
---
### [Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo](https://www.guampedia.com/ciriaco-de-espiritu-santo/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Father Don Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo (abt 1780 - 1849), a Filipino, spent 34 years in the Marianas, particularly Guam, from 1815 to 1849. Del Espiritu Santo arrived in Guam from the Philippines along with Father don Ygnacio Ladilao de Mojica in 1819.
**Content:**
# Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo
 The Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits, first brought the Catholic faith to Guam in 1668. Illustration is of the Humåtak (Umatac) church from d'Urville's Voyage de la corvettte L'Astrolabe, 1830. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
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## Early 19th Century secular priest
Father *Don* Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo (abt 1780 – 1849), a Filipino, spent 34 years in the Marianas, particularly Guam, from 1815 to 1849. Del Espiritu Santo arrived in Guam from the Philippines along with Father don Ygnacio Ladilao de Mojica in 1819. However, Mojica died shortly after their arrival in Guam which left de Espiritu Santo the only priest in the Marianas during that time.
The Order of the [Augustinian Recollect](https://www.guampedia.com/augustinian-recollects/) Fathers were in charge of the Mariana missions from 1769 to 1908. Before this, the [Jesuits or Society of Jesus](https://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/), controlled the missions in the islands, which were initially under the guidance of [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/).
In 1814, administration of the missions in the Marianas became difficult due to declining funds as the [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/), which brought money and goods to the islands, had stopped by this time. The Augustinian Recollect Friars had two options to continue their work in the Marianas. They could either reduce their administration of the mission or relinquish the mission altogether. The fathers turned to secular priests (priests not in a religious order) such as del Espiritu Santo to help them in Guam.
Recognizing the importance of remaining in the Marianas to tend to the CHamorus/Chamorros Christian faith, the Archbishop of Cebu, Joaquín Encabo de la Virgen de Sopetrán, appointed the two clergymen to administer the parishes in the Marianas. Because of a shortage of Augustinian Recollect Fathers, the clergymen were the only choice since they were ordained secular priests meaning they were not members of a religious order.
During his time in Guam de Espritu Santo served at Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in [Hågatña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) as well as the parishes of[ Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), and possibly Rota. Records show that he performed numerous baptisms, marriages, and death ceremonies, leaving him as one of the most praised priests of that time period.
He also fathered six children by his housekeeper, Juana Crisostomo, known as “Juanan Chano.”
De Espiritu Santo died in Guam on 21 January, just four days before the great earthquake of 1849.
[***By Audreya JP Taitano, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/audreya-taitano/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G., trans. *The Augustinian Recollect Friars in the Mariana Islands 1769-1908.* MARC Educational Series no. 24. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion
**Tags:** Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo
---
### [Jesuits: Society of Jesus](https://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits, first brought the Catholic faith to the Mariana Islands in 1668. In 1769, however, they were expelled from Guam due to powerful enemies in Rome and replaced by the Order of the Augustinian Recollect friars.
**Content:**
# Jesuits: Society of Jesus
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## Jesuits came back to Guam in 1968
The Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits, [first brought the Catholic faith to the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) in 1668. In 1769, however, they were expelled from Guam due to powerful enemies in Rome and replaced by the [Order of the Augustinian Recollect](https://www.guampedia.com/augustinian-recollects/) friars. The Jesuits had been absent for nearly 200 years until they reestablished a presence on the island in 1968. Prior to this, Jesuits had often passed through Guam, many times staying at the [Capuchin](https://www.guampedia.com/capuchins/) Friary, as they had care of the Catholic missions in the Carolines and Marshall Islands.
The Jesuit presence in Guam in the modern era has centered on three main ministries. In 1968, the Jesuits began an official program in Guam to prepare priestly candidates from the Carolines and Marshall Islands. Saint Ignatius House of Studies, opened the same year in Mangilao, Guam was established to prepare future priests by sending them first to English classes and other studies at the University of Guam. Later the seminarians could move on to further studies abroad after their time at University of Guam. Father, later Bishop, Martin Neylon, SJ, was Saint Ignatius House of Studies’ first director. The school was the first stable Jesuit presence in Guam after two centuries.
Saint Ignatius House of Studies changed locations several times, moving to [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), then [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/), then back to [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/). In 2006, the Diocese of the Carolines changed its philosophy of the pre-seminary preparation of its future clergy, and the school was closed and its program transferred to Palau
A second Jesuit ministry in Guam has been in the academic field at UOG. Some Jesuits took on positions at the university in the late 1960s for brief periods, though a few remained for many years, such as Father James McDonough, SJ, one-time Dean of the Graduate School and professor of languages. He most recently edited the translation of The Life and Maryrdom of the Venerable Diego Luís de San Vitores written by Francisco García. Having had been on the faculty since 1969, Father McDonough retired in 1994 and left Guam some years later to return to New York.
The Jesuits also assisted the local church in Guam by assuming care of the Campus Ministry at UOG. Among the several Jesuits who directed Campus Ministry was Father Daniel Mulhauser, SJ, who was also a counselor at the university and very active in Guam as a preacher, teacher, spiritual director, and retreat director.
Jesuits have also ministered in parish work in Guam. Father Thomas McGrath, SJ, assists at the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in Hagåtña and, for a time, was chaplain at Naval Hospital Guam. He was also a long-time faculty member at UOG and one-time director of publications at the Micronesian Area Research Center. He, too, has edited or authored many historical works concerning Guam, the Marianas, and Micronesia. He has also ministered in Guam in pastoral spheres as director of Saint Ignatius House of Studies, retreat director, and spiritual director.
Father Francis Hezel, SJ, most known as Director of the Micronesian Seminar in Pohnpei and for his numerous contributions to Micronesian historical research and literature, assists at Santa Barbara parish in Dededo.
Father Kenneth Hezel, SJ, former superior of the Jesuits in Micronesia, was previously director of Campus Ministry at the University of Guam and did pastoral work among the Micronesian community in Guam.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
*Jesuits: USA East*. “[Homepage 2020 – USA East Province](https://www.jesuitseast.org/).” Last modified 12 June 2021.
*The Jesuits*. “[Home](https://www.jesuits.global/).” Last modified 1 July 2021.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion
**Tags:** Jesuits: Society of Jesus
---
### [The Matao Iron Trade Part 3: Appropriation and Entanglement](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-3-appropriation-and-entanglement/)
**Published:** December 9, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The matao fashioned the iron they acquired from trading with visiting ship crews into traditional tools, including punches, drills, fish hooks and adze blades. The most prominently mentioned application was canoe construction, a major preoccupation of high status men. The Marianas outrigger canoe played a vital role as the integrating mechanism for the islanders’ cultural unity, connecting their tano’ tasi (land of the sea) via inter-island transportation, communication and trade.
**Content:**
# The Matao Iron Trade Part 3: Appropriation and Entanglement
#### Table of Contents
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## Iron used for tools
The *[matao](http://www.guampedia.com/matao-and-acha%E2%80%99ot/)* fashioned the iron they acquired from trading with visiting ship crews into traditional tools, including punches, drills, fish hooks and adze blades. The most prominently mentioned application was [canoe construction](http://www.guampedia.com/canoe-building-2/), a major preoccupation of high status men. The Marianas outrigger canoe played a vital role as the integrating mechanism for the islanders’ cultural unity, connecting their *tano’ tasi* (land of the sea) via inter-island transportation, communication and trade.
The craft also functioned as a major subsistence tool, providing the means of harvesting near-shore and pelagic fish, gathering shellfish and other marine and seabird products from distant reefs and shoals, as well as transporting foodstuffs and raw material between villages and islands. The ubiquity and beauty of these canoes, painted with an orange ocher, white or black, and propelled by triangular mat sails, led early Spanish visitors to call the islands *Islas de las Velas Latinas* – Islands of the Lateen Sails.
High-ranking men organized canoe construction but gathering and preparing the materials required extensive community time, effort and teamwork. The *sakman*, the largest ocean-going craft observed by visitors, was typically 26 to 28 feet long. There also were other smaller types of sailing and paddling canoes. Traditional *sakman* construction used wood from the breadfruit tree (*Artocarpus mariannensis* and *Artocarpus incisus*); *palo maria* (*Calophyllum brasiliense*); as well as bamboo cane. Men felled, dressed and shaped these raw materials into hulls, side planks, masts, booms, spars and outrigger poles and floats. Women processed pandanus fiber for the sails and [wove](https://www.guampedia.com/weaving/) them so finely that the Spanish compared them to “coarse linen” and the Dutch likened them to “dressed sheepskin.”
The islanders drilled, punched and gouged holes in the edges of hull sections and side boards and secured them to adjoining pieces with coconut fiber sennit, looping this binding through the holes and securing the joint tightly. A paste of lime and coconut oil sealed the holes and seams. The abundance of stone and shell perforators and drills as well as bone awls and augers in Marianas archeological sites attest to the widespread use of boring tools in pre-contact society. Because large nails, clusters of smaller ones and pointed metal could more efficiently accomplish the multiple hole-boring needed for canoe construction, the *matao* reinterpreted them as punches, perforators and drills.
Islanders on Rota also made fishing hooks of nails they acquired from the *Santa Margarita*, according to [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), a Capuchin friar who sojourned there in 1602. The cleric also noted that islanders who previously used flint knifes had iron ones from the *Santa Margarita* to cut open fish.
Knives, machetes and cutlasses were also used to clear fields for swidden gardens of yams, plantains and taro. The Franciscan friar [Antonio de los Ángeles](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-antonio-de-los-angeles/), who sojourned on Guam in 1596, noted the islanders “value iron very highly to work their fields with, to sow their rice and a few local vegetables, which they use to sustain themselves.” Iron knives, machetes and cutlasses also were added to the islanders’ array of armaments.
Toolmakers on Rota shaped and sharpened iron without forging in the early 17th century, Fray Juan Pobre reported, describing how they worked the metal:
> with pure force in accordance with what they need, by taking some very strong cobblestones and with pounding they make their hooks and knives without fire \[forging\] and they know very well how to grind them so that they can use them to make their ships and things they need.
## Islanders learned blacksmithing
[Forging](http://www.guampedia.com/blacksmithing-3/) was likely in use by the 1640s. A few [*Concepción*](http://www.guampedia.com/galleon-concepcion/) beachcombers reportedly made a living forging iron, and [Choco](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc_history_bookpft/62), a Chinese castaway who arrived in 1648 on a ship plying the Manila-Ternate trade “earned a tolerable living by making knives and axes from iron hoops, for he operated a forge.”
The introduction of forging enabled the islanders to more efficiently adapt hoop iron to their most commonly used wood-working[ tool](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-tool-making/) – the hafted adze. As an account in the 1640s noted, the islanders “desire … iron because with it they build their boats, turning the iron into hatchets for cutting the wood.” The shouldered adze, typical of the Marianas, used blades of sharpened segments of basalt or giant clam (*tridacna*) shell, which were slotted into the head, with their cutting edge perpendicular to the line of the handle, and firmly secured by a sennit binding.
Forging allowed the *matao* to heat and cut barrel hoops into segments, as well as flatten and shape pieces of hoop iron into adze blades and knives. A [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) chronicler described part of the process in the 1660s: “So as not to be short of building tools, they sharpen pieces of iron hoops to a polish with a hard stone…and then they place it into a \[fire\] hardened stick and tie it tightly.”
Iron-bladed adzes were especially useful in hewing and shaping canoe sections and planking. As the same Jesuit noted, “whatever is to be built, it is a lengthy process, for they sweat at the task for years with slow blow \[and\] obstinate patience. Because they lack \[metal\] tools, especially the saw, they can make only one board out of a whole tree \[log\], the rest flying off as chips.” Iron tools probably were also used for felling and dressing timber and bamboo for community buildings and family residences.
## Iron became an exchange item
All forms of iron also were regarded as a valuable commodity that could be offered along with traditional exchange mediums, such as sea turtle shell and rice, in reciprocal exchange customs, alliance-building gifting and compensation for goods and services. Accumulating iron goods as “a stock of working capital” could allow kin-groups to use gift presentations to produce a range of services, from traditional labor to the creation and maintenance of political alliances and assistance in warfare.
The acquisition of iron became a measure of personal prestige and status during this period. The clerical sojourner de los Ángeles noted that trading with Spanish ships for iron was counted as a major life achievement. When relatives honored a deceased *matao:*
> \[t\]hey praise him for his skill at fishing and the great strength with which he used to throw spears and shoot the sling, that he would go to the Spanish ships passing by there and bring back iron, that he built canoes, gave feasts to which he invited the town people, and that he owned many tortoise shells….
The possession and manipulation of iron goods by members of the *matao* was a manifestation of their status, reflecting the existing social order, but may have intensified indigenous dynamics, including social differentiation, within this social strata. As a Jesuit reported from a village on Guam’s northwest coast in 1669:
> So far nothing precious has been discovered in these islands. What they accumulate here is iron and [tortoise shell](https://www.guampedia.com/alas/); he who has the greatest quantity of them is the most powerful.
## Trade opened the way for colonialism
Because the iron trade and repatriation services were the *matao’s* sole regular source for iron goods, the islanders’ relationship with the galleon trade offered a receptive milieu for missionaries dedicated to religious conversion, social transformation and political consolidation. And the Royal Patronage of the Indies, or *Patranado Real*, provided a tool for missionaries to gain the material and organizational resources for colonial intrusion. This arrangement between the Papacy and the Spanish Crown provided for the promotion and defense of the Roman Catholicism in the New World (and the Philippines), requiring Spanish officials to support the Church but also allowing them to use missionary work as an arm of the state to acquire and administer new colonies.
The chief architect and driving force behind the 1668 Spanish mission, [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), employed images, resources and practices generated by the iron trade “culture of culture contact” to help persuade Spanish officials and island leaders to support his initiative. A high-born Castilian with influential family and Jesuit connections at Court, San Vitores was a talented and visionary evangelist, seeking to emulate Jesuit pioneers in Asia such as Francis Xavier and eager to proselytize non-Christian people. In the Philippines, he felt unfulfilled ministering to the spiritual needs of established Christian communities, disappointed by what he viewed as Manila’s retrenchment from the Moluccas and Mindanao, and saw little opportunity for direct mission initiatives in Japan or China.
San Vitores had witnessed the *matao* iron trade on the 1662 Acapulco ship *San Damián* and learned about the islanders from officers and crewmen who had lived among them. Aware of earlier Spanish exploration in the region, including failed colonization attempts in the Southwest Pacific, San Vitores developed a proposal for opening a new frontier for missionary activity and imperial expansion. He argued that the conversion and consolidation of the Marianas, which he believed was long overdue, would not only provide for the islanders’ spiritual salvation and material advancement, but also allow the islands to serve as a base to extend Christian dominion and Spanish rule to other “unclaimed” archipelagos of Oceania.
The Marianas and islands north of them might also serve, San Vitores suggested, as stepping stones to re-enter Japan, where the Jesuits had developed thriving Christian communities until the Tokugawa suppression and seclusion policies closed that nation to European clergy in the 1630s.
To counter the many officials who viewed a mission to islands without precious metals or valuable spices as a drain on resources needed for the Philippines, San Vitores downplayed the expense and danger of the enterprise, saying it required only a small contingent of priests and assistants and could be delivered and supported by the regular visits of the Acapulco ships.
He emphasized the kindly and peaceful image of the *matao* that had emerged from castaways and clerics, stressing how the iron trade had made the islanders well-disposed toward the Spanish. He asserted the islanders’ fear of losing “their well-established friendship and trade with our galleons, the sole source of iron and other necessary goods,” would assure safe treatment. The Acapulco ships, he added, could provide whatever “just punishment” might be needed if missionaries were harmed.
San Vitores’ allies at Court helped to win a royal decree in 1665, ordering officials in Mexico and Manila to provide the resources and assistance for the mission. He recruited two repatriated Filipino survivors of the *Concepción* wreck who had spent decades among the islanders – Francisco Mendoza and Estevan Diaz, who taught San Vitores what they knew of the islanders’ language and customs. They joined his mission and Mendoza became its principal interpreter. A few *Concepción* beachcombers also joined the mission as translators, cultural informants and assistants.
San Vitores, whose 50-member mission reached the Marianas on 15 June 1668 on the Acapulco ship *San Diego*, chose Guam because it was the largest, most populated island in the archipelago and offered anchorages on its western coast. His choice of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) may have been based on its reputed high status and because its paramount chief, [Kepuha](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/), had a history of friendship with the Spanish. Pedro Jiménez, the *Concepción* beachcomber who had become a favorite of several chiefs on Guam, came aboard the galleon the day after it arrived and reportedly assured the Jesuits that their request to establish a mission would be favorably received.
To officially broach the proposal, San Vitores selected an unarmed contingent of two priests, the interpreter Mendoza and a Spanish galleon officer. Kepuha received them in a large canoe-house near the shore, where the priests “kissed” (*[nginge’](http://www.guampedia.com/nginge/)*) the chief’s hand and passed their hands over his chest, signs of customary respect, and presented gifts “from the King of Manila” who wished to be Kepuha’s friend. The interpreter told the chief the missionaries wanted to teach them the way to heaven.
The presence of the 300-ton *San Diego*, anchored off their village, may have seemed favorable to Hagåtña’s leaders. Hundreds of villagers were trading with the ship’s crew and passengers during the visit. Missionaries and galleon officers, including the captain, had gifted barrel hoops, knives and hatchets as well as highly valued sea turtle shell to chiefs and other members of the *matao* during the initial meetings. If the chiefs accepted the mission, other Spanish ships might regularly make port at Hagåtña to resupply the group, deliver and repatriate clerics, provide rewards for the safe treatment of the priests, and barter with their kin groups and associated lineages and villages. If the annual trade were conducted in their territory, the Hagåtña chiefs would effectively control the archipelago’s access to the iron trade. Moreover, with their trade goods and superior weapons, the Spanish would make powerful friends and allies in Hagåtña’s rivalries with other villages and districts.
Conversely, if the chiefs declined to host the mission, a rival village, district or island might seize the opportunity and gain the advantage. As historian [Francis X. Hezel](https://www.guampedia.com/fran-hezel/) has noted, “The Spanish, with the prestige that their muskets and persons conferred, were a potentially lucrative possession, a force that invited manipulation by CHamoru political factions for their own political ends.”
Many chiefs reportedly regarded San Vitores’ request as a positive overture, avidly requesting priests for their villages, possibly interpreting their arrival within the tradition of caring-for-and-returning well-behaved castaways and clerics. Because the Jesuits were closely associated with the Acapulco ships and galleon iron trade, other chiefs may have viewed the mission as a trading colony, envisioning Hagåtña, which had grown in prestige during the 17th century, as a commercial hub for the islands. Though the exact calculus is unknown, Kepuha granted the missionaries permission to reside in Hagåtña under his protection.
## Warm welcome turns into sporadic resistance
Despite the auspicious welcome and an initial flood of infant baptisms and adult conversions, sporadic resistance soon developed. Viewing themselves as civil administrators as well as religious proselytizers, the missionaries’ social and political agenda grew intrusive, attacking customs and institutions and intervening in village disputes and wars. Conversions among several kin-groups was countered by violent confrontations with others and the deaths of laymen, priests and islanders.
After San Vitores’ was killed by [Matå’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/), a *matao* chief on Guam in 1672, the Jesuit mission evolved from a non-violent conversion and consolidation effort, which had used its few weapons for self-defense, into a militant colonizing agency backed by a governor and garrison of troops who used arrests, executions and village destruction to force conversion and compliance.
By the 1680s, the islanders’ give-and-take relationship with the Spanish had become predominantly a process of forced acculturation. Islanders were gradually resettled in several *barrio*-villages, where Spanish conquest culture reshaped their way of life and epidemics of introduced diseases decimated the [population](http://www.guampedia.com/envisioning-the-past-near-extinction/), reducing it from about 40,000 in 1668 to fewer than 4,000 by 1704.
Throughout this struggle, however, a significant number of converts from both high and low status groups [voluntarily adopted Christianity](https://www.guampedia.com/transmission-of-christianity-into-chamorro-culture/), staunchly supported the missionaries, played pivotal roles in saving the mission from annihilation and laid the foundation for a transformed society. The ostensible benefits of conversion and Spanish rule, as asserted by missionaries, colonial officials and some converts, have weighed heavily in traditional interpretations of the Marianas’ European contact period.
The process of accommodation, it is argued, melded introduced ideas and practices with indigenous beliefs and customs, “civilizing” the islanders; transformed a highly stratified social structure into a less rigidly hierarchical society; shielded converts from brutal colonial soldiers and rapacious governors; and brought them into the international community as members of Spain’s regional empire and the global communion of the Roman Catholic Church.
In polar opposition, anti-Spanish and anti-colonial interpretations emphasize the religious oppression, military conquest and subjugation, which led to the loss of indigenous rights and generated radical social disruption that contributed to drastic demographic decline.
## Earlier encounters shaped by trade, not conquest
Both of these paradigms seek to encompass the extensive period of pre-mission cultural interaction. But the Spanish colonization of the Marianas was not implicit in the first 150 years of European contact. Rather than a violence-dominated prelude to conquest or an era of nascent interest in Christianity, the early period of encounter was shaped by the iron trade – a time of dynamic cultural interaction during which the *matao* eagerly appropriated this new resource and integrated its products into indigenous production and exchange systems. The islanders vigorously defended their territorial control and prerogatives during this interaction. This was exemplified by their dealings with aggressive or violent officers and crew (such as the situation of the *Santa Margarita*), resisting armed incursions and punishing the threatening or violent behavior of ship visitors and castaways.
The *matao* functioned as a creative elite, receptive to external influences via trade interaction, and as cultural innovators, eager to adopt and integrate new imported technology and willing to adjust attitudes and behavior to accomplish that goal. Significantly, this process of islander-led adaptation did not require subordinating indigenous rights and customs to European demands and impositions.
The unforeseen consequences of the iron trade, however, were entanglements — engendered by the *matao’s* dependence on the galleon trade for iron and complicated by indigenous sociopolitical dynamics — that provided preconditions for the missionization of the Marianas. The belated recognition by many kin-group leaders that the mission’s goals were hostile to their interests is understandable in light of their enculturated experience with the iron trade and the caring for-and-return of castaways tradition that had accommodated previous religious sojourners and galleon castaways.
The Jesuits’ diplomatic entrance and proselytizing strategy further masked the missionaries’ ultimate goals. Yet, even after the colonial challenge became apparent, the islanders’ responses were varied, fragmented and often ambivalent. Armed confrontations responded to Spanish actions or incidents affecting a specific kin-group or village, rather than the overall destabilizing presence of a colonizing agency.
There was no island-wide unified armed resistance, even on Guam, the colonizers’ base of operations. The islanders’ decentralized politics, with its inter-village and inter-island rivalry and shifting networks of kin, village and district alliances, some of which sought to exploit the Spanish presence for advantage, virtually precluded a centralized, coordinated response.
However, kin-groups that responded with an “accommodation by appropriation” strategy, that is, conversion, adaptation and co-optation, survived the conquest period and their descendants prevailed over the centuries. Their adoption of Hispanic, Filipino and American cultural elements, while maintaining a distinct language, ethnic identity and adaptive culture, is reflected today in the islands indigenous Chamorro people.
***[By Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/)***
## For further reading
Campbell, I.C. “The Culture of Culture Contact: Refractions from Polynesia.” *Journal of World History* 14, no. 1 (March 2003): 63-86.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Diaz, Vincent M. “Simply Chamorro: Telling Tales of Demise and Survival in Guam.” *The Contemporary Pacific* 6, no. 1 (1994): 29-58.
–––. *Repositioning the Missionary: Rewriting the Histories of Colonialism, Native Catholicism, and Indigeneity in Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010.
Driver, Marjorie G. “The Account of a Discalced Friar’s Stay in the Islands of the Ladrones.” *Guam Recorder* 7, no. 1 (1977): 19-21.
–––. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and His Account of the Mariana Islands.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 18, no. 3 (1983): 198-216.
–––. “Cross, Sword, and Silver: The Nascent Spanish Colony in the Mariana Islands.” *Pacific Studies* 11, no. 3 (1988): 21-51.
–––. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora: Hitherto Unpublished Accounts of His Residence in the Mariana Islands.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 23, no. 1 (1988): 86-94.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J* . Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. “From Conversion to Conquest: The Early Spanish Mission in the Marianas.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 17, no. 3 (1982): 115-37.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ., and Marjorie G. Driver. “From Conquest to Colonisation: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690-1740.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 23, no. 2 (1988): 137-55.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-5. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1995.
Quimby, Frank. “The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521-1668.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 46, no. 1 (2011): 1-26.
Thomas, Nicholas. *Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific*. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991.
## The Matao Iron Trade entries
[
### Part 1: Contact and Commerce
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/)
[
### Part 2: Galleon Trading and Repatriation
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-2-galleon-trading-and-repatriation/)
[
### Part 3: Appropriation and Entanglement
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-3-appropriation-and-entanglement/)
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Economics, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Division of Resources, Early Historic Accounts, Economic Systems, Economics and Commercial Development, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Trade, Transportation, Technology, and Communications
**Tags:** The Matao Iron Trade Part 3: Appropriation and Entanglement
---
### [The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community](https://www.guampedia.com/the-ahmadiyya-muslim-community/)
**Published:** April 10, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (AMC) are Muslims who believe in the Messiah, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian and was officially established in Guam, December 2022.
**Content:**
# The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
#### Table of Contents
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## History on Guam
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community are Muslims who believe in the Messiah, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (peace be on him) (1835-1908) of Qadian. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad founded the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in 1889 as a revival movement within Islam, emphasizing its essential teachings of peace, love, justice, and sanctity of life.
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (AMC) Guam was officially established in December 2022, although some Ahmadi visited and preached Islam in Guam in the early nineties. The AMC opened its first center in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) in 2024. This place of worship is open for public to come, visit, pray in whatever manner they may like, ask questions, or just to learn about Islam.
The Ahmadis are an active part of the local community, and through their international non-profit organization “Humanity First” provide relieve aid on the basis of necessity alone, irrespective of caste, creed, color or religion. During Typhoon Mawar, the AMC Guam chapter provided nonperishable food items, clothing, and other basic supplies to close to 1,000 Guam residents and worked collaboratively with the [Red Cross](https://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/), mayor’s offices, and other local institutions to serve and help the people of Guam. The AMC continues to serve the people of Guam through food donations and other necessities.
## Beliefs and practices
Today, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community is the world’s largest Islamic community under one Divinely appointed leader, His Holiness, Mirza Masroor Ahmad (may Allah be his Helper) (b. 1950). The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community spans over 200 nations with membership exceeding tens of millions.
The current Khalifa (Caliph), Mirza Masroor Ahmad, resides in the United Kingdom and serves as the AMC’s spiritual and administrative head. Under the leadership of khilafat, the AMC has built over 16,000 mosques, 600 schools, and 30 hospitals. It has translated the Holy Quran into over 70 languages. The AMC propagates Islam’s true teachings of peace and tolerance through a 24-hour satellite television channel (MTA), the Internet (MuslimsForPeace.org), (alislam.org) and print (Islam International Publications). The AMC also provides disaster relief in the United States and worldwide through Humanity First, a non-profit charity.
The AMC is the only Islamic organization to endorse the separation of mosque and state. Despite facing bitter faith-based persecution in numerous Muslim majority nations, the AMC continues to advocate for universal human rights for all religious and other persecuted minorities. It likewise invests heavily in women’s equality, education, and empowerment programs. In 2014, the US House of Representatives formed the Ahmadiyya Muslim caucus. This bipartisan effort addresses the global issue of human and civil rights of persecuted religious minorities. The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community USA is headquartered in Silver Spring, Maryland.
Throughout the world Ahmadi Muslims have become renowned for their commitment to peace, their law-abiding nature and determination to create a harmonious society for all people, regardless of their nationality, ethnicity or faith.
## More about Islam
Islam means *peace*. Therein lies the soul and spirit of Islam. It is ironic that this religion of peace is understood today in the West as the religion of war, terrorism, chaos and disorder. While in reality Islam is not only peace in name, but peace pervades all its teachings, and works as the key to its understanding. If translated literally, the second meaning of the word Islam is *submission*. So, the words *peace* and *submission* create a complete picture of Islam. While peace is in relation to the Muslim’s attitude to his fellow human beings and also in relation to the deep content he finds in Islam, the word submission describes the attitude of the Muslim to God. So, in one single word, the entire philosophy of this religion is summed up. It is interesting to note that according to Islam, every true religion must have these two requisite features to indicate its divine origin. All religions, according to Islam, endeavored to bring man back to his creator on the one hand, and to establish an ideal relationship with his fellow human beings on the other.
## The Five Pillars of Islam
The five pillars of Islam represent the principle acts of worship which are required to practice the faith. Observance and practice of these acts is obligatory for all Muslims. They are:
1. **Declaration of Faith (Kalimah Shahadah)**
*I bear witness that there is no god but Allah and I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and His messenger.*
2. **Prayer:** As Muslims we are required to pray five times a day.
3. **Fasting during Ramadhan (Saum):** The third act of worship in Islam is the fasting during the Islamic month of Ramadhan by all able adult Muslims.
4. **Tax on Wealth (Zakaat):** The third pillar of Islam, which can more appropriately be called the purification of wealth. It is a kind of tax which requires a Muslim to give up a certain amount of his possessions (2.5 percent rate on a yearly basis) for the upkeep of the poor and those who have no earning capacity.
5. **Pilgrimage (Hajj):** The fifth pillar of Islam, is the pilgrimage to Mecca which a Muslim who is able bodied and has the means is required to perform at least once in his lifetime.
## Six Articles of Faith
Islam helps us develop a close relationship with Allah by first telling us what to believe in (the siz Articles of Faith) and then explaining how to implement these beliefs in our lives (the five Pillars of Islam). Muslims believe in the following six Articles of Faith.
1. To believe in the Oneness of God.
2. To believe in the Angels.
3. To believe in the Books of Allah.
4. To believe in all the Prophets.
5. To believe in the Day of Judgment.
6. To believe in the Divine Decree.
[***By Khalid Khan***](https://www.guampedia.com/khalid-khan/)
## For further reading
*Al Islam*. “[Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad – The Promised Messiah](https://www.alislam.org/messiah/).” Last modified 2 August 2025.
–––. “[The Official Website of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community](https://www.alislam.org/).” Last modified 2 August 2025.
[*Humanity First.*](https://humanityfirst.org/about-us/) *“*About Us.” Last modified 2 August 2025.
*Islam Ahmadiyya*. “[Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad](https://www.alislam.org/profile/hazrat-mirza-masroor-ahmad/).” Last modified 2 August 2025.
*Islam Pacific Islands.* “[Introduction](https://www.islampacificislands.com/?page_id=9).” Last modified 2 August 2025.
**Categories:** Other Religion, Religion
**Tags:** religion, The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
---
### [Americans Bring Upheaval in Religious Practices](https://www.guampedia.com/americans-bring-upheaval-in-religious-practices/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Organized western religion has created two major upheavals in the daily lives of the Chamorro people of the Mariana Islands throughout history, both taking place with the arrival of two colonial powers: Spain and the United States.
**Content:**
# Americans Bring Upheaval in Religious Practices
View images for the Americans Bring Upheaval in Religious Practices entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622539412230).
#### Table of Contents
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## First came Spain
Organized western religion has created two major upheavals in the daily lives of the CHamoru/Chamorro people of the Mariana Islands throughout history, both taking place with the arrival of two colonial powers: Spain and the United States.
Although the ancient Chamorros had their own religious beliefs, these would be nearly quashed after the arrival of Spain’s Catholic missionaries. In 1668, Spanish Jesuit priest [Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) established the first permanent mission in the Pacific in Guam and began the mass conversion of the islanders. While some Chamorros accepted this new religion, many others didn’t. This led to violent clashes between the colonizers and Chamorros who resisted and who would be eventually overcome.
Gradually over the next two centuries, the Catholic religion would become the fabric of life for the island people. Chamorro lives revolved around the church: people attended daily masses, children attended Catholic schools where they were taught Christian doctrine, and priests had tremendous power under the Spanish administration.
## Then came America
In 1898, after the US became the victors of the Spanish-American war, the US colonized Guam and once again Chamorro religious practices would be profoundly impacted. First, a new religion of Protestantism was introduced. Then, most Catholic priests (with the exception of one Chamorro priest [Padre Jose Bernardo Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/)) were expelled from the island, and lastly, prohibitions were placed on religious activities.
Ironically, the first [Protestant missionaries](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-the-chamorro-protestant-congregation-on-guam/) were not foreigners, but two Chamorro men who had converted to Protestantism while they were employed as whalers. Brothers Jose and Luis Custino (who had changed their last names from Castro) left Guam during Spanish times, and traveled the Pacific on [whaling ships](https://www.guampedia.com/whaling-influence-in-the-marianas/) before settling in Hawai’i.
The Custinos returned to Guam in 1899 after it became an American possession. The brothers had help with their efforts from Americans stationed in Guam, including Protestant Marine chaplain Major A.C. Kelton and civilian acting Governor William Coe, in acquiring land in Adelup. A year later, the American Board of Commissioners for the Foreign Missions based in Boston, sent Reverend Francis M. Price and his wife to Guam to continue evangelizing.
Though the Chamorros remained largely loyal to the Catholic religion and their lives continued to revolve around the church, it became more difficult to do so after the 7 August 1899 arrival of the first appointed Naval governor of Guam as restrictions began almost immediately. A mere three days after [Captain Richard P. Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/) (a Protestant who exemplified the mentality of the day) took command of Guam he issued a proclamation stating that the US now controlled the island, and:
> All the political rights heretofore exercised by the Clergy in dominating the people of the Island, are hereby abolished, and everyone is guaranteed absolute freedom of worship and full protection in the lawful pursuits of life, as long as that protection is deserved by actual submission to and compliance with the requirements of the Government of the United States.
Two days later, 12 August 1899, Leary issued General Order No. 4 banning *fiestas* for village patron saints because the processions interfered with the economic life of the people and prevented them from going to work. It stated:
> Public celebrations of feast days of the patron saints of villages, etc. will not be permitted. The church and its members may celebrate their religious feast days whiting the walls of the church chapel, or private residence, in accordance with regulations for the maintenance of public peace, and unless otherwise ordered, the only public holidays recognized will be Sundays and the holidays recognized by the United States statue laws and by the proclamations of His Excellency of the President of the United States.
Later that month, Leary offered Guam’s three remaining Spanish Augustinian Recollects sea transport to the Philippines. Leary’s assistant[ William Safford](https://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/) made it clear to the priests that if they refused the offer, the new governor would order them off the island. When asked why Leary would do this, they were told that they had great influence on the people whose loyalties lay with Spain, and the priests’; presence would continue to prevent their compliance with laws which the United States must now put into effect here. On 7 September 1899, the priests boarded a ship headed for the Philippines.
Around this time, *Padre* Palomo was also presented with an order from the governor prohibiting the traditional ringing of Church bells calling parishioners to 4 a.m. mass because it bothered hospital patients.
To bring in the new year on 22 January 1900 Leary issued General Order No. 12, placing public education under the Navy to replace the church school system, establishing a compulsory age (eight-to-fourteen) for school attendance, setting up an English-language policy, and mandating that:
> Religious instruction in favor of any particular church or creed is prohibited, and all religious training heretofore required by the late school customs or rules must be eliminated from the course of instruction, as the proper place for religious teaching is the home circle, church, chapel, or Sunday school.
On 14 May 1900, Leary presented General Order No. 19, after learning that provisions of General Order No. 12 were not being followed. Among other things the new order stated:
> The *gobernadorcillos* in the island will immediately remove all crucifixes and saint pictures from the public schoolrooms in their respective towns or districts, and they will direct the school teachers to discontinue instruction in the church catechism and to comply strictly with the requirements of General Order No 12.
## Catholic opposition
Leary was dogmatic in his efforts to separate church from state. His actions against the Catholic Church did not go unnoticed. As he reported back to the Navy about his orders and that he disposed of the priests, the Navy shared the reports with the American press. Needless to say, Leary’s deeds angered US Catholic leaders. The Catholic Archbishop of New Orleans, who oversaw the US territories, tried to visit Guam, but Leary denied his request after the cleric asked the governor to revoke all orders restricting religious practices and stated that they violated the Chamorros’ religious freedoms.
In reaction to the American Catholics’ concerns, US Army Major General Joseph Wheeler was ordered to inspect the island. While in Guam, several Chamorros, including *Padre* Palomo, gave the army general a petition to have Lt. William Safford, Leary’s popular assistant, replace Leary.
In the end Wheeler downplayed the situation in Guam. He stated in an official report that the Chamorro concerns about the religious restrictions were “considered as a hardship and are distasteful to a majority of the people.” He did not mention the petition from the people of Guam. Leary was allowed to stay and the uproar by American Catholics eventually faded.
The only reprieve the Chamorro Catholics would receive came from the next appointed governor, Seaton Shroeder, who modified General Order No. 4 with General Order No. 26 signed 15 September 1900. One of the provisions stated that public celebrations of feast days could be held, but only by special permit.
More than 120 years have passed and Catholicism remains a major religion in Guam. Some remnants of the ancient Chamorro religion have survived as well, manifested in modern-day Chamorro customs and value systems.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
**Categories:** Christian, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Americans Bring Upheaval in Religious Practices
---
### [Father Callistus Lopinot](https://www.guampedia.com/father-callistus-lopinot/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Father Callistus Lopinot (1876 - 1996) was a German Capuchin missionary in the Marianas at the beginning of the 20th century.
**Content:**
# Father Callistus Lopinot
 Father Callistus Lopinot. Micronesian Seminar (MicSem) collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## German Capuchin
Father Callistus Lopinot (1876 – 1996) was a German Capuchin missionary in the Marianas at the beginning of the 20th century. Although he never served on Guam, Lopinot was assigned to the island but was prevented from working on Guam by the American Naval Government.
He did much to promote the use of the CHamoru/Chamorro language.
## Catholics reorganize to regroup islands
He was born in 1876 in the Alsatian town of Geispolsheim, Germany. Alsace, at the time, was part of Germany and Lopinot joined the Rhine-Westphalia Province, a German province of the Capuchin Order. In 1899, he was ordained a priest.
Young and fluent in several languages, Lopinot was destined for the Micronesian missions assigned to the Rhine-Westphalia Province in 1904. Lopinot arrived in Yap that very year.
In 1907, Rome decided to group all the Marianas, including American Guam and the German Northern Marianas, into one ecclesiastical entity called an Apostolic Prefecture. The Rhine-Westphalia friars were to be in charge of this Prefecture with headquarters in Saipan. This arrangement was to prove problematic for the [American Naval Government](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-entries-by-era/us-naval-era-politics-and-government-entries/) on Guam, which did not favor German religious control over Guam. Father Paulus Fischer was appointed Prefect. Fischer made a few trips to Guam and tried to prepare the Spanish Capuchins working on Guam, [Padre Don Jose Bernardo Palomo y Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), the only CHamoru priest at that time, and the people at large for the eventual arrival of German friars.
When Saipan and Rota came under the care of the German Capuchins in 1907, Lopinot was immediately assigned to Saipan. He set out to learn the CHamoru language. His time in Saipan was not the first time Lopinot became acquainted with CHamorus; there had been a small community of CHamorus in Yap since the time the Spaniards actively colonized that island in the 1880s.
At the time Lopinot was sent to Saipan, Georg Fritz was District Officer of Saipan in the German colonial government. Fritz did not have smooth relations with Lopinot and, although Fritz was eventually transferred elsewhere in 1907, he would have an impact on Lopinot’s life in the future.
## The Guam controversy
In 1909, Lopinot was sent to Palau, but not for long. In 1910, Fischer tried to install Lopinot as pastor of the [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) parish. It was not the first time Fischer attempted to replace a Spanish friar with a German one on Guam. Previously, in 1909, Fischer tried to place Father Basilius Graf, in Hagåtña as pastor. Fischer had to rescind this decision when 89 prominent Guam residents signed a petition protesting Graf’s assignment.
When both Fischer and Lopinot arrived on Guam on 10 June 1910 to place the latter at Hagåtña, the two German friars were not even permitted to leave their ship in Apra Harbor. The Naval Governor at the time, Edward John Dorn, wrote to Fischer that he was denying Fischer permission to land because of the agitation caused among the people the last time the Prefect tried to replace a Spanish friar with a German.
In his letter, Dorn also alluded to a high German government official who had warned Dorn that Lopinot was a politically hostile person. The German friars were convinced that Dorn’s informant was Georg Fritz.
Private letters among the friars and Palomo reveal that, while many CHamorus still maintained a sense of loyalty to the Spanish missionaries they had known for hundreds of years, the American Naval Government was also a major player in this drama. The U.S. Navy opposed the German friars and did all they could to encourage local opposition to them as well. It was also alleged that Palomo did not favor a German presence since the German government in Saipan had not allowed him to confirm in Saipan (Palomo had that power for a time) and, prevented Palomo from retaining his land holdings in Saipan in absentia.
## Subsequent assignments
Since the ship that carried them away from Guam was bound for Manila, Lopinot was able to meet the American Archbishop of Manila, Jeremiah Harty. Harty asked Lopinot to remain in the Philippines as inspector of the Catholic schools in the Manila Archdiocese. Lopinot agreed to this proposal and also eventually worked in the parish of Las Pinas, south of Manila.
In 1913, Lopinot was back in Palau, but received a new assignment within a year’s time. In 1914, Father Salvator Walleser, German Prefect of the Carolines, purchased a coconut plantation in Gayaba in the German part of Papua New Guinea. The income from the sale of copra from this plantation was to financially support the Micronesian missions. Lopinot was sent to Gayaba to manage the plantation.
The outbreak of World War I, however, impeded the work of the plantation and the economic potential of the project was not fully realized. When the war ended, the Micronesian missions were taken out of the hands of the Rhine-Westphalia Province, and both missions and plantation were then taken over by the Spanish Jesuits. Lopinot left Gayaba in 1921.
The end of the war also had political consequences for Lopinot as well. Alsace was separated from Germany and restored to France. The Alsatian friars now had to form a new Capuchin jurisdiction, which eventually became the Strasbourg Province, to which Lopinot belonged until his death.
From 1922 until 1932, Lopinot worked in the General *Curia* (headquarters) of the Capuchin Order in Rome as Vice Secretary of the Missions. In 1932, the Vatican appointed Lopinot Apostolic Prefect of Mayotte, Nossy Be and the Comoros, islands off the coast of Madagascar. This Prefecture was later suppressed in 1937 and Lopinot was then made a consultor on the staff of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide, the Vatican’s missionary agency. At this post, Lopinot was to exert some influence over the same Pacific missions where he had previously served. His reports and opinions helped shaped the Vatican’s decisions over the Guam mission.
Lopinot remained in Rome until his death on Christmas day, in 1966.
## Promotion of the CHamoru language
Although the German Capuchins worked for only 11 years in the Marianas, they produced the largest number of printed works in CHamoru until that time. The German friars usually did not credit one friar with these publications but named the German Friars as a whole, instead, as the authors of these works. The letters and writings of the friars at the time, however, generally concede that Lopinot was the author, or at least a major contributor, of these publications.
In 1910, a book of Bible stories in CHamoru, the *Historia Sagrada*, was published, although permission for its printing was given by the German church authorities earlier in 1907. It is possible that Lopinot, who had only arrived in Saipan in 1907, was able to translate D.I. Schuster’s original stories from German to CHamoru with the help of a CHamoru assistant conversant.
Also in 1910, several other publications appeared including a CHamoru catechism, the *Catesismon i Dottrina Cristiana*; a shorter treatise on the sacrament of confession entitled *I Sacramenton Cumonfesat* (Lopinot is here named as translator), and a prayer book called the *Debosionario*. Later, in 1915, a CHamoru hymnal, *Kanta Siha para I Gima Yuus*, was published.
[Father Roman Maria de Vera](https://www.guampedia.com/father-roman-de-vera-2/), who produced an abundant number of his own CHamoru works, used much of this material published by the German friars, although he differed from them in orthography and vocabulary. Lopinot, fluent in Spanish, often used a Spanish term while Maria de Vera preferred to use an indigenous word for the same term. The influence of Lopinot in Saipan and Maria de Vera on Guam helps explain the slight differences in the prayer form between both places.
Lopinot and the German friars also preserved two Spanish hymns composed by Palomo that would have otherwise been lost.
Finally, in 1910 Lopinot published a CHamoru-German word list, the *Chamorro-Wörterbuch*. This book also preserves some archaic CHamoru words and phrases. In this book, Lopinot calls himself an “Apostolic Missionary in Guam” though he was never allowed to even land on the island.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. “[German Catholic Missions in Micronesia](http://www.micsem.org/pubs/articles/historical/frames/germcathmissfr.htm).” *Micronesian Seminar*. Last modified 8 May 2019.
–––. *The Catholic Church in Micronesia.* Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1991.
–––. “The Catholic Missions in the Caroline and Marshall Islands.” *Journal of Pacific History* 5, no. 1 (1970): 213-227.
Lopinot, Callistus, OFM Cap. *Die Karolinenmission der spanischen und deutschen Kapuziner 1886-1919.* Rome, 1964.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Father Callistus Lopinot
---
### [Bishop Agustín José Bernaus](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-agustin-jose-bernaus/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Bishop Agustín José Bernaus y Serra, or Bishop Bernaus, was the second Apostolic Vicar of Guam. When Bishop Francisco Javier Vilá died in 1913, Bernaus was appointed to succeed him, and was given the titular diocese of Milopotamus.
**Content:**
# Bishop Agustín José Bernaus
 Bishop Agustín José Bernaus y Serra, 1913. Capuchin Order, Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Second Guam Apostolic Vicar
Bishop Agustín José Bernaus y Serra, or Bishop Bernaus, was the second Apostolic Vicar of Guam. When Bishop Francisco Javier Vilá died in 1913, Bernaus was appointed to succeed him, and was given the titular diocese of Milopotamus.
Before being elevated to a diocese in 1965, Guam was an Apostolic Vicariate, which is a form of territorial jurisdiction for missions that are not yet a diocese. Because the bishop of an Apostolic Vicariate is not the bishop of a diocese, he is given an historic but extinct diocese called a titular diocese.
Bernaus was born in 1863 in Artesa de Segre province of Lérida in Spain. He joined the Capuchins in Ecuador in 1882 and was ordained there in 1889. He was a missionary there and afterwards in Costa Rica in 1906, where he was made Superior in 1909. He was a member of the Capuchin Province of Catalonia.
The Catalonian friars only remained in Guam for a few years. Their small number made it difficult for them to find the manpower for all their missionary duties. Bernaus served less than a year in Guam as the island mission was eventually transferred to the care of the Navarra Province of Capuchins, who had more resources, in 1914.
Bernaus was then assigned to the Apostolic Vicariate of Bluefields, Nicaragua, where he died in 1930.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](https://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Bishop Agustín José Bernaus
---
### [Bishop Francisco Javier Vilá](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-francisco-javier-vila/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Francisco Javier Vilá y Mateu (1851 - 1913) was the first missionary bishop of Guam. He was born Ricardo Vilá y Mateu in the Catalonian town of Arenys de Mar in Spain on 9 May 1851.
**Content:**
# Bishop Francisco Javier Vilá
#### Table of Contents
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## First missionary bishop on Guam
Francisco Javier Vilá y Mateu (1851 – 1913) was the first missionary bishop of Guam. He was born Ricardo Vilá y Mateu in the Catalonian town of Arenys de Mar in Spain on 9 May 1851. He decided to join the Capuchin Franciscans but, at the time, the political situation in Spain made this difficult, so he joined the order in Guatemala in 1869. In those days, Capuchin recruits were given a new name and he was given the names Francisco Javier. He studied theology in Toulouse, France, and was ordained a priest in Ecuador in 1875.
Prior to Vilá’s appointment as bishop, the highest church official in Guam had been a priest as the mission was under the care of religious orders such as the Jesuits and Augustinian Recollects or the Archdiocese of Cebu in the Philippines. However, with Vilá’s appointment, Guam now had a bishop living on the island directing the mission. Guam was an Apostolic Vicariate, which is a form of territorial jurisdiction for missions that are not yet a diocese. Since the bishop of an Apostolic Vicariate is not the bishop of a diocese, he is given an historic but extinct diocese called a titular diocese.
Because of political and social opposition in Guam, the German Capuchins were unable to assume responsibility of the Guam mission in 1911. Rome, therefore, assigned Guam to the care of the Spanish Capuchins of the Catalonia Province. That same year, Vilá was appointed Apostolic Vicar of Guam.
Vilá was a capable man tapped for many distinguished religious offices; he was Novice Master in Spain, Provincial Definitor and Provincial Minister (superior) of the Aragon Province (1889-1895) and the Catalonia Province (1900-1906). When he was nominated Apostolic Vicar of Guam in 1911, he was given the titular diocese of Adraa.
He arrived in Guam in 1912, but governed his mission for less than a year, dying on 1 January 1913. He was buried the next day, becoming the first Catholic bishop interred in Guam.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Cheney, David M. “[Bishop Francisco Xavier Ricardo Vilá y Mateu \[Catholic-Hierarchy\]](http://www.catholic-hierarchy.org/bishop/bvilay.html).” *Catholic-Hierarchy: Its Bishops and Dioceses, Current and Past*. Last modified 19 November 2020.
McGrath, Thomas B. “Records of the American Naval Period on Guam 1898-1950.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 16, no. 1 (January 1981): 42-53.
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
## Know my island - Know my history
Guam’s five Apostolic Vicars, in chronological order
1. Francisco Javier Vila y Mateu, OFM Cap.
2. [Agustin Bernaus y Serra](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-agustin-jose-bernaus/), OFM Cap.
3. [Joaquin Felipe Olaiz y Zabalza](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-joaquin-olaiz/), OFM Cap.
4. [Miguel Angel Olano y Urteaga](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/), OFM Cap.
5. [William Apollinaris Baumgartner](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/), OFM Cap., who was appointed as Guam’s first bishop when the vicariate was elevated to a diocese in 1965
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Bishop Francisco Javier Vilá
---
### [Bishop Miguel Angel Urteaga Olano](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-miguel-angel-urteaga-olano-2/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** For almost 300 years, the Spanish overseas Catholic missions took firm root in the Marianas. Spanish clergy and superiors — Jesuit, Augustinian Recollect or Capuchin — governed the Catholic Church in the Marianas. However, on 26 October 1945, that era came to a close with the departure of Miguel Angel Olano Urteaga, OFM Cap., the last Spanish bishop of Guam.
**Content:**
# Bishop Miguel Angel Urteaga Olano
View more images for the Bishop Olano entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622409351861/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Last Spanish bishop of Guam
For almost 300 years, the Spanish overseas Catholic missions took firm root in the Marianas. Spanish clergy and superiors — [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1239), [Augustinian Recollect](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1179) or [Capuchin](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1202) — governed the Catholic Church in the Marianas. However, on 26 October 1945, that era came to a close with the departure of Miguel Angel Olano Urteaga, OFM Cap., the last Spanish bishop of Guam.
## Personal background
Olano was born on 29 September 1891, in the small Spanish hamlet of Alzo in the Basque Province of Guipuzcoa. His father was Miguel and his mother, Josefa, had passed away when Miguel was just a small child. In 1903 Olano entered the Capuchin minor seminary, called the Seraphic School, in Estella, Navarra, Spain. In 1907 he formally entered the Capuchin Order, taking on a religious name, Leon de Alzo. Two younger half-brothers, sons of his father by a subsequent marriage, Miguel and Diego Jose, also became Capuchin Friars.
Olano was ordained a Capuchin priest on 18 December 1915, after completing philosophical and theological training. For the first three years of his priesthood, he preached in the Spanish and Basque languages. The Capuchin province to which Olano belonged, the Navarra Province in northern Spain, included the Basque cultural and linguistic region. For about two years, from 1916 until 1918, he was stationed at the Capuchin Friary in Fuenterrabia, Guipuzcoa.
## Assignment to Gaum
In 1918 Olano was assigned to the Catholic Mission of Guam which in 1914 had been transferred by Rome to the jurisdiction of the Navarra Capuchin Province. Distance and limited transportation would bring Olano to Guam a year later on 1 March 1919. Three other new Capuchin missionaries, Fathers Jose Luis de Azcoitia, Anselmo de Zuniga and Bernabe de Caseda, accompanied Olano. Like all incoming missionaries, Olano spent his first months on Guam learning the language and the customs of the island under [Fr. Roman Maria de Vera](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1322). Olano was then sent to [Sumai](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=7342) as parish priest of Our Lady of Guadalupe parish.
By the time Olano took up residence in Sumai, the town was the second most populated municipality on Guam. It was the site of the United States naval station, the [port](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1653) of entry for all imported goods and ship passengers, and when air transportation became possible in the late 1930s, the location of the [Pan Am Clipper](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1657) station and hotel.
Pale Leon, as Sumai parishioners called him, quietly encouraged the spiritual devotion of his flock. His peaceful manner won him a place in the hearts of the people of Sumai and his pleasant demeanor allowed him to relate cordially with the American population.
Olano performed daily pastoral work typical of Capuchin missionaries on Guam at the time. He celebrated daily Mass, taught daily catechism to children, preached in CHamoru and English, and visited the sick. He renovated the church at the cost of $9,000 and established a young women’s group in Sumai called Hijas de Maria. When vacancies arose in the neighboring parish of [Hågat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1223), Olano took charge of both village parishes. For a time, he traveled to Berkeley, California, to improve his English at St. Mary’s High School, run by the Christian Brothers. He also served as councilor to the Capuchin superior on Guam, and in 1933 was named Capuchin superior.
## Pope names Olano bishop
On 9 July 1934, the pope appointed Olano to the higher office of bishop. Olano replaced the elderly [Bishop Joaquin Felipe Olaiz Zabalza](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1188), OFM Cap., who retired to his hometown of Pamplona, Spain.
On his way to Spain for his episcopal consecration, Olano passed through the Holy Land, visiting many landmarks. He also met Pope Pius XI in November 1934, before reaching his destination in Spain. He was consecrated bishop on Sunday, 5 May 1935, the Sunday of the Good Shepherd, at the Church of the Good Shepherd in San Sebastian, the capital city of his home province of Guipuzcoa, Spain. The Basque press celebrated the occasion.
On his return to Guam, Olano traveled through France, and then to Washington, DC, meeting with the Apostolic Delegate and officials of the US Navy Department. He also visited the Mercy Sisters Convent in Belmont, North Carolina. From Yokohama, Japan, Bishop Olano and two companions, Frs. Marcelo de Villava and Gil de Legaria, traveled to Guam on the USS Gold Star, arriving on 24 August 1935.
In the six years Olano was bishop before the outbreak of war, Olano oversaw the building of five new churches generally replacing older ones of inferior construction: Santa Cruz (Julale, [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/)), [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), [Yona](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1299), Anigua and [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/).
During his tenure, Olano also witnessed the ordinations of two CHamoru/Chamorro priests who began their seminary education under the prior bishop, Joaquin Felipe Olaiz. In 1938, [Jesus B. Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1311) was ordained the second CHamoru priest in history and in 1941, [Oscar L. Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1803) became the third, both at the hands of Bishop Olano.
## End of the Spanish era
Even while Olano was being consecrated bishop of Guam, the US Navy, which governed the island, began a movement to replace Spanish missionaries on Guam with American ones. When Olano vacated the post of Capuchin superior in 1934 to become bishop, Fr. Eusebio Maria de Azpilcueta, OFM Cap., then Capuchin superior in Manila, was appointed to fill the vacancy. The US Navy, however, blocked his entry into Guam.
The Pittsburgh Capuchin Province was the first to send two American missionaries in 1936 to observe the mission. This province declined later to take over the Guam mission since it already had commitments in Puerto Rico. In October 1938 Rome asked the Detroit Capuchin Province to take charge of Guam. A formula was worked out whereby every arriving American missionary would replace one Spanish counterpart. American friars started arriving in 1939, replacing the Spanish friars. The last group of Spanish friars left Guam in September of 1941.
By then, all that remained was finding a new American bishop for Guam. Until then, Bishop Olano remained, assisted by his Capuchin companion, Br. Jesus de Begona. Then, on 8 December 1941, World War II broke out in Guam and interrupted the process of finding a new bishop.
## Exile in war
War came to Guam on the high feast of the [Immaculate Conception of Mary](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1824), 8 December 1941. While celebrating the 8 am Mass, Bishop Olano dismissed the congregation after he noticed their hysteria amid the swoosh of airplanes above. He spent that morning meeting the naval governor of Guam, George McMillin, later visiting the naval hospital in Hagåtña to see to those wounded in the Japanese attack of Sumai.
At first, the Japanese did not detain Bishop Olano and the American missionaries, but required them to get passes and endure other restrictions. However, on 7 January 1942, Bishop Olano and Br. Jesus de Begona were arrested and joined the American prisoners, including the American priests, in the cathedral. Like other internees, Bishop Olano was forced to run around the Plaza de España, an exercise meant to cause public humiliation. On 10 January, all the [prisoners of war](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-prisoners-of-war-sent-to-japan/) were sent to Japan on the Argentina Maru.
Because of Olano’s Spanish citizenship (Spain was a neutral country on friendly terms with both Germany and Japan in World War II), he was eventually released from Japanese custody in Japan and allowed to live with the Spanish Jesuits in Tokyo, under the protection of the Spanish government.
In September of 1943, Olano left Japan for Goa, a Portuguese colony in India, since Portugal, too, remained a neutral country during the war. From there he went to British India, assisting the archbishop of Bombay. He also traveled extensively, performing confirmations and raising money for the Guam mission.
In late 1944, Olano arrived in Australia with the intention of moving to the Philippines and then to Guam. He arrived in Melbourne on 6 January 1945. The US had recaptured Guam the previous August and the Philippine liberation was under way. On 19 March Olano left Australia and, after passing through Leyte, Philippines, returned to Guam on 21 March.
## Last few months on Guam
Olano, accompanied by Fr. Calvo, toured his devastated vicariate. He also visited many people, especially the sick, and celebrated numerous requiem Masses for those who died during the war. He presided at the first anniversary Mass of the [21 July](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/) arrival of the Americans, which was celebrated in the *kiosko* at the Plaza de España.
The ensuing seven months on Guam were very busy ones marked with visits from military personnel and high-ranking dignitaries such as Admiral Chester Nimitz. Olano constantly met with people who served both civilians and those in uniform. These included CHamorus and off-island visitors, military officials, journalists, and military chaplains. Olano also accepted a new seminarian for the vicariate, [Felixberto C. Flores](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1801), and sent him to the mainland for seminary training.
## Replacement by Baumgartner
On 15 August 1945, Francis Spellman, the archbishop of New York, made a visit to Guam as ecclesiastical head of the Catholic military chaplains. Spellman handed Olano a letter from the pope advising Olano to resign as bishop of Guam.
Olano complied and wrote his resignation addressed to the Apostolic Delegate in Washington, DC. Spellman also advised Olano to leave the island as soon as possible, as Admiral Nimitz had obtained permission from General Douglas MacArthur in the Philippines for Olano to retire there. Olano was concerned, however, that a sudden departure would leave Fr. Calvo as the sole CHamoru-speaking priest on island.
Olano ultimately agreed to depart as soon as his replacement, [Apollinaris Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1344), arrived. When Baumgartner arrived on Guam on 23 October Olano left for Manila by ship on October 26.
## Last years
Olano spent the next 15 years in Manila living in the Capuchin Friary of Lourdes in Quezon City and assisting local bishops in the sacrament of confirmation. He visited Guam several times, including a trip in 1958 to assist at the dedication of the new cathedral in Hagåtña. A trip in 1968 included a Mass with his old Sumai parishioners at [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/). In 1960, Olano returned to Spain where he lived in the Capuchin friary at San Sebastian in his native Guipuzcoa.
Olano made his last sojourn to Guam in 1970 to attend the episcopal consecration of his former seminarian, then Msgr. Felixberto C. Flores on 17 May. Olano then asked Flores, who was apostolic administrator of the diocese at the time, for permission to live the remainder of his life on Guam. Flores granted the request. It was Olano’s desire to die in his beloved Guam.
No one expected that his prayer would be answered so quickly. On 21 May 1970, just days after obtaining Flores’ permission to live in Guam, Olano suffered a heart attack while swimming at Ypao beach in [Tumon](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1290). He was pronounced dead at the naval hospital that evening. On 26 May he was buried in the bishops’ crypts in the sanctuary of the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral, the first bishop to occupy one of them.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Olano y Urtega, Miguel Angel, OFM Cap. *Diary of a Bishop: Since the Invasion of Guam – World War II*. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 1949.
Rodao, Florentino. “[Monsignor Olano, a Bishop in World War II](http://marshall.csu.edu.au/MJHSS/Issue2005/MJHSS2005_201.pdf).” *Micronesian Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences* 4, no. 2 (December 2005): 85-101.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era, Religion, Spanish Era, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Bishop Miguel Angel Urteaga Olano
---
### [Burego'](https://www.guampedia.com/burego/)
**Published:** October 17, 2023
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Burego’ was a joyful CHamoru/Chamorro Christmas celebration in the Mariana Islands. Young people, but primarily teenagers, masqueraded and went house-to-house in their costumes.
**Content:**
# Burego'
##### Share This
Christmas is an important holiday in the Mariana Islands, filled with activities that celebrate Christ’s birth. Many families have their own traditions they participate in every year. It is a time for exchanging presents, gathering at church, eating at family fiestas, praying the *nobena* and being more generous with the community. A less well-known tradition, though, was *Burego’*.
*Burego’* was a joyful CHamoru/Chamorro Christmas celebration in the Mariana Islands. Young people, but primarily teenagers, masqueraded and went house-to-house in their costumes. The fun of *burego’* was guessing the masqueraders’ identity and teasing them about their costumes.
Examples of costumes included *taotaomo’na* in white sheets with black smudges on their faces, adolescent girls dressed as *lancheras* (ranchers), adolescent boys dressed in *mestizas* or *muumuu’s*, teenagers in masks, gunny sacks, fake mustaches, *sombreros* and threatening *burego’s* on stilts. Others were dressed as the Holy Family of Joseph and Mary, with Mary carrying a doll representing baby Jesus.
At each house, the residents shared food with the masqueraders, especially *boñelus dagu*, which the young people ate as they continued moving from house-to-house in their neighborhood. In the village of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), Guam, the masquerading teenagers visited houses to collect a whole plate of fiesta food, and then afterwards, went to Midnight Mass. After mass they sat in a circle near the church and ate the food they had collected.
When asked about what they remember about this tradition, almost everyone agreed that *burego’* was celebrated on Christmas Eve, but priest and historian Pale’ Eric Forbes found that, on Saipan, it may have been during the Christmas season but not necessarily on Christmas Eve. In Santa Rita, a village transplanted from [Sumay](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), *burego’* was celebrated on Christmas Eve, New Year’s Eve, and the Feast of Three Kings, but the biggest celebration, by far, was on Christmas Eve.
*Burego’* was a Spanish custom adopted in the Marianas in the 1700s. The Spanish appropriated this custom from the Romans. The roots of *burego’* in Spain came from the Roman custom of *saturnalia*. Saturnalia was a December solstice festival for Saturn, the Roman god of time, wealth, agriculture, and renewal.
In Chamorro, the word *burego’* means “incognito, a person in disguise; a clown.” *Burego’* was meant to be fun and for young people to have a good time. The Chamorros demonstrated their agency by incorporating their indigenous December solstice customs into the adoption of *burego’*. The solstice in Guam is the harvest time for *dagu*, and the sharing of food is a core Chamorro value. Indeed, the indigenous custom of sharing food, and especially *dagu*, is still practiced.
Few people today know of or remember the *burego’* custom. In the southern villages of Guåhan/Guam, we can only speculate why the *burego’* custom of masquerading on Christmas Eve seems to have been abandoned by the 1960s. Another puzzle is, why there were no reports of *burego’* being practiced in northern Guam?
***By [Lawrence J. Cunningham](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/ "Lawrence J. Cunningham") and Cheryl N. Cunningham***
**Editor’s note:** Paper presented at the 5th Marianas History Conference, 19 – 28 February 2021. Presented here with permission from the author. The authors thank Manuel Diego Afaisen, Margaret Leon Guerrero Blas, Attorney Omaira Brunnel-Perry, Doris Cruz, Professor Marjorie Driver, Alejo Perez Flores, Dr. Judy S. Flores, Pale’ Eric E. Forbes, Juan Guzman, Aurora Sablan Lowe, Dr. Carlos Madrid, Professor Rosa Salas Palomo, and Dolores Flores Paulino for their kind assistance in completing this entry.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion, Voices of Our Elders
**Tags:** Burego'
---
### [A Toto Christmas, Circa 1964](https://www.guampedia.com/a-toto-christmas-circa-1964/)
**Published:** December 16, 2020
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the 1960s (1964 to be exact), in our small village of Toto, Christmas was a joyous time. As a youngster then, I wasn't aware that it had only been 20 years since the war ended and people's lives and homes were just beginning to rebuild from the devastation of the bombardment by the US forces in reclaiming the island from the Japanese and two devastating typhoons - Typhoon Lola in 1959 and Typhoon Karen in 1962.
**Content:**
# A Toto Christmas, Circa 1964
 The belen/bilen display from "Faith of the Chamorros" exhibition curated by Pale' Eric Forbes at the Government House, 2015. Guampedia production still image.
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In the 1960s (1964 to be exact), in our small village of [Toto](https://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-toto-maite/), Christmas was a joyous time. As a youngster then, I wasn’t aware that it had only been 20 years since the war ended and people’s lives and homes were just beginning to rebuild from the devastation of the bombardment by the US forces in reclaiming the island from the Japanese and two devastating typhoons – Typhoon Lola in 1959 and Typhoon Karen in 1962.
Our entire predominantly Catholic village was involved in the preparation of the Belen at the church, which overflowed into helping those having [*nobenas*](https://www.guampedia.com/celebrating-chamoru-nobenas/) in their homes. Currently the *nobenas* are usually held in homes where the mother or daughters do it as part of their Promesa to the [Nino Jesus](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-i-nino-jesus-novena-to-the-christ-child/), for a total of nine days. By the second Sunday of Advent, the Holy Name men fathers/older sons would begin building the platform for the Belen inside the church. The Boy Scouts and young catechism boy students would be in charge of finding and gathering the *lumot* (moss), and the Christian Mothers and Sodality girls would make a plan for the flowers and ornaments.
In our home, Nana always had her Godson David Materne assigned to get the *lumot*, the *galak feda’* and the *pi’ao* for her Belen. My two elder brothers, Manuel and Joseph, had both left island for the US Navy, leaving David and his brothers – all the crew that was needed when Mom required muscle help. In the CHamoru home, the *Hada* or *Hado* (godchildren) are considered family, and can fill in as a child of that home in the absence of a family member. In most earlier homes with open garages, cars were never parked in the garage year-round. Garages were mainly used for people, events, and of course the Belens.
CHamoru Christmases are like no other. My favorite Christmas event was the *finakpo’* especially when we would go around the village to do the “mannginge Nino” on Christmas Day and every Sunday thereafter, inclusive of New Years’, until the Three Kings celebration on January 6th. We would already know which homes had the *finakpo*‘ on Christmas, New Year, and Three Kings. The families would tell us to make sure we’d be there for the last *nobena* when they would put the Church’s Nino in their Belen to be honored with the singing of the *Dandan i Pandarettas*. We always had a lunch break before we finished covering the whole village.
There was no coordination as to whose *nobena* was going to begin when. It was an individual’s choice for reasons their own. The three most popular dates were: 17 – 25 December with a *finak’po* (final rosary) on Christmas Day; then 24 December – 1 January New Years Day and 29 December – 6 January (Feast of Three Kings Day). As with other *nobenas*, the tradition of hosting it is usually passed down through generations to members in the family, by the person whose Promesa it was. Considered an honor to inherit the tradition, a Promesa is taken very seriously.
Just to share how things have gotten so out of hand with doing *nobenas* in the 1980s, I came home in 1984 for my Mom’s funeral and I was blown away when I saw a sign on Marine Drive in Anigua, advertising *lumot* for $50 a bag full. In the 1990s, it was $100.
Part of the joy and meaning of the construction of the Belen is the labor of gathering the usually all-natural materials, for that beautiful earthen scent of the moss, the fern and, the bamboo.
I share this story, as I know many readers who remember their part in Christmases past however small, but still memorable. I did carry on the traditional *Nobenan Nino* while living in the mainland (Alaska, Washington, and Georgia). The most hilarious of these was our *nobena* in Lacey, Wash. when an uninvited nosy neighbors called the sheriff to report that there seems to be something cultish going on at 1008 Deerbrush Dr., as there had been people every night for the past four nights chanting, praying, and singing with loud voices. What laughter we had being cult members!
*Magof tiempon i ninangga-ta ni’ i Nino Jesus.*
***By Emily Sablan***
Emily Sablan is a storyteller from First Ridge, Toto. She served as a certified interpretive guide, park ranger and education outreach specialist at [Ritidian (Litekyan)](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/) for US Fish and Wildlife Agency until her retirement in 2019.
**Categories:** Voices of Our Elders
**Tags:** A Toto Christmas, Circa 1964
---
### [Nobenan I Niño Jesus-Novena to the Christ Child](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-i-nino-jesus-novena-to-the-christ-child/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Every year, during the Christmas season, Catholic families gather for nine nights of devotional prayers reciting the Nobenan Niño, a nobena (novena) in honor of Christ’s birth. For Chamorro families, the nightly prayers may be said in Chamorro or English.
**Content:**
# Nobenan I Niño Jesus
 The belen/bilen display from "Faith of the Chamorros" exhibition curated by Pale' Eric Forbes at the Government House, 2015. Guampedia production still image.
#### Table of Contents
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## Christmas nobena
Every year, during the Christmas season, Catholic families gather for nine nights of devotional prayers reciting the *Nobenan Niño*, a *nobena* (novena) in honor of Christ’s birth. For CHamoru/Chamorro families, the nightly prayers may be said in Chamorro or English. Families that practice this continue what – in many cases – is a long-standing tradition passed down through generations usually from mother to daughter. Oftentimes it is celebrated within individual family homes.
Preparing for the *nobena* may also involve the construction within the household of a *bilen*, or nativity scene, depicting Christ’s birth. The construction may involve several family members working together to complete the task. Sometimes the *bilen* is quite elaborate, with statues of farm animals, shepherds and the three kings in addition to the main figures of the Baby Jesus, Mary and Joseph surrounded by a lush setting of natural and artificial materials.
The last day of the *Nobenan Niño* can end on Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, New Year’s Eve, New Year’s Day, or on Three King’s Day on 6 January. This practice serves not only as an important Catholic ritual, but also strengthens family ties and passes on Chamorro family traditions and virtues.
## Nobenan I Niño Jesus
## Novena to the Christ Child
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, e-Publications, Historic Eras of Guam, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion
**Tags:** Nobenan I Niño Jesus-Novena to the Christ Child
---
### [Sisters of Mercy](https://www.guampedia.com/sisters-of-mercy/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Religious Sisters of Mercy, commonly called the Sisters of Mercy or Mercy Sisters, were the first permanent community of Catholic religious women in Guam and the first to accept local vocations. They soon became the largest community of Chamorro/Chamoru religious women after their arrival in Guam on 5 November 1946.
**Content:**
# Sisters of Mercy
View more images for the Sisters of Mercy entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622532452302/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Largest CHamoru religious community
The Religious Sisters of Mercy, commonly called the Sisters of Mercy or Mercy Sisters, were the first permanent community of Catholic religious women in Guam and the first to accept local vocations. They soon became the largest community of CHamoru/Chamorro religious women after their arrival in Guam on 5 November 1946.
Mother Catherine McAuley founded the Religious Sisters of Mercy in Ireland in 1831 to assist in the spirit of mercy to the spiritual and corporal needs of many uneducated and destitute Irish in the 19th century. Besides the three standard vows of all religious, the Mercy Sisters take a fourth vow to serve the uneducated, sick and poor. From Ireland, the sisters spread primarily where Irish immigrants lived (North America, Great Britain and Australia) and eventually reached many other parts of the world. Now an international community, the sisters are found in over 25 countries.
For many years, the bishops in charge of the Guam mission before and immediately after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) tried to enlist the help of religious women. For a brief time, one such community worked in Guam in the early 1900s. Mission leaders lamented for many decades the lack of religious women in the local church. Bishop Apollinaris Baumgartner, OFM Cap., the newly appointed head of the Guam Catholic mission in 1945, began in earnest to seek religious women willing to serve in Guam.
After approaching several communities, the Belmont, North Carolina, community of Mercy Sisters, under the leadership of Mother Maura Buchheit, agreed to send missionaries to Guam in 1946. The community included a native of Guam, Sister Mary Inez Underwood, whose background augured well for that agreement. Sister Mary Inez was the daughter of James and Ana Martinez Underwood, prominent benefactors of the local church. James Underwood was also a native of North Carolina.
## Founded the Academy of Our Lady
Three pioneer Mercy Sisters made up the group that arrived in Guam in 1946: Sisters Inez Underwood as superior, Mary Annette McBennett and Mary Louise Wiesenforth. Bishop Baumgartner asked that the Mercy Sisters establish Guam’s first permanent Catholic school. On 8 September 1949, the Sisters opened the doors to the Academy of Our Lady of Guam, a girls high school, and the Cathedral Grade School, a primary school for boys and girls, both located in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Sister Inez served as co-founder and first principal of both schools. While the Academy accepted students only for the 9th grade during that year, it eventually became a four-year high school.
The small trio of Mercy Sisters quickly recruited young local women into the community. On 6 December 1947, the Mercy Sisters accepted the first 20 local candidates into the community in Hagåtña. In just a year’s time, the growing number of vocations warranted the building of a second convent in Ta’i to accommodate the 10 novices who entered in 1948. In 1951, the present Ta’i convent was dedicated and became for a while the central house for the Hagåtña and Ta’i sisters, as well as the administrative and formation centers for the community.
## Convents built in Inalåhan, Dededo
In 1949, the Mercy Sisters extended their ministry to the southern villages of Guam by opening a convent in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/). This enabled the sisters to teach catechism in the parishes of Inalåhan, Malojloj, [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) and [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/). Sister Redempta Thomas became the first superior at the Inalåhan convent.
As more Chamorro women joined their ranks, the sisters increased their ministries. In 1950, they opened a convent in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) and founded Santa Barbara School, with Sister Redempta Thomas as the first principal. In 1952, the same Sister Redempta assumed leadership of the Guam community and opened the Infant of Prague Nursery and Kindergarten in Ta’i. Sister Alvina Aflague, a Chamorro sister, became the first administrator of the nursery.
In 1953, another Chamorro nun, Sister Roberta Taitano, became principal of both the Academy of Our Lady of Guam High School and the Cathedral Grade School. When enrollment in both schools increased, separate principals for the schools became necessary. Sister Mary Callista Camacho stepped in as principal for the primary school. 1955 marked the first final professions of Chamorro sisters into the community.
In 1959, the sisters returned to live in Hagåtña in the newly constructed convent. Sister Roberta Taitano was the first superior of this community. In 1957, the sisters began to make summer trips to Rota to work in catechesis. In 1961, their work brought them to Wake Island to minister among the children of military personnel.
In 1960, the Mercy Sisters established their third primary school at St. Anthony parish in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). Sister Bernadette Marie Leon Guerrero was its first principal.
That same year, Sister Mary Callista Camacho succeeded Sister Inez as the next Chamorro superior of the Guam community. In 1965, the Oka Tamuning convent opened where the Guam Memorial Hospital now stands. One of its purposes was to serve as the Aspiranture, or residence, for new candidates in the community. The Mercy Heights Nursery and Kindergarten also opened at the same convent. In 1975, the convent and nursery moved to a new building in Perezville, Oka Tamuning, where it stands today.
As the community continued to grow in numbers, Guam became a region of the Belmont community. In 1967, Sister Mary Mark Martinez was appointed the first regional superior and in 1972, Sister Evelyn Muna became the first elected regional superior. Sisters Evelyn Muna, Mary Cabrini Taitano and Angela Perez, Mercy Sisters from Guam, also served in the Belmont headquarters as councilors to the Belmont leadership at different times.
In 1986, the Mercy Sisters assumed responsibility for Bishop Baumgartner Middle School in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). The school, originally called St. Jude School, began in 1955 under the guidance of the Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, in partnership with St. Jude parish. In 1995, the Cathedral Grade School in Agana merged with Bishop Baumgartner Middle School. As a result of the amalgamation, Cathedral Grade School moved from Agana to Sinajana, and the new entity was renamed Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School.
## Work extends through Micronesia
The history of the work of the Mercy Sisters extends throughout Micronesia. They ministered in Saipan (Northern Mariana Islands) as administrators and teachers of Mt. Carmel School, and currently work in Chuuk (Federated States of Micronesia) in the Saramen Chuuk Academy. In the past, sisters have worked for the Carolines Diocese. In 1989, Sister Mary Benedict San Nicolas, a Mercy Sister and native of Rota, founded the Eskuelan San Francisco de Borja on that island. Several Mercy Sisters staffed that school for a number of years until it was turned over to another administration.
Some Chamorro sisters have also worked in the US mainland and today there are four sisters from Guam residing there. In Guam, the Mercy Sisters have worked extensively in Catholic schools and parishes as administrators and teachers. They were involved in directing several offices of the Archdiocese of Agana, and they have held various positions at local institutions including the University of Guam, the Guam Community College, Guam Memorial Hospital, Catholic Social Services, Alee Shelter, the Guam Public School System, and the Senior Citizens Division of the Department of Public Health and Social Services.
The Sisters own and operate two nursery/kindergartens; Infant of Prague in Ta’i and Mercy Heights in Oka. They also work through Mercy Action Marianas to address social issues affecting the lives of the disadvantaged. At their numerically largest, the sisters numbered about 66; today there are some 29 sisters in the Region.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
*Sisters of Mercy*. “Catholic Women Religious Congregation.” 6 July 2021.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Post WWII: Religion, Religion
**Tags:** Sisters of Mercy
---
### [Mary Essie Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/mary-essie-underwood/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Mary Essie Underwood (1906-1998), also known as Sister Mary Inez, was one of the first three Sisters of Mercy from North Carolina who came to Guam in 1946 to establish a community of women religious and Catholic schools.
**Content:**
# Mary Essie Underwood
#### Table of Contents
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## Catholic school system of Guam founder
Mary Essie Underwood (1906 – 1998), also known as Sister Mary Inez, was one of the first three [Sisters of Mercy](http://sistersofmercyguam.org/about) from North Carolina who came to Guam in 1946 to establish a community of women religious and Catholic schools.
Mary Essie Underwood was born 25 October 1906 in Guam. She was the first of eight children born to James Holland Underwood, a native of Gastonia, North Carolina, and Ana Pangelinan Martinez, a CHamoru/Chamorro. James Underwood was a military officer who came to Guam at the turn of the century.
At a very young age, Mary Underwood’s parents sent her and her sister Eugenia to Sacred Heart Academy in Belmont, North Carolina, a school managed by the Religious Sisters of Mercy, an order of Roman Catholic nuns. She later embraced that order, entering the convent as a novice in 1926, and became Sister Mary Inez.
The decision to send his daughters to Belmont was a very important move by James Underwood. A new relationship between Guam and the Belmont community was established, thus opening the door for other students from Guam to go to Belmont Abbey for high school or college.
In the eulogy at Mary Underwood’s funeral, her niece, Rosemarie Underwood, recalled that fateful move to North Carolina:
> There was a certain amount of culture shock for the two (Aunt Mary and Aunt Eugenia) – not only did her grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins have a different lifestyle, the cuisine was in great contrast to those at home, even their religious beliefs were different. Most of them were Presbyterians, the girls were Roman Catholic. Aunt Mary, though, chose the best. She loved potatoes over rice, southern fried chicken over chicken kelaguen, bread over ‘*tityas*.’ Mary remained a Catholic no matter how long she was in North Carolina and never forgot to speak Chamorro. And she managed not to pick up the southern drawl that many do when living in the south.
In time, Underwood’s religious community sent her for higher studies, and she received a BA at Mount St. Vincent College, Hudson, New York, and an MA at the Catholic University in Washington, DC. Both institutions granted Underwood scholarships. She returned to Belmont, where she taught and was subsequently appointed administrator of the Academy and Junior College.
Underwood had been away 26 years when in 1946, she responded to her second call – an invitation made by the first American bishop of the Vicariate of Guam – [Bishop Appollinaris W. Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/), OFM, Cap., to establish a community of religious sisters on island. Bishop Baumgartner previously had sent requests to several other communities, but none were able to send religious sisters to the island. He finally was able to use the connection between Mary Underwood’s father, James Underwood, and the Sisters of Mercy in Belmont. Mother Maura Buchheit, Superior of the Sisters of Mercy of North Carolina, after much prayerful deliberation with her community sent three of her nuns – Sister Mary Inez (Mary Underwood), Sister Mary Louise and Sister Mary Annette to Guam who arrived on the island in November 1946.
Shortly before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Guam’s predominantly Catholic population was served by American Capuchin priests under the direction of Bishop Miguel Olano, a Spanish Capuchin who followed the centuries old Spanish Catholic traditions of his predecessors in the Marianas. In the rebuilding of the Church after the war, Bishop Baumgartner introduced American Catholic traditions. He was also interested in formalizing religious instruction and Catholic education on the island. Because Guam was still recovering from the ravages of World War II, the challenges of educating the young population was overwhelming. However, armed with much courage, comfort in being a native of Guam and her understanding of the language and culture of the Chamorro people, Underwood took the lead in working with the Bishop and eventually established the first convent of the Sisters of Mercy in Guam. By 1947, the first group of 20 young women were received into the Mercy community.
Then, Underwood, along with Bishop Baumgartner, founded the island’s Catholic School System. In 1949, the Sisters of Mercy opened the doors to Guam’s first Catholic schools. Underwood became the co-founder and first principal of the Academy of Our Lady of Guam — a high school for girls in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) — and Cathedral Grade School, the present Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School now located in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). She helped recruit not only students for the new Catholic schools, but also encouraged a number of Chamorro girls to enter into religious life.
Underwood was the first superior, educator and mentor for the young girls hoping to become Sisters of Mercy. In the early years of this newly-found religious community, Underwood was the moving force in the pursuit of higher learning for the nuns, and the inspiration for many young women desiring to dedicate their lives to service for God and for the Church.
Her assignment in Guam having been achieved, Underwood returned to North Carolina in 1953. Underwood’s life then took a different turn. As fellow religious Sister Mary Mark Martinez said, “God had other plans for her. She was destined to return to her secular status as Mary Underwood.”
Underwood lived and worked in California for many years but communicated continually with the Sisters of Mercy and her family in Guam In January 1995, Underwood returned to Guam at the invitation of the Sisters of Mercy, with whom she lived until her death on 9 March 1998 at the age of 91. Prior to her death, Underwood was reunited in 1996 with Sister Mary Annette and Sister Mary Louise, the original group that arrived in 1946, to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Sisters of Mercy in Guam.
As a Sister of Mercy, Underwood left an indelible imprint on her Church and her religious community, especially in the Guam mission. Her energy and vitality made her a memorable and beloved woman for the people who knew her. Today, the Religious Sisters of Mercy in Guam are a vibrant community that has extended their service and commitment to communities all over Micronesia.
From humble beginnings, the school system Mary Underwood and Bishop Baumgartner founded now include four high schools, seven elementary and middle schools, and three pre-school educational institutions. These schools have graduated thousands of students, many of whom pursued higher education and or have held positions of leadership and service, especially to the Guam community. As a religious sister, she had no children of her own. But as her nephew, University of Guam President and former US Congressional delegate [Dr. Robert A. Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) said of Mary Essie Underwood in his 1998 tribute to her before Congress, “…there are thousands of children and adults in Guam who are inheritors of her educational legacy.”
***[By Marilyn Manibusan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=15880)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History.* Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
*[Tribute to Mary Essie Underwood](https://www.congress.gov/congressional-record/1998/03/16/extensions-of-remarks-section/article/E377-2)*, Before the 105th Congress, 2nd Session, E377 (1998) (Extension of Remarks of Robert A. Underwood, Congressmen of Guam).
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era, Post WWII: Education, Post WWII: Religion, Religion, US Naval Era: Religion, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Mary Essie Underwood
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### [Fouha Bay: Cradle of Creation](https://www.guampedia.com/fouha-bay-cradle-of-creation/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fouha Bay, located just north of Humåtak on Guam’s southern west coast at the mouth of Fua River, holds thousands of years of meaningful history. It is one of many sites CHamorus believe to be spiritually powerful.
**Content:**
# Fouha Bay: Cradle of Creation
#### Table of Contents
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## Cradle of civilization
Fouha Bay, located just north of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) on Guam’s southern west coast at the mouth of Fua River, holds thousands of years of meaningful history. It is one of many sites CHamorus/Chamorros believe to be spiritually powerful.
The bay and river are also referred to as Fua, Fu’a, Fuha, or Fuja. Some have also called it Fu’una (Fona, Fuña, Fuuna, Fu’una, or Fuuña). Fouha/Fu’a may be a derivative of Fu’una.
Guam CHamorus traditionally consider Laso Fu’a, or Lasu Fua, the rock pillar that juts out of the ocean reaching toward the sky in Fouha Bay, the cradle of creation for the people of the Mariana Islands, and in some accounts, for all of humankind.
Laso Fu’a, the remains of Fu’una in the [creation story of Puntan and Fu’una](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/), is considered one of the most important CHamoru oral traditions. It provides an explanation for how the CHamoru people came to be, while providing moral and societal messages as well, such as the importance of family working together.
CHamorus in the Northern Mariana Islands have their own creation points, though the creation story is the same. There are well-known outlines of a man and a woman in the Saipan landscape, for example, which is interpreted as Puntan and Fu’una as well. Rota was also documented to have a town of Fuuña.
Archaeological artifacts that line the bay are signs of a vibrant ancient CHamoru presence and usage of the area, including some of the earliest examples of ancient [CHamoru pottery](https://www.guampedia.com/pre-historic-pottery-of-guam/). These reminders of the lives and times of ancient CHamorus are especially concentrated north of Fua River which flows into the bay. Given the area’s prime coastal location and rich resources such as fresh water, marine resources, coconuts, and pandanus, it is easy to envision the lives and activities of the ancient CHamorus that were once there. Modern CHamorus speak of feeling the presence of ancient CHamorus and the area’s spiritual significance while at Fouha Bay.
Ancient CHamorus set aside a time each year to gather and pay homage to their creators and creation point, as documented in early Spanish accounts.
There is some disagreement as to whether one or two such respected places existed. Some now interpret known information to mean that there were two separate places—one ‘female’ and one ‘male’—that were respected and paid tribute to in ancient CHamoru times. There are also others who interpret Laso Fu’a as actually Fu’una near [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/). Though the location of Fu’a has been contested by a few recent academics, CHamorus follow the oral traditions nested within their cultural system.
Early European maps and documents from the 1600s and 1700s note that a rock/isle/islet and a town (village) of Fuuña existed near Hågat. Some of these early accounts state that Fu’una was, “looked upon…with a sacred dread, as the birth-place of the human race.”
This so-called “pagan” activity was stomped out by the Spanish missionaries in the 1600s. The missionaries destroyed places considered spiritually significant to ancient CHamorus and at times constructed their own missions on those sites to demonstrate the power of Christianity and the Catholic Church, as they documented doing to the respected place of Fu’una.
These types of efforts of the Spanish had some success but never fully erased the CHamoru belief in and respect for their spiritually powerful places, or their belief in the presence and power of their [*taotaomo’na*](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/) (ancestral spirits) who protect and watch over the people and the land.
There are many examples where CHamorus intermingled the introduced Catholic faith with their ancestral beliefs and practices. Some CHamorus tell of ancient traditions that have continued into modern times, such as the 1954 account by Bill Lujan that noted, “when people make the pilgrimage to Humåtak on San Dionisio Day, in honor of the patron saint of the village, they usually include (a stop at) Laso Fu’a in their itinerary.”
Not only does Fouha Bay have ancestral significance to the CHamoru people, but it is also part of the area, according to oral tradition, where ancient CHamorus first had contact with the Spanish colonizers, an encounter that is re-enacted and commemorated each March in Humåtak on Discovery Day. The southern village was a relatively busy and important port for receiving foreign vessels from the time of early CHamoru-Spanish contact through much of the Spanish rule over the Mariana Islands.
Fouha Bay was a part of the road system that linked the people and goods that came in through Humåtak to [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). The early Spanish San Jose Church and the Battery of San Jose are associated with Fouha Bay as well.
CHamorus have begun to venture once again to Fouha Bay to pay homage to Laso Fu’a. In one recent example the sound of conch shells being blown and chants filled the air when the Hawaiian deep-sea voyaging canoe, the Makali‘i, passed through the Mariana Islands in 2001. A respected CHamoru chanted, recognizing that, “the rock in front of us is the birthplace of all people,” at the welcoming ceremony.
People left offerings such as *katupat*, diamond-shaped woven coconut packets of cooked rice, while paying homage there and asking for permission to enter Guam. Laso Fu’a is growing as a symbol of a returning to and respecting, validating, and revitalizing ancient CHamorus, their belief system, and cultural practices.
***By Lina Taitingfong and [Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Herman, RKD. “[Guam: Inarajan – Arrival: The Ancients](http://www.pacificworlds.com/guam/arrival/ancients.cfm).” *Pacific Worlds*.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 4-6. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1993-1995.
Sanchez, Anthony P. “Guam’s Umatac – Chamorro Cradle of Creation.” *Pacific Daily News*, 26 April 2005.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Oral Histories, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Fouha Bay: Cradle of Creation
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### [Che’lu/Mañe'lu: Siblings](https://www.guampedia.com/chelumanelu-siblings/)
**Published:** November 12, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Che’lu is a Chamorro term for a sibling; brother or sister. Mañe'lu is the plural form of che’lu, referring to more than one sibling.
**Content:**
# Che’lu/Mañe'lu: Siblings
#### Table of Contents
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## Sisters and brothers
*Che’lu* is a CHamoru/Chamorro term for a sibling; brother or sister. *Mañe’lu* is the plural form of *che’lu*, referring to more than one sibling. Today *che’lu* is also used in casual conversation when referring to a peer or close friend. It is often used in the workplace, clubs or organizations by Chamorros as an expression of camaraderie.
## Distribution of authority
In [ancient Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) the importance of *che’lu* can be illustrated by the relationship and roles that sisters and brothers held in society. Ancient Guam was a matrilineal society in which lineage is determined from the female side of the family. Therefore, brothers and sisters (*mañe’lu*’*)* played important roles that were complimentary to each other.
The *mañe’lu* of the m*atao* or *Chamori*, which was the higher caste in ancient Chamorro caste system and the most historically-documented class, had a unique level of authority and responsibility in the household, to the clan, and the village. The highest-ranking leaders were the eldest siblings: the *[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/),* or eldest daughter, and her male counterpart the *[maga’låhi](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/),* or first son. These leaders oversaw the well-being of the clan and its obligations to the village in terms or resources and social actions.
Guam historian, [Dr. Anne Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/) writes that:
> In the matrilineal system, brothers and sisters relied strongly upon each other to protect family property, raise the children of the family, and generate assets to keep the family well endowed. The brother-sister relationship was considered absolutely permanent and completely reliable.
## Activities
The *mañe’lu* of the *matao* oversaw the well-being of the clan and its obligations to the village. All decisions were made by consensus known as *todu manatungo*.
French explorer [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/), who visited the Mariana Islands in the early 19th century, conducted some of the earliest recorded scientific and ethnographic studies of Chamorros. He documented the relationship between siblings in ancient Guam as told to him by local officials. Later [Laura Marie Torres Souder](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-t-souder/) wrote about Freycinet’s documentation of the seniority of the oldest sisters and brothers in families in her book *Daughters of the Island:*
> Among kin age determined rank. The oldest woman (maga’ haga) and her oldest brother (maga’ lahi) were the highest ranking individuals. Together they wielded considerable control over clan affairs and property.
The highest-ranking *mañe’lu* served an essential role in the societal order of Guam as this relationship made for an environment that focused on shared responsibilities of siblings to ensure the betterment of the family as a whole family unit.
## Contemporary Guam
Today, the influence of western society has impacted Chamorro culture. American individualism has penetrated Chamorro society, but the importance of the interdependence of family and especially siblings (*mañe’lu*) remains. There is still a semblance of Chamorro society that remains in modern families such as when younger siblings might defer to the choices of their elder siblings in familial matters, although they may express or exert more of their personal opinions.
[***By Nathalie Pereda***](http://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/)
## For further reading
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “[Mampolitiku](http://www.guampedia.com/mampolitiku-politics/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 17 May 2021.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “’[Puntan and Fu’una: Gods of Creation](http://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 20 May 2021.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Definitions, Gender Roles, Matrilineal Systems, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Che’lu/Mañe'lu: Siblings
---
### [Mythological Depictions of Men](https://www.guampedia.com/mythological-depictions-of-men/)
**Published:** December 4, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In ancient Chamorro/CHamoru society men were depicted as creators and as having superhuman strength. People used these concepts to attempt to make sense of the complex mysteries of creation and nature.
**Content:**
# Mythological Depictions of Men
#### Table of Contents
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## Legends of gods
In ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society men were depicted as creators and as having superhuman strength. People used these concepts to attempt to make sense of the complex mysteries of creation and nature.
To this vein, the creation of the universe began with gods. In ancient Chamorro oral tradition the first two gods were a brother and sister, [Puntan and Fu’una](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/). Puntan gave up his body to create a universe for people. Puntan and Fu’una decided how to make the universe from parts of his body: one eye became the sun, the other the moon; his eyebrows became the rainbow; his back became the earth; his breast the sky. Mount Tuyan (present-day [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) Hill) was from his stomach, and his penis became Laso de Fua (the rock pillar in [Fouha Bay](https://www.guampedia.com/fouha-bay-cradle-of-creation/) found near the present-day Southern village of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/)).
Another god was [Chaife](https://www.guampedia.com/chaife-folktale/) who inhabited the underworld after the universe was created. He lived in the center of the earth in *sasalåguan* (hell). He created souls and kept them in *sasalaguan* torturing them and using them as slaves. Chaife controlled the winds, waves, and fire. One day, one of the souls escaped to Fouha Bay, took the shape of a man and began creating humans using the red earth, water and the sun.
## Tales of strength
Many early Chamorro stories and legends are focused on the size and strength of Chamorro men. They tell of men of gigantic size and their superhuman feats of strength. These stories helped to preserve the names of island chiefs and their superhuman feats of strength.
A popular story is of the two rivals of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) (the island capital) who agreed to a challenge where the most powerful would become chief. One squeezed a rock so hard that water came from it. The other threw a rock that flew as high as a bird. They then fought each other with clubs, and the loser ran away to the district of [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) in central Guam. From there he jumped to the nearby island of Luta (Rota), nearly 40 miles to the north of Guam.
## Folklore changed through time
Under Spanish rule (17th -19th centuries), the stories of men changed from tales of strength and size, to those of deception and trickery and even to those filled with depictions of evil spirits such as in the case of the Chamorro ancestral spirits – the *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)* which means “people of before.” As Christianity replaced the ancient Chamorro religion (which incorporated the [veneration of ancestors](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-ancestor-worship/)) the tales of the *taotaomo’na* became lore of non-human male figures who were evil, scary and caused harm to humans who displeased them.
One *taotaomo’na* is Anufat who is said to have a hole on the side of his head with a birds nest in it. He is said to have a dark complexion and is ugly with six-inch long teeth. Gåtos (an ancient Chamorro word meaning “one hundred”) used his penis as a bridge over rivers and streams so that his men (soldiers) could cross. He is said to cause discomfort to people. For example, if a person urinates in the jungle, and Gåtos is offended, he’ll touch the person’s genital area with his, and this will cause the offender to become sick because they are unable to urinate or move his or her bowels.
[***By Art De Oro***](http://www.guampedia.com/art-de-oro/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Le Gobien, Charles. *History of the Mariana Islands.* Translated by Fr. Paul V. Daly. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, 1949.
Mitchell, Roger E. “Patron Saints and Pagan Ghosts: The Pairing of Opposites.” *Asian Folklore Studies* 45, no.1 (1986): 101-123.
Soker, Donald. “Taotaomona Stores on Guam.” *Western Folklore* 31, no. 3 (1972): 153-167.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
–––. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
–––. *The Native Cultures of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 185. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1945.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Men's Roles, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Mythological Depictions of Men
---
### [Animism](https://www.guampedia.com/animism/)
**Published:** December 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient religious philosophy. Animism is the belief that everything in nature – living and non-living – contains a spirit or soul. In ancient CHamoru society, the CHamorus held animism as a religious philosophy that supported the concept of the interconnectedness between people and nature.
**Content:**
# Animism
View more images for the Animism entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622373741761/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Ancient religious philosophy
Animism is the belief that everything in nature – living and non-living – contains a spirit or soul. In ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society, the CHamorus held animism as a religious philosophy that supported the concept of the interconnectedness between people and nature. All Native cultures practice some aspect of animism.
## The practice of animism
In the Marianas, animism is manifested through the ancient CHamoru creation myth of a celestial brother and sister – [Puntan and Fu’una](http://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/) – who created the universe and people. Puntan asked his sister, Fu’una, to help him create the universe with parts of his body. When she completed the tasks, she fell to the newly created earth at Fouha Bay near the southern Guam village of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) and turned into a monolithic rock formation where the first people of the earth came from.
There is historical documentation of this story including from Catholic priest [Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) whose evangelical efforts in the latter half of the 17th century yielded a contemporary predominantly Catholic congregation on Guam and her neighboring Mariana Islands. San Vitores recorded the pilgrimage of ancient CHamorus to the site – [Fouha Bay](http://www.guampedia.com/fouha-bay-cradle-of-creation/) – where CHamorus believe human life originated. Renown anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) noted that:
> Elsewhere Sanvitores… stated, ‘Fuuna \[a point on the coast of southwest Guam\] is celebrated among these natives for there is in it a rock, or stone, from which they believe all men had their origin…’ This is apparently an explanatory element in the same creation myth.
The CHamoru legend of [Chaife](http://www.guampedia.com/chaife/), an evil underworld lord, brought in elements of animism to explain natural phenomena such as tidal waves and typhoons as Chaife tried to destroy a soul which he mistakenly believed escaped during his creation of it.
Animism is further exemplified in the CHamoru people’s reverence of the *tronkon nunu* (banyan tree) believed to be the dwelling place of [*taotaomo’na*](http://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/) that CHamorus believe were “the people of before; the ancestral spirits that inhabited the earth along with the living.” Many CHamorus still avoid going near banyan trees. At the University of Guam, and other local government facilities, structures were built around the trees to protect them. Thompson also wrote:
> In modern Guam the abode of the ancestors is believed to be the banyan tree. Safford… wrote, ‘Don Jose told me that on a spot where we were standing there used to grow a great *nunu* (banyan tree). It was thought to be a resort for manganiti (plural of anite)…, and people were afraid to pass by, especially after nightfall.’ This belief appears to be a survival from ancient times.
>
> …The beings, which inhabit the banyan tree, are often called *bihu* (elders) today, and the bark of the banyan is used by some herb doctors to cure illness, especially that believed to be caused by supernatural agents.
## Modern animistic residual
Further examples of how semblances of the ancient practice of animism has prevailed throughout the centuries is shown when a person of CHamoru descent – or those who have lived in Guam or the Mariana Islands – will ask for permission in the form of a chant before entering the *hålomtåno’* (jungle) or relieving themselves in the jungle. It is believed that the *taotaomo’na* that inhabit the space will cause them harm or make them fall ill if they do not show the proper respect for the land.
Even in present-day Guam, despite the prevalence of the Catholic and other Western religions in addition to the availability of modern medical assistance, if a person falls mysteriously ill, and it is possibly the result of angering or offending the *taotaomo’na*, they seek the help of a *suruhånu,* a CHamoru medical healer, to help cure their ailments. CHamorus believe they must return to the site where they the offense occurred and ask for forgiveness of the infraction before they can be healed.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
McMakin, Patrick D. “The *Suruhanos*: Traditional Curers on the Island of Guam.” *Micronesica* 14, no. 1 (1978): 13-67.
Mitchell, Roger E. “Ancestral Spirits and Hitchhiking Ghosts: Syncretism on Guam.” *Midwestern Journal of Language and Folklore* 2, no. 2 (1976): 45-55.
Thompson, Laura M. *The Native Cultures of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 185. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1945.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam: Religion, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Concepts and Beliefs, Our Heritage, Religion, Value Systems
**Tags:** Animism
---
### [Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-anne-perez-hattori-collection/)
**Published:** April 20, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Collection from her book Colonial Dis-Ease: US Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.
**Content:**
# Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection
#### Table of Contents
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In this section, Guampedia is proud to feature previously published essays on Guam culture and history topics by Dr. Anne Perez Hattori. Guampedia aims to serve our readers as a digital repository and archive, and we hope that these e-publications from Dr. Hattori will reach local scholars, students, and community members seeking to gain more in-depth knowledge on the islands and people of the Marianas.
## Commemorating Our Past, Commandeering Our Future: Guam’s Rocky Road to Self-Governance
This speech was delivered in August 2025 in honor of the 75th Anniversary of the Organic Act. Dr. Hattori’s critical reading of the Organic Act examines the significance of the Act’s passage and what it meant to Chamorros at the time, as well as the limitations of our island’s political status and our lack of true self-governance.
***Learn more by reading Dr. Hattori’s speech [here. ](https://www.guampedia.com/commemorating-our-past-commandeering-our-future-guams-rocky-road-to-self-governance/)***
## Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects
Betel nut, known to Chamorros as *pugua*, can be viewed as a rich marker of cultural and social practice that has played a key role in Chamorro cultural dynamics and family relationships. Its treatment since colonization has revealed tensions of cultural identity, and *pugua* can thus serve as a lens through which we can understand a variety of Chamorro cultural and social issues.
***To learn more and read Dr. Hattori’s original publication click [here](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/).***
## Historical Fiction or Fictional History in Mariana Islands Novels, 2012-2017
In this essay, Dr. Hattori analyzes how novels featuring the Mariana Islands published between 2012 and 2017 represent Chamorro culture and history. The essay argues that historical inaccuracies or cultural misrepresentations are harmful, and ultimately work to undermine the agency and vibrancy of Chamorro history and culture.
## The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam
In this essay, Dr. Hattori charts the history of US colonialism in Guam, from the Spanish-American War to the contemporary US military build-up. The essay uses Spam as metaphor for “US generosity and valor, albeit at the cost of Chamorro land and bodies,” and looks closely at the costs of US liberation and how post-World War II factors pushed Chamorros into Americanization as they struggled with land and language loss. The essay also looks at current Chamorro efforts to resist ongoing US militarism in Guam.
***Learn more by reading Dr. Hattori’s entry [here](https://www.guampedia.com/the-1918-influenza-pandemic-in-guam/ "The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in Guam").***
## Chenchule’: A System of Receiving
In contrast to “master narratives” that present the Pacific Islands and people as hospitable and always welcoming, Dr. Hattori examines how Chamorro reciprocity systems are complex and layered with deep cultural meanings.
***Learn more by reading Dr. Hattori’s speech [here. ](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule-a-system-of-receiving/)***
## Uncle S(p)am: The expensive cost of US Colonialism in Guam
In this essay, Dr. Hattori charts the history of US colonialism in Guam, from the Spanish-American War to the contemporary US military build-up. The essay uses Spam as metaphor for “US generosity and valor, albeit at the cost of Chamorro land and bodies,” and looks closely at the costs of US liberation and how post-World War II factors pushed CHamorus into Americanization as they struggled with land and language loss. The essay also looks at current CHamoru efforts to resist ongoing US militarism in Guam.
## Gender and Guam History Textbooks
The importance of women through Chamorro history is well documented, although history books don’t often reflect this reality. In this essay, Dr. Hattori examines representations of women in Guam history textbooks, and argues that in order to come to a deeper understanding of our history, researchers and writers must avoid either ignoring or exaggerating the roles of both men and women.
***Learn more by reading Dr. Hattori’s entry [here](https://www.guampedia.com/gender-and-guam-history-textbooks/).***
## The Long Way Home: Voyages of Discovery through Pacific History
In this autobiographical essay, Dr. Hattori reflects on her journey to becoming scholar of Pacific and CHamoru history, and the social and cultural currents that have shaped her life’s work.
## Guardians of our Soil: Indigenous Responses to Post-World War II Military Land Appropriation in Guam
In this paper, Dr. Hattori traces CHamoru resistance to US military land takings in the era immediately after World War II. By examining these histories, the author challenges common narratives that CHamorus felt so indebted to US military after liberation from the Japanese that they did not oppose land condemnation at all. The paper looks at how CHamorus were granted the ability to participate in local government for the first time when the Guam Congress was created, although it initially existed solely as an advisory body. The paper also analyzes the passage of the Organic Act, and further examines how contemporary land issues have played out in the court system, and the creation of the Chamorro Land Trust Act and the Landowners Association.
## *Colonial Dis-Ease* photo collection
**Editor’s note:** Collection from her book *Colonial Dis-Ease: US Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from Dr. Anne Perez Hattori.
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection
---
### [Folktale: Puntan and Fu'una: Gods of Creation](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Puntan and Fu’una are the Chamorro/CHamoru creation gods. Puntan, a male, and Fu’una, a female, are brother and sister. The account of their creation of the world constitutes one of the most important oral histories of the CHamoru people.
**Content:**
# Folktale: Puntan and Fu'una: Gods of Creation
#### Table of Contents
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## Interpretive essay: CHamoru/Chamorro cultural values
Puntan and Fu’una are the CHamoru/Chamorro creation gods. Puntan, a male, and Fu’una, a female, are brother and sister. The account of their creation of the world constitutes one of the most important oral histories of the CHamoru people. Because the account has been passed along through oral tradition, there are varying versions of the story.
According to the CHamoru people, a very long time ago, Puntan and Fu’una devised a plan in which their supernatural forces would be put to extremely powerful use. Puntan instructed his sister to take apart his body and create the parts of the world. One of his eyes would become the sun, and the other would be transformed into the moon. Puntan’s eyebrows would become rainbows. His back would become the earth.
Fu’una had supernatural powers of her own. She used her energy and spirit to bring to life the parts of her brother’s body that now formed the world. With her power, she made the sun shine and the earth blossom. After she completed her task of bringing new life to Puntan’s body parts, Fu’una decided to create life out of her body, as she had her brother’s. She threw her body into the earth and created Fouha Rock, sometimes called Creation Point. Out of Fouha Rock, the first human beings emerged. This rock can be found close to [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) Bay in the southern part of Guam.
## CHamoru account of creation
Almost every culture has its own account of creation, and each one tells a unique story. This account of the creation of the world tells us a lot about CHamoru culture. It tells us that the CHamoru people had their own religion for perhaps centuries before the introduction of Christianity.
Puntan and Fu’una are only two of the gods in the ancient CHamoru religion. Historical sources have all referred to the CHamorus as pagans and have denied the existence of a religion in the Mariana Islands. Thus, CHamoru gods such as Puntan and Fu’una have been referred to historically as “myths,” “legends,” or “superstitions.”
The Puntan and Fu’una account also tells us that in the CHamoru culture, men and women were both respected as powerful and contributing members of society. The CHamoru people had a matrilineal system in which gender roles were balanced equitably so that men and women shared power and responsibility.
In addition to the Puntan and Fu’una account, this gender balance can also be found in the political system. In CHamoru politics, the two most powerful titles in society were held by a male and a female, the *maga’låhi* (leading son) and the *maga’håga* (leading daughter).
## Brothers and sisters
The titles [*maga’låhi* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)and *[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/)* demonstrate the cultural significance of brothers and sisters, and this highlights another important CHamoru cultural lesson that can be learned from the account of Puntan and Fu’una. The unique brother-sister relationship between the two gods reflects the matrilineal system that was practiced by the CHamoru people. In the matrilineal system, brothers and sisters relied strongly upon each other to protect family property, raise the children of the family, and generate assets to keep the family well endowed. The brother-sister relationship was considered absolutely permanent and completely reliable.
By contrast, the husband and wife relationship was considered impermanent, and thus husbands and wives were not expected to be eternally indebted to each other in the ways that brothers and sisters were.
The Puntan and Fu’una oral history, therefore, teaches not only a beautiful creation account, but also a story of CHamoru culture in terms of its religion, gender roles, and matrilineal system.
[***By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)
## I Tinituhon
Featuring [Rita Nauta](https://www.guampedia.com/rita-nauta/) and [Andrew Artero](https://www.guampedia.com/andrew-diaz-artero/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flood, Bo. *Marianas Islands Legends: Myth and Magic.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Religion, Chamorro Culture, Chamorro Folktales, Civic Society, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Oral Histories, Our Heritage, Religion, Voices of Our Elders
**Tags:** Folktale: Puntan and Fu'una: Gods of Creation, legend
---
### [National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship](https://www.guampedia.com/national-attention-on-guams-postwar-campaign-for-citizenship/)
**Published:** August 27, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When Guam was ceded to the United States after the Spanish-American War in 1898, the island fell under the administrative control of the US Navy. The first half of the 20th century saw thirty-two naval governors appointed to rule over the island and its people, but with no formally established civil rights or offers of citizenship for the people of Guam.
**Content:**
# National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship
#### Table of Contents
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> It was world and national opinion after World War II that prompted the United States government to direct their attention to this question. At that time many people under colonial rule were rapidly gaining their independence.
>
> Carlos Pangelinan Taitano
When Guam was ceded to the United States after the Spanish-American War in 1898, the island fell under the administrative control of the [US Navy](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). The first half of the 20th century saw 32 naval governors appointed to rule over the island and its people, but with no formally established civil rights or offers of citizenship for the people of Guam. Guam leaders attempted in various ways, particularly through petitions and statements of protest, to demand the US Congress to consider granting greater self-government for the CHamoru/Chamorro people. These efforts were interrupted by the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of Guam during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) (1941-1944).
Following the war, when Guam leaders resumed their campaign for civil rights, self-government and US citizenship, their aspirations and political agitation affected influential segments of American society. These included newsmen who chronicled the island’s liberation from Japanese occupation; citizen-soldiers stationed on Guam during and after the war; civil rights advocates in Washington, DC and New York; national news media; and key federal decision-makers. These groups and individuals encouraged, amplified and aided the Chamorro quest for change.
Senior leaders who had spearheaded the prewar movement, especially Baltazar J. Bordallo and [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/), led the postwar effort. They had also inspired a younger generation of Guam leaders who now joined them in the struggle, including [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), Concepcion C. Barrett, [Carlos P. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/), [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), [Simon A. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/) and many others. Most were members of the bicameral Guam Congress, whose lower house, the Assembly, became the institutional driver of the rights movement.
As it became apparent that the naval government was settling back into its all-too-familiar autocratic rule, these leaders began petitioning through the naval governor, Secretary of Navy and the US Congress for the civil and political rights that had been accorded to other US island territories, such as Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands, decades earlier. They wrote letters to US senators and congressmen, traveled to Washington to lobby executive and legislative branch leaders, and worked with advocacy groups and individual citizens on Guam and in the US who supported their cause.
The citizenship movement embodied several objectives: real legislative powers for the Guam Congress, a civilian territorial government, guaranteed civil rights and continued ties with the United States. Political awareness among Chamorro leaders persisted after the war and their increased contact with Americans intensified the desire of many for citizenship and self-government.
## US Policy in the wake of Japan’s surrender
In the inner circles of the Truman Administration, Guam’s status and aspirations elicited conflicting views among the Navy, State and Interior departments. All agreed on the island’s strategic value to the US, as defense planners sought to consolidate American control of the North Pacific Basin, but the departments disagreed on how to achieve this “American lake.” Fearing a resurgent Japan or aggressive Soviet Union, the War and Navy departments were convinced that continued naval rule of Guam and Micronesia would be needed to secure a stable, competent defense posture in the region, not only during the postwar reconstruction years, but also in the emerging Cold War.
The Department of State was attuned to the international anti-colonial temper of the time and the Truman Administration’s professed support for the [United Nations’ decolonization](https://www.guampedia.com/united-nations-role-in-guams-decolonization/) mission for non-self-governing territories. Sensitive to any US action that the Soviet Union could use for propaganda, State department strategists sought solutions to postwar island governance issues that could secure national security interests while avoiding the appearance of colonialism or unilateralism. Their recommendations focused on the use of UN auspices, i.e., enrolling Guam on the UN list of small, non-self-governing territories and establishing a “strategic” UN trusteeship for the former Japanese-controlled islands of Micronesia.
From the outset of this internal policy debate, Interior department leaders argued for citizenship, territorial government and civilian administration for Guam. Touting itself as the only federal agency with valid credentials for administering US island territories, the Interior department believed it should manage the transition from military to civilian government for non-state areas. President Truman’s domestic civil rights agenda also influenced the US position. By the late 1940s—in response to Chamorro initiatives, world and public opinion—the US position shifted from continued Navy rule for the indefinite future to acceptance of the Chamorro agenda for immediate citizenship and civil government.
## War and citizen-soldier remembrance
The glacier-like reaction toward Guam’s position was enabled in part by empathetic American public opinion that had been generated initially by wartime news coverage and the military buildup on the island. Press reports of the recapture of Guam by US forces had described the agony of “the only US territory occupied by the enemy” (which overlooked the two Aleutian Islands that also had been occupied) and “the sufferings of American nationals \[the Chamorro people\] in the hands of the brutal Japanese Imperial Forces.”
While national newspaper coverage of the war on Guam was limited, any front page coverage was often accompanied by heart-rending images of a war-devastated island; Sumai and Hagåtña in ruins; eighty percent of homes, business and government buildings destroyed; starving children and emaciated elders being led and carried from their hiding places and concentration camps by battle-weary marines. Accounts of horrendous Japanese atrocities against the island’s people soon followed, as did stories of heroic Chamorro resistance, courage and patriotism. There were also reports of local families risking their lives to help the American sailor George Tweed, who had refused to surrender in 1942 and eluded the Japanese throughout the occupation with the help of many Chamorros.
The citizenship movement also received the empathy and active support of many soldiers, sailors and marines who served on Guam during and after the island’s recapture. They had fought, their leaders assured them, to save democracy from totalitarian regimes. And despite their reputed cynicism, many embraced the belief that the people of Guam, who had suffered terribly for “Uncle Sam,” also deserved the political fruits of the US victory.
More than 200,000 US military personnel were stationed on the island at twenty-one bases in the mid-1940s. Many Chamorros found these citizen-soldiers, who had enlisted or were drafted for wartime service, different from the career Navy officers and “lifers” who administered Guam’s naval government. They impressed a lot of local people as more respectful of Chamorros and more receptive to their political aspirations.
As Carlos P. Taitano, a US Army infantry officer in the Pacific during the war, recalled, “In contrast to their prewar colleagues, the postwar troops on Guam listened with sympathetic understanding to the problems of the Chamorro people. Many of these soldiers wrote to their Senators and Congressmen, advocating citizenship and civil government for the Chamorro people.” They also wrote to their hometown newspapers where their letters to the editor were published, encouraging commentators and editorial writers to pen opinion pieces on how the Chamorro peoples’ loyalty should be rewarded by addressing their long-standing grievances. As Taitano noted, these servicemen and veterans “helped in convincing Washington that continued denial of these rights to the people of Guam could no longer be tolerated…This was the first effective sizable support of our cause from the American public.”
However, many American military officials working on Guam after the war, particularly the naval government, consistently discouraged the granting of self-government and citizenship to the Chamorro people. In spite of the appreciation expressed by Chamorros during the recapture of Guam, tensions between the locals and the military still existed, fueled by policies that resulted in military land appropriations, disparate pay rates and other forms of discrimination against the Chamorro people.
## Activist friends in critical places
Nevertheless, the positive sentiment toward Chamorro aspirations was stoked further by national civil rights lobbying groups that amplified Guam’s quest, including the [Institute of Ethnic Affairs](https://www.guampedia.com/institute-of-ethnic-affairs/) in Washington, DC and The American Civil Liberties Union in New York.
The Institute, founded by anthropologist[ Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) and her husband John Collier, maintained close coordination with Chamorro leaders in conducting a public and political outreach strategy that strengthened Guam’s message; pursuing a concerted national media information campaign; and aggressively lobbying administration and congressional leaders. Thompson had been brought to Guam by the Navy in 1938 as a Native Affairs specialist and had studied and written about the history, culture and aspirations of the Chamorro people. However, she was an outspoken advocate for their civil and political rights, and had been banned from the island by the Navy in the 1940s after her critical commentary on naval government practices.
Thompson wrote and lectured about Guam’s situation to numerous US audiences, including guest appearances on Richard Wels ABC national radio program broadcast from New York—*The Court of Current Issues*. Wels, an attorney who had served with the US military on Guam during the Japanese war crimes trials, also conducted a letter-writing campaign to the *New York Times*, urging citizenship and self-civilian government for the island. In addition, he worked with *Time* magazine which also carried coverage of Guam’s desires, and wrote several articles about the island’s situation for the national magazine *Asia*. Thompson also spoke to groups and testified to congressional committees about Guam’s citizenship movement on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union, which embraced the island’s political cause as part of its postwar national agenda.
Collier, who led the day-to-day activities of the Institute, was an idealistic social worker who, as Commissioner of Indian Affairs under President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, had led a sweeping reform of federal Indian policy. His efforts reversed the previous half century of misguided attempts to end tribal identity and culture by forcibly assimilating American Indians into the mainstream as “independent Christian farmers.” Under Collier’s leadership, the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 dramatically changed that policy, allowing tribal self-government and self-determination and consolidating individual land allotments back into tribal government hands.
Collier had also been an adviser to the US delegation at the first session of the UN General Assembly in 1945, where he worked with Abe Fortes, then-assistant secretary of Interior, to draft a “Resolution on Non-Self-Governing Peoples” which was endorsed by Washington and adopted by the UN General Assembly. A year later, the US inscribed Guam on the UN’s list of non-self-governing territories, which required the US to report regularly to the General Assembly on Guam’s advancement and sought to provide the island’s people the right to political self-determination, including the option of independence.
Under Thompson and Collier, the Institute urged US leaders to forthrightly address the nation’s colonial problems in the Pacific by ending a half century of military rule on Guam and American Samoa and granting its new Pacific Island dependencies self-government under UN trusteeship. Secretary of the Interior Harold I. Ickes launched the Institute’s campaign on 29 May 1946 with a keynote speech that pushed to remove the governments of Guam and American Samoa away from the Navy.
A staunch supporter of citizenship and civilian government for Guam, Ickes resigned his Interior post that same month and became a widely-read syndicated newspaper columnist reaching millions of readers. His speeches and columns often addressed US postwar policy in the Pacific. In his view, Guam was a testing ground for America’s response to the new era of decolonization.
The Institute published a national newsletter, which regularly carried reports of the Chamorro rights’ campaign, and also printed thirty-seven issues of the *Guam Echo*, a publication that kept the people of Guam informed about the latest developments, challenges, setbacks and progress in their quest for citizenship and self-government. More than two dozen leaders of Guam subscribed to the newsletter and eventually more than 500 residents of the island received the pamphlet. The Institute’s national newsletter and the [*Guam Echo* ](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-echo-and-guam-eagle/)were also distributed to federal agencies—Navy, Interior, State—as well as the White House and Congress. It was also sent to major media outlets, US veterans groups and other organizations interested in civil and political rights issues.
Additionally, Institute officials supported Guam’s cause in letters to members of Congress and executive branch officials, as well as in opinion/editorial pieces and letters to the editor for leading newspapers. When Guam leaders visited Washington to lobby, Institute officials conferred with them, provided introductions, arranged appointments and transportation, and generally worked with them to advance the cause of citizenship and self-government. A few Institute officials also visited Guam to meet with movement leaders.
## Political progress and continued opposition
By 1947 considerable progress had been made in the campaign to make the American public, US Congress and Truman Administration aware of Guam’s aspirations. A number of bills and resolutions had been introduced in the US Congress calling for citizenship and territorial government for the island, and by 1949, twenty-nine of these measures had been proposed. However, the Navy and War departments’ position had not changed appreciably.
Reserving the right to influence any decision on Chamorro rights because of Guam’s strategic position, the military cited defense priorities and a long tradition of naval administration in opposing all attempts to change the political status and governance of the island. In opposing Chamorro citizenship in the 1930s, the Navy had argued that the status quo was necessary for an effective defense in the face of Japanese expansion in the region. Following World War II, the Navy used virtually the same rationale, replacing Japan with Communist China and the Soviet Union as the threats justifying staying the colonial course.
Following Japan’s surrender, Navy Secretary James A. Forrestal argued that postwar Guam must remain a strategic area, especially in view of the growing tensions with the Soviet Union. The island’s airfields and naval installations could serve US security interests by providing a strategic bombing platform as well as support for aerial and naval surveillance of potentially hostile vessels in the region. President Truman agreed with this analysis. But Forrestal went further, maintaining that home rule for Guam was out of the question and citizenship could hamper military flexibility. He urged the President to continue naval rule, even after the island had been reconstructed, the inhabitants resettled and the economy restored.
Those were the parameters under which [Admiral Charles A. Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/) took command of Guam in May 1946. His initial messages to the civilian population conveyed the need for a strong naval government, but promised that the people of Guam would have a significant voice in his administration, as together they would build a new and better Guam. Pownall hedged on the role of the Guam Congress, which was reestablished with purely advisory powers, and promised only an open government in which all Guamanians could consult with his office.
His efforts to convert the island into a Cold War sentinel included reconstruction, village relocation, population resettlement and land expropriation policies that shocked and angered many Chamorro villagers, landowners, laborers and political leaders, who felt the brunt of these programs. Ironically, as a result of his administration, the citizenship movement gained renewed vigor, new allies and a cause celèbre.
The establishment of new towns and farming areas under the naval reconstruction program meant the end of many established villages, including Sumai—the island’s second largest residential area—as well as numerous cultural traditions. Hagåtña was being rebuilt as a government and commercial center, with a significantly reduced residential area. These actions displaced more than 11,000 residents—half the island’s population—causing enormous hardship for the war-ravaged residents and mounting complaints. Local laborers, who were being paid only a third of what US workers on the island received, demanded fairer wages for reconstruction work and compensation for prewar work for which they were never paid. Pownall responded by importing several hundred Filipino laborers, who received higher wages than comparably skilled Chamorro workers, and referred the wage issue to Washington.
The land expropriation policy, which eventually took about 63 percent of the island’s acreage (either owned or leased by the military) included hundreds of homesteads, some of the best agricultural lands, as well as beaches and traditional reef fisheries. The seized lands and coastal areas, which included recreational areas for the exclusive use of military dependents, were declared off-limits, and “squatters” (Chamorros who did not want to leave their homesteads or who moved onto these undeveloped lands) were regarded not only as criminals but also as violators of naval security.
By 1947, 1,350 Chamorro families had lost their homes to the Navy’s off-limits policy. Much of the land was confiscated for “contingency use” and remained undeveloped for decades. No promise of compensation for the seizures was made at the time. When lease payments and compensation for purchased lands eventually were made, the rates were exceptionally low because the island was a restricted military area closed to outside investment and development, which abnormally depressed land values. The Guam Congress petitioned the governor for relief, saying his land condemnation program was a “refugee-making” policy, similar to what the Japanese had done during their occupation.
Outraged by this language, Pownall called the Guam Congress “irresponsible” and secretly ordered military intelligence agents to begin surveillance of local congressmen and labor agitators. In June 1947, Pownall publicly announced his surveillance “findings,” labeling Francisco B. Leon Guerrero and other Guam Congress leaders “communist subversives.” This Red Scare tactic, however, failed to undermine support for these well-known and highly-respected men, further discredited Pownall’s administration, and strengthened the rights movement. Guam leaders argued that the Admiral’s land appropriation, wage discrimination and defamatory accusations underscored the need for citizenship rights and civil government to protect the indigenous people.
The tension between the military and civilian communities led to Washington’s intervention. Acting Secretary of the Navy John L. Sullivan ordered Pownall to grant limited home rule status to the Guam Congress “to demonstrate that the Navy has a real interest in the welfare of the people of Guam.” On 7 August 1947 the Admiral announced the Guam Congress had “limited interim legislative powers.” He retained veto authority but a two-thirds majority of Congress members could overrule him, sending the measure to the Secretary of the Navy for review.
Later that year, Secretary of State George Marshall advised Truman that the Guam problem had become too controversial to ignore. It was damaging the US international image, inflaming military-civilian relations and potentially jeopardizing national defense interests. Marshall, the chief architect of the plan for European reconstruction to counter the appeal of Communism to decimated and destabilized societies, said he favored eventual transfer of power from the naval government to the Guam Congress. Truman welcomed this advice, telling Speaker of the House Joseph Martin, “It has long been my view that the inhabitants of Guam should enjoy those fundamental human rights and that democratic form of government which are the rich heritage of the people of the United States.”
By the end of 1947, two studies—one ordered by Truman (from State, Interior and Defense) and the other by Forrestal, who was now the nation’s first Secretary of Defense (from the Hopkins Commission)—had called for citizenship, civil administration, territorial government and a bill of rights for Guam, but had recommended that the Navy continue to administer the island for the indefinite future. To some Chamorro leaders the momentum appeared to be shifting in the Truman administration to those who believed that citizenship and civilian government would not jeopardize national security or hamper naval operations on Guam—anymore than civilian governments in the states hampered military operations there. But no “date certain” was being proposed for this historic transition.
Truman’s position became somewhat firmer during the 1948 presidential race, when the Democratic Party Platform carried a plank on Guam, calling for full citizenship rights and territorial government. The Cold War had also influenced party policy, as the plank was additionally intended as a signal to Eastern European counties under Soviet domination that “those who defend democracy and oppose totalitarianism would be handsomely rewarded.” After his election, Truman declared the naval administration of Guam an “interim government.”
## In search of a tipping point
Though some Chamorro leaders thought victory was in sight, others heard only noble rhetoric and perfunctory lip-service. They saw no concrete action on legislation for Guam citizenship, civil government stagnating in the US Congress, and a naval government intent on maintaining its control by opposing all bills that addressed Chamorro grievances. By 1949 a general restlessness and impatience prevailed in the lower house of the Guam Congress. As Carlos P. Taitano, a member of that body, later recalled, after half a century of neglect and five years of renewed, intensified calls for citizenship and self-government, the federal government—particularly the US Congress—was still unresponsive. Further petitioning struck many local congressmen as a waste of time. “What was needed,” Taitano felt, “was an incident of such political importance that it would stir interest…change their perception of the situation…and pressure the US Congress into action.”
That “incident” occurred as the Guam Congress sought to define and exercise its “interim legislative power”—the extent of which had been murky from the outset, forcing local leaders to seek repeated clarifications. They had been told, for example, that if they disapproved of a measure sent to them by the naval governor, he nevertheless retained the power to make law—including measures the Guam Congress would not approve—by issuing executive orders. Those regulations could only be overturned by the Secretary of the Navy. In effect, Pownall’s supervisor was the island’s final “court” of appeal. When Guam congressmen had attempted to pass a law granting them subpoena power so they could conduct official investigations, Admiral Pownall vetoed it, informing them that the Guam Congress had that power inherently.
While investigating suspected abuses involving Americans owning businesses on Guam through frontmen, an Assembly committee then subpoenaed a Navy civil service employee to question him about his involvement with a local dress shop. The use of such frontmen violated naval government policy aimed at promoting and protecting Chamorro-owned businesses. Citing Pownall’s earlier veto, the man refused to testify, insisting the Guam Congress had no authority over him. The Assembly then issued a contempt order and warrant for his arrest. Admiral Pownall declared that because the man was under the jurisdiction of the naval government, the Guam Congress had exceeded its authority and ordered the police to ignore the warrant.
On 5 March 1949 Speaker of the Assembly Antonio B. Won Pat blasted the governor’s interference as the latest in a series of arbitrary actions that had left the Assembly with no real legislative authority. He declared the Guam Congress dissolved. Thirty-four members of the Assembly walked out and refused to return until their authority was clearly defined by federal organic legislation. So that US officials could clearly understand the larger point of the protest, before adjourning that day, the Assembly had also adopted a Bill to Provide an Organic Act and Civil Government for the Island of Guam, which was subsequently transmitted to the US Congress.
Pownall decided that the Assembly had become radicalized, dissolved the body and attempted to establish a new Guam Congress by appointing replacements. The dismissals caused outrage and twelve of Guam’s nineteen villages voted not to recognize the replacements. Unsure of his next move as the stalemate continued, Pownall referred the issue to Washington.
The walkout was a difficult, stressful time for many of the walkout’s leaders, Taitano remembered. “Some recognized leaders under naval rule were holding back the new leaders who were agitating for civil and political rights. I received tongue-lashings not only from Navy officers but also from Chamorro officials of the Island Court.” He and other movement leaders were accused of being “anti-Navy” and jeopardizing the island’s continued reconstruction. Many Chamorros, including some who had served in the Navy as well as several prominent community leaders, favored continued naval administration. These leaders praised the work that had been done and noted that the Navy and Defense departments could gain greater support for island development than the Interior department, which had—in their view—a dismal record in advancing the American Indian interests and a mixed record at best in overseeing island territories.
When the walkout began, Taitano, at his own initiative, cabled two American newsmen whom he had befriended several months earlier during their visit to Guam. He had provided them background on the history of naval government and the citizenship movement during their visit, and his cables now provided details of the protest. He updated those reports over the next several weeks with accounts of the Admiral’s response and subsequent developments. Based in Honolulu, the reporters wrote for national and international news services—one for the Associated Press, the other for United Press International. Their stories were picked up by hundreds of US and overseas newspapers and radio stations, including front page accounts in major national media, such as the *Washington Post* and *New York Times*.
During the spring and summer of that year, these reports and editorials generated sustained negative publicity, criticizing Pownall, continued naval rule of the island and, implicitly, the US government’s seeming inability to live up to its democratic ideals. Some papers compared the Admiral’s actions to the British Stamp Act and the walkout to the Boston Tea Party—the start of another battle for liberty. Relations between the Guam Congress and Admiral Pownall were described as “bordering on civil war.” The *New York Times* called for immediate “reforms” and the *Washington Post* opined that the confrontation was “inevitable” given the realities of military government on Guam, lamenting that if news media had been more vigilant, “perhaps the naval government would have disappeared long ago.” The national media had now become an ally not only of Guam’s citizenship campaign but also of the Guam Congress and its call for immediate action. As Taitano recalled, “This protest received nationwide publicity and helped bring about the passage of the Organic Act of Guam the following year.”
Reluctant to appear pressured into action by a political crisis, the Truman Administration did not publicly respond, but launched an internal investigation into the incident. Upon review, Truman instructed Pownall to restore the Guam congressmen to their seats and ordered that a transitional government be created, instructing the Interior Department on 21 May 1949 to develop plans for assuming the administration of Guam from the Navy. By July, the Interior and the Navy Secretaries had signed the transfer agreement and Pownall announced his retirement, noting his replacement would be a civilian governor.
After several members of the Guam Assembly demanded an explanation of the President’s position, Truman issued Executive Order 10077 in September, formalizing the transfer, to take effect 21 July 1950, and calling for immediate US congressional hearings on Guam’s political future. The US Congress, which has plenary authority over US territories, would have to consider the pending citizenship and status legislation and make a final determination.
Guam’s new civilian governor, nominated by Interior and approved by Truman, was [Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/), a former Navy officer who had commanded one of the first fully integrated naval vessels in a pilot program for Truman’s and Forrestal’s initiative to integrate the US armed forces. During his time as Special Assistant to the Interior Secretary, Skinner had also become a specialist in western Pacific affairs. He fully supported Guam’s citizenship movement and urged administration and congressional leaders to accept Chamorro leaders’ demands.
Hearings on Guam’s citizenship and home rule began in February 1950 and the[ Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was passed by the House on May 23, the Senate on July 26 and signed into law on August 1, retroactive to July 21—the sixth anniversary of the US recapture of Guam. Navy officials testifying on the legislation emphasized the nearly completed reconstruction and modernization of the island under its administration and called the criticism of Pownall “misplaced”—an argument poorly received in both the House and Senate. In their testimony, Navy officials did not oppose citizenship and territorial government for Guam, but they did not endorse the proposals, either.
***[By Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/)***
## For further reading
Babauta, Leo. [“Carlos Pangelinan Taitano.”](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/) In *Guampedia*, last modified 30 April 2022.
Cogan, Doloris Coulter. *We Fought the Navy and Won: Guam’s Quest for Democracy.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008.
Friedman, Hal M. “Civil Versus Military Administration: The Interior Department’s Position on U.S. Pacific Territories, 1945-1947.” *Pacific Studies* 29, no. 1/2 (2006): 24-53.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” *ISLA: A Journal of Micronesian Studies* 3, no. 1 (Rainy Season 1995): 1-27.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
Maga, Timothy. *“*The Citizenship Movement in Guam, 1946-1950.” *Pacific Historical Review* 53, no. 1 (1984): 59-77.
Murphy, Shannon J. [“Institute of Ethnic Affairs.”](https://www.guampedia.com/institute-of-ethnic-affairs/) In *Guampedia*, last modified 3 June 2021.
Skinner, Carlton. *After Three Centuries. Representative Democracy and Civilian Government for Guam*. San Francisco: Macduff Press, 1997.
Taitano, Carlos. “Guam: The Struggle for Civil and Political Rights” in *Micronesian Politics.* Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies of the University of the South, 1988.
–––. “Status Tensions between Guam and the United States: Participant-Observer Accounts.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume One. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics
**Tags:** National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship
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### [Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** First elected to the Guam Congress in 1936, Antonio Borja Won Pat (1908 - 1987) was a mainstay in Guam politics. He was most noted for spearheading the Organic Act of Guam and acting as the island’s first Washington representative in the US Congress.
**Content:**
# Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat
View photos for the Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622441248931).
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## Guam politics mainstay
First elected to the Guam Congress in 1936, Antonio Borja Won Pat (1908 – 1987) was a mainstay in Guam politics. He was most noted for spearheading the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) and acting as the island’s first Washington representative in the US Congress.
## Political career began in the 1930s
Won Pat was born in [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), Guam on 10 December 1908. He married Ana Perez in 1932 and together they had eight children: Aveline, Marilyn, Jacqueline, Ellen, Anthony, Rosalind, Judith and Mark.
Won Pat completed his primary education at the Normal School in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). He then became a teacher and after teaching for eight years, Won Pat was nominated to the advisory [Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) in 1936. Prior to the signing of the Organic Act in 1950 which provided for US citizenship and limited self-government, Guam’s citizens were under complete US Navy rule.
The pre-Organic Act Guam Congress sat only as an advisory body to the naval governor. It consisted of two houses – the House of Council and the House of Assembly. Its members were elected by the people of their districts.
Following [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii), Won Pat began to attain influence on the island forming the Guam Commercial Corporation in 1946. Supported by the naval government, he prioritized economic self-sufficiency before achieving citizenship. GCC played a role in the post-war economic boom, but ultimately went bankrupt in 1954. By this time, Won Pat was entrenched in the House of Assembly beginning in 1948 becoming speaker of the Guam Legislature in 1951.
## Political landmarks
After World War II, the drive for American citizenship gained momentum due to the CHamoru’s/Chamorro’s loyalty to the United States during the Japanese occupation of Guam. After attaining the role of speaker in the Guam Congress, Won Pat along with naval Governor Carlton Skinner and [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/), began work on what would become the Guam Organic Act. Gaining approval in Washington D.C., the act gave the people of Guam American citizenship and the right to establish a civil government.
Guam took another step toward self-representation under Won Pat in 1964 when *I Mina’ Siete na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 7th Guam Legislature created Guam’s Washington Office, as an elected position. Won Pat lobbied for the post and won it. While in office Won Pat spread awareness to the other state representatives about Guam and the political situation it was in, and increased federal support followed his effective lobbying.
## First Guam delegate to Congress
In his post in Washington, DC, Won Pat continued the battle to gain representation in Congress and in the process gained many allies. These allies included California Congressman Philip Burton, a member of the House Interior and Insular Affairs Committee. Burton used his influence to gain the support of committee chairman Wayne Aspinall and twenty co-sponsors. Public Law 92-271 was passed on 10 April 1972. The groundbreaking bill gave Guam and the Virgin Islands representation in Congress for two-year terms. Elected officials could now speak on the House floor and introduce new legislation though they could not vote on the floor. On 3 January 1973, Won Pat became the first resident of Guam to take the oath of office as a member of the 93rd Congress.
## The end of the trust territories
While Won Pat was Guam’s delegate to the US Congress his efforts weren’t limited to his constituents on Guam. During his tenure as delegate to the U.S. Congress, he was instrumental in helping what are now the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI); the Federated States of Micronesia, comprised of the island states of Kosrae, Pohnpei, Chuuk, and Yap; the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Republic of Palau achieve more political self governance through the dismantling of the Trust Territories of the Pacific Islands.
Shortly after World War II, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, not including Guam, was created and administered by the United States. In the 1970s work began to dissolve the Trust Territory as the districts voted to end their trustee statuses. The last district to gain political independence was Palau in 1994. The Northern Mariana Islands is now a US Commonwealth (CNMI) and its people US citizens. The Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republic of Palau negotiated Compacts of Free Association with the United States.
Consequently, Guam’s northern neighbors, all much more recent members of the American family, have the right to determine issues on a local level, including issues such as minimum wage and immigration, where as the residents of Guam do not.
Won Pat continued to play a highly visible role in Guam politics until suffering a defeat at the hands of Republican[ Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/) in 1984 for the position of the Washington delegate. On 2 May 1987, Won Pat died of a heart attack.
[***By Nicholas Yamashita Quinata***](http://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-quinata/)
## For further reading
*Guam Tribune*. “Antonio B. Won Pat Made History for Guam.” 1 August 1986.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Won Pat, Antonio B. “Commencement Address.” University of Guam, Mangilao, GU, 12 May 1978.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat
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### [Governor Ford Quint Elvidge](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ford-quint-elvidge/)
**Published:** August 1, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ford Quint Elvidge (1892-1980) was the second appointed civilian governor of Guam. He was appointed by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953 and remained in office until May 1956.
**Content:**
# Governor Ford Quint Elvidge
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## Governor of Guam 1953-1956
Ford Quint Elvidge (1892 – 1980) was the second appointed civilian governor of Guam. He was appointed by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953 and remained in office until May 1956. He was assisted by Lieutenant Governor Randall Herman who had worked with the previous governor, [Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/). Elvidge was a Republican attorney from Seattle, Washington, and a Freemason, whose years as governor were marked with tension as the island struggled to transition from military to permanent civilian government.
## Early life
Born 30 November 1892 in Oakland, California, Ford Elvidge spent his early years in Oakland before moving with his parents and brother in 1911 to Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Uninterested in joining the Canadian bar, he moved to Seattle in 1916 and entered the University of Washington. He was studying law there when the United States entered World War I in 1917. Elvidge enlisted in the US Army Reserve Corps. He was commissioned and sent to training as part of the US Medical Corps, making it as far as Camp Mills in New York before the armistice ending the war went into effect. Returning from Camp Mills, Elvidge married Anita Emily Miller in 1918. He was admitted to the Washington State Bar in 1919 and began working with the law offices of Tucker and Hyland in Seattle. Eventually he founded Elvidge, Watt, Veblen & Tewell, remaining there until his retirement in 1974 as head of the firm.
Elvidge had a long history of involvement in Republican politics. Although he was not a supporter of President Eisenhower he was a supporter of Republican policy and office holders. The year before his appointment, Elvidge made an unsuccessful bid for the Republican Party nomination for lieutenant governor of Washington State.
In a 1976 interview for the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Elvidge recounted his appointment as Guam’s second civilian governor. At the time, Douglas McKay of Oregon was the Secretary of Interior after Eisenhower’s inauguration in January 1953. The office of governor of Guam had just become vacant. Although Elvidge did not know McKay well, McKay’s assistant was a fellow resident of Seattle named Raymond C. Davis. Davis and Elvidge were good friends and Davis contacted him offering him the position. The offer was a shock, but Davis was insistent, informing Elvidge that “The island was in kind of a mess and Doug McKay had to get the job filled.”
## Governor of Guam
Elvidge was offered an annual salary of $13,125 (the $125 was to cover costs for “air mail postage,” he was told), and a new government house. Without really knowing where Guam was or anything else about the island, Elvidge accepted the appointment and he and his wife arrived on island in April 1953. In his inaugural address to a crowd of about 3,500 in the Plaza de España, Elvidge expounded upon his goals and perceived responsibilities to the people of Guam and to the United States government. He stated:
> I am here as your Governor…But in acting as your governor, I want you to know that I regard myself as much your chief servant as your chief executive officer. I want, as soon as I can, to learn all I can about your island, its government, your lives and your traditions. Only by so doing can I adequately serve you.
Elvidge noted that the island, although operating under a civilian government, was still largely under military control. Most striking was the Navy’s strict control of entry and exit to and from Guam, requiring security clearance. In fact, Elvidge initially had been denied entry to board the plane headed to Guam to assume his post after he revealed he had no security clearance from the Navy. After some questioning and Elvidge’s assurance that he was, indeed, the newly appointed governor of Guam, he finally was allowed to board the plane.
According to historians [Paul Carano](https://www.guampedia.com/paul-carano/) and[ Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), Elvidge’s administration was defined by a determined effort to reduce government spending and improving the territory’s medical facilities and school system. In addition, the governor tried to encourage the local population to engage in western style commercial agriculture, but this effort was met with little success.
However, Elvidge did have several notable achievements. Using his experience as a lawyer, he was able to negotiate with the naval authorities an agreement to increase power and water allocations for the general public. Elvidge also worked to get Guam included in the Federal National Mortgage Association program, which helped provide funds for new housing or to build additions to existing housing for local residents.
The Elvidge administration also developed an islandwide cleanup program. Upon his arrival on Guam, Elvidge had observed that the island was littered with surplus military materials, abandoned automobile wreckage, piles of dumped trash and other eyesores which presented a potential health hazard. The cleanup campaign focused on education on proper sanitation procedures and village level efforts to remove garbage. In January 1954, Elvidge focused on acquiring over $100,000 worth of surplus military property, including plumbing supplies, heavy equipment, tools and typewriters. Many of these items were used by the government and also by the newly opened vocational school.
Another of Governor Elvidge’s significant achievements was his proposal to convert the newly constructed nursing school building at the [Guam Memorial Hospital](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) to a general hospital ward. The nursing school was part of a new hospital complex being constructed in Oka, [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). Elvidge feared that funding would run out during the construction of the hospital due to decreasing tax revenues. Although Elvidge’s plan was initially rejected by the Legislature, eventually by 4 June 1955, a new 6-story, 65,000 square foot structure became a new wing of the permanent Guam Memorial Hospital.
Elvidge also worked toward the reopening of the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) in the garden house at the grounds of the Plaza de España, forming a Parks, Monuments and Museum Committee to reestablish, equip and operate the museum, as well as conduct studies and restore and preserve important historical landmarks.
Furthermore, during the Elvidge administration, Public Law 42 was passed, which allowed for jury trial in certain cases within the jurisdiction of the newly established [District Court of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-the-guam-courts/). Cargo handling rates at the Guam Commercial Port were reduced; the installation of a modern, islandwide telephone system was completed, and new schools were built in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) and [Sånta Rita-Suma](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/)i.
At the national level, Elvidge traveled to Washington, DC and had discussions with the Department of Interior officials and President Eisenhower regarding progress on Guam. Elvidge desired to clarify how and which federal laws were to be applied to Guam, especially in light of the [Organic Act](http://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/). He also expressed interest in the territory having its own representative in Congress, asserting, “I think Guam should have representation. They are not a large unit, but they are an integrated part of the United States.
Elvidge and his wife were the first official occupants of the newly built Government House on top of San Ramon Hill overlooking [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). The Elvidge’s developed close relationships with Federal Judge Paul Shriver and his wife Melba, the Commander, Naval Marianas and staff, as well as [Bishop Apollinaris Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/), the head of the Roman Catholic Church. Although the governor and the bishop had agreed they would not interfere in each other’s roles, Elvidge did note that Baumgartner had a representative in the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), [Fr. Felixberto Flores](http://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/), who regularly observed the group’s proceedings. Of the few women Elvidge become acquainted with, CHamoru/Chamorro educator [Agueda I. Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/) was the most prominent.
According to Carano and Sanchez, Elvidge had a contentious relationship with the Second Guam Legislature who were elected into office in 1953. While the previous governor [Carlton Skinner](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/) was able to work cooperatively with members of the First Guam Legislature, Elvidge was unable to attain the same level of cooperation. For example, he was criticized for having vetoed over nine pieces of legislation in his first few months in office. That year, the legislature passed 51 public laws and 82 resolutions. One of the bills that Elvidge had vetoed actually made it to the desk of the President of the United States – the first such bill sent to the President for final action. (The bill had proposed that movie censorship be established on Guam. Elvidge objected and President Eisenhower agreed with the governor.)
In addition, the Elvidge administration and several of his appointees were subject to verbal attacks by some of the members of the legislature. Most of their disagreements stemmed from the Republican, conservative governor’s views clashing with the mostly liberal views of the legislature. Frequently, Elvidge was very vocal about his displeasure with the legislature, especially when he did not get his way.
Years later when asked about how he was perceived by the people of Guam, he replied:
> I went out there as an appointee of Eisenhower…\[who\] was looked upon by everybody as a great man and highly respected. And so when I went out there, I was a representative of Eisenhower. So a great deal of the respect for Eisenhower reflected in my favor and I got along very well with them. But that relationship between civilian government and the civilian people was to a certain extent disintegrating as they gained more control. They began to feel their oats, so to speak, and begin to, well, just as the Congress feels it’s more important than the President, so the Guam Legislature began to assume a more important feeling than that awarded to the civilian governor.
Elvidge’s term, though, also was contentious because he did not have a very high opinion of the Chamorro people, infantilizing them by likening them to children who could not or did not know how to take care of themselves. In his interview for the Eisenhower library, he said he believed that the Chamorros were good people but incompetent, and had difficulty handling the challenges of a cash economy and other social issues, such as prostitution and gambling. So, in addition to cleaning up the island of garbage and boonie dogs, Elvidge wanted to remove taxi-dancers.
Elvidge believed the gambling and prostitution problem on Guam was the result of the presence of “taxi-dancers” mostly from the Philippines and Hawaii. Taxi-dancers were women who frequented the dance halls and would be paid to be a man’s dance partner. The large number of Filipino laborers hired for the postwar reconstruction, as well as military personnel, contributed to the increase in popularity of taxi-dancing. The dancing, though, was seen as a cover for prostitution and so Elvidge put a bill to the legislature to ban taxi-dancing. According to Elvidge the legislature sat on the bill for weeks until he asked [Bishop Baumgartner](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/) to intervene. The bill finally passed, and the taxi-dancers were sent off-island. Elvidge is also remembered for prohibiting all forms of gambling at the Liberation Day festival grounds, saying, “The occasion should be dignified.”
At the end of his term, Elvidge wrote an article published in the 1 December 1956 issue of the *Saturday Evening Post* entitled “I Ruled Uncle Sam’s Problem Child,” in which he recounted the incident of initially being refused entry into Guam because of the security clearance requirement. He complained of not finding a paradise, but rather, an island plagued by garbage and invasive creatures like toads and African snails. He wrote:
> My dream of the tropical life – wearing a white suit, smelling flowers and sitting under palm trees – didn’t survive my first day in office.
But most appalling to local readers was his assertion that “Many Guamanians, once enthusiastic pro-Americans, now bitterly resented statesiders and their influence,” and other references of anti-American/anti-Caucasian sentiments by the people of Guam.
His successor, [Governor Richard Barrett Lowe](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-richard-barrett-lowe/), had to respond to the article after the public uproar it generated on Guam. The editors of the *Guam Daily News* also printed an editorial piece in response to the scathing, disparaging remarks by Elvidge, calling the former governor a “Disgruntled Ruler,” who “really laments, it seems…that he was not allowed the full reign of dictatorship; that some of the indigenous people whom he wanted to rule had the nerve to talk back to him, to ‘box his ears’ occasionally. He had – and there’s no question about it – a rugged administration. He wanted it that way, he asked for it; and evidently when he couldn’t take any more of it, he quit…And it seems very indecent of the ex-governor to conclude, as he apparently does, that because he wasn’t liked here it follows that Guamanians don’t really like Americans. No American, Guamanian or otherwise, can patriotically like dictatorship or dictators.”
In 1972, Governor Elvidge’s wife Anita published *Guam Interlude*, a small book which recounted their experiences living on Guam, including their arrival, their residence and servants, and the adjustments to life on a tropical island. Like her husband’s article in the *Saturday Evening Post*, *Guam Interlude* highlighted the prevailing perception by “statesiders” of the local population as lazy but good-natured, kind but childlike and naive. Mrs. Elvidge’s concluding paragraph, however, expressed more affection for the people of Guam:
> We loved the Island and its people, sweated and worried over their progress. We had striven to please them and advise them. We loved the sunshine, the beautiful beaches, the loyalty and earnestness of the people…But best of all, we appreciate the opportunity that enabled us to have a part in shaping the destiny of an important – though small – segment of the United States of America.
Governor Elvidge died at the age of 87 on 14 July 1980. According to his obituary in the *Seattle Times*, he had served as a past president of the Seattle Bar Association, the College Club and the University of Washington Law School Alumni Association, and was a former member of the board of the Washington State Bar Association. Elvidge was also a past president of the Seattle chapter of the English-speaking Union and served as legal counsel to the British consul in Seattle. In 1966, Queen Elizabeth II conferred on him the title of honorary commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire. He was an active member of the Washington State Masons where he was a Past Grand Master; he was also a 33rd degree Mason, a past potentate of the Nile Temple and was affiliated with other Masonic bodies. Governor Elvidge and his wife Anita had three children: a son, Robert, and two daughters, Marthanna and Carolyn.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Elvidge, Anita M. *Guam Interlude*. Self-published, 1972.
*[Fiftieth Anniversary of Guam Organic Act](https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRECB-2000-pt12/html/CRECB-2000-pt12-Pg16627.htm).* 106th Congress, 2nd Session, *Congressional Record* 146, pt. 12: 16627-16630.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor Ford Quint Elvidge
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### [Nobenan San Antonion Padua](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-san-antonion-padua/)
**Published:** September 30, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Nobenan San Antonion Padua / Novena to Saint Anthony of Padua
**Content:**
# Nobenan San Antonion Padua
 Image capture from *Celebrating CHamoru Nobenas* by Dr. Lola Quan Baustista, 2024.
#### Table of Contents
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**Chamorro/CHamoru****English**NOBENAN SAN ANTONION PADUA
Tinige‘ Påle‘ Roman Maria de Vera
Misioneron Kapuchino (1941)
Nina‘ lamaolek as
Påle‘ Eric Forbes (2023)
Nobenan San Antonio
NOVENA TO SAINT ANTHONY OF PADUA
By Father Roman Maria de Vera
Capuchin Missionary (1941)
Translated by
Father Eric Forbes (2023)
Novena to Saint Anthony
## Fine'nana na Ha'åne (First Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my heart for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Sen tagåhlo as San Antonio gi Padua, I’inan i Såntos na Iglesian Jesukristo, ni i mina’ måfnas i chathinengge siha; yan Kaohao i På’go Testamento. Na’ taka’ yo’ gine (*ginen*) i Saina-ta as Yu’us ni hu tåtånga yan hugagagao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) u nina’ fan ma tuna hamyo yan si Yu’us. Lao yagin (*yanggen*) åhe’, na’ tunas i ginagao-ho; ya un tåyuyut si Yu’us na u nå’e yo’ ni u nina’ ma tuna gue’, ya u nina’ maolek i anti-ho.
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i man Ånghet ni i pumupulan i taotao siha gi tano’. Hu chuli’e’ hao nu i manunas na fina’tinas ennao siha i manakkilo’ na ånghet, yan lokkue’ i che’cho’ siha i guaiyayon na tentago’-mo as San Antonio. Guiya ma yåyåho na ånghet, sa’ sumen gåsgas gue’ tataotao yan ånte, ya ha na’ suha meggai na taotao gi taiminaktos na inale i tataotao yan i ante i hagululume siha guine gi tano’.
Asaina, hu gågao hao na un nå’e yo’ ni ginasgas hinalom, taiguihe i hagas un nå’e si San Antonio; yan lokkue’ i hu tåtånga guine na nobena yagin (*yanggen*) un nina’ ma tuna hao yan u nina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Taitai tres Tatan-måme, Ave Maria, Gloria. An måkpo’ ennao, gågao si San Antonio ayo i malago’-mo guine na nobena. Fanaitai diddidi’.*
Most exalted Saint Anthony of Padua, Light of the Holy Church of Jesus Christ, who stamped out heresies; and Ark of the New Testament. Obtain for me from our Lord God what I desire and ask for in this novena, if it be for your glory and the glory of God. But, if not, rectify my request; and pray to God that I may be given what will glorify Him and what will benefit my soul.
Lord God and Lord of the Angels who watch over the people on earth. I bring to you the righteous acts of those exalted angels, and the works also of your lovable servant Saint Anthony. He is called an Angel, because he is most pure in body and soul, and he removed many people from unending errors of body and soul which surrounded them on earth.
Lord, I beseech you that you grant me interior purity, as you once gave Saint Anthony; and also that which I desire in this novena if it be to your glory and the good of my soul. Amen.
*Pray three times the Our Father, Hail Mary and Glory Be. When that is finished, ask Saint Anthony what you desire in this novena. Pray a little.*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Iya Lisboa, må’gas na siudå giya Pottugåt nai mafañågo gi 1195 i tagåhlo na Fafa’tinas Milågro as San Antonio. Ma fa’na’an lokkue’ si San Antonio gi Padua, sa’ ayo annai minatåye i tano’ ya finañaguye i langet. I mañaina-ña, matua yan maolek; ya ma nå’ye na’ån-ña as Fernando annai ma takpånge gi guma’yu’us (*gima’yu’us*) Sånta Maria.
Si Fernando, gi man fine’nana na sakån-ña ma li’e’ ni minaolek-ña; ya i fino’ i man åmko’ nai ta tungo’ na i mina’ singko sakån-ña, humånao malak i attat Sånta Maria, ya manhula na ti u na’ hopplat i anti-ña nu håfa na inabale’.
I dinikkike’-ña nai mansangan, na manaitai ni tinaitai-ña; ya finatoigue nu i anite, na’ma’a’ñao i anok-ña; ya si Fernando nina’ ma’å’ñao ya dinilalak, sa’ mama’ kilu’us gi acho’. Ya i såntos kilu’us sumåga ha’ chetton guihe kalan mohon ma tuge’ gi hilo’ i manñaña’ na danges.
Annai si Fernando kinse åños sakån-ña, i tinakkilon i mañaina-ña yan i maolek na ma chachalane-ña siña nina’ tailaye i anti-ña yagin (*yanggen*) sumåga gi entalo’ i man ga’ tano’ siha. Sa’ i lina’la’la’ kinalamte-ña, i ginef-ulu-ña, ayo i gina’ umeminagof ni i loloklok gi halom i korason-ña, ume’epok i man acha amko’-ña yan i man atungo’-ña; ya ma sen guaiya yan ma gofli’e’. Lao i manhongge-ña ni i manhåle’ gi hinalom-ña yan i tinas na ma poksai-ña man danña; yan i gråsian långet; ya guiya ma dalalake magof.
Ennao na maolek na ånte ni i tai’isao må’gas, ti siña sumåga ma’ok gi tano’ annai meggai siña numa’ tailaye. I anti-ña na malago’ ha geftågue si Yu’us, ti åpmam ha hasuye chumo’gue i u fina’ maolek gue’; ya ti aguyon i hinasuye-ña.
Ha guatoigue i Ma’gas i mamåle’ San Agustin gi guma’yu’us (*gima’yu’us*) San Vicente na umacheton yan san hiyong i siudå iya Lisboa; ya ginagao nu todo i hinalom-ña na u nina’ saonao gi Mamåle’ siha. Ti mama’ pute ma hoye i ginagao-ña; sa’ ha tungo’ i maolek na ma fana’gue-ña yan i taiche’tan na hinanao-ña. Si Fernando ha magågonñaihon gue’ ti åpmam nu i attilong na kåchet i Mamåle’ San Agustin; ya ayo ha’ na ha’ånen i humalom-ña, ha na’miña umosge i Tinago’ ayo na Inetnon taotao annai ma na’ hålom.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
Saint Anthony, the exalted Miracle Worker, was born in 1195 in Lisbon, the capital city of Portugal. He is also called Saint Anthony of Padua because that is where he died to the world and was born unto heaven. His parents were nobles and good; and he was named Ferdinand when he was baptized in the church of Saint Mary.
Ferdinand’s goodness was seen in his early years; and by the word of the elders we know that when he was five years old he went to the altar of Holy Mary and vowed that he would not stain his soul with any impurity of any kind.
It is said of his childhood that he said his prayers; and the devil came to him, with a fearful appearance; and Ferdinand frightened him and chased him, for he traced the cross on rock. And the holy cross remained fixed there as if it were written on soft wax.
When Ferdinand was fifteen years old, the status of his parents and his privileged upbringing could do harm to his soul had he remained among the worldly. For his lively comportment, his intelligence, that love of revelry which stirred in his heart, influenced his peers and acquaintances; and he was greatly loved and cherished. But his faith which was rooted within him and his upright training were joined with heavenly grace; and he was joyfully followed.
That good soul free of grave sin could not remain constant in the world where many things could injure him. His soul wanted to be generous to God, and before long he thought of doing what would improve him; and his thoughts were unalterable.
He went to the Superior of the Augustinian priests at the church of Saint Vincent which lay on the outskirts of Lisbon; and he asked with all his heart to be admitted among the priests. It was not difficult to acquiesce to his request; for he know his good birth and blameless ways. Ferdinand was clothed not long after with the black habit of the Augustinian priests; and that very day when he entered, he strove to obey the Rule of that community where he was admitted.
**Tinayuyut**
O Såntos-måme as San Antonio, ni i ma yå’ho na ÅNGHET sa’ i ginasgas i anti-mo! U taiminaktos ma na’ takkilo’-mo yan ma tunå-mo gine (*ginen*) i man ångheles yan i taotao siha, sa’ un daddalalake i Anghet siha gi ginasgas hinalom-mo, ya nina’e hao as Yu’us nu ennao na masåmai yan sen paopao na bittut-ñiha. Nina’ mamagof i anti-ho nu i tinakkilo’-mo; yan hu tåtåyuyut hao, na un hagu’e yo’ gine (*ginen*) i Minames-ta as Jesukristo na u sen gåsgas i tataotao yan i hinaso-ko, yagin (*yanggen*) ha’ hu kekecho’gue maolek ayo siha i u nina’ ma tuna si Yu’us. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågagao hao guine na nobena, ya yagin (*yanggen*) u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O Saint Anthony, who was called an Angel on account of the purity of your soul! May your preeminence and praise be unending among the angels and people, because you imitated the angels in your inner purity, and you were given by God that beautiful and most fragrant virtue of theirs. My soul rejoices in your excellence; and I pray to you that you obtain for me from our sweet Jesus Christ that my body and soul be most pure, if I try to do well those things that bring glory to God. Grant me also that which I ask in this novena, if it be for the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 and 2 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 1 and 2](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mamae-day-1.pdf)
---
### Second song: Ta Tuna Si San Antonio
Note: “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” and “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” switch everyday. The first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio”.
Sheet music: [Ta Tuna si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Dos na Ha’åne (The Second Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Man Atkånghet, ni i un tå’guan siha nu i man mahatot na che’cho’ i ma tunå-mo yan i minaolek i taotao siha! Hu chuli’e’ hao på’go na ha’åne ni man tunåyon na fina’tinas ennao siha na man sen tagåhlo na Atkånghet yan lokkue’ siha i che’cho’ i guaiyayon na tentago’-mo as San Antonio. Hågo un ayek yan un po’lo si San Antonio kalan tentågo’ i ma tunå-mo guine gi halom i taotao siha, ya tina’guan nu i minaolek i ti man tufungon na ånte siha.
Hu gågågao hao na un nå’e yo’ ni grasiå-mo; ya hu hulat gumef cho’gue i pekå’-ho guine gi ma po’lu-ho gi tano’, taimano ha’ i sinantusan pinto’-mo. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ i sasahnge na gråsia ni i hu tåtånga guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) siña un nina’ ma tuna hao yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Archangels, whom you charged with the grave duties of your glory and man’s welfare! I bring you today the praiseworthy acts of those most exalted Archangels and also the works of your beloved Servant Saint Anthony. You chose and placed Saint Anthony as a servant of your glory here among the people, and entrusted him with the good of countless souls.
I beseech you to grant me your grace; that I be able to fulfill well my obligations which you have given me here on earth, according to your holy will. Grant me also the special grace which I desire in this novena, if it be for your glory and the good of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
I MAN ÅMKO’ ha såsångan na ayo i sumagå-ña gi konbenton San Agustin, guaha tengnga nai mumimisa gi attat, ya ha li’e’ na maloffan chaddek ya humålom gi langet na ti sumugo’ giya Putgatorio i anten un Påle’ Fransiskåno na ayo ha’ nai måtai.
Ti åpmam maloffan, i tutuhon 1220 na såkkan, singko na Mamåle’ Fransiskåno man liheng gi konbenton San Antonio; ya ayo na mamåle’ man tinago’ as San Franciscon Asis na u fan malak Maruekos ya u ha pågatñaihon i Sånto Ebanghelio gi ti mangilisyåno. Lao ma na’ tungo’ na ayo siha i man matatnga na misionero man ma puno’ nu i manaihinengge na moro siha sa’ ha såsångan ya ha pågatñañaihon si Jesukristo. I tataotao i man ma puno’ man ma chule’ guato Pottugåt, annai man ma håfot nu i ma’gas na hinafot. Si Yu’us ha fa’tinas un na’manman na milågro; ya manågo’ na i Mamåle’ San Agustin annai hagas ha’ mansugo’ yan mañåga i man måttit u ha adahe i tataotao-ñiha. Annai ha li’e’ ayo, si Fernando nu todo i hinalom-ña mumalago’ malak guato gi Mañe’lon San Francisco annai guaha manaiguennao na taotao Yu’us yan måttit siha.
Ma ekkungok i tinayuyot-ña gi me’nan Yu’us; ya gusse’ ha tulaika i attilong na kåchet i Mamåle’ San Agustin gi kalatton na laniyan San Francisco. Ya ha gågao na u ma ago i na’ån-ña as Fernando gi ANTONIO; sa’ gos ya-ña mina’ hulo’ i Såntos as Antonio Abad ni i Patronon ayo na dikkiki’ na konbento annai sumåga nåya.
Ti åpmam maloffan, si Antonio ha na’ hasso i man må’gas i Mañe’lo nu i hagas ginagao-ña na u ma na’ guatuye i man moro siha. Ya ma po’lo na u ma udai gi meddong ni i malak Maruekos, annai hinasosso-ña na u ma puno’ gue’, ya u siña chumule’ i bingan i man måttit.
Gigon ha’ måtto gi tano’ Maruekos, nina’ yayas yan nina’ yåfai nu i tumano’-ña yan i tumasi-ña gi ti tano’-ña; ya nina’ye kalentura ni i nina’ gos pute gue’, ya nina’ åsson gue’ guihe na fanmanenghingan. I Såntos ha li’e’ manana guihe i pinto’ Yu’us; ya inesge magogof. Ya ha sungon yan dångkulon siningon-ña i chetnot na nina’en Yu’us nu guiya. Ya annai ti sesen homlo’, tuma’lo tumåse guato giya Pottugåt. Lao sumen napo i tase; ya i langat siha inasa i meddong, ya nina’ hålom guato gi chepchop tåse giya Sisilia, annai ma atocho’cho’ kumahåya; ya lumiheng gi ettego na konbenton i Mamåle’ Fransiskåno iya Mesina.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
The elders relate that, while he lived in the convent of Saint Augustine, he often said Mass at the altar, and he saw that the soul of a Franciscan priest had just died and went quickly into heaven without going through Purgatory.
Not long after, at the beginning of 1220, five Franciscan priests stayed at Saint Anthony’s convent; and those priests were sent by Saint Francis of Assisi to Morocco to preach the Holy Gospel to unbelievers. But he was informed that those brave missionaries were killed by the unbelieving Moors because they proclaimed and preached Jesus Christ. The bodies of those killed were taken over to Portugal, where they were solemnly buried. God performed a remarkable miracle; and commanded that the Augustinian priest with whom they had earlier called on and stayed with would care for the bodies of those martyrs. When he saw this, Ferdinand desired with all his heart to go over to the Franciscan Friars where there were such men of God and martyrs.
His prayer before God was heard; and quickly he changed the black habit of the Augustinian priests for the rough garment of Saint Francis. And he asked that his name Ferdinand be changed to Anthony; for he greatly desired to glorify the name of Saint Anthony the Abbot who was the patron of that small convent where he was then staying.
Not long afterward, Anthony reminded the superiors of the Friars about his earlier request to be sent to the Moors. And he was put on board a vessel headed for Morocco, where he believed he would be killed, and would be able to acquire the palm of martyrdom.
As soon as he arrived in the land of Morocco, he was tired and fatigued by his travels and seafaring in a foreign land; and he caught a fever which pained him so, and they laid down there that winter. The saint saw clearly there the will of God; and he happily obeyed it. And he endured with great forbearance the illness which God had given him. And when he had not entirely recovered, he continued to sail over to Portugal. But the sea had high waves; and the rough seas diverted the ship toward Sicily, where it was compelled to harbor; and he took shelter in the small friary of the Franciscan priests in Messina.
**Tinayuyut**
O Såntos-måme as San Antonio! Hågo muna’ mamagof yan tumåtåne’ i ante siha yagin (*yanggen*) ma agånge hao. Mamagof yo’ nu i mina’gås-mo na si Yu’us hao numå’e, taiguihe i mina’gas i Atkånghet siha. Hågo guinaiya yan inayeg as Yu’us tentago’-ña; ya tinago’ nu i Saina-ta na un adingane i taotao siha nu i fino’ långet, un fanånå’gue siha nu i tinas yan magåhet na chachalan Yu’us ni i guiya ha’ na maisa i mangongonne’ guato gi langet.
Tayuyute yo’ as Jesukristo i sen mames na Saina-ta; ya un gågao na i ininå-ña utanchue yo’ nu i kalatton na chalan i langet yan i man maolek na pennga’ siha. Yagin (*yanggen*) ma ina yan ma sohyo i anti-ho, hu hulat sumen osge i ma tago’-ho guine gi tano’, ya hu hago’ i gråsian Yu’us. Na’ taka’ yo’ lokkue’ nu i hu tåtånga guine na nobena yagin (*yanggen*) u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O Saint Anthony! You make happy and alleviate the souls who call on you. I rejoice in your greatness which God has given you, similar to the greatness of the Archangels. You were loved and chosen by God for his servant; and you were sent by our Lord to speak to the people about the word of heaven, you taught them the straight and true way of God which itself alone leads to heaven.
Pray for me to Jesus Christ our sweet Lord; and ask that his light show me the difficult way to heaven and the good virtues. If my soul is enlightened and encouraged, I will be able to truly fulfill my mission here on earth, and obtain the grace of God. Obtain for me also what I desire in this novena if it be for the glory of God and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 3 and 4 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 3 and 4](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mame-day-2-5-8.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’
Note: “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” and “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” switch everyday. The second, fourth, sixth, and eighth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’”.
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Santos-Mame-day-3-6-9.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina' Tres na Ha'åne (The Third Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Man Må’gas siha na Ånghet ni umadadahe i fina’ maoliken i taotao siha, man mamanånå’gue, man mani’ina yan man manånågo’. Hu chuli’e’ hao på’go na ha’åne nu i manakkalom yan man sen maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha i manakkilo’ na Ånghet; yan lokkue’ i che’cho’ siha San Antonio gi Padua ni i mina’ fan manungo’ yan ha na’ fan mañotsot meggai na mañåguat, mamanånå’gue, mañosohyo yan manånågo’.
Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un nå’e yo’ nu i yinedahen San Antonio nu i iyon i Såntos na Na’ån-mo, ya hu chalapune i tano’ nu i ma tunå-mo. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu tåtånga yan hu gågågao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) un nina’ latakkilo’ hao yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Angelic Principalities who watch over the betterment of the people, who teach, enlighten and command. I bring to you today the devout and excellent deeds of those exalted angels; and also the works of Saint Anthony of Padia who taught and converted many of the insolent, teaching, heartening and directing them.
I pray to you that you grant me the care which Saint Anthony had for your Holy Name, and spread your praise throughout the world. Grant me also what I desire and request in this novena, if it be for your greater glory and the good of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Måtto i ha’åne, ya ayo na kåndet Yu’us u ma po’lo gi annai siña ma li’e’, ya u fanina gi tano’. Ekkungok håftaimano finanu’en Yu’us nu i taotao siha as San Antonio.
I mit dos sientos bente i dos na såkkan, meggai na mamåle’ Fransiskåno yan Dominiko man måtto giya Farli. Man etnon siha ya ma na’ adingan nu håfa na sinantusan. Lao ha na’ fan humitde siha i mamåle’ Sånto Domingo, ya ti man malago’ man huyong gi me’nan i pumalon mamåle’. Ayo nai i må’gas i mamåle’ San Francisco, hungguan ineppok yan inina as Yu’us, ha fåna’ si San Antonio ni i gina’chongñaihon, ya tinago’ na guiya u adingan. Ha osge i Sånto; ya ha sångan ayo i nina’ ma sångan as Yu’us Espiritu Sånto. I tutuhon-ña i fino’ San Pablo: “I Kristo umosgon asta i finatai, i finatai gi kilu’us.” Ha po’lo si Jesukristo kalan i magåhet na dinalalaken i mamåle’, yan faneyag i taotao siha ni i lumachai dumingo yan ha yute’ i tano’ yan i guinaha-ña siha. I umadingan-ña, kalan ñating yan matulalaihon gi tutuhon-ña lao gusse’ ha na’ la’oppan; ya meggai ilek-ña na kalan sisongge. I man manekkungok nina’ fan manman nu i sinangån-ña; ya pine’lon-ñiha na ha huhungok kalan fino’ Profeta. Ti ma tungo’ håfa nina’ fan manman kao i ginefli’e’-ña pat i dangkulo na hinimitde-ña.
Ma sangåne si San Francisco nu i minalåte’ yan i na’manman na tiningo’ San Antonio; ya guiya ni i malago’ na i mamåle’ u fan gaitiningo ya u fan siña man mamanånå’gue ni chachalan Yu’us, ha hasuye na inayek si San Antonio Ma’estron i Mamåle’.
Ma na’ få’pos Montpellier; ya guihe na songsong finalofanguan nu i fina’pos-ña na kalan i tutuhon i ma agången San Antonio yagin (*yanggen*) guaha håfa na malingo. Annai ha tutuge’ i MA PULA’ I TININA SIHA (*Såtmo*), i sasahnge na maolek tinige’-ña; un på’go hinalom na relihioso ha chenggle (*chengle*) ayo na tinige’, sa’ gos ya-ña tumaitai; ya nina’ falågo. I Såntos na Fafanå’gue nina’ pinite nu i malingu-ña; ya må’pos manåyuyut. Ayo ha’ nai i chumenggle (*chumengle*) ma na’ såga gi hinanao-ña. Gigon ha’ ha keke’upos i saddok ha li’e’ un na’ ma’a’ñao na fafa’ñague ni i mañuñule’ gachai gi kanai-ña; ya umågang yan hinahanhan, ilek-ña: Si Yu’us ni i fuma’tinas i langet yan i tano’ un hasso; ya un na’ na’lo i chinenggle-mo (*chinengle-mo*), yagin (*yanggen*) ti malago’ hao na un lotgun gi saddok.”
Nina’ mahngang i på’go hinalom. Tuma’lo guato gi fanpale’an. Ha konfesatñaihon i sinake-ña; ya ha gågao asi’e’ nina’ gos tanges. Si San Antonio nina’e gue’ ta’lo ni magågon relihioso; ya ginefli’e’ taiguihe ha’ nåya.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
The day came when that light of God would be placed where he could be seen, and would light up the world. Listen to how God would show Saint Anthony to the world.
In the year 1222, many Franciscan and Dominican priests came to Farli. They gathered and spoke about holy things. But the Dominican priests humbled themselves and didn’t want to appear before the other priests. That is why the superior of the Franciscan priests, apparently inspired and enlightened by God, faced Saint Anthony whom he accompanied, and ordered him to speak. The saint obeyed; and spoke that which God the Holy Spirit prompted him to speak. He began with the words of Saint Paul: “Christ obeyed until death, death on a cross.” He proposed Jesus Christ as the true model of priests, and the choice of those who totally leave and abandon the world and its treasures. The beginning of his speech was seemingly slow and faltering, but he quickly made it resound; and much of what he said was as if it was enflamed. Those who listened were astounded by what he said; and they thought they were listening to the words of a prophet. They didn’t know whether they marveled at his love or at his great humility.
They told Saint Francis about the intelligence and wondrous knowledge of Saint Anthony; and he, who wanted that priests should be knowledgeable and be able to teach the way to God, considered that Saint Anthony was chosen to be the teacher of priests.
He left for Montpellier; and in that city the incident passed in which began the invocation of Saint Anthony when something is lost. When he was writing the EXPLANATION OF THE PSALMS, his exceptionally good book; a novice religious took that book, for he loved to read; and he ran off. The Holy Teacher was in sorrow over his loss; and he went to pray. The thief was stopped in his tracks. When he tried to pass a river he saw a terrifying figure who carried an axe in his hand; and he called out threateningly, saying: Remember the God who made heaven and earth; and return what you stole, if you do not want to be thrown into the river.”
The novice was stunned. He went back to the convent. He confessed his theft; and he tearfully begged for mercy. Saint Anthony gave back to him the religious habit; and loved him the same as before.
**Tinayuyut**
O manguaiya yan ma guaiya na San Antonio gi Padua, ni i ume’ekonne’ taotao siha guato as Yu’us man gina’om ni i guaiyayon na finiho (*finiho’*) ni i un falaknos gi såntos na korason-mo! Mamagof yo’ nu i mañasahnge na nina’e yan fina’ maolek Yu’us nu i anti-mo, sa’ nina’ taiguihe hao i Man Må’gas siha na Ånghet. Hågo lasesso mamanånå’gue ya un na’ fan malåte’ i man gaimina’gas siha yan i manai-mina’gas na mañåchang gi tano’ nu i man nina’manman nu i milagru-mo siha yan linangitan na sinangan.
Na’ taka’ yo’ gi Todo ha’ ha na’ siña na Yu’us nu i manana na inina: ya ennao u na’ tungo’ yo’ ni takkalom na minalago’-ña; ya hu siña chumachalålåne i taotao siha guato gi langet. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågågao guine gi nuebe na ha’åne, yagin (*yanggen*) siña u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us, ya u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O loving and beloved Saint Anthony of Padua, who sought to bring the people to God persuaded by the lovable words which you brought forth from your holy heart! I rejoice in the special gifts and benefits God gave your soul, for he made you like unto the Angelic Principalities. You frequently taught and made wise the powerful and powerless commoners of the land through your wonderful miracles and heavenly discourse.
Obtain the lucid light for me from the all-powerful God: and that will show me his deepest will; and I will be able to lead the people to heaven. Grant me also what I request in this novena this day, if it be for the greater glory of God, and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 5, 6, and 7 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 5, 6, and 7](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Santos-Mame-day-3-6-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Ta Tuna Si San Antonio
Note: “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” and “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” switch everyday. The first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio”.
Sheet music: [Ta Tuna si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Kuåttro na Ha’åne (The Fourth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Man Gaisisiña na Ånghet siha ni i man nina’e hinilat nai u ha chomma’ siha i manganite. Hu chuli’e’ hao på’go na ha’åne nu i man na’manman na fina’tinas ennao siha i man manhulat na man ånghet, yan lokkue’ i che’cho’ siha i såntos na tentago’-mo as Antonion Padua. Guiya nina’e ni sasahnge na nina’siñan mamugao manganite gi tataotao yan i ante siha. Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ gaihinilat yan gråsia yo’; ya hu siña chumomma’ i tinigong i manganite nu guåho. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågao guine gi nuebe na ha’åne, yagin (*yanggen*) ennao un nina’ lamatungo’ si Yu’us yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taeguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Angelic Virtues who were endowed with power to repel demons. I bring to you today the wondrous acts of those conquering angels, and also the works of your holy servant Anthony of Padua. He was given the special power to drive out demons from bodies and souls. I pray to you that you grant me power and grace; that I be able to counter the attacks of the demons on me. Grant me also what I ask for in these nine days, if they make you, God, more known and if it be for the good of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Ma na’ hånao si San Antonio guato giya Pui-en-Belai, annai meggai che’cho’-ña na man na’manman. Hu pula’ uno giya siha: “Sumåsaga guihe un notario ni i sen tailaye na taotao. Yagin (*yanggen*) tinaggam as San Antonio, tinekukune gue’ bula rinespeta. Lao nina’ gos bubo i notario; sa’ pine’loña na chinachatge. Ya annai umafåna’, ilek-ña nu guiya: Håfa mina’ un estatane yo? Yagin (*yanggen*) ti hu ma’añågue si Yu’us, hu na’ adotgan giya hågo i espadå-ho. Manoppe si San Antonio, ya ilek-ña: Che’lu-ho, nina’ layo’ yo’ ni minaolek-mo. Guåho ginen hu gågao si Yu’us na hu måttit yo’: lao ha pune yo’ nu ennao na gråsia. På’go ha na’ tungo’ yo’ si Yu’us na hågo nina’e nu i Saina-ta nu ennao na gråsia; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao na yagin (*yanggen*) måtto i finatai-mo, un hahasso i hagas hao hu sangåne. Ennao i fino’ San Antonio ma kumple ti åpmam.”
Iya Arles annai ha pupula’ mamames i tinige’ gi kilu’us i Saina-ta: “Jesus Nasareno, rai i hudios siha”, didok na minagof na tåt nai ma chage ha na’ bula i hinalom i man mane’ekkungok. Ti siña ma pune na guaha maloloffan håfa na yini’usan. Ya magåhet ha’ na taiguennao. Si San Franciscon Asis måtai yan humåhånao gi langet, ya ha hainge si San Antonio, ya ha na’ mames bumendise gi na’an Yu’us i famagu’on-ña siha ni uttimo na bendision-ña: ya ha tutuna i setmon i sen måhñgok yan ma guaiya na lahi-ña as San Antonio. I man gaige guma’yu’us tåya’ lumi’e’ si San Francisco, na si Frai Monaldo ha’ ni i lumi’e’ i Serafin Asis annai man hiniyongge.
Iya Limoges, i ha’ånen Huebes Sånto, annai ha tutuhon i setmon, ha hasso na tinago’ gue’ na u fangånta gi koro gi Må’gas na Misa ni gigigo ha’ ma fa’titinas gi Konbento, lao maleffa ya ti mangågao påle’ ni u hiniyongge. Nina’ gos pinite ni linachi-ña, kalan ti kalalamten yan mamatkikilo laapmam. Nina’ fan sen manman i umekkungok gue’. Håfa maloffan guihe? Si San Antonio chumagaige gi putpiton Limoges yan i konbento-ña, annai ha chocho’gue i matago’-ña gi entalo’ i Mañe’lu-ña.
Gi fanpale’an Soliñak, ha na’ sasahnge apas-ña nu i mamåle’ benediktino, sa’ ma na’ såga giya siha. Gagaige gi fanpale’an un na’ma’ase’ na relihioso ni i sinasapet nu i anite yan i manabale’ na hinasso, ya ti siña nina’ måhgong ha’åne yan puenge. Ha sangåne i Fafa’tinas milågro siha as San Antonio håfa ha fa’poposgue; ya nina’ magågo nu i kåchet i Såntos. Guihe na magågo na nina’ såntos ni i umachett’on yan i taiche’tan na tataotao San Antonio, humuyong ninasiña na sen na’manman; ya nina’ måpao i echong na ineggeng i sensen ayo na relihioso, ya nina’ libre pot milågro guihe na tentasion. I relihioso dumimo påpa’ gi me’nan San Antonio, ya nina’e gue’ ma’åse’.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
Saint Anthony was sent to Puy-en-Bellay, where did many amazing works. I will explain one of them: “There lived there a most evil notary. If he met Saint Anthony, he was bowed to with great respect. But the notary was enraged; because he thought he was being mocked. And when they faced each other, he said to him: Why are you ridiculing me? If I didn’t fear God, I’d pierce you with my sword. Saint Anthony replied, and said: My brother, I am envious of your goodness. I have asked God that I be a martyr: but he has denied me that grace. Now God has made me know that you have been given by our Lord that grace; and I pray you to remember what I once told you when your death comes. That word of Saint Anthony did not take long to come about.”
In Arles, where he sweetly explained the writing on the cross of our Lord: “Jesus of Nazareth, king of the Jews,” a profound joy filled the hearts of the listeners which they never experienced before. It cannot be denied that something divine occurred. And so it was. Saint Francis of Assisi died and was going to heaven, and he appeared to Saint Anthony, and he sweetly blessed in the name of God his children with his last blessing: and he was praising the preaching of his famous and beloved son Saint Anthony. No one in the church saw Saint Francis, except only for Brother Monaldo who saw the Seraph of Assisi when he appeared.
In Limoges, on the day of Holy Thursday, when he began the sermon, he recalled that he was told to sing with the choir at the High Mass which was done at that same time in the friary, but he forgot about it and did not ask for a priest to replace him. He greatly regretted his mistake, and stood still and was silent for a while. Those listening to him were greatly amazed. What was happening there? Saint Anthony was in the pulpit of Limoges and in his friary at the same time when he was fulfilling his duties among his brethren.
In the convent of Solignac, he put aside his payment for the Benedictine priests, for he was staying with them. In the convent was a pitiful religious who suffered under the demons with impure thoughts, and he could not be at peace day or night. He told the Miracle Worker Saint Anthony what was happening to him; and he was clothed with the clothing of the saint. That clothing which was made holy through its contact with the pure body of Saint Anthony brought forth awesome power; and the disordered lure of the flesh was calmed down in that religious, and he was miraculously freed from that temptation. The religious knelt before Saint Anthony, and gave him thanks.
**Tinayuyut**
O ma gofli’e’ na Såntos as San Antonion Padua! Hågo nina’ gaisisiña as Yu’us taiguihe i Inetnon ennao siha i angheles ni i man ma fa’nana’an i Man Gaisisiña. Hågo sumasågue i taotao siha ni i fumalalåggue yan umaagågånge hao, un na’ fan såsåfo (*såsåfo’*) siha gi manailaye na sini’ok yan i ginadde i manganite. Gagaogue yo’ nu i mames as Jesus, na u na’ metgot i anti-ho; ya hu å’å’ñao i manganite; ya hu chomma’ i chattinigong-ñiha nu i anti-ho. Goggue yo’ på’go gi chine’tan-ho yan gi finatai-ho. Na’ hago’ yo’ lokkue’ nu i hu tåtånga yan hu gågågao guine gi nuebe na ha’åne, yagin (*yanggen*) ennao u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O beloved Saint Anthony of Padua! You were given power by God like that of the group of angels called the Angelic Virtues. You assist those who run to you and call on you, you save them from the wicked lures and traps of the demons. Ask for me from the sweet Jesus, that he strengthen my soul; that I may defeat the demons; and repel his evil attacks on my soul. Defend me now in my weakness and at my death. Obtain for me also that which I desire and ask for in these nine days, if it be for the greater glory of God and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “Nobena audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 and 2 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 1 and 2](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mamae-day-1.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’
Note: “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” and “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” switch everyday. The second, fourth, sixth, and eighth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’”.
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/3-Si-Yuus-Numae-Yo-Si-Quaeris-Miracula.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf")
## Mina’ Singko na Ha’åne (The Fifth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Man Gaihinilat na Ånghet siha, ni i chumocho’gue man sen na’manman na milågro, na hågo ha’ na maisa siña chumogue. Hu ato’ mågi på’go na ha’åne i man maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha na Ångheles, yan ayu siha i man na’manman na che’cho’ i såntos na tentago’-mo as San Antonion Padua, ni i nina’ hulat mama’tinas milågro siha taiguihe ha’ ennao siha na Ånghet yan taiguihe i hagas fina’tinas-ñiñiha i dosse na Apostoles, annai ha tutuhune pumågatñaihon i Fino’ Jesukristo gi hilo’ tåno’.
Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ guaiya yo’ ni ti ma tungo’ na bida yan i hinimitden i korason, taiguihe as San Antonio ni i uma’atok gi me’nan i taotao siha, ya tåya’ ha tåtånga gi man na’manman na milågro siha ni i man huhuyong gi kanai-ña na i u ma tuna i Tunåyon yan Såntos na Na’ån-mo. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågågao hao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) i ginagao-ho siña u nina’ lamatuna i Såntos na Na’ån-mo yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Angelic Powers, who work wondrous miracles, which you alone can do. I offer you here today the good acts of those angels, and those marvelous works of your holy servant Saint Anthony of Padua, who was able to perform miracles like those of those angels and like those done before by the Twelve Apostles, when they began to preach the Word of Jesus Christ to the world.
I pray to you that you make me love the hidden life and humility of heart, as did Saint Anthony who hid before the crowd, and who never desired nothing from the wondrous miracles which came from his hand other than the glory of your praiseworthy and holy Name. Grant me also what I ask in this novena, if my requests are for the greater glory of your holy Name and the benefit of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Si San Antonio ha layåyåggue i man hulon na songsong giya Italia; ya ayo nai ha chage sumåga giya Padua. Guihe, taimano i tinige’ i palo siha na man malåte’; nina’ tungo’ as Yu’us na si tatå-ña ma fa’aila’ yan ma faiseknåni na mamuno’ på’go låhe. Si San Antonio humålom ya manaitai gi sagå-ña. Ya gussese’ ha’ kinnene’ nu i man ånghet guato Lisboa, annai gaige si tatå-ña. Ha na’ lå’la’ i ma puno’ na låhe, ya ha na’ ma sångan ni minagåhet: na ti i tatan San Antonio i pumuno’. Ayo nai ma na’ såfo (*såfo’*) si tatå-ña, ya ma na’ ma’lak i maolek na ma sangån-ña yan i inenran i man achihet San Antonio.
Ti åpmam tuma’lo guato Asis; ya må’pos Roma annai umadingan ni Fino’ Yu’us gi me’nan i Sånto Påpa as Gregorio i mina’ nuebe, ni i nina’ gos manman nu i meggai na tiningo’ San Antonio gi chachalan i minaolek yan i minalate’-ña gi Såntos na Tinige’; ya fina’na’an “Kaohao i Testamento.”
Annai ha fa’posgue iya Florensia, ha hoye sumetmon gi me’nan un mespe na låhe ni i på’go måtai. Annai ha pupula’ ayo na Fino’ Yu’us: “Guihe annai gaige i guinahan-miyo gaige lokkue’ i korason-miyo”, ha na’ måktos diddidi’ umadingan. Nina’ tungo’ as Yu’us na i anten i matai mohon ma yoggua giya sasalåguan, sa’ i mampos na ga’ salape’-ña yan meggai na usura. Ya annai humåhnanao umadingan ha na’ fehman i inagång-ña, ya ilek-ña: “Måtai ennao na riko ya ma håfot giya sasalåguan. Hånao en fan hånao; ya en baba i kaohao annai ma sine i salape’-ña; ya guihe en hentan i korason-ña”. Nina’ fan luhan yan nina’ fan manman i atungo’ yan i achihet i matai; lao man hånao guato gi gimå’-ña; ya i atadok-ñiha ha’ nai ha li’e’ i minagåhet i sinangan i Sånto. I korason i lahe, bobongbong ha’ guihe gi entalo’ i salåppe’.
Annai mamågat gi ti man tufungon na songsong, sumen saga giya Padua ni i sasahnge guinaiya-ña kalang i sen tano’-ña.
Annai måtto i Kuaresma, ha sesuye sumetmon; lao linalachai nu i binåya. I anite nina’ lalayo’ nu i minaolek na fina’tinas San Antonio; ya ha tutuhon kinepuno’. Un puenge hiniyongge na a’anok i matå-ña, ya tinigong yan ha kekeñaka’. Ayo nai si San Antonio umågang a’gang si Sånta Maria ni i manhulatña ke i inetnon i sendålo siha, ya sinangåne nu ayo i gos ya-ña na Linalai: O Gloriosa Domina: O ma tuna na Saina. Lao gigon ha’ ha lalai ennao siha na finiho (*finiho’*), sinihåye nu i anite ni i malågo gi me’nan i tai’inasgon na Bithen taiguihe i hinemhom malålågo gi me’nan i manana. Si Maria ha na’ tungo’ si San Antonio na sumisiha guihe gi fi’on-ña, sa’ inina i hinalom-ña nu i mina’lak i langet.
Meggai na na’manman tumatittiye ennao ya man ladangkulo yan man lana’manman.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
Saint Anthony sailed for the principal cities of Italy; and that is when he experienced staying in Padua. There, as is written by the other wise men; he was informed by God that his father was accused and maligned of having killed an adolescent. Saint Anthony entered his room and prayed. And he was quickly taken by the angels over to Lisbon, where his father was. He raised to life the killed man, and made him tell the truth: that it was not Saint Anthony’s father who killed him. That is how his father was saved, and his good reputation shone forth and the honor of Saint Anthony’s relatives.
Not long later he returned to Assisi; and went to Rome where he spoke the Word of God before the Holy Father Pope Gregory IX, who was overwhelmed by the great knowledge of Saint Anthony in the way of righteousness and his intelligence concerning the Holy Scriptures; and was called “the Ark of the Testament.”
When he left for Florence, he consented to preach before a wealthy man who just died. When he explained that Word of God: “There where your treasure is there also is your heart,” he cut short a bit his speaking. He was informed by God that the soul of the deceased was to be condemned to hell, due to his excessive love of money and his much usury. And when he continued to speak he intensified his volume, and said: “That rich man died and was buried in hell. Depart and go; and open the box where his money was stored; and there you will discover his heart.” The acquaintances and relatives of the dead man were frightened and astounded; but they went there to his house; and with their own eyes saw the truth of the saint’s words. The heart of the man was beating there in the midst of the money.
When he exhorted in countless cities, he fixed his abode in Padua with a special love as if it were his own land.
When Lent arrived, he frequently preached; but he was wasted away with the dropsy. The devil was jealous of the good works of Saint Anthony; and he began to try to kill him. One night it happened that his face was revealed, and he attacked and tried to hang him. That is why Saint Anthony called out loudly to Holy Mary who is stronger than a squadron of soldiers, and he spoke to her that most favorite of hymns: O Gloriosa Domina: O Glorious Lady. But the moment he sang those words, he was left alone by the devil who fled before the spotless Virgin the way darkness scatters before the light. Mary made known to Saint Anthony that she was with him by his side, because his interior was filled with the brightness of heaven.
Many wonders followed that which were greater and more majestic.
**Tinayuyut**
O na’manman yan manhulat na Såntos as Antonio de Padua i Mama’titinas milågro siha! Magåhet na tunåyon yan na’manman hao guihe annai oppan i nina’siñå-mo mama’tinas milågro siha, ya ma na’ annok giya hågo ayo i mañasahnge na fina’maolek Yu’us nu hågo. Nina’mamagof yo’ nu ennao na tinakkilo’-mo na finatpaen (*finatpai*) Yu’us nu i anti-mo, taiguihe ha’ i sisiñan i Man Gaihinilat na Ånghet siha. Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ humitde yo’ gi che’cho’-ho siha ni i hu chocho’gue gi ma tunan Yu’us: sa’ ennao ha’ tinakpapan hinalom-ho kalan magåhet yan na’manman na milågro giya guåho.
Goggue yo’ lokkue’ på’go gi chine’tan-ho yan ta’lo gi finatai-ho. Na’ hago’ yo’ gi Saina-ta as Yu’us ni i hu tåtånga na gråsia guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) un nina’ lamatuna hao yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O wonderful and triumphant Saint Anthony of Padua the Miracle Maker! Truly you are praiseworthy and wonderful when your power to perform miracles was manifest, and when God’s special graces to you were revealed. I rejoice in the favor of God to your soul in exalting you similar to the power of the Angelic Powers. I pray to you that you humble me in my works which I do for the glory of God: for that is the lowliness of my soul as miracles were true and wonderful in you.
Defend me also now in my weakness and again at my death. Obtain for me from our Lord God the grace I desire in this novena, if it be for your greater glory and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
Note: Verses 3 and 4 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 3 and 4](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mame-day-2-5-8.pdf)
---
### Second song: Ta Tuna Si San Antonio
Note: “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” and “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” switch everyday. The first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio”.
Sheet music: [Ta Tuna si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Sais na Ha’åne (The Sixth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Man mangogo’he na Ånghet ni i gumogo’he i pumalo siha na ånghet ni i chumocho’gue i pinto’ Yu’us gi taotao siha; ya siha man gine’hilulu’e nu hågo, ya ha o’osge hao nu håfa i malago’-mo gi langet yan i tano’. Hu chuli’e’ hao på’go na ha’åne nu i man maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha na Ånghet, yan ayo siha na cho’cho’ i tentago’-mo as San Antonio ni umo’osge ha’ i man ma’gås-ña achok ha’ ha tungo’ na meggai giya siha ti mañilong yan i takkilo’ na sinantos-ña; man ine’esge ha’ sa’ iya siha nai linili’e’ hao ni i muna’ fan gaimina’gas.
Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ sen osgon yo’, taiguihe as San Antonio; ya hu osge ha’ måno ha’ i tinago’ yan i pinagat i man ma’gås-ho. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ guine na nobena ni hu gågågao hao, yagin (*yanggen*) un nina’ lamatuna hao yan u nina’ lasåntos i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Angelic Dominions which govern the other angels who do the will of God among the people; and they are presided over by you, and they obey whatever you will in heaven and on earth. I bring to you today the good acts of those angels, and those works of your servant Saint Anthony who obeyed their authority although he knew that many of them did not equal his high holiness; he obeyed them and saw in them you who gave them authority.
I pray to you that you make me obedient, as was Saint Anthony; and I will obey whatever is my superior’s order and counsel. Grant me also what I ask of you in this novena, if it be for your greater glory and the greater holiness of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Guaha un gef ilo yan såguat na erehe ni achok ha’ pinagat yan sinehyo as San Antonio, ti ha hohongge na si Jesukristo sumåsaga gi Sakrameton i attat gi papa’ i hechuran pån yan bino. I anten kilisyåno ni i humitde yan hengge, manhohongge nu i Fino’ Yu’us ni i sinangån-ña. Lao ayo na erehe ti ginaga’om nu i Ilek Yu’us; ya malago’ na u nina’ li’e’ nu i Sakramento. I Såntos ha ma asi’e’ i taihinengge yan mahettok na korason-ña; ya ilek-ña nu i lahe: “Yagin (*yanggen*) i ga’-mo kabåyo ha adora si Jesukristo ni i gaige gi Såntos na Ostia gi papa’ i hechuran pån, un hongge lokkue’ i minagåhet i Sinantusan Sakramento, taiguihe i finanå’guen i Sånta Iglesia?” I erehe, nina’ malago’ nu ayo na finaisen San Antonio; ya pine’loña na ti u inadora nu i ga’-ña kabåyo. Ennao mina’ ineppe: “Bai mungnga yo’ muna’ chocho i ga’-ho kabåyo dos ha’åne, ya i mina’ tres u konne’ guato gi plåsa gi me’nan i linahyan; ya i fi’on-ña annai esta ñålang bai hu po’luye na’-ña ni i ya-ña, ya i otro bånda hågo yan i Ostia na ilek-mo na gaige i Tataotao Jesukristo. Yagin (*yanggen*) i kabåyo ti u kånno’ i na’-ña, ya dumimo påpa’ gi me’nan i Ostia, bai hu sånganñaihon nu todo i hinalom-ho i minagåhet i Sakramento.”
Si San Antonio ha hoye i kinassen i erehe. Lao nina’ tungo’ lokkue’ na yagin (*yanggen*) i kabåyo ti dumimo gi me’nan i Såntos na Ostia, tåya’ guaha; sa’ ennao u kekesangan na ti dikno gue’ na u finanu’e nu ennao na sasahnge na nina’manman Yu’us. Taiguihe i umatungon-ñiha (*umatungo’-ñiha*), ti ma na’ chocho i kabåyo ni håfa na nengkano’ gi dos ha’åne. Ya i mina’ tres ma konne’ guato gi chalan gi me’nan i lahyan; i fi’on-ña ma na li’e’ nu i gos ya-ña na nengkano’, ya guihe ha’ si San Antonio finanunu’e nu i Sahguan i Såntos na Ostia annai gaige si Jesukristo. I me’nan i linahyan taotao ni i man mana’atan guihe, i kabåyo ha dingo i na’-ña, ha ekahåte mamokkat guato gi adoråyon na Ostia; ya annai måtto gi fi’on San Antonio, ha na’ dimo i temo’-ña, ya dumimo påpa’. Ya ti kahulo’ asta ke i Fafa’tinas milågro inalof na u kahulo’. Annai i erehe ha li’e’ i na’manman na milågro, ha hongge na lache gue’.
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
There was a very bright and insolent heretic who, though advised and encouraged by Saint Anthony, did not believe that Jesus Christ dwelt in the Sacrament of the Altar under the appearance of bread and wine. The Christian soul who is humble and believing believes in the Word of God which is said to him. But that heretic was not persuaded by the Word of God; and he wanted the Sacrament to be proven to him. The saint had pity on his faithless and hardened heart; and said to the man: “If your horse adores Jesus Christ who is in the Sacred Host under the appearance of bread, will you also believe the Most Holy Sacrament, as Holy Church teaches?” The heretic was enticed by that question of Saint Anthony. So he answered: “I will not feed my horse for two days, and on the third day I will bring it to the square before the people; and on its side when it is already hungry I will place the food which he likes, and on the other side you and the Host which you say the Body of Christ is. If the horse will not eat its food, and kneels before the Host, I will declare with all my soul the truth of the Sacrament.”
Saint Anthony indulged the mockery of the heretic. But he also let him know that if the horse did not kneel before the Sacred Host, it meant nothing; except that it he was not worthy to be shown that special wonder by God. According to their agreement, he did not feed his horse anything for two days. And on the third day he took it on the road before the crowd; on its side he was shown the food that he liked, and there also Saint Anthony showed it the monstrance of the Sacred Host where Jesus Christ was. Before the crowd of people who were watching there, the horse left its food, walked gently towards the adorable Host; and when it got to the side of Saint Anthony, it bent its knee and knelt down. And it didn’t rise until the Miracle Worker signaled it to rise. When the heretic saw the amazing miracle, he was convinced he had been wrong.
**Tinayuyut**
Sen tagåhlo na Såntos as San Antonio de Padua! Hågo, taiguihe i Man mangogo’he na Ånghet un gogo’he i anten i taotao siha. Nina’ mamagof yo’ yagin (*yanggen*) hu li’e’ i mina’gås-mo yan i tinakkilo’-mo, annai ma guaiya yan ma gef atan hao nu i taotao siha yan i Saina-ta as Jesukristo. Malago’ yo’ lokkue’ hu fanina gi hilo’ i teguång-ho (*tiguång-ho*) mangilisyåno, ya hu konne’ siha gi maolek na chålan, annai u ha gofli’e’ si Yu’us yan si Sånta Maria i minames, ninangga yan lina’lå’-ta.
Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågågao si Yu’us guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us gi entalo’ i taotao siha, ya u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
Most exalted Saint Anthony of Padua! You govern the souls of the people, as do the Angelic Dominions. I rejoice when I see your greatness and exaltation, when you are loved and beheld by the people and our Lord Jesus Christ. I also want to radiate above my Christian companions, and take them along the good road, where they will love God and Holy Mary our sweetness, hope and life.
Grant me also what I am asking from God in this novena, if it be that God will be more glorified among the people, and my soul will benefit. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 5, 6, and 7 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 5, 6, and 7](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Santos-Mame-day-3-6-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’
Note: “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” and “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” switch everyday. The second, fourth, sixth, and eighth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’”.
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/3-Si-Yuus-Numae-Yo-Si-Quaeris-Miracula.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Siette na Ha’åne (The Seventh Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i Ta’chong siha na man ånghet, annai matåtå’chong hao kalan sen man ma’lak na Fata’chong-mo. Hu chuli’e’ hao på’go na ha’åne ni man maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha na man gefsaga na Ångheles, yan lokkue’ i man na’manman na cho’cho’ i tentago’-mo as San Antonio gi Padua, ni i finatå’chong i grasiå-mo. Guiya, annai ha chomma’ yan ha punen maisa gue’, ha puno’ gi korason-ña i manaiguailaye na guinahan tåno’, ya ha na’ hinatme gue’ nu hågo ha’ na maisa.
Hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ ingen yo’ ni i guinahan tåno’ ni i ti muna’ hahago’ yo’ ni rainon i langet. Ya an monhåyan hu fa’tinas ennao, hågo ha’ na maisa un na’ iyo-mo yo’. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ ni hu gågao hao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) u nina’ lamatuna hao yan siña u nina’ lamaolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Angelic Thrones, where you are seated as if on a brilliant throne. I bring to you today the good acts of those happy angels, and also the wondrous deeds of your servant Saint Anthony of Padua, who is the seat of your grace. He who, when he restrained and mortified himself, he purged from his heart the useless treasures of the world, and filled himself with you alone.
I pray to you that you make me detest the wealth of the world which will not obtain the kingdom of heaven for me. And after doing that, make me entirely yours. Grant me also what I ask in this novena, if it be for your greater glory and may benefit my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Guaha na man erehe gi fi’on Padua, ni i uma’adda’ i inadingan San Antonio. Un ha’åne i Såntos manaitai dididi: ya må’pos gi saddok ni i lumiliko gi hihot i songsong; ya annai ha na’ a’gang i inagång-ña na siña u ges ma hungok nu i linahyan taotao, ilek-ña nu ayo siha na erehe: “Hamyo ti man malago’ en ekkungok i Fino’ Yu’us. Guåho bai hu adingane i guihan siha; ya en nina’ fan mamåhlao hamyo nu i taihinenggen-miyo”.
Ya ha leklek gusse’ i matå-ña guato gi tase; ya ha tutuhon umadingane nu todo i san halom-ña i guihan siha. Ya man sinangåne nu i fina’ maolek Yu’us nu siha ayo annai man nina’ huyong gine (*ginen*) i taya’, ayo annai man nina’e sagan-ñiha i masak yan magguag na tåse annai siña man nangon måno ha’ man malago’ yan mañocho ni mañasahnge na nengkano’ siha.
Annai umadingan si San Antonio, man e’etnon ha’ i guihan siha gi fi’on-ña ha na’ fan hululo’ siha ya ma gegef atan i sumesetmon. Ya finakpo’-ña man binendise nu i såntos na apostot; ya ayo nai man må’pos.
Un ha’åne annai mamomokkat i Sånto gi sengsong, ma na’ såga gi gima’ un må’gas ni i numå’e gue’ un sasahnge na fanmaigu’an annai siña u gefsaga manaitai guiya ha’ na maisa. Annai manåyuyut si San Antonio gi san halom i sagå-ña, sinedda’ gue’ na fini’u’une nu i linangitan na mina’lak. O yini’usan lini’e’! Un sen gefpå’go na påtgon å’paka’ kalan i niebe, ma såsdde gi kannai San Antonio, na taiguihe mohon i manguiguife, ti sangånon na minagof ha totoktok yan ha hohonño’ gi korason-ña ha o’okte chumiko. Si Jesus gue’, i abubung (*abubon*) halom tåno’ yan i lirio i fangualu’an siha. Håye siña sumångan i minagof ayo na ånte na sen iyon Yu’us annai ha lili’e’ yan ha totoktok si Yu’us i taihinekkok na Sinantos? Håftaimano i mames na hinaspok yan pinayang yan minagof ayo na manguaiya na korason, gigon ma sådde gi sen Såntos na Korason Jesukristo?
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
There were heretics near Padua, who were mocking the preaching of Saint Antony. One day the saint prayed a little: and left for the river which circled near the city; and when he made his cry louder so that the crowd of people could hear him well, he told those heretics: “You who refuse to listen to the Word of God. I will preach to the fish; and you will be humiliated for your lack of faith.”
And he turned his face quickly toward the sea; and he began to preach to the fish with all his heart. And he told them how good God was in creating them out of nothing, when they were given their place in the wide and open sea where they could swim wherever they wanted and eat a variety of foods.
When Saint Anthony spoke, the fish gathered at his side, rising and intently watching the preacher. At the conclusion the holy apostle blessed them; then they left.
One day while the saint was walking in the city, he stayed in the house of a lord who have him a separate bedroom where he could comfortably pray alone. When Saint Anthony prayed inside his room, he saw that he was surrounded by heavenly glory. O divine vision! A most beautiful child white as snow was held in the hands of Saint Anthony, as if it were a dream, with unspeakable joy he embraced and pressed him to his breast, covering him with kisses. Jesus was like the morning glory of the jungle and the lily of the garden. Who can speak of the joy of that soul most united to God when he saw and embraced God who is eternal holiness? What could have been the sweet fulness and satisfaction and joy of that loving heart, as soon as it settled in the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ?
**Tinayuyut**
O sen maolek na San Antonio ni i humoggue ya un uga i Patgon as Jesus annai tumutunok mamemes gine (*ginen*) långet guato guennao gi kanai-ña, ya ha na’ hineggue gue’ nu hågo! Pine’lo-ña si Jesus na hågo i magåhet na Fina’ta’chong-ña, annai magof sumåsaga, taiguihe i Ta’chong siha na Ånghet, annai ma tåtå’chong gi langet bula mina’gas yan mina’lak.
Ha na’ gos magof yo’ ennao i mina’gås-mo. Ya hu tåtåyuyut hao na un na’ taka’ yo’ gi Dikkiki’ na Påtgon ni un hohoggue gi kanai-mo, na u sen gåsgas i anti-ho, ya hu siña humame yan guiya gi såntos na Kumomotgan. Goggue yo’ på’go gi chine’tan-ho yan ta’lo gi finatai-ho; ya un nå’e yo’ nu i hu gågågao na gråsia guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us yan u nina’ såntos i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O very gracious Saint Anthony who held and caressed the Child Jesus when he descended sweetly from heaven there onto your hands, and was embraced by you! Jesus believed that you were his true throne, where he was happy to stay, the same as with the Angelic Thrones, where he sits in heaven full of power and brilliance.
I rejoice greatly in your glory. I pray to you that you obtain for me the Little Child which you held in your arms, that my soul be perfectly clean, and I will be able to be with him in Holy Communion. Defend me now in my weakness and again at my death; and grant me the grace I ask in this novena, if it be for the greater glory of God and the sanctification of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 and 2 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 1 and 2](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mamae-day-1.pdf)
---
---
### Second song: Ta Tuna Si San Antonio
Note: “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” and “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” switch everyday. The first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio”.
Sheet music: [Ta Tuna si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Ocho na Ha’åne (The Eighth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i man Kerubin ni i man ma’okte tiningo’ yan minalåte’! Hu chuchule’ mågi på’go na ha’åne nu i man maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha i man sen faye na Ånghet yan lokkue’ i che’cho’ i tentago’-mo as San Antonion Padua, ni i dinidok nu i sen malate’ na tiningo’. Guiya ha tutungo’ i manakkalom na minagåhet i Hinengge; ya ha fanånå’gue i taotao siha nu i såntos na Tinago’-mo.
Hu gågågao hao na u metton gi hinalom-ho i såntos na mina’å’ñao nu hågo; sa’ ennao ha’ annai humuhuyong i magåhet na Finaye yan Minalåte’. Malago’ yo’ lokkue’ na i hinanao-ho yan i man i’epok na sinangån-ho u ha na’ siña yo’ muna’ fan gef tunas i palo siha na taotao gi chalan i minaolek yan i tininas yan i tinago’-mo siha. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ nu i hu gågågao hao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) un nina’ matuna hao yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Cherubim, who are filled with knowledge and wisdom! I bring to you here today the good acts of those most excellent angels and also the works of your servant Saint Anthony of Padua, who was imbued with excellent knowledge. He knew the profound truth and faith; and he taught the people your holy commands.
I pray to you that you fix in my soul the holy fear of you; for from that alone comes true excellence and intelligence. I also wish that my behavior and encouraging words will be able to correctly guide others along the way of virtue and righteousness and your commands. Grant me also what I ask in this novena, if it be for your glory and the good of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Si San Antonio ma na’ tungo’ na ti chågo’ i finatai-ña; ya mamaiche’cho’ nu u suha gi halom taotao siha. Ma po’lo ni i man må’gas ya humånao guato gi halom tåno’ San Piero. Annai ha hanånågue i halom tåno’, ha li’e’ gi talo’-ña un dångkulon trongkon håyo na måyao yan man anåkko’ ramås-ña nina’ nunuhong. Ya ha ayek ayo para sagå-ña; ya ha fa’tinas guihe un låncho ni i tinifok råmas para u sagåye.
I ha’åne gi mina’ trenta gi Måyo na pulan, kinse na ha’åne mo’na kematai, sumåsaga i Sånto giya hululo’ gi ekso’ annai siña ha go’he iya Padua. Ya guihe, taiguihe i sinantusan Franciscon Asis, mumalago’ na u bendise i guinaiya na tano’-ña iya Padua. Ya annai ha na’ dochon i inatan-ña yan nina’ mahålang nu i gef ya-ña na siudå, ha leklek gue’ guato gi ga’chong-ña, ya ha sangåne ni taichi’i na minagof na u ma nå’e guihe na siudå gi man mamaila’ na såkkan yan i ma tunan i sagå-ña. I ga’chong-ña ha hungok i fino’-ña; lao ti måtto gi hinaso-ña håfa kumekeilek-ña ayo na sinangan, asta ke ha li’e’ despues de måtai si San Antonio na magåhet na man huhuyong ayo i hagas sinangan i Sånto.
Påyon si San Antonio tumunok ginen i sagå-ña ya chumocho diddidi’ na siña u nina’ metgot i hamlango na tataotao-ña. Lao guaha na ha’åne annai kumeketunok, ya gusse’ nina’ye nu un chetnot ya nina’ poddong gue’ gi kannai i mañe’lu-ña. Ayo ha’ ma po’lo guato gi hilo’ i fanasunan chå’guan. Lao luma’atdit; ya ma konne’ guato giya Padua. Man ma’å’ñao na u måtai ya ma na’ såga gi konbenton Arsela, annai nina’ chocho nu i Agong (*Agon*) i Man Ångheles, i Såntos na Ostia; ya annai manaitai diddidi’ ha lalai i guaiyayon yan gos ya-ña na kantå-ña: “*O ma tuna na Saina*.”
Annai måkpo’ enao, manåyuyut hinalom; ya ha atan guato gi mina’lak na i taotao siha ti ha lil’e’. Ya gogonggong gi sinangan långet. I Che’lo ni i ga’chochong-ña guihe, ha tånga na u tungo’ håfa ayo na lini’e’; ya ha faisen: “Håfa un a’atan?” Si San Antonio chumålek halom ya ha na’ mames gue’ ya ilek-ña: “Hu lili’e’ i Saina-ho.”
Annai monhåyan ineleos (*inoleos*) as Påle’, umadingan i Såntos katna ha’ media ora yan i man gagaige gi langet. Ya måtai mamemes ya gumupo i anti-ña taiginedde gi tataotao guato Fansadi’an i Saina-ta as Yu’us.
Kalan mohon mamaigo, i sensen-ña baobao, choma’on: i matå-ña ha na’ malili’e’ na kalan mohon chumåchålek. Magåhet na Hinago’ långet yan Såntos gue’. Måtai gi mina’ tresse gi Hunio na pulan gi mit dos sientos trenta i uno (1231), annai trenta i sais i sakån-ña.
Gigon ha’ måtai, i man dichichi (*dichicheng*) na famagu’on iya Padua ma na’ a’gang gi halom taotao ilek-ñiñiha: “Måtai i Såntos, måtai i Såntos.”
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
It was revealed to Saint Anthony that his death was not far off; and he strove to depart from the company of others. He informed the superiors and went to the forest of San Piero. When he came to the forest, he saw in its midst a large tree, luxuriant with long branches that gave shade. And he chose that for his place; and he made there a shelter made from woven branches for him to stay.
On the thirtieth of May, fifteen days before he died, the saint stayed atop a hill where he could oversee Padua. And there, like most holy Francis of Assisi, he wanted to bless his beloved land Padua. And when he fixed his gaze and pined for his beloved city, he turned to his companions, and told them of his unending happiness that that city would be given in the coming years the praise of his having stayed there. His companions heard his word; but it didn’t come to their minds what he meant by them, until they saw after Saint Anthony had died that the saint’s earlier words had come true.
Saint Anthony was used to coming down from his place and eating a little in order to strengthen his sickly body. But there were days when he tried to go down, and he soon became sick and fell into the arms of his brethren. That is why they placed him on a bed of grass. But he became worse; and he was taken to Padua. They feared he would die and he was placed at the friary of Arcella, where he was fed with the Bread of the Angeles, the Sacred Host; and when he had prayed a little he sang his beloved and favorite hymn: “O Glorious Lady.”
When that was finished, he prayed interiorly; and he looked at a brightness no one else could see. And he murmured heavenly sayings. The friars who accompanied him there wanted to know what he saw; and they asked him: “What are you looking at?” Saint Anthony smiled and sweetly said: “I see my Lord.”
After he had been anointed by the priest, the saint for almost half an hour with those in heaven. And he died sweetly and his soul flew without constraints of the body over to the bosom of our Lord God.
It was as if he was asleep, his flesh was emaciated, supple: his eyes expressed something of a smile. Truly he obtained heaven and was a saint. He died on the thirteenth of June in 1231 when he was thirty-six years of age.
As soon as he died, the small children in Padua cried out among the people saying: “The saint is dead, the saint is dead.”
**Tinayuyut**
O sen malate’ na Såntos as San Antonion Padua ni i nina’ gef malate’ as Yu’us gi takkilo’ na tiningo’ långet, taiguihe i fina’tinås-ña gi mina’ ocho na Inetnon i Ånghet siha ni i man ma fa’nana’an i Kerubin siha.
Ha na’ mamagof yo’ i mina’gås-mo, yagin (*yanggen*) hu lili’e’ hao gi entalo’ i man malåte’ ni i man nina’ gos manman nu i minalate’-mo yan i minehnalom-mo, ya ma yåyåho hao, “I LALA’LA’ NA KAOHAO I PÅ’GO TESTAMENTO”.
Hagu’e yo’ gi yini’usan na Tiningo’, ni magåhet na Åtdao as Jesukristo, na u ina i ilu-ho; ya hu tungo’ håfa maolek yan håfa tailaye. Ya hu hulat dumalalake i u nina’ magof Yu’us. Goggue yo’ på’go gi chine’tan-ho yan ta’lo gi finatai-ho; ya un nå’e yo’ nu i hu gågågao guine na nobena yagin (*yanggen*) siña u nina’ ma tuna si Yu’us yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O brilliant Saint Anthony of Padua who was made most intelligent by God in the exalted knowledge of heaven, as he made the eighth choir of angels who are called the Cherubim.
I rejoice in your greatness, when I see you in the midst of the wise who marvel at your wisdom and prudence, and call you, “THE LIVING ARK OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.”
Obtain for me the divine Knowledge, which is the True Sun Jesus Christ, that it may illumine my mind; and I will know what is good and what is evil. And I will be able to follow what pleases God. Defend me now in my weakness and again at my death; and grant me what I ask in this novena if it be for the glory of God and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
Note: Verses 3 and 4 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 3 and 4](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Santos-Mame-day-2-5-8.pdf)
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### Second song: Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’
Note: “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” and “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” switch everyday. The second, fourth, sixth, and eighth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’”.
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/3-Si-Yuus-Numae-Yo-Si-Quaeris-Miracula.pdf)
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### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Nuebe na Ha’åne (The Ninth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishPot i señåt i Såntos Kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us Sainan-måme. Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.Through the sign of the Holy Cross, deliver us from our enemies, Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.Asaina Jesukristo na Saina-ho, sen Yu’us ha’ yan sen Taotao ha’, i fuma’tinas yo’ yan i muna’ libre yo’; pot i hågo hao, ya pot i hu gofli’e’-ña hao ke todo, pinite yo’ giya hålolom gi korason-ho ni i hu isague hao. Hu detetmina yo’ mettoton na ti hu isao ta’lo; hu apåtta yo’ siha gi okasion annai siña hao hu isague; na hu konfesåt ya hu kumple i penitensia ni hu ma nå’e. Hu ofrese hao, Asaina, nu i ha’ani-ho, fina’tinås-ho yan che’cho’-ho para åpas todo i isao; ya hu tåtåyuyut hao pot i inangoko-ko nu i yini’usan minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok mina’ase’-mo, na un asi’e’ yo’ nu siha pot i mineresen i sen guaguan na hagå’-mo, masa’pet-mo yan finatai-mo ya un nå’e yo’ gråsia para hu fañotsot ya hu sisige ha’ gumef setbe hao asta i hinekkok i ha’ani-ho. Taiguennao mohon.My Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, who made me and saved me; for your own sake and because I love you more than all things, I am sorry within my hear for having offended you. I firmly resolve not to sin again; I remove myself from those occasion when I could sin against you; that I will confess my sins and fulfill the penance which I am given. I offer you, Lord, my life, my actions and my works in atonement of all my sins; and I pray to you on account of my hope in your divine goodness and infinite mercy, that you will forgive me my sins on account of your most precious blood, suffering and death and that you will grant me the grace to repent and to continue to serve you well till the end of my life. Amen.Asaina, baba i pachot-ho;
ya i pachot-ho un tinina.
Yu’us maila’ ya un ayuda yo’;
Asaina gusse’ mågi ya un goggue yo’.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Lord, open my lips;
And my mouth shall declare your praise.
God come to my assistance;
O Lord make haste to help me.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be world without end. Amen.
**Ma Gågao San Antonio**
Man na’manman i ta li’e’
Man måpao i napo siha;
I chetnot yan i anite
Man hånao gi sagan-ñiha.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
Gin guaha malingon-miyo,
Hasso i mi ninasiña;
Ya i pepble, yagin (*yanggen*) tai na’,
U fanangokko nu guiya.
Ta tuna si San Antonio
Todos i mangilisyåno
Sa’ sumen bula i tano’
Ni i milagru-ña siha.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto.
Taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
*Ta tuna si San Antonio…*
**Invocation to Saint Anthony**
It is wondrous for us to behold
The waves are calmed down;
Illness and demons
Flee from their places.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
If you have lost something,
Remember the powerful one;
And the poor, if he lacks food,
will rely on him.
Let us praise Saint Anthony
All you Christians
For abundant in all the earth
Are his miracles.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.
As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
*Let us praise Saint Anthony…*
Asaina Yu’us na Sainan i man Serafin na Ånghet siha ni i gumofli’e’ hao nu i sen fehman yan håhånon na ginefli’e’! Hu chule’ mågi på’go na ha’åne nu i man maolek na fina’tinas ennao siha na Ånghet yan ayo siha na cho’cho’ i tentago’-mo as San Antonio giya Padua ni i gofli’e’-ña taiguihe i ginefl’en (*ginefli’e’*) i Man Serafin nu hågo. Guiya, kalan magåhet na Serafin gi hilo’ tåno’, ha cho’gue man mahatot yan man makkat siha na fina’tinas ni i u ha na’ ma tuna i Såntos na Na’ån-mo gi entalo’ i taotao siha. Guiya muna’ ma tungo’ hao yan ha na’ ma gofli’e’ nu ayo siha i ti tumungo’ Yius ni i umisague si Yu’us ha’åne yan puenge.
Hu tåtåyuyut hao, Asaina, na u sen didok i guinaiya-ko nu hågo; ya ennao ha’ na ginefli’e’ u na’ famaiche’cho’ yo’ ya hu konne’ i taotao siha guato gi såntos na ma gofli’e’-mo. Nå’e yo’ lokkue’ nu i hu tåtånga na gråsia guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) siña u nina’ ma tuna si Yu’us yan u nina’ lamaolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
*Tres Tatan-måme …*
Lord God, Lord of the Seraphim who love you with intense and burning love! I bring here today the good acts of those angels and the works of your servant Saint Anthony of Padua who loved you more than the love the Seraphim had for you. He was like a true Seraphim on earth, he did difficult and burdensome acts which glorified your Hoy Name among the people. He made you known and loved among those who did not know God and who offended God day and night.
I pray to you, Lord, that you deepen my love for you; and that love alone will make me strive to bring people to a holy love of you. Grant me also the grace which I desire in this novena, if it be for the glory of God and the good of my soul. Amen.
*Three Our Fathers…*
**Che’cho’ San Antonio de Padua**
Ma na’ såga ti ma håfot kuåttro na ha’åne i tataotao San Antonio, ya ha na’ fan magof i taotao siha ni i man ginen i chagogo’ na tåno’ siha. I ma hafot-ña ni i ma fa’tinas gi Måttes ni i tumatittiye i finatai-ña, gi mina’ dies i siette gi Hunio na pulan, ti ma cho’gue kalan i ta payuyune na hinafot, lao taiguihe i magåhet na gupot i linahyan. Ayo na ha’åne todos siha i man manåyuyut yan ayo siha i fumalåggue si San Antonio, tåya’ humuyong ha yute’; todos man ma nå’e nu i minalago’-ñiha. Guennao ma tutuhon i tresse Måttes San Antonio. I kumonfesat yan i kumomotgan TRESSE MÅTTES, yagin (*yanggen*) ha tayuyute as Yu’us i Sånto Påpa, u gånna Induthensia Plenåria kada Måttes i che’cho’-ña. Siña lokkue’ man ma fa’tinas gi TRESSE NA DAMENGGO NI I MAN ADALALAK.
Dia ocho gi Abrit na pulan gi mit dos sientos sesenta i tres, ma chule’ i te’lang San Antonio guato gi bonito na åttat ni i ma fa’tinåse. Si San Buenaventura muma’gågåse i ma na’ hånao i te’lang siha. Ya annai ha baba i kaohao annai ma sine i tataotao San Antonio, ha li’e’ yan ha chuli’e’ lokkue’ i taotao siha ni i man guaguaguato na i tataotao-ña mama’ åpo, lao i hila’-ña ti lumammok ya sumåga baobao yan agaga’ taiguihe i hila’ taotao ni i lala’la’.
Nina’ gos magof si San Buenaventura; ha chiko i hila’ bula rinespeta yan minanman; ya ha sångan ayo i ma oppan na finiho (*finiho’*): “O ma tuna na HULA’ ni i un tutuna ha’ si Yu’us taiminaktos, ya un na’ fan manununa lokkue’ i pumalo. På’go nai ma li’e’ mananana na sen guaguan hao gi me’nan Yu’us!”
**The Deeds of Saint Anthony of Padua**
The body of Saint Anthony remained unburied for four days, and this elated the people who came from far places. His burial which occurred the Tuesday following his death, on the 17th of the month of June, was not done like burials were are familiar with, but like that of a true public holiday. On that day, no one who prayed or besought Saint Anthony was left abandoned; all were given what they asked for. That is how the Thirteen Tuesdays of Saint Anthony began. He who confesses and receives Holy Communion for thirteen Tuesdays, if he prays to God for the Holy Father, will gain a Plenary Indulgence each Tuesday he does it. One can also do the THIRTEEN CONSECUTIVE SUNDAYS.
On April 8, 1263 the bones of Saint Anthony were taken to the beautiful altar made for him. Saint Bonaventure supervised the transfer of the bones. And when he opened the crate where the body of Saint Anthony was reserved, he saw and also took to the people who were going there his body which had become ash, but his tongue did not decay but stayed fresh and red as is the tongue of a living person.
Saint Bonaventure was overjoyed; he kissed the tongue with great respect and wonder; and he spoke those resounding words: “O glorious tongue which glorified God without end, and who made others glorify God. Now it is clearly evident that you are very precious before God!”
**Tinayuyut**
O Gigofli’e’ na Såntos as San Antonio gi Padua! Mañiñila’ na Serafin i tano’, ni i korason-mo mansongge taiguihe i Serafin siha gi yini’usan na guåfe na mañiñila’ gi halom i Såntos na Hå’of Jesukristo, figan na Hotnon Ginefli’e’.
Ha na’ mamagof yo’ ennao na mina’gås-mo na nina’en Yu’us nu hågo. Ya hu tåtåyuyut hao, guinaiya-ko na Såntos, na un songge gi halom i korason-ho sen dångkulo na finañila’ ginefli’e’, ya hu gofli’e’ si Yu’us kololo’-ña ke i guinahan tåno’ siha, yan i teguång-ho (*tiguång-ho*) taiguihe i hu gofli’e’ yo’ na maisa. Tåya’ nai hu tåtånga gi hilo’ tåno’ na ennao na ginefli’e’.
Goggue yo’ på’go guine gi chine’tan-ho yan ta’lo gi finatai-ho; ya un nå’e yo’ nu i hu gågao hao guine na nobena, yagin (*yanggen*) siña u nina’ lamatuna si Yu’us yan u fina’ maolek i anti-ho. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O Loving Saint Anthony of Padua! Ardent Seraph of the earth, whose heart burned like that of the Seraphim with divine fire which burned within the holy breast of Jesus Christ, fiery furnace of love.
I rejoice in the greatness which God has given you. I pray to you, my beloved saint, that you light within my heart a huge fire of love, and I will love God more than earthly treasures, and my neighbor as I love myself. I desire nothing on earth more than that love.
Defend me now in my weakness and again at my death; and grant me what I ask in this novena, if it be for the greater glory of God and the good of my soul. Amen.
**Ma Tåyuyut i Mama’potgenñaihon Tai’isao ni i Fine’nana**
Sen såntos na Raina yan tai’isao na Bithen as Maria! Hågo nina’ såfo (*såfo’*) as Yu’us gi tutuhon na isao, ya un nina’ siña humuyong maolek na Nånan i Mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-ña ni i mama’ taotao gi sen gåsgas na tiyån-mo. Hu gågao hao, Taiche’tan na Bithen yan Ma Tunå-ña ke i pumalon famalao’an, na un na’ inasi’e’ yo’ nu i yini’usan Lahi-mo nu i dinangkulon tinailaye-ko; ya un na’ ma tuge’ i na’ån-ho gi Fantugi’an i Lina’la’ annai man ma na’ hålom i na’an i man inayek Yu’us; ya hu siña humago’ i taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet ni i hu nanangga gine (*ginen*) i tinayuyot-mo.
Gågao lokkue’ si Jesukristo, na guiya u na’ lamatuna i Na’ån-ña, u na’ fan måfnas i chathinengge siha yan ennao siha i man erehe, u å’ñao i manganite, u na’ fan måhgong ham, ya u na’ fan afa’maolek i mangilisyano na man må’gas. An taiguennao, ti åpman u ta li’e’ i mina’lak Yu’us yan i gine’he-ña gi hilo’ i tano’, yan i na’magof na matå-ña gi langet. Guiya ni i lala’la’ yan manånågo’ gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer to the Immaculate Conception**
Most holy Queen and sinless Virgin Mary! You were saved by God from original sin, and you were able to become the good mother of His only Son who became man in your most pure womb. I beseech you, sinless Virgin and most blessed among women, that you render me forgiven by your divine Son of my great evils; and have my name written in the Book of Life where the names of those chosen by God are inscribed; and that I will be able to obtain the eternal blessedness of heaven which I await through your prayers.
Beg from Jesus Christ also that he exalt his Name, that heresies and heretics be wiped away, that the demons be conquered, that we be kept in peace and that Christian leaders be reconciled. If this should be, then we shall soon see the glory of God and his rule over the earth, and his joyful countenance in heaven. He who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.
---
### First song: Såntos-Måme, San Antonio
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf).
Note: Verses 5, 6, and 7 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio verses 5, 6, and 7](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Santos-Mame-day-3-6-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Ta Tuna Si San Antonio
Note: “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio” and “Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’” switch everyday. The first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth days of the *nobena* the second song is “Ta Tuna Si San Antonio”.
Sheet music: [Ta Tuna si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Nobena audio files
Audio files performed by Carmen Camacho Rojas.
Nobenan San Antonion Padua
Novena to Saint Anthony of Padua
-
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## Nobena sheet music
- [Såntos-Måme, San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2-Santosmamame-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
- [Ta Tuna Si San Antonio](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/1-Tatuna-si-San-Antonio-1.pdf)
- [Si Yu’us Numå’e Yo’](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/3-Si-Yuus-Numae-Yo-Si-Quaeris-Miracula.pdf)
- [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## e-Publication: Nobenan San Antonion Padua, 2025
Download pdf file of Nobenan San Antonion Padua with the audio files [***here***](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Nobenan-San-Antonio-eBook.pdf "Nobenan San Antonio eBook") and without audio files [***here***](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Nobenan-San-Antonio-eBook_no_audio.pdf "Nobenan San Antonion Padua (No Audio Files)").
**Categories:** Featured
**Tags:** Nobenan San Antonion Padua
---
### [Nobenan i Sagråda Familia](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-i-sagrada-familia-novena-to-the-holy-family/)
**Published:** February 16, 2024
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Nobenan i Sagråda Familia (Novena to the Holy Family).
**Content:**
# Nobenan i Sagråda Familia
 Nobenan i Sagråda Familia or the Novena to the Holy Family. Photo from *Celebrating CHamoru Nobenas*.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
**Chamorro/CHamoru****English**NOBENAN I SAGRÅDA FAMILIA
JESUS MARIA JOSE
Tinige’ Påle’ Roman Maria de Vera
Misioneron Kapuchino (1941)
Nina’ lamaolek as
Påle’ Eric Forbes (2023)
Novena Jesus, Maria, yan Jose
NOVENA TO THE HOLY FAMILY
JESUS MARY JOSEPH
By Father Roman Maria de Vera
Capuchin Missionary (1941)
Translated by
Father Eric Forbes (2023)
Novena to Jesus, Mary, and Joseph
## Fine'nana na Ha'åne (First Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.
When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.
U ma gef tuna i Sinantusan Sakramenton i Attat. U ma gef tuna ha’.Most praised be the Most Holy Sacrament of the Altar. May it be greatly praised.**Tinayuyut**
Tagåhlo na Yu’us na todo ha’ un na’ siña, ti igiyon na minaolek! Hågo mumalago’ fumanu’e i taotao siha nu i taihinekkok na ginefli’e’-mo; ya un tågo’ i mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na u fama’taotao gine (ginen) i Espiritu Sånto gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i Bithen as Maria; ya pinto’-mo lokkue’ na si San Jose ni i såntos na asaguan Sånta Maria u poksai yan ma fa’ tåtan i sen ma’lak na Lahi-mo ni i mama’taotao. In tayuyut hao, Asaina, na un magof ya un atan i che’cho’ Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un asi’e’ ham nu i isao-måme siha; sa’ man gos pinite ham sa’ inisague hao pot i ti igiyon na minaolek yan mina’åse’ ni i in sen agradese. Man mañotsot ham guine gi me’nå-mo, ya in gagao hao na i tinayuyut-måme u kahulo’ guennao gi tinakkilon ta’chong-mo kalang i na’magof na insensio; ya un na’ magof hao umekkungok ta’lo i ginagao Jesus, Maria yan Jose ni i ma nobenånåye på’go; ya un nå’e ham nu i mina’ase’-mo; ya in fan ma’ok ham gumofli’e’ hao kalan man maolek na tentago’-mo siha gi ha’åne yan i finatai, ya guihe annai man bula pinite nu i isao-måme siha siña in sangan: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya in tina ya in na’ hulo’ hao gi langet annai man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ i Lahi-mo yan i Espiritu Sånto, lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
Exalted and Almighty God, incomparable goodness! You wanted to show the people your infinite love; and you sent your only Son to become man through the Holy Spirit in the most pure womb of the Virgin Mary; and it was also your will that Saint Joseph, the holy spouse of the Virgin Mary, would raise and be the foster father of your radiant Son who became man. We beseech you, Lord, that you be pleased to look upon the deeds of Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and that you forgive us our sins; because we are truly sorry for having offended you on account of your unsurpassable goodness and mercy which we truly appreciate. We repent here before you, and we beseech you that our prayers rise there to the heights of your throne like pleasing incense; and that you be
pleased to listen once again to the pleas of Jesus, Mary and Joseph to whom we now make this novena; and that you would bestow on us your mercy; and that we be firm in loving you like your good servants in life and in death, and there, where there is much sorrow for our sins, we can say: Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and we shall praise and exalt you in heaven where you are together with your Son and the Holy Spirit, living and reigning for all eternity. Amen.
**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.
**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.
**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.
**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.
**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.
**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.
**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.
**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.
**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete sheet music please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 – 3 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 1-3](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-1-3.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina' Dos na Ha'åne (The Second Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.
When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, hågan Yu’us Tåta, bibithen ha’ åntes de mañågo; ni i nina’ såfo (såfo’) gi tutuhon na isao ginen i mineresen Jesukristo; ya pinto’ Yu’us na un asagua yan si Jose, tunas na taotao, ya un merese i sasahnge na gråsian i un potgenñaihon ya un fañågo ti ma na’ låmen i binithen-mo, si Jesus magåhet na Yu’us yan taotao. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames na Nåna, na un hasso i tailamen na mama’potgenñaihon-mo yan i ginefli’e’-mo nu i sen gåsgas na asaguå-mo as San Jose; ya un na’ taka’ ham na in dalalake hao ya in guaiya ya in adahe i ginasgas hinalom yan i ginasgas i tataotao-måme; ya u fan siña sinagåye nu i Lahi-mo gi komunion, kololo’-ña gi finatai-måme, annai man malago’ ham man mañotsot ya sumångan: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya in fan huyong guine gi sagan lågo ya u ta fan hita man gefsaga taihinekkok gi langet; ya nå’e ham på’go ni in gagao hao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) siña un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.Hail Mary, daughter of God the Father, ever-virgin before giving birth; who was saved from original sin through the merits of Jesus Christ; it was God’s will that you marry Joseph, a righteous man, and you merited the singular grace to conceive and give birth, without injury to your virginity, to Jesus, true God and true man. We beseech you, most sweet Mother, that you remember your immaculate conception and your love for your most pure spouse, Saint Joseph; and that you enable us to follow you and love and cherish interior purity and purity of our bodies; so they may be the dwelling of your Son in holy communion, especially at our death, when we wish to repent and say : Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and that we depart from this place of exile and be together with you eternally safe in heaven; and grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.
**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.
**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.
**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.
**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.
**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.
**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.
**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.
**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.
**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.
---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 4 – 6 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 4-6](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-4-6.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina' Tres na Ha'åne (The Third Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.Sen må’gas na Patriåtka yan Sainan-måme as San Jose, låhe na tunas hinanao-mo, ya hågo ha’ inayek as Yu’us gi lalåhen David. Hågo yan i man dångkulo minaolek, yan i man maolek na penngå’-mo siha, un merese humålom magåhet na asaguan i hokkok ginasgas na Bithen, yan ma fa’ tåtan i Finihon (Finiho’) Yu’us ni i mama’taotao. In tayuyut hao, sen gåsgas as Jose, na un hasso i minagof-mo, annai un na’ chocho i Lahen Yu’us; ya un na’ hago’ ham, na in na’ miña gumuaiya gue’, yan i sen såntos na asaguå-mo, ya u fan umitde yan u fan gåsgas i hinasso, finiho (finiho’) yan che’cho’-måme siha; ya in kefa’tinas i che’cho’ mina’åse’ siha gi tiguang-måme na mangilisyåno, i fine’nana i man gaichine’tan; sa’ yagin (yanggen) taiguennao i inagradesen-måme, gi fina’maolek Yu’us nu hame guine gi tano’, in guaiya hao; in fan mañotsot ya in sangan gi finatai-måme: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya tinayuyot-mo u na’ hago’ ham ni taihinekkok na minahgong. Nå’e ham på’go ni in gagao hao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.O exalted Patriarch and Father Saint Joseph, man of righteous ways, you were chosen by God among the sons of David. You and your great goodness, and your good manners, merited to truly become the husband of the all-pure Virgin, and the foster father of the Word of God who became man. We pray to you, most pure Joseph, that you recall your joy when you fed the Son of God, that we strive to love him, and your most holy spouse, and that our thoughts, words and deeds be humble and pure; and that we try to do the works of mercy towards our Christian neighbors, the injured being foremost; because if our appreciation be thus, for God’s saving us here on earth, we will love you; we will repent and say at our death: Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and your prayers will obtain for us everlasting peace. Grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be to your praise and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 7 – 9 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 7-9](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-7-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina' Kuåttro na Ha'åne (The Fourth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.O maolek na Jesus, sen tai’isao na Kinilo, ni i mumagof muna’ fangahåya ham ya un po’lo hao gi kannai i Hudios siha, ya un na’ ma saolak, un na’ ma få’om, ya un na’ kineronan tituka’; ya måtai ma puno’ gi såntos na kilu’us hinilat nu i ginefli’e’-mo nu hame. In tatayuyut hao, yo’ase’ Jesus, na un hasso ayo i chinathagong-mo gi uetto annai manaitai hao, yan ayo i piniti-mo annai i anti-mo sumahnge gi såntos na tataotao-mo; ya un nå’e ham na in gofli’e’ hao ya in singon i minappot siha gi tano’, ya in gef chahlao i finatai ni i malago’-mo na un na’ mamaila’e ham, kalan åpas i isao-måme siha; ya in merese na i yine’ase’-mo u asi’e’ ham, kololo’-ña gin mangekematai ham, annai in sangan man mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, ya in hago’ man gigigo yan hågo i minagof i langet; ya nå’e ham på’go ni in gagao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.O good Jesus, most sinless Lamb, who rejoiced to redeem us and put yourself in the hands of the Jews, and were made to be whipped, beaten, crowned with thorns; and be put to death on the holy cross overcome with your love for us. We beseech you, merciful Jesus, that you recall your gasping in the garden when you prayed, and your sorrow when your soul left your holy body; and grant us to love you and bear difficulties in this world, and to embrace the death which you will to send us, as payment for our sins; and that we merit that your mercy forgive us, especially at the moment of our death, when we say with repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we obtain, together with you in the joy of heaven; and grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be to your praise and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete sheet music please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 – 3 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 1-3](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-1-3.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Singko na Ha’åne (The Fifth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, Nånan Yu’us Lahi-ña, bibithen ha’ annai mañågo hao, ni i tumotohge gi fi’on i kilu’us gi Katbårio annai umadotgan i pinite gi korason-mo, ya un li’e’ na måtai si Jesus gi na’luhan na kilu’us, annai ha chuda’ i yini’usan na Hagå’-ña ya ha nå’enñaihon i ha’ani-ña kalan tulaika yan fahån-ña ni taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen yo’ase’ na Maria, na un hasso i minala’et ni i humugom i magem yan gada’ na korason-mo annai un hungok i sinangan i Profeta as Simeon; yan ayo i sen na’pinite na ma dingu-mo annai monhan ma håfot si Jesus; ya un hagu’e ham na in na’ taiminaktos tumångse i isao-måme siha ni i muna’ maså’pet hamyo ya in fan famagu’on-miyo mo’na ya in hasuye mamemes i man sen mahatot na piniti-mo siha; ya ti in na’ falingo i gråsia guine gi tano’; ya in alok man mañotsot gin mangekematai ham: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya ennao i tinanges-mo muna’ in fan ma husga ya in fan ma asi’e’ ham ya in hago’ i taihinekkok na tinektok Jesus gi langet; ya un nå’e ham på’go ni in gagagao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.Hail Mary, Mother of God the Son, ever-virgin when you gave birth, who was standing by the side of the cross on Calvary when sorrow pierced your heart, and you saw Jesus die on the frightful cross, when He shed His divine blood and gave up His life in exchange for and the purchase of the people. We beseech you, most gracious Mary, that you recall the bitterness which encompassed your soft and tender heart when you heard the prophecy of Simeon the prophet; and that most sorrowful abandonment when Jesus’ burial was completed; and that you grant us to weep without end over our sins which made you suffer and that we be your children from now on and that we reflect sweetly on your bitter sorrows; and that we will not lose grace here on earth; and we will say with repentance as we are dying: Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and those tears of yours will make us be judged and be forgiven and that we obtain the everlasting embrace of Jesus in heaven; and that you grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be to your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 4 – 6 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 4-6](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-4-6.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Sais na Ha’åne (The Sixth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.Sen må’gas na Patriåtka yan Sainan-måme as San Jose, taotao Yu’us ni i didok i piniti-mo annai un atituye na mapotge (mapotge’) i sen gåsgas na asaguå-mo; ya un li’e’ i pinepblen i Lahen Yu’us giya Belen yan i haga’ ni i ha chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-ña; lao dumångkulo lokkue’ i minagof-mo annai un tungo’ na i tailamen na asaguå-mo gumaipatgon gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto, ya un li’e’ na i angheles yan i pastot siha man måtto giya Belen ya man manadora nu i Lahen i Bithen; ya un na’ magof hao fuma’na’an i Patgon nu i mames na Nå’an Jesus. In tatayuyut hao, tagåhlo na Jose, na un hasso ennao siha na pinite yan minagof; ya un na’ taka’ ham na in guaiya i pinepble; ya in singon i minappot siha; ya in pattang i chatsini’ok i anite, i tano’ yan i sensen; ya un goggue ham yagin (yanggen) ha’ mangekebasnak gi peligro siha yan i finatai-måme; sa’ yagin (yanggen) man losgon ham gi ginadde’ i anite siha in fan mañotsot ya in sangan: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya u fan ma asi’e’ i isao-måme siha; ya u ta fan ga’chong gi langet; ya un nå’e ham på’go ni in gagagao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.O great Patriarch and Father Saint Joseph, man of God whose sorrow was profound when you observed that your most pure spouse was pregnant; and when you saw the poverty of the Son of God in Bethlehem and the blood which He shed when they cut His flesh; but your joy increased also when you knew that your immaculate spouse was with child through the Holy Spirit, and when you saw the angels and shepherds come to Bethlehem and adore the Son of the Virgin; and you were happy to name the Child with the sweet name of Jesus. We beseech you, O exalted Joseph, that you recall those sorrows and joys; and that you enable us to love poverty; and to endure difficulties; and that we resist the false enticements of the devil, the world and the flesh; and that you defend us when we should possibly fall into dangers and at our death; because if are loosened from the entrapments of the demons we will repent and say: Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and our sins will be forgiven; and we will be companions in heaven; and grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be to your praise and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 7 – 9 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 7-9](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-7-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Siette na Ha’åne (The Seventh Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.O maolek na Jesus, hihulat na nana’kahåyan i taotao; maså’pet hao meggai ya måtai gi kilu’us annai un na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham; ya på’go ma cho’gue ennao, lå’la’ hao ta’lo gi mina’ tres na ha’åne; ya un puno’ i finatai yan i isao: ya kahulo’ hao gi langet annai manånåyuyut ya un entalulu’e ham, matåtå’chong gi agapa’ Yu’us Tåta. In tatayuyut hao sen mangofli’e’ as Jesus na un hasso i minaolek-mo yan i taihinekkok na yine’ase’-mo, ya un nå’e ham siha i nina’en Yu’us Espiritu Sånto, i magåhet na guinaiyan Sånta Maria i sen ma’lak na Nanå-mo yan i guinaiyan Jose i ma fa’ tatå-mo; ya in na’ liheng hao sesso gi halom i ha’of-måme gi Sånta Komunion; ya in na’ maolek i mangonfesat-måme; ya in merese na u fatoigue ham gi tattate na chetnot; ya, yagin (yanggen) gaige hao gi ha’of-måme, u lå’la’ i hinenggen-måme; u metton i ninanggan-måme; u håhånon i ginefli’e’-måme; ya in fan mañotsot yan in alok yagin (yanggen) mangekematai ham: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, ya in hago’ i ti sangånon na ginefsaga yagin (yanggen) un fa’na’an ham i man inayek i Tatå-mo; ya un nå’e ham ni in gagagao hao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.O good Jesus, triumphant redeemer of mankind; you suffered greatly on the cross when you saved us; and, once that was done, you rose to life again on the third day; and you destroyed death and sin: and you rose to heaven where you pray and intercede for us, sitting at the right hand of God the Father. We beseech you most loving Jesus that you recall your goodness and endless kindness, and that you grant us the gifts of the Holy Spirit, the true love of Blessed Mary your radiant Mother and the love of Joseph your foster father; and that we shelter you often within our breasts in Holy Communion; and that we make our confessions properly; and that we merit that you come to us in our last illness; for, if you are in our hearts, our faith will be living; our hope will be firm; our love will be burning; and we will repent and we will say when we are dying: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the unspeakable treasure if you call us chosen by your Father; and that you grant us what we ask of you in this novena, if it be to your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete sheet music please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 1 – 3 are performed on the first, fourth, and seventh days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 1-3](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-1-3.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Ocho na Ha’åne (The Eighth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, Asaguan Yu’us Espiritu Sånto, bibithen ha’ annai monhåyan mañågo, håhånon yan mañiñila’ hao gi guafen i yini’usan na ginefli’e’, ya un na’ fåkpo’ i tumano’-mo guine gi tano’ nu i sen såntos yan sen måhgong na finatai; ya lå’la’ hao ta’lo gi mina’ tres na ha’åne; ya kahulo’ hao gi langet un chuchule’ i tataotao-mo yan i anti-mo,
gina’chongñaihon as Jesus ni i guinaiya-mo, ya nina’ magof nu i kantan yan i tininan i inetnon i angheles siha. In tayuyut hao, sen yo’ase’ na Maria na un hasso yuhe i såntos na fina’pos-mo yan i na’magof na ma koronå-mo, ya un taka’e ham na in dalalake hao; ya in fan lålå’la’ gi tano’ man mañiñila’ ha’ gi ginefli’e’ Jesus. In atu’e hamyo yan i sen gåsgas na asaguå-mo as San Jose nu ini na nobena, ni i dikkiki’ yan taiguailaye na sinattunen i anten-måme; ya in nanangga na un nånan-måme ya un goggue ham gi che’cho’ yan i tentasion i tano’; ya un fatoigue ham gi finatai-måme; ya in hilat i chumacha’u’ute ham ya in fan mañotsot ya in alok: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, ya in hago’ i minagof ayo siha i kumåkånta i ma tunå-mo gi langet; ya un nå’e ham på’go ni in gagagao hao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.Hail Mary, Spouse of God the Holy Spirit, ever-virgin after having given birth, aflame and shining in the fire of divine love, you ended your sojourn here on earth with the most holy and most peaceful death; and you rose again on the third day; and you rose into heaven bringing your body and soul, accompanied by Jesus your love, and you rejoiced at the singing and praises of the company of angels. We beseech you, most compassionate Mary that you recall your holy departure and joyful crowning, and that you enable us to follow you; and we shall be living on earth shining in the love of Jesus. We offer you and your most pure spouse Saint Joseph this novena, the small and useless efforts of our souls; and we shall hope that you will be our mother and defend us against the works and temptations of the world; and that you come to us at our death; and that we overcome that which harms us and we shall repent and say: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we shall obtain the joy of those who sing your praises in heaven; and that you give us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 4 – 6 are performed on the second, fifth, and eighth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 4-6](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-4-6.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## Mina’ Nuebe na Ha’åne (The Ninth Day)
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglishAnnai ma gågågao un maolek na finatai.
Pot i señåt i såntos kilu’us, na’ fan libre ham gi enemigon-måme, Yu’us, Sainan-måme.
Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña yan i Espiritu Sånto. Amen.
Taitai i såntos lisåyo.When praying for a good death.
By the sign of the holy cross, free us from our enemies, O Lord our God. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Pray the holy rosary.Sen må’gas na Patriåtka yan Sainan-måme as San Jose, taotao Yu’us; ni i dangkulo i piniti-mo annai un hungok na u maså’pet ya u ma puno’ si Jesus, yan ayo annai malågo hao guato giya Ehipto man hamyo yan guiya yan i sen mames na Nanå-ña sa’ man kinekepuno’ as Erodes; yan ayo annai tumåtånges hao sa’ un na’ falingo gue’ tres na ha’åne; lao ti sangånon lokkue’ i minagof-mo annai ma sangåne hao na u ma puno’ ya u na’ fan såfo (såfo’) i taotao siha; ya ayo annai un li’e’ na man basnak påpa’ gi edda’ i idolos Ehipto siha annai ha håtme guihe, yan ayo annai un sodda’ gue’ gi gima’yu’us matåtå’chong yan ha fafaisen i man malåte’ siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen såntos na Jose, na un hasso ennao siha na pinite yan minagof; ya un na’ hago’ ham ni gråsia siha ni i siña in yilang yan in tipa’ giya hame i idolos siha i manailaye na ineggeng i sensen-måme; ya in fan osgon yan in magufe man mañu’ot chinatsaga siha kalan tulaikan i isao-måme siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) in letke mo’na ayo siha i muna’ fan isao ham annai hagas ha’ malingo i gråsian Yu’us, in fan ma’ok guine asta i finatai-måme, annai in fan mañotsot ta’lo ya in sangan: Jesus, Maria yan Jose; yan u ta fan hita man gefsaga gi manaihinekkok na minagof i langet, ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagagao hao guine na nobena, yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’ maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.O exalted Patriarch and Father Saint Joseph, man of God; who was greatly distressed when you heard that Jesus would suffer and die, and when you fled to Egypt with Him and His most sweet Mother because they were to be killed by Herod; and when you wept when you lost Him for three days; but your joy was also unspeakable when you were told that He would die and save the people; and when you saw the Egyptian idols fall to the ground when He entered there, and when you found Him in the temple seated with and questioning the learned. We beseech you, most holy Joseph, that you recall those sorrows and joys; and that you obtain for us the graces which can enable us to destroy and break in us the idols of the evil inclinations of our flesh; and we will be obedient and we will happily endure difficulties as an exchange for our sins; for if we avoid from now on those things which made us sin when in the past the grace of God was lost, we shall remain constant here till our death, when we shall again repent and say: Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and we shall be together safely in the eternal joy of heaven, and grant us now what we ask of you in this novena, if it be for your praise and the good of our souls. Amen.**Hinahan i Ante**
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue ham guine gi tano’; ya en hilat i tentasion siha ya en na’e ham nu ayo siha i siña muna’ fan metton ham gi gråsia.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.**Aspirations of the Soul**
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend us here on earth; and overcome temptations and grant us that which can make us steadfast in grace.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, na’ fan libre ham gi chaddek na finatai ni ti ma tungo’, yan i sinaolak i tininas Yu’us, kololo’-ña i talangan hulo, i lamlam, i pakyo, i sago yan i ma’gas na isao.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, free us from a sudden and unforeseen death, and from the scourge of the justice of God, especially thunder bolts, lightning, storms, epidemics and mortal sin.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.Jesus, Maria yan Jose, fatoigue ham guihe annai mangekematai ham; ya en ekte ham nu i gråsian langet; ya in hago’ un maolek na finatai.
Tatan-måme ni gaige hao gi langet, u ma tuna i na’ån-mo, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mo, u ma fa’tinas i pinto’-mo asi gi tano’ komo gi langet, nå’e ham på’go nu i kada ha’åne na ågon-måme ya un asi’e’ ham nu i diben-måme taiguihe i in asisi’e’ nu i dumidibe ham siha, ya cha’-mo ham pumopo’lo na in fan basnak gi tentasion lao na’ fan libre ham gi tailaye. Amen.
Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, i Saina gaige giya hågo, ma tuna hao entre todo i famalao’an ya ma tuna i finañagu-mo as Jesus. Sånta Maria, Nånan Yu’us, tayuyute ham ni man isao, på’go yan gi oran i finatai-måme. Amen.
U ma tuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto, taiguihe gi tutuhon-ña, på’go yan siempre para i manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Amen.Jesus, Mary and Joseph, come to us when we are dying; and cover us with heavenly grace; and obtain for us a good death.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.
Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.**Tinayuyut**
O maolek na Jesus, gigofli’e’ na tåtan i ante siha, ni i muma’åse’ hao nu i chine’tan siha, annai man basnak i taotao siha ni i man i’isao, ya mama’taotao gi sen gåsgas na tuyan i taihinepplat na Bithen, ya mafañågo gi liyang gå’ga’, ya maså’pet yan måtai tulaikan i taotao siha. In tatayuyut hao, sen mames Jesus, na un hasso i haga’ ni un chuda’ annai ma chåchak i sensen-mo guihe gi dinikkike’-mo, yan lokkue’ i inesge-mo nu i Sen Såntos na Nanå-mo as Maria yan i ma fa’ tatå-mo as San Jose; ya un nå’e ham na in na’ fanakpapa’ hinalom-måme, ya in fan osgon gi pinto’ Yu’us, ya in fan mano’osge man magof nu i mames na yugon i tinago’-mo siha; sa’ yagin (yanggen) tentago’-mo ham gi lina’la’ yan i finatai-måme, in sangan man sen mañotsot: Jesus, Maria yan Jose, in hago’ i finatai i manunas hinanao-ñiha, ya in fan hålom gi taihinekkok na ginefsagan i langet; ya på’go nå’e ham ni in gagao hao guine na nobena yagin (yanggen) un nina’ ma tuna hao ya u fina’maolek i anten-måme. Taiguennao mohon.
På’go un su’ok giya hågo i inangoko-mo as Jesus, Maria yan Jose; ya un gågao siha gi hinalom-mo i sasahnge na gråsia ni un kekehago’ guine na nobena. An måkpo’, un ta’luye.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu nå’e hamyo ni i korason-ho yan i anti-ho.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, geggue yagin (yanggen) kumekematai yo’.
Jesus, Maria yan Jose, hu måtai yo’ måhgogong gi fi’on-miyo.**Prayer**
O Good Jesus, loving father of souls, who grieves over faults, when people fall into sin, and who became man in the most pure womb of the spotless Virgin, and who was born in a cave for animals, and suffered and died in place of the people. We pray to you, most sweet Jesus, that you remember the blood you spilled when they cut your flesh in your infancy, and also your obedience to your Most Holy Mother Mary and your foster father Saint Joseph; and that you humble us interiorly, and that we be obedient to the will of God, and joyfully obey the sweet yoke of your commandments; because if we are your servants in life and death, we will say with great repentance: Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and we will obtain the death of those whose way is righteous, and enter the eternal bliss of heaven; and now grant us what we ask you in this novena if it be for your glory and the good of our souls. Amen.
Now stir up in yourself your trust in Jesus, Mary and Joseph; and ask interiorly the special grace you are trying to obtain in this novena. When finished, repeat.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, defend me when I am dying.
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, I will die peacefully by your side.**Ma Tunan Jesus**
I langet yan i tano’ yan i talo’ gi edda’ u fan dimo, yagin (yanggen) hohongga i Na’an Jesus; sa’ si Jesus mumagof manosge; ya ennao ha’ mina’ gaige gue’ gi mina’lak Yu’us Tåta.
U ma tuna i Såntos na Nå’an i Saina-ta.
U ma tuna ha’.**The Praise of Jesus**
The heavens and the earth and what is under the earth will kneel, when the Name of Jesus is sounded; because Jesus joyfully obeyed; and that is why He is in the glory of God the Father.
Praised be the Holy Name of our Lord.
May it be praised.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni un nå’e ham ni mamaisa ha’ na Lahi-mo na ma fa’nana’an as Jesus, ya pinto’-mo na i masa’pet-ña; yan i finatai-ña u ha na’ fan såfo (såfo’) ham gi isao yan i taihinekkok na finatai: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham ni i gumogopte gi tano’ i Såntos na Na’ån-ña, na u na’ fan magof ham i ma li’e’-ña gi langet, annai lålå’la’ yan mama’sasaina hao man hahamyo yan ennao ha’ as Jesukristo na Sainan-måme yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who gave us your only Son who was named Jesus, and you willed that His suffering and death would save us from sin and eternal death: we beseech you to grant us who celebrate on earth His Holy Name, that seeing Him in heaven will make us rejoice, where you live and reign together with Jesus Christ our Lord and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan Sånta Maria**
I Anghet as Gabriel tinago’ as Yu’us guato gi Bithen as Maria ni umassagua yan i lahe ni i ma fa’nana’an as Jose ya sinangåne na i Finiho (Finiho’) Yu’us u fama’taotao gi tiyån-ña. Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria. I Saina gaige giya hågo.**The Praise of Mary**
The Angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary who was married to a man named Joseph and she was told that the Word of God would become man in her womb. Hail, Mary. The Lord is with you.**Tinayuyut**
O Yu’us ni i mumalago’ na i sen såntos na Nånan Jesus u ma fa’na’an as Maria: in gagao hao na un nå’e ham, hame ni i minamames umågang i mames na Nå’an Maria, na in chagi i minaolek i såntos na kanai-mo gine (ginen) as Jesukristo i Sainan-måme ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina man hahamyo yan i Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
O God who willed that the most holy Mother of Jesus be named Mary; we beseech you to grant us who sweetly call on the sweet Name of Mary to experience the goodness of your holy hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.**Ma Tunan San Jose**
Jose, Låhen David, cha‘-mo ma’å‘ñao humamyo yan si Maria i asaguå-mo, sa’ i mapotgen-ña gine (ginen) i che’cho’ i Espiritu Sånto.
I tinas hinanao-ña u fanla’chok kalan i asusena. Ya u fanflores ha’ gi me’nan i Saina-ta.**The Praise of Saint Joseph**
Joseph, Son of David, do not fear to be with Mary your spouse, for she has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit.
His righteous ways shall bud forth like the lily. And will blossom before our Lord.**Tinayuyut**
In tatayuyut hao, Asaina, na u goggue ham i mineresen San Jose, i asaguan i sen såntos na Nanå-mo; ya un hasso i umentalo’-ña ya un nå’e ham ayo i in merese ginen iya hågo ni i lala’la’ yan mama’sasaina yan si Yu’us Tåta man hahamyo yan si Yu’us Espiritu Sånto gi manaihinekkok na ha’åne. Taiguennao mohon.**Prayer**
We pray to you, Lord, that the merits of Saint Joseph, the spouse of your most holy Mother, may defend us; and that you remember his intercession and grant us what we deserve from you who lives and reigns with God the Father together with God the Holy Spirit for all eternity. Amen.---
### First song: O Sagråda Na Familia
For the complete music sheet please refer to “*Nobena* audio files and music sheets” at the end of the entry or download the file [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf).
Note: Verses 7 – 9 are performed on the third, sixth, and ninth days of the *nobena*.
Sheet music: [O Sagrada Na Familia 7-9](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia-7-9.pdf)
---
### Second song: Si Yu’us Un Ginegue
Sheet music: [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
---
### Third song: U Ma Gef Tuna
Sheet music: [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
## Nobena audio files
Audio files performed by Carmen Camacho Rojas.
Nobenan i Sagråda Familia Songs
Novena to the Holy Family Songs
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## Nobena sheet music
- [O Sagråda Na Familia](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/6-O-Sagrada-na-Familia.pdf)
- [Si Yu’us Un Ginegue](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/8-Si-Yuus-Unginegue-Nanan-Minaase.pdf)
- [U Ma Gef Tuna](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/4-Umageftuna-i-Sinantusan-1.pdf)
## e-Publications
### Nobenan i Sagråda Familia, 2025
Download Nobenan i Sagråda Familia with the audio files [***here***](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Nobenan-Sagrada-Familia-eBook2.pdf) and without the audio files ***[here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Nobenan-Sagrada-Familia-eBook_no_audio2.pdf)***.
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**Categories:** Catholic, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Religion, e-Publications, Our Heritage, Religion, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Nobenan i Sagråda Familia
---
### [Andres de Urdaneta](https://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-andres-de-urdaneta-2/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Andrés de Urdaneta (1498-1568), a Spanish Augustinian friar born in Villafranca de Ordizia in the Basque province of Gipuzkoa, Spain, was a seaman, sailor, navigator and author who became the most knowledgeable European navigator of the Pacific, best known for his discovery of the Tornaviaje, or return sea route from the Philippines to the Americas.
**Content:**
# Andres de Urdaneta
 Fr. Andrés de Urdaneta. Courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## Discovered return sea route in 1565
Andrés de Urdaneta (1498 – 1568), a Spanish [Augustinian](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1179) friar born in Villafranca de Ordizia in the Basque province of Gipuzkoa, Spain, was a seaman, sailor, navigator and author who became the most knowledgeable European navigator of the Pacific, best known for his discovery of the *Tornaviaje*, or return sea route from the Philippines to the Americas. He visited the Mariana Islands twice during his lifetime, proposed a permanent Spanish settlement on Guam in 1565, and his accounts provided some of the earliest ethnographic information about the CHamoru/Chamorrro people.
In the first half of the 16th century, Spanish galleons and ships could navigate from America to the Philippines, generally following the trans-Pacific course set by [Ferdinand Magellan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=940), but the return voyage proved difficult because ships would face the prevailing easterly winds. Every expedition sent from New Spain (Mexico) during this period was either lost or forced to detour to the Moluccas (an archipelago in eastern Indonesia), where they were taken as prisoners by the Portuguese. Urdaneta would later discover that by climbing to the higher latitudes of the Western Pacific – 30 to 40 degrees north – ships could avoid the easterly winds and catch prevailing westerlies, shortening the trip.
## From sailor to missionary
Urdaneta enrolled as a young sailor on the expedition of Jofre de Loaysa and Juan Sebastian Elcano in 1525, which sailed from Spain on the first attempt to exploit the route pioneered by Magellan. The expedition was unable to discover a return route to Mexico and eventually reached the Portuguese-controlled Moluccas where the officers and crewmen were taken prisoners. Urdaneta spent his time in the Moluccas observing the stars, the currents, and the winds, evaluating trading opportunities, Portuguese strength and potential Spanish alliances with local rulers and writing his conclusions in diaries, memoirs and on maps.
On the expedition’s westward crossing of the Pacific during 1526, the surviving vessel, *Santa Maria de la Vitoria* had stopped at Guam, anchoring off the southwest coast for six days. The expedition traded extensively with CHamorus from coastal villages for vitally needed fresh food and water in exchange for Spanish iron goods. Urdaneta learned a little about the archipelago’s geography, resources and customs from the [beachcomber](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=851) Gozalvo Alvarez de Vigo, a cabin boy on Magellan’s expedition who had deserted and spent four years in the Marianas. This visit would influence Urdaneta’s later proposals for solving the circumnavigation problems of the Pacific.
Repatriated from the Moluccas, Urdaneta arrived at Lisbon, Portugal on 26 June 1536. He planned to continue on to the Spanish Court to present the King with his findings, but at the last moment the Major Guard of the Port of Lisbon, aware of the methods that explorers used to protect their maps, examined all of Urdaneta’s personal belongings and packages. His valuable navigational charts and travel diaries, which could have been used by future Spanish expeditions, were discovered and confiscated, although many were disguised as private letters.
Urdaneta eventually escaped from the Portuguese, and crossed into Spain where he arrived at Valladolid. Using his excellent memory, Urdaneta was able to recall and set down in writing his observations and conclusions from his Pacific exploration and Moluccan sojourn.
Moving to New Spain in 1536, Urdaneta maintained his interest in Pacific exploration by studying the navigational accounts of Spanish voyages that had failed to secure a viable trading base in the Spice Islands (also in Indonesia) or find the return route. He was later invited to command a new Spanish expedition to the Islands of the East, but refused because he believed that the Philippines and the Moluccas were in Portuguese territory, according to treaties Spain had entered with the Papacy and Portugal. The expedition was eventually commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.
By the mid-16th century, Urdaneta, who had become an Augustinian friar in 1553, was advising the Crown of a strategy he was convinced could solve the problems of circumnavigating the Pacific. He proposed three possible westward routes – north, central and southern – using seasonal wind patterns, with the chosen course depending on the time the expedition sailed from the Pacific coast of New Spain. He also described a strategy for using the seasonal winds of the Western Pacific for the return route.
Guam was a key to Urdaneta’s plan of operations for the proposed central crossing from New Spain, via a series of navigational and provisioning way-stations across the Pacific. Because determining longitude was then largely educated guesswork relying on dead-reckoning, these stations would allow ships to stay on course and better chart their progress across the vast ocean, with its many submerged reefs and dangerous shoals. San Bartolomé (Taongi in the Marshalls) or Wake Island would be the way-station in the central Pacific, while Guam, which Urdaneta had already visited, would serve that important function for the western Pacific.
When the Spanish King Philip II directed the Viceroy of Mexico to prepare another expedition to establish direct Asian-American trade, Urdaneta was asked to help organize the initiative and guide the voyage as senior pilot-navigator. The fleet was to be commanded by [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=17318) (who officially claimed the Mariana Islands for the Spanish Crown). Urdaneta accepted under condition that they would not cross the Portuguese line, meaning that the expedition would not attempt to colonize the Philippines or the Moluccas.
Urdaneta thought the Legazpi expedition was to be a reconnaissance, an exploration and intelligence gathering voyage to help rescue survivors of past expeditions, and to begin the evangelization of New Guinea. He believed the expedition would inform the King’s future moves regarding the Philippines and not seek to immediately establish a colony there.
## Urdaneta's Guam proposal
Urdaneta was needed for the expedition because his experience and knowledge were indispensable for finding the *Tornaviaje* and the Spanish Crown apparently accepted his conditions just to convince him to embark. The Spanish Crown intended to colonize the Philippines, even though the islands’ location was still in dispute. Partly because of Urdaneta’s opposition to such a colony, Legaspi was given sealed orders and instructed not to open them until his expedition was 300 miles at sea.
The Legazpi expedition arrived at Guam on 21 January 1565. The pilots thought that they had reached the Philippines, but Urdaneta, who had advised Legaspi of needed course corrections that brought the fleet to Guam, realized where they were when he recognized the distinctive lateen sails of the CHamoru [outrigger canoes](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=841) and heard an old CHamoru asking for “Gonzalo”, the cabin boy and beachcomber, Gonzalo Alvarez de Vigo, who had been repatriated by the Spanish vessel that visited Guam in 1526 with Urdaneta aboard.
At a meeting of expedition leaders during the Legazpi visit, Urdaneta surprised officials by proposing that the fleet not proceed further west, but rather make a permanent settlement on Guam and immediately dispatch one of the galleons for the arduous task of discovering the return route to New Spain – a major goal of the expedition and key to direct Asian-American commerce. He argued that Guam, an unmistakable high island, had been visited by three Spanish expeditions and its location was well charted. The island had ample land, perennial streams, good leeward anchorages, abundant food staples and was strategically located to reach Japan, the China coast, the Philippines and the Moluccas.
Guam would make a useful forward base for further Spanish explorations in search of East Asian commercial opportunities and was advantageously situated for dispatching the ungainly galleons, which could safely maneuver in the Philippine Sea’s seasonal southwesterly winds that Urdaneta believed would allow them to reach northern latitudes where prevailing westerly winds would carry the vessels across the North Pacific to the coast of New Spain.
Most importantly for Urdaneta, a Guam settlement would assure that the initial Crown colony in the region would be in Spanish territory acknowledged under agreements with the Papacy and Portugal. Urdaneta’s proposal for Guam reflected his familiarity with the island and his vision of its role in enabling Spain to expand westward over its designated sphere of influence.
As an opportunity to avoid trespassing into Portuguese territory, Urdaneta’s proposal for a settlement on Guam found favor with his fellow Augustinians as well as virtually all of the expedition leaders attending the meeting. However, Legazpi was unconvinced, responding firmly that his orders directed him unequivocally to the *Filipinas* to establish a settlement if possible and to launch the search for a return route from there.
For Legazpi, the goal of the expedition was not to settle legal disputes but to find a *realpolitik* (politically practical) way to establish direct contact between Philippines and New Spain, making the Kingdom of Castile competitive with Portugal in developing potentially lucrative trade with the China coast, Japan and the Spice Islands. Before sailing for Cebu, Philippines on 3 February 1665, Legazpi took possession of Guam and the other islands in the Marianas archipelago in the name of Philip II.
Five months later, on 1 June 1565, Legazpi sent his best-sailing galleon, the *San Pedro*, from Cebu in the Philippines to New Spain with Urdaneta aboard, who navigated to the north, was able to ride the Kuroshio Current to 42 degrees north, then sailed east and arrived at Acapulco, Mexico on 8 October 1565. This successful voyage and charting of “Urdaneta’s Route” finally made possible the establishment of the trans-Pacific galleon trade and the Spanish colonization of the Philippines.
From Mexico, Urdaneta went to Spain to make a report on the expedition and then returned to New Spain, where he died in Mexico City in 1568.
***By [Carlos Madrid](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/) and [Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/)***
## For further reading
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. *The First Taint of Civilization: A History of the Caroline and Marshall Islands in Pre-Colonial Days, 1521-1885.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983.
Kurlansky, Mark. *The Basque History of the World.* New York: Walker & Company, 1999.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Spanish Era, Trade
**Tags:** Andres de Urdaneta
---
### [The Matao Iron Trade Part 1: Contact and Commerce](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/)
**Published:** December 9, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Members of the matao, the highest-ranking strata of Mariana Islands society in the 16th and 17th centuries, carried on the first sustained cultural interaction and commercial exchange between Pacific Islanders and Europeans. From Ferdinand Magellan’s 1521 visit through the establishment of the 1668 Spanish Jesuit mission, these island traders, primarily from Guam and Rota, regularly bartered food staples and craftwork for iron goods with Spanish exploration and trade vessels, Dutch expeditions and English privateers.
**Content:**
# The Matao Iron Trade Part 1: Contact and Commerce
#### Table of Contents
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## Trade between CHamorus/Chamorros and Europeans
Members of the *[matao](http://www.guampedia.com/matao-and-acha%E2%80%99ot/)*, the highest-ranking strata of Mariana Islands society in the 16th and 17th centuries, carried on the first sustained cultural interaction and commercial exchange between Pacific Islanders and Europeans. From [Ferdinand Magellan’s](http://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) 1521 visit through the establishment of the 1668 Spanish [Jesuit mission](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/), these island traders, primarily from Guam and Rota, regularly bartered food staples and craftwork for iron goods with Spanish exploration and trade vessels, [Dutch ](https://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-dutch-traders/)expeditions and [English privateers](https://www.guampedia.com/pirates-on-guam/).
## Major maritime crossroads
The Mariana Islands was the major maritime crossroads of the Pacific Ocean during this period. In 1565 the [Spanish Galleon Trade Route](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) between Manila, Philippines and Acapulco, Mexico, was established. More than 100 foreign ships stopped at the islands for food and water, to refit their storm damaged and weather-worn vessels and rest their weary and ailing crews after grueling months-long transits of the world’s largest ocean. Three Spanish trade galleons, crammed with the products of East Asia, were wrecked in the islands, stranding scores of castaways for extended stays. The [first of these](https://www.guampedia.com/galleon-san-pablo/) occurred in 1568 on the southwest coast of Guam; another in 1601 on the northwest coast of Rota; and [the third](https://www.guampedia.com/galleon-concepcion/) in 1638, on the southwest coast of Saipan.
A number of crewmen and Spanish black slaves from these wrecks chose to remain in the Marianas, forming the Pacific’s first [beachcomber](http://www.guampedia.com/beachcombers/) community. In addition, a few priests and friars voluntarily sojourned in the islands for several months at a time in 1596 and 1602, attempting to win converts to Christianity.
## Working relationship developed
Though violence accompanied many of the earliest contacts between CHamorus/Chamorros and Europeans, leading to the injury, abduction and death of many islanders, efforts by both the *matao* and the Spanish to avoid these clashes (while gaining the material benefits of exchange) helped to structure a working relationship in spite of their cultural differences.
Over several generations, the interactions created by these trade encounters allowed for the emergence of what Pacific historian Ian Campbell has called,“a culture of culture contact,” which occurs spontaneously when two distinct peoples with no prior norms of behavior or conduct find themselves having to interact with each other. The result is a kind of “medial culture” within which the two peoples conduct themselves to the benefit of both groups.
In the case of the Marianas, the interaction between the *matao* and the Spanish generated positive relationships for people previously unknown to each other. Furthermore, a corresponding group of values and attitudes, along with behavioral and social adaptations, enabled the islands’ ruling lineages and Spanish visitors to manage the iron exchange and other aspects of their relationship, including the return of castaways and clerics and the reception of the 1668 Jesuit Mission.
In key ways the *matao* encounter with Europeans can be viewed as a continuation of adaptive and dynamic traditions, rather than a rupture with the past. After all, the people of the Marianas had maintained trade relations with each other as well as with other people of Micronesia over the course of many generations.
Occupied by 2000 BC, probably from Island Southeast Asia, the Marianas were settled by Austronesian cultural groups, whose complex of maritime, horticultural and ceramic technologies was gradually modified in response to environmental and demographic challenges as well as contact with Island Southeast Asian and Oceanic societies.
The island’s extended matrilineal kin-groups controlled the land, offshore areas and other natural resources of largely autonomous villages; ruling lineages were occasionally allied in multi-village district confederations. Villages and districts competed for resources and status, using an array of social, economic and political strategies and tactics. Inter-village disputes often rose to the level of large-scale but short-lived conflict.
## Matao controlled trade
Because they also were mariners and craftsmen (as well as kin-group leaders and warriors), the *matao* controlled intra-archipelago transport, trade and communication; reportedly traded with Caroline Islanders; and likely acquired iron and other goods from sporadic visits of Southeast Asian vessels.
The interaction with Magellan’s (6-9 March 1521) expedition reflected the *matao’s* passion for trade. Several European eyewitness accounts recalled extensive peaceful exchange despite the violence initiated by Magellan’s men, noting that throughout the encounter scores of islanders came to the ships in their outrigger canoes. They brought fish, coconuts, plantains and yams as barter and gifts for the starving, scurvy-ridden crews.
Though a melee erupted when some islanders boarded the vessels and began taking items (from unknown voyagers who had entered offshore areas controlled by *matao*), islanders continued to bring food staples to the ships during the fighting. When Magellan saw that the number of canoes bringing food was increasing, he ordered his men to stop firing. An officer on the [*Trinidad*](http://www.guampedia.com/galleon-trinidad/), one of Magellan’s vessels, noted that:
> consequently, the hostile natives also stopped, so that eventually all of them turned once more to selling us food as they had begun in the first place – coconuts and fish in abundance in exchange for a few glass beads from Spain.
After Magellan’s onshore attack to recover the ship’s skiff, during which he reportedly killed seven men and looted two villages, burning 50 houses and several canoes, islanders in 40 to 50 canoes from nearby villages continued to barter with the visitors. Other eyewitnesses recalled that islanders “came many times to us” to trade during the three-day visit. When Magellan sailed away, an estimated 100 canoes followed the vessels several miles out to sea and the islanders held up fish, offering trade.
When the *Trinidad* returned to the Marianas the following year, stopping twice during the vessel’s unsuccessful attempt to find an eastward route across the North Pacific to the Americas, trading occurred in both brief encounters in the northernmost islands. The vessel also deposited the Pacific’s first European beachcomber, Gonzalo Alvarez de Vigo, who helped to launch the iron trade when his reports noted that the islanders were both familiar with iron and avidly desired to acquire as much as they could.
The 1526 ship that repatriated Vigo traded off Guam’s southwest coast for six days, as hundreds of villagers brought drinking water in gourds as well as fish, yams, coconuts, salt, rice, plantains and other fruit. “They did not wish anything other than iron, nails or things with metal tips in exchange for them,” reported [Andres de Urdaneta](http://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-andres-de-urdaneta-2/), a Vittoria officer. Some of the islanders who boarded the vessel also grabbed machetes, knives and daggers from crewmen’s waistbands and fled to their canoes. The captain, whose decrepit ship was leaking badly, abducted 11 island men to work the pumps and sailed for Mindanao.
## Strategies developed to reduce danger
Informed by these early encounters, *matao* traders’ interaction with the pivotal 1565 expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, reflect strategies aimed at structuring interaction to reduce the inherent dangers of these intense cross-cultural encounters while gaining the material advantages.
For example, as many as 400 canoes carrying 1,200 islanders from southwest coastal villages came out on the first day to barter fish, coconuts, gourds of fresh water, yams, plantains and other fruit, but they refused to board the galleons and resisted subsequent Spanish onshore incursions. They were seeking to control the foreign visitors, to keep them as much as possible offshore and at arm’s length, while trading for iron in a more secure venue.
During the visit which lasted from 21 January to 3 February 1565, the Spanish attempted a peaceful approach by offering gifts, unusually strict officer and crew discipline, an experienced intermediary (Urdaneta) and copious amounts of iron goods to secure needed supplies. Urdaneta was chief navigator and senior Franciscan on the voyage that launched Spain’s Pacific galleon commerce by establishing a Philippine colony and charting a return route to New Spain. He also was designated “Protector of the Indians” and the expedition made a concerted but conflicted effort to avoid provoking violence.
Ropes and cords had to be used to lower and raise trade items because throughout the encounter, “not one of them \[the islanders\] would come on board or show us any trust,” an officer noted. Islanders asked specifically for iron through signs, gestures and the Spanish word *hierro* and traded everything they had brought when iron was offered. When nails were shown, the islanders bartered only for those.
> ‘So great was their desire to obtain nails, in fact, that they gave every article they had for them,’ one officer wrote, ‘clearly giving us to understand that they wanted them for the construction of canoes.’
## Legazpi claims islands for Spain
Legazpi’s onshore actions, however, precipitated conflict. He claimed the islands for Spain, recognizing Guam’s value as a navigational checkpoint and provisioning stage on the three-month, trade-wind crossing from New Spain to the Philippines. He also sent armed parties ashore for water and firewood and conducted coastal surveys and inland searches for gold, silver and spices.
These incursions usually met spirited resistance. In one of the earliest, islanders tried to repulse a watering party supported by the expedition’s vessels, ringing the cove and attacking the ships’ crews and shore party with [sling stones](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones-weapons/) and lances. Survey parties met similar confrontations, one officer noting, “\[a\]t each village the frigate came to, islanders met them with the slings, hurling a shower of stones at us to prevent our landing.”
Despite this resistance, soldiers forced their way ashore at a few villages, where they skirmished with islanders who “attacked with such spirit” before arquebus (an early portable gun) fire “forced them to retreat in disorder.” More than 500 islanders reportedly were dispersed in these encounters and “a few of them lost their lives.” In a culminating episode, after a Spanish watering party had been ashore, a young crewman who missed the return boat was killed by islanders who mutilated his body. Legazpi retaliated with 150 soldiers who captured and killed several island men, hung their bodies from trees and burned nearby villages.
The Spanish noted the islanders traded during periods of conflict as well as peace, a practice also reported during Magellan’s visit. In one instance, while some islanders were fighting onshore with Legazpi’s men, others who were trading at the Spanish ships “after leaving aboard their canoes would go ashore to fight with our men, to be replaced in the canoes by those who had been fighting who then came alongside to trade. At all times, they kept their weapons in their hands.”
Elements of the strategies displayed during the Legazpi expedition became key practices between islanders and visitors in the coming years.
***[By Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/)***
## For further reading
Campbell, I.C. “The Culture of Culture Contact: Refractions from Polynesia.” *Journal of World History* 14, no. 1 (March 2003): 63-86.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Diaz, Vincent M. “Simply Chamorro: Telling Tales of Demise and Survival in Guam.” *The Contemporary Pacific* 6, no. 1 (1994): 29-58.
–––. *Repositioning the Missionary: Rewriting the Histories of Colonialism, Native Catholicism, and Indigeneity in Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010.
Driver, Marjorie G. “The Account of a Discalced Friar’s Stay in the Islands of the Ladrones.” *Guam Recorder* 7, no. 1 (1977): 19-21.
–––. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and His Account of the Mariana Islands.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 18, no. 3 (1983): 198-216.
–––. “Cross, Sword, and Silver: The Nascent Spanish Colony in the Mariana Islands.” *Pacific Studies* 11, no. 3 (1988): 21-51.
–––. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora: Hitherto Unpublished Accounts of His Residence in the Mariana Islands.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 23, no. 1 (1988): 86-94.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J* . Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. “From Conversion to Conquest: The Early Spanish Mission in the Marianas.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 17, no. 3 (1982): 115-37.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ, and Marjorie G. Driver. “From Conquest to Colonisation: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690-1740.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 23, no. 2 (1988): 137-155.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-5. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1995.
Quimby, Frank. “The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521-1668.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 46, no. 1 (2011): 1-26.
Thomas, Nicholas. *Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific*. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991.
## The Matao Iron Trade entries
[
### Part 1: Contact and Commerce
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/)
[
### Part 2: Galleon Trading and Repatriation
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-2-galleon-trading-and-repatriation/)
[
### Part 3: Appropriation and Entanglement
Read entry
](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-3-appropriation-and-entanglement/)
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Economics, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Division of Resources, Early Historic Accounts, Economic Systems, Economics and Commercial Development, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Trade, Transportation, Technology, and Communications
**Tags:** The Matao Iron Trade Part 1: Contact and Commerce
---
### [La Nao de China: The Spanish Treasure Fleet System](https://www.guampedia.com/la-nao-de-china-the-spanish-treasure-fleet-system/)
**Published:** November 4, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Manila Galleons. On 15 August 1568 the Spanish galleon San Pablo, anchored off the southwest coast of Guam, was hit by a sudden violent storm and was blown and battered onto a nearby coast. The 132 men sailing from Spain’s newly established Philippine colony began a three-month stay on Guam which allowed for intensive interaction with the CHamoru people, alternating between periods of trade and cooperation, and confrontation and violence. The Spanish sailors eventually converted the galleon’s boat into a large bark to return to the Philippines.
**Content:**
# La Nao de China: The Spanish Treasure Fleet System
View more images for the La Nao de China entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157649116549442/).
#### Table of Contents
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## The Manila Galleons
On 15 August 1568 the Spanish galleon *San Pablo*, anchored off the southwest coast of Guam, was hit by a sudden violent storm and was blown and battered onto a nearby coast. The 132 men sailing from Spain’s newly established Philippine colony began a three-month stay on Guam which allowed for intensive interaction with the CHamoru/Chamorrro people, alternating between periods of trade and cooperation, and confrontation and violence. The Spanish sailors eventually converted the galleon’s boat into a large bark to return to the Philippines.
The *San Pablo*, a 400-ton “Manila Galleon” that was part of [Miguel de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/)’s 1565 expedition to the Philippines, was the first recorded Spanish shipwreck in the Mariana Islands. For 250 years, the G*aleón de Manila* (Manila Galleons) also known as the *La Nao de la Chin*a (The China Ships) plied the waters between Acapulco and Manila.
## The Treasure Fleet System
The Manila Galleons were part of the Spanish Treasure Fleet system. The Treasure Fleet system emerged as a result of Spain’s conquest of the New World. South and Central America gave Spain possession of the world’s largest source of precious metals. Because Spain had no industry and had to purchase items from other nations, the government ruled that colonists could only trade with Spanish merchant ships. This made trade very profitable for Spain but created tension with other European countries that could not benefit from the monopoly.
It was not long before French and English privateers began to attack the merchant ships. In 1537, French privateers captured nine merchant ships. In order to protect their shipping line, the Spanish government sent a fleet of warships to convoy merchant ships back to port. This is believed to have been the first Spanish Treasure Fleet. The Treasure Fleet had two other lines—the Tierra Firme fleet and the Nueva España fleet.
The Galeón de Manila was added to the Spanish Treasure Fleet in 1565. The ships would sail the Pacific Ocean, running between Acapulco in the Americas and Manila in Las Islas Filipinas, bringing silver from the Americas and returning with precious cargo from the East Indies. The cargo would then be transported by pack animals over land to Vera Cruz where it would be loaded on ships of the Nueva España fleet. The Nueva España fleet would then rendezvous with the Tierra Firme fleet in Cuba and proceed back to Seville, Spain.
This system continued until 1748 when the Tierra Firme fleet was discontinued. In January of 1778 the final voyage of the Nueva España fleet reached Vera Cruz. While the official lines were discontinued, registered ships, either singly or in groups, would continue to make voyages along the same routes but these voyages were irregular and dictated by financial conditions.
The Galeón de Manila continued to run until 1815 when the last ship, the *Magallanes* left Acapulco for Manila. It then became the longest running shipping line in history.
## The Galleon
The term “galleon” is associated closely with the Spanish Treasure Fleet but in reality, the term is more of a generic label and has no standardized meaning. The term was applied to a wide range of crafts bearing certain similarities. The word, “galleon,” is said to be from the Byzantine Greek *galea*, the French *galion*, and the Spanish *galeón* meaning, “Armed Merchant Ship.”
The early ships were moved by oars and primarily built for war, but later versions were powered with wind and functioned more like an armed merchant ship. The typical 16th century galleon was a high-sided vessel with a very tall stern castle structure (usually split into two or more levels), a lower forecastle, a flat stern, a protruding beak at the bow (like a spur on a galley), and usually a single unbroken gun deck. The galleon had a largely flat bottom that curved outward up the sides. The hull sides sloped inward from bottom to top.
The rigging included a bow sprint, a foremast, a mainsail, and one or two mizzenmasts depending on the size of the vessel. The sail plan was largely square-rigged.
The size of the galleons grew over time. In 1593 each galleon was limited to 300 tons. By 1720 the tonnage was increased to 560. While these restrictions were in place, they were never enforced. One of the largest Manila Galleons was built in 1750. The *Santisima Trinidad* was 167.5 feet in length with a beam of 50.5 feet and a draught (draft/hull) of 30.5 feet. The vessel displaced 2000 tons, had 70 guns and a complement or crew of 413.
Most of the galleons for the Acapulco – Manila line were built in the boat yards of Cavite on the Bay of Manila. The abundance of skilled workmen, wood, and a safe harbor made this location ideal for galleon construction. Sailcloth was produced in the Ilocos province, and cordage was made from “Manila hemp.” Metal brought into the Philippines from China, Japan, Macao and India was worked by Chinese tradesmen.
Early on, some galleons were built in countries such as Japan and Siam (Thailand), but construction of galleons for the Galeón de Manila line was restricted to the Philippines in 1679 by Royal order. One of the benefits to building ships in the Philippines was the hard woods found there were believed to be far superior to those found outside of the islands.
Fray Casimiro Díaz, an 18th century Augustinian, wrote that the wood was, “the best that can be found in the universe,” and, “if it were not for the great strength of the galleons and the quality of the timbers that so dangerous a voyage could not be performed.” Another 18th century chronicler and English privateer [Woodes Rogers](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-woodes-rogers/) wrote that the galleons were much stronger than those built in Europe, and that “these large ships are built with excellent timber that will not splinter.”
Teak was often used for the framework of the ship. The hardwood, Molave, was used for the ribs, knees, keel, rudder and other inside work. Lanang was used for sheathing the outside ribs. In his book about the Manila Galleons, William Lytle Schurz wrote that lanang was a “wood of great toughness” that had a “peculiar nature that small cannon balls remained embedded in it, while larger shot rebounded from a hull made of this timber.”
More than 2,000 trees were required to build the largest galleons, cut by gangs of Filipinos in the mountains and transported to the boat yard. Chinese carpenters performed the skilled construction of the ships.
## A partial list of galleons
***Buen Socorro***Believed to be one of the largest and best built galleons.***Nuestra Señora de la Concepción***Wrecked off Saipan in 1638. Twenty-eight survivors made it to Guam; six survivors and two CHamorus left Guam in an open boat and arrived in the Philippines nearly dead.***Covadonga***Taken by British explorer George Anson in 1743 in the waters of the Philippines.***Espíritu Santo***Broken up in 1576 on the island of Cantanduanes; all drowned or were killed by natives of the Philippine Island.***Jesús María***Wrecked in Mindanao in 1606.***Magallanes***Last of the Manila Galleons.***Magdalena***Due to rotten planks and improper arrangement of the cargo, she turned over on her side at her moorings in Cavite just before departing.***Nuestra Señora de Begoña***In 1718 on her voyage from Acapulco to Manila she carried 105 priests; the crossing took four months and 24 days.***Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación y Desengaño***Captured by privateer Woodes Rogers in 1709 the vessel was renamed the Batcheler. Upon the arrival of the Batcheler in Guam Rogers was received by Governor Juan Antonio Pimentel who presented Rogers with “2 Negro boys dress in liveries, 20 yards of scarlet cloth, and 2 pieces of Cambrick.” Pimentel also provided the ships with cattle, hogs, chickens, corn, rice, coconut and fruit. He also presented the men with a 60-course dinner at the governor’s house. Pimentel would spend many years in prison in Manila for his generosity.***Nuestra Señora de Guadelupe***Brought Augustinian Recollect priests to Guam in 1769.***Nuestra Señora de la Vida***The pilot ran the ship aground on a reef only 90 miles from Manila while navigating the departure from the Philippines. Angry passengers hung him on shore.***Nuestra Señora del Rosario***Ordered to change course in 1699 before reaching the Mariana Islands and steer for Cantanduanes in Luzon, the commander and pilots held to the customary course and stopped at Guam. The crew beat off an attack by the St. George and British privateer William Dampier in 1744. In 1772, a patache named Nuestra Señora del Rosario made the Manila–Guam–Manila run.***Sacra Familia***Took 9 months to reach Acapulco from Manila in 1724.***San Andres San Antonio***Wrecked at sea, location unknown, with great wealth aboard and many leading citizens of Manila who were fleeing the troubles of the city.***San Antonio de Padua***Brings first horse to Guam in 1673; in 1679, the vessel brings Jose de Quiroga to Guam.***San Diego***In 1647, the crew helps to repell 12 Dutch ships in Manila Bay; it was later shipwrecked in Manila in 1654.***San Damián***Father Diego Luis de San Vitores, future missionary in the Mariana Islands, was on board in 1662. The vessel was shipwrecked in Philippines.***San Felipe***In 1596, seeking harbor in Japan after being invited in, the ship was run aground purposely and her cargo stolen. Twenty-six missionaries including six Spanish Franciscans and three Jesuits who were passengers on the ship were killed in Nagasaski a year later.***San Fernando***Shipwrecked at Guam 1772.***San Francisco***Wrecked in Japan in 1609; most of the 400 onboard survive and were treated with consideration, unlike those shipwrecked in 1596.***San Francisco Xavier***Took English prisoners from Guam to Manila, 1803.***San Geronimo***In 1566, a storm forces her to put in at Rota in the Mariana Islands; she heads back to Manila but is broken up in Catanduanes, Philippines. Only 8 persons survive.***San Jose***Broke up on the island of Lubang, Philippines. Four hundred persons drowned and 12,000 packages destroyed. Padre Casimiro Díaz said, “no larger or richer galleon had ploughed the seas…for the wealth that she carried was incredible.”***San Juan***One of the first two galleons sent from Manila in 1572, captured one CHamoru from Guam.***San Juan de Letran***Put in at Guam.***San Martin***In 1586, 194 citizens of Manila consigned goods on the ship, a large portion of the lay population at the time.***San Nicolas***Lost in 1621 with 330 persons.***San Pablo***Under the command of Felipe de Salcedo and pilot Andrés de Urdaneta, makes first trade transaction (Manila to Acapulco 1565) bringing cinnamon from Mindanao purchased with the Royal account. The vessel wrecked at Guam in 1568.***San Pedro***Under the command of Felipe de Salcedo and pilot Urdaneta, the San Pedro made its first successful eastern crossing from Manila to Acapulco in 1565.***Santa Ana***The first Manila galleon to be taken by the British. It had no cannon, very little artillery or arms when Thomas Cavendish captured it in his ship the Desire off the coast of America. In 1587, The Santa Ana carried great wealth–over 122,000 pesos of gold, silk, satin, damasks, pearls, musk and other merchandise, food and conserves, sundries and, according to Cavendish, “very good wines.” The total value estimated by the Spanish treasury was at over a million pesos. After stripping it of its cargo, Cavendish hanged passenger Fray Juan de Almendáriz, who was returning from Manila. He deposited 190 Spaniards on the shore with food and arms to defend themselves and set the Santa Ana on fire and adrift. The pilot of the Santa Ana, Alonso de Valladolid, three Filipino pages and two Japanese were pressed into Cavendish’s service. Luckily a breeze blew the ship toward the shore and the remaining Spaniards were able to put out the fire and repair the vessel so that it was able transport them across the gulf of California to Acapulco. The Santa Ana continued on to Manila after a stop in Guam. At Manila, the pilot, Valladolid, was hanged for attempting to inform his countrymen of the taking of the Santa Ana.***Santa Margarita***In 1600, crippled by storms, the Santa Margarita floundered for eight months at sea and finally grounded in the Mariana Islands. Only 50 of 260 persons survived, the dead included the commander and the pilot. Thirty-five were dragged ashore by natives, the remainder drowned as they were being dragged away or were killed by the islanders. The islanders plundered her cargo. A year later, the Santo Tomas took on five of the survivors but broke up in Catanduanes. Commander of the ship Antonio de Ribera Maldonado refused to delay the ship to pick up the remaining 26 survivors. Fray Juan Pobre leaped into a native boat and went to shore to administer to his fellow Spaniards. Then, in 1602 the Jesús María took all but five of the remaining survivors back to Manila.***Santa Rosa***A boat dispatched by Mariana Islands Governor Damian de Esplaña warned the Santa Rosa of the presence of English privateers in Humåtak. The Santa Rosa continued on to Manila without stopping in Guam.***Santissima Trinidad***The ship arrived in Acapulco from Manila with only 27 of 353 people able to muster the strength to stand. Eighty-two had died at sea.***Santiago***Shipwrecked at Guam, 1814.***Santo Cristo de Burgos***Burned at sea, wreckage washed up on the beaches of the Mariana Islands. Two survivors made it to the Philippines but one was “without reason” and the other “under the shadow of the Church” for resorting to cannibalism in order to survive.***Santo Domingo***Brought Captain Domingo Gomez de la Sierra to serve as Governor in Guam, 1746.
***[By Jillette Leon-Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
## For further reading
Blair, Emma H., James A. Robertson, and Edward G. Bourne, eds. *The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803*. Vols. 1-55. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Lévesque, Rodrique. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 20, *Bibliography of Micronesia, Ships through Micronesia, Cumulative Index*. Quebec: Lévesque Publications, 2002.
Mateo, José EB. “The arrival of the Spanish galleons in Manila from the Pacific Ocean and their departure along the Kuroshio stream (16th and 17th centuries).” *Journal of Geographical Research*, no. 47 (2007): 17-38.
Pérez-Mallaìna, Pablo E. *Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleet in the Sixteenth Century*. Translated by Carla Rahn Phillips. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
Peterson, Andrew. “What Really Made the World go Around?: Indio Contributions to the Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade.” *Explorations a Graduate Student Journal of Southeast Asian Studies* 11, no. 1 (2011): 3-18.
Schurz, William Lytle. *The Manila Galleon*. New York: E.P. Dutton & Company, Inc., 1959.
Searles, PJ, USN Commander. “Spanish Galleons.” *Guam Recorder*, 1940.
**Categories:** European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Galleons, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** La Nao de China: The Spanish Treasure Fleet System
---
### [Manila Galleon Trade Route-La Nao de China: A Legacy in the Marianas](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/)
**Published:** November 4, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** First Global Trade Route in the Pacific. From 1565 to 1815, Spanish galleons sailed the Pacific Ocean between Acapulco in New Spain (now Mexico) and Manila in the Philippine islands. In between these two far flung colonies lay the Mariana Islands, known then as Las Islas de Los Ladrones, which became a stepping stone between the Americas and Asia.
**Content:**
# Manila Galleon Trade Route-La Nao de China: A Legacy in the Marianas
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
> It is clear that the forces which shaped what ultimately we understand today as *kostumbren CHamoru*, as *lina’la’ CHamoru* as the CHamoru way of life were introduced by ships carrying the label of Manila galleon. The CHamoru way of life as a people tied to ranching rather than fishing, as a people planting vegetables and fruits and not just root crops like taro, the infusion of Catholicism into the very soul of CHamoru identity are all a legacy of the Manila Galleon.
>
> [Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)
> US Congressman, 1998
## First Global Trade Route in the Pacific
From 1565 to 1815, Spanish galleons sailed the Pacific Ocean between Acapulco in New Spain (now Mexico) and Manila in the Philippine islands. In between these two far flung colonies lay the Mariana Islands, known then as Las Islas de Los Ladrones, which became a stepping stone between the Americas and Asia. The Manila Galleon Trade Route, as this maritime route was called, represented one of the earliest examples of global trade in the Pacific. Gold and silver were transported west to Manila in exchange for fine porcelains, spices and other luxury goods from the Far East. The galleons leaving Manila, heavily laden with their precious cargo, would make their way back to Acapulco in a four-month long journey where the goods were off-loaded and transported across land to ships on the other Mexican coast at Veracruz, and eventually, sent to European markets and customers eager for these exotic wares.
The return trip of the Spanish galleons from Acapulco to the Philippines sporadically included stopovers in Guam and the Marianas. Traveling through the relatively less dangerous, 30-mile wide Rota Channel, the ships would pass several miles off Guam’s northwest coast. The CHamorus/Chamorros were eager to trade during these visits, anticipating the galleons’ arrival which usually occurred in June, and preparing goods in advance for trade with the Europeans. Spanish accounts describe these encounters involving hundreds of canoes which the CHamorus launched as soon as the galleons came into view.
The seafaring CHamorus were no strangers to trade—they traded with each other and established trading networks with other Micronesian islanders that extended hundreds of miles off of the shores of the Marianas. But the arrival of [Ferdinand Magellan](http://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) and his crew in 1521 on their way to find a viable western route to Asia opened the Marianas and the Philippines to a new, larger, more expansive system of trade than had ever been seen before.
For the CHamoru people, the early encounters with Europeans were violent, but provided opportunities for material benefit. [Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/) has called this the [*matao* iron trade](http://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/), where members of the *matao* or highest-ranking members in CHamoru society, carried on the first sustained cultural interaction and commercial exchange between Pacific Islanders and Europeans. Traders from Guam and Rota bartered food, water and other provisions in exchange for iron goods such as nails, knives, hatchets, scissors and cask hoop iron from Spanish and [Dutch](https://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-dutch-traders/) exploration and trade vessels, as well as from British [privateers](https://www.guampedia.com/pirates-on-guam/). The CHamorus would paddle their canoes out to the ships, choosing to conduct their business away from their islands. Few would dare board the ships, wary from previous encounters with Magellan and the Garcia Jofre de Loyasa expedition in 1526, where 11 CHamorus were taken away as slaves to work the galleon’s water pumps.
In 1565 the Manila Galleon Trade route officially was established when [Miguel López de Legazpi](http://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) successfully found a route back, across the Pacific, to New Spain. Subsequently, the Ladrones and the Philippines were claimed by the Spanish Crown. Guam was recognized as a valuable stop for provisioning ships, and the Spanish began to sporadically visit the island for the next 100 years.
## Cultural encounters
More extensive cultural encounters became possible when foreigners began to have extended stays in the Marianas–willingly or not–among the CHamoru people. In 1568, the [*San Pablo*](http://www.guampedia.com/?s=San+Pablo) was the first trade galleon to be wrecked on the southern coast of Guam. Other wrecks in the Marianas include the *Santa Margarita* (Rota, 1601) and the [*Concepción*](http://www.guampedia.com/galleon-concepcion/) (Saipan, 1638). Castaways were sometimes killed and other times, protected until they could be transported back to the Philippines on a passing galleon. Twice, in 1596 and again in 1602, Catholic missionaries jumped ship, lived among the CHamoru people for a period of time and wrote about their stay. Their accounts provided the first comprehensive descriptions of the CHamoru people, their lifestyle and customs for European audiences back home.
In 1662, Jesuit missionary [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), passed Guam on his way to the Philippines, and became so enamored with the idea of bringing Christianity to the CHamoru people that he worked for the next six years to secure funding and royal support to establish the first Catholic mission in the Marianas. In 1668 San Vitores returned to Guam and that same year, because of the mission, a royal decree ordered that Guam should be an official stop along the galleon trade route from Acapulco to the Philippines. The establishment of fairly regular stops to Guam over the next 150 years would have a profound effect on the CHamoru people.
The galleons not only transported precious metals and luxury goods, but also people who brought with them ideas and traditions of their cultures back home. Soldiers, missionaries, traders and skilled laborers traveled to the Mariana Islands and back and forth between Mexico and the Philippines by way of the galleon trade route.
The galleons that plied the waters of the Pacific also introduced new products, plants and animals to the CHamoru people, such as carabao, pigs, corn, tobacco, cloth and alcohol, to name a few. After the forceful displacement of the CHamorus from their villages on the northern islands to Guam (known as the *reducción*), the Spanish introduced a new political and social system in order to control the indigenous people. Spanish *gobernadors* (governors) administered the islands, and *gobenadorcillos* (“little governors”) and Spanish, Filipino and Mexican soldiers kept the peace.
A new religion replaced traditional practices of ancestor worship and the Catholic Church became the center of village life. No longer allowed to construct or sail their magnificent and agile outrigger canoes, the CHamorus continued to fish, but also to cultivate new food items like corn, achote and hot peppers on their *[lanchos](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/)* or ranches located on their ancestral lands outside the main villages. [Architectural styles](https://www.guampedia.com/changes-in-construction-styles/) began to change as well, as stone forts, bridges and houses made from a technique known as *[mampostería](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/)* were built around the island, and roads were constructed connecting the different villages to the administrative center in Hagåtña.
The intermarriage of CHamoru women with men from Spain, the Philippines and Mexico also impacted the islanders’ customs, traditions, language and social organization. The power of matrilineal clans was diminished and replaced with patrilineal lines of inheritance while lands were taken by the Spanish government for public use.
Traditional healers and spiritual specialists known as *makahna* lost their influence in the face of Christian conversions, but reemerged as the herbal healers [*suruhanu* and *suruhana*](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/). Ancestral worship and the keeping of skulls was discouraged and replaced with Catholic icons, imagery and beliefs. This litany of changes imposed on the CHamoru people by their Spanish colonizers, however, did not force them to completely abandon their ways. CHamorus continued to fish and gather resources from the sea. They held on to the cultural values of respect, cooperation and reciprocity and maintain important social networks and familial relationships. Women continued to hold significant power in CHamoru society. And they continued to speak their native CHamoru language.
Nevertheless the CHamorus adapted to the changes brought on by years of colonization and over the years, began to reflect a mix of indigenous and foreign cultural influences that collectively became known as *kostumbren CHamoru*, or CHamoru custom or way of life.
## Uprisings in Acapulco caused routes to change
By 1813, uprisings in Acapulco caused Spain to lose control of Mexico, which affected the movement of the Manila galleons. By then, alternate routes had been found and private ships were used to transport mail and cargo. The Marianas, however, were not on these new trade routes and became more isolated from the rest of the world. The last galleons to pass through the Mariana Islands were the *Ray Fernando* in May 1815 and later, in an interesting twist, the *Magallanes*–a galleon named after the first European to arrive on Guam.
From 1810 to 1817, there was no financial subsidy sent to the Marianas to support the colony or the Catholic mission. Without financial support, the Augustinian Recollects had left in 1814, and the CHamorus were left with two priests, and faced drastic food shortages. By the 1820s, American whaling ships looking for water and provisions began to regularly stop in Sumay, Guam, spend money in Hagåtña and slowly helped rebuild the economy. They also introduced new ideas, new customs, new influences (and new challenges) to a resilient CHamoru people.
## The Voices of Our Elders project
By the time the Manila Galleon Trade ended with the last galleon arriving in 1815, so much about Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands had changed that they were almost unrecognizable from the accounts first presented by the two ship-jumping missionaries in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In 1819 when the Freycinet expedition arrived on Guam, there were a few CHamoru informants who were able to describe for [Louis Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) what life on Guam was like prior to the arrival of the Spanish—descriptions which the French explorer included in his book about his visit to the Marianas. But Freycinet also wrote critically about the economic depression and poverty in contemporary CHamoru society while describing the people and noting the mixing of customs and social attitudes of the CHamoru people with influences from Spain and the Philippines.
Years later in the 1930s, American anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) wrote about the CHamoru people in a similar way, reflecting again on all the outside cultural influences that had impacted the CHamorus throughout their history as a colony of Spain but also as a recently acquired territory of the United States. Although the US Navy had introduced English, American culture, holidays and lifestyles, Thompson tried to make connections between the ancient character of the CHamoru with the largely hispanicized people she was observing during her fieldwork–to see what remained, what “survived” the onslaught of Spanish colonialism, such as belief in *taotaomo’na* or the role of traditional healers.
Even today, it is hard not to mention in any description of CHamoru culture the deep influences Spanish colonization has had on the CHamoru people. It has become part of the history and heritage of the CHamoru people and what they will pass on to their children. But Spanish colonization of the Pacific might not have been possible without the Manila Galleon Trade Route. Today’s society seems far removed from the 200 years since the last galleon left Guam, but it is still worth studying the galleon trade route if we want to truly understand CHamoru culture and the voices of our elders.
In 2014, Guampedia took part in correspondence between CHamoru historian Toni “Malia” Ramirez from the Historic Resources Division of the Department of Parks and Recreation and Clark Limtiaco, a CHamoru foreign language professor in Mexico City, who relayed information about the yearly festival of La Nao de China in Acapulco. The festival is a celebration of the cross-cultural influences and exchanges that occurred between Mexico, the Philippines and China through the Manila Galleon Trade Route. With the 200th anniversary of the end of the Manila Galleon Trade in 2015, Ramirez expressed a desire to have Guam participate in the festival. Guampedia wanted to assist Ramirez with some research that could help him eventually develop some kind of exhibit about the Manila Galleon Trade Route/La Nao de China on Guam for this festival. Limtiaco believed that Guam-Mariana Islands’ participation in the festival could renew interest in Mexico about the Marianas or open new areas of research into Marianas history. Guampedia would also be able to generate new entries about the Manila galleons and the Spanish era in Guam’s history.
With a grant from the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, the research on the Manila galleons became part of a larger Guampedia project known as [*Voices of Our Elders*](https://www.guampedia.com/voices-of-our-elders/), which was aimed at exploring and sharing stories and perspectives of Guam’s elders through folktales, religious beliefs, and events in Guam history. Through this grant, a few new entries on the specifics of the trade route, crew members, cargo, and the Spanish forced labor system (*forzado*) were added to Guampedia’s other entries of Spanish era influences including food, governance, education, religious practices, and architecture.
The [*La Nao de China*](https://www.guampedia.com/la-nao-de-china-the-spanish-treasure-fleet-system/) aspect of the *Voices of Our Elders* project has been enriched by working with the project’s scholar Toni Ramirez. In addition to the entries, Guampedia produced a short video interview of Ramirez, who, as an oral historian, has spoken with and learned the stories of many CHamoru elders. In this video available online, Ramirez shares some of his insights about the Mariana Islands as an important stepping stone along the Manila Galleon Trade Route, as well as the cultural influences in food, clothing, and other traditions that were adopted from the Philippines and Mexico as CHamorus interacted with travelers on the Manila galleons. Ramirez also touches on how to talk about the persistence of CHamoru language and culture despite, or in spite of, years of colonial rule under four different colonial administrations. Ramirez’s recollections and personal reflections can help audiences understand a little better not only the impact of the galleon trade in the Marianas, but also how identity, culture and history affect and are affected by each other.
## Rethinking CHamoru contributions and colonial experience
A quick search on Guampedia and numerous other sources documenting the history of the Manila Galleon Trade Route in the Mariana Islands readily pulls up information about the Spanish era and how outside influences carried to the Marianas by way of the trade route impacted CHamoru culture. However, there is little mention of what specific contributions the CHamorus made to the galleon trade. It is fairly easy to see the different ways the people of the Marianas changed under Spanish colonization, but how did the CHamoru people themselves participate in the Manila Galleon Trade? Did CHamoru culture have any visible impact on Spanish, Filipino or Mexican cultures in return?
The first question is easier to address than the second. Historical accounts show CHamorus did actively trade with the Spanish, as mentioned above, actually preparing goods to be used in transactions with the the galleons. There were also times the CHamorus would try to maximize profit, so to speak, by tricking the Europeans–for example, by loading down sacks of rice with rocks. Later, as galleons made regular stops to Guam, CHamorus continued to provide food and water, but also traded with woven items and and other crafts that made their way to the Philippines and possibly beyond.
Historian [Lawrence Cunningham](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/) has also suggested that CHamorus contributed, in addition to foodstuffs, a particular kind of unusually large caper (*Capparis spinosa var. mariana*) that grows on the limestone cliffs and are not easy to harvest. Spanish officers, including *gobernador* Damian Esplaña, may have forced CHamorus to climb the cliffs to gather the capers to be sold to the passing galleons for a profit. The capers could also be pickled and may have been sold in market places in the Far East. According to Ramirez, the CHamorus also provided dried beef from cattle in Tinian, a skill they probably learned from the Mexicans, but like other “borrowings” from other cultures, the CHamorus adapted them and made them uniquely their own.
CHamorus could also have provided labor by being taken aboard the galleons, though probably not many, which may help explain why there does not seem to be as much an impact of CHamoru culture on Filipino, Mexican or Spanish culture in their homelands. It may not be that CHamorus had nothing to offer, but rather, influence may have been on a much smaller scale or at an individual level. Clearly, this is an area that has not been fully studied or documented.
The inability to point to any broad influence or impact that CHamorus may have had on the Manila Galleon Trade Route in terms of reciprocal cultural exchange may play into the mindset that the CHamorus were merely recipients of culture, or victims of the cruel rule of Spanish colonialism, which itself is both problematic and contradictory. While we can celebrate the changes that have since become integral to our understanding of CHamoru culture, we cannot forget the other stories of violence, theft and decimation of CHamoru people that took place during the Spanish era as a direct result of the trade route’s 250-year history of opening the islands to foreign visitors or invaders. We might be tempted to see the CHamorus, again, as merely recipients, absorbers, or victims of this cultural encounter.
As a way to reconcile this notion of helplessness, victimization and lack of agency during the Spanish era, it may be useful to consider how the CHamoru people did participate actively in these cultural exchanges–after all, exchanges or any kind of transaction requires some aspect of giving and taking. We know the CHamorus were introduced to a whole slew of cultural influences and customs—some of which were adopted as well as adapted by the CHamoru people.
This adaptation and indigenization, for example, is evident in food. If we look at dishes like *tamales*, or *titiyas* (tortillas), or *atuli* (corn soup), it is clear that these are adaptations of dishes from Mexico, but if you were to taste these dishes as they are made in the Marianas you would find they are quite different from their Mexican counterpart. CHamorus further modified these dishes to make them their own–for example, *tamales* on Guam are not just from ground corn, but there are also *tamales gisu*, *tamales suni* and *tamales mandioca*—all made with local ingredients and flavored for CHamoru palettes. The CHamorus were creating fusion food even before it became popular!
## Hope for the future
Perhaps one of the more important take-aways from examining the influences of the Manila galleon trade on the CHamoru people is for our young people to see that CHamoru culture is alive—it has not died, it has not been abandoned. This is probably most evident in the CHamoru language, which continues to be spoken today. The CHamoru language may have lots of loan words—as many modern languages do—but these same Spanish loan words are still subject to the pronunciation and the same grammatical rules applied to indigenous words in spoken CHamoru.
The Spanish left Guam over a century ago, but CHamorus are still around. We can look to our ancestors, witness and be inspired by their resilience in the face of colonialism and globalizing forces. If we look at the overall picture of the Spanish era of Guam, we see the CHamorus sang Spanish songs, danced Filipino dances, prayed in Latin, cooked corn tamales and tortillas, but in all these, they still maintained their identities as CHamorus.
CHamoru scholar Dr. Robert Underwood, in an address to his colleagues in the US Congress in 1998 about US-Philippine relations, asserted that we should look at the Manila galleon as more then just a vessel or extension of Spanish colonial power and might over the peoples of the Americas, the Marianas or the Philippines. He said,
> The galleon trade was not just a one-way stream of goods and beliefs; it also meant a steady stream of products and ideas from Asia to Spain and its colonies…\[and provides\] a metaphor of the meeting of the East and the West. This cannot be better symbolized than by the Spanish-speaking Filipinos and Chamorros or the silk-clad Spaniards in Mexico and Spain. The Spanish colonies in the Philippines, Mexico and the Marianas reflected mixed populations, mixed cultures and mixed social norms which evolved on their own to form unique peoples with various mannerisms and speech harking back to their Asian-Pacific-European roots.
We embrace this part of our history because it is the legacy that has been given to us by our elders. But we are always reminded and mindful of the struggles and challenges they faced such that they have been able to pass their stories down to us. As Toni Ramirez learned from his mother, we just need to ask: After falling under the colonial rule of different nations—Spain, Japan, Germany and the United States—who has remained in the Marianas? Each came and raised their flag, only to have it be lowered by the next nation. But it is the CHamoru people who have remained. They have adapted and changed, but they have kept what has always made them uniquely CHamoru.
## La Nao de China entries
- - [*Forzado* System and the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/forzado-system-and-the-mariana-islands/)
- [*La Nao de China:* The Spanish Treasure Fleet System](https://www.guampedia.com/la-nao-de-china-the-spanish-treasure-fleet-system/)
- [Manila Galleon Crew Members](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=25151)
- [Navigation and Cargo of the Manila Galleons](https://www.guampedia.com/navigation-and-cargo-of-the-manila-galleons/)
- [Stops along the Manila Galleon Trade Route](https://www.guampedia.com/stops-along-the-manila-galleon-trade-route/)
## Video
## For further reading
de Viana, Augusto V. *In the Far Islands: The Role of Natives from the Philippines in the Conquest, Colonization, and Repopulation of the Mariana Islands, 1668-1903*. Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 2004.
Farrell, Don. *History of the Mariana Islands to Partition*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Public School System, 2011.
Quimby, Frank. “[The Matao Iron Trade Part I: Contact and Commerce](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/).” In *Guampedia*. Last modified 19 March 2021.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Underwood, Robert. “[Commerce and Culture of the Manila Galleon: Linking the Philippines, Guam, the Americas, and Spain](http://1997-2001.state.gov/www/dept/openforum/proceedings/apaffac/1998/r_underwood.html).” Presentation at the Asian Pacific American Federal Foreign Affairs Council Conference on US-Philippine Relations, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 13 May 1998.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Galleons, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Manila Galleon Trade Route-La Nao de China: A Legacy in the Marianas
---
### [Saina: Gender Roles](https://www.guampedia.com/saina-gender-roles/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Since ancient times, Chamorro/CHamoru society has assigned both distinct and overlapping roles by gender. Both parents participate in family decisions, provide continuing support of their children and subsequent offspring, and pass on knowledge regarding cultural values and family genealogy, obligations and responsibilities.
**Content:**
# Saina: Gender Roles
#### Table of Contents
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## Roles of elders
Since ancient times, CHamoru/Chamorro society has assigned both distinct and overlapping roles by gender. Both parents participate in family decisions, provide continuing support of their children and subsequent offspring, and pass on knowledge regarding cultural values, and family genealogy, obligations, and responsibilities.
As CHamorus have shifted from a matrilineal to bilateral society, many gender roles have changed or blurred. In matrilineal societies, children belong to the woman’s clan, in which the mother’s eldest brother is the most important male. Today, fathers and other male elders are likely to teach: fishing, yard work, ranching, defensive, and hunting skills. The father is usually the visible head of the family, responsible for and directing many of its activities. Women, however, in many ways, command the home. Mothers and other female elders are likely to impart: cooking, gardening, washing, cleaning, and family income management skills. Females have been responsible for the children’s religious upbringing.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
*Inafa’maolek: Chamorro Tradition and Values*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Poehlman, Joanne. “Culture, Change and Identity Among Chamorro Women of Guam.” PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 1979.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Saina: Gender Roles
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Seagrass Fishing Nets](https://www.guampedia.com/chamoru-seagrass-fishing-nets/)
**Published:** October 17, 2023
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The CHamorus often made their fishing nets out of the vascular bundles of fibers from Lo’u, a common seagrass. This seagrass is frequently called turtle grass or eel grass in English, lo’u in CHamoru, and the scientific name is Enhalus acoroides.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Seagrass Fishing Nets
#### Table of Contents
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Fishing was an important part of daily life in the Mariana Islands. Fishing provided food but it also encouraged innovation in making tools to catch different kinds of fish. The CHamorus/Chamorros used different kinds of fishing nets, including surround, gill and hand nets, depending on what they were trying to catch. The nets were often used along with fishing lines made from coconut husk (as *sennit*) or hibiscus (*pago*).
The CHamorus often made their fishing nets out of the vascular bundles of fibers from *Lo’u*, a common seagrass. This seagrass is frequently called turtle grass or eelgrass in English, *lo’u* in CHamoru, and the scientific name is *Enhalus acoroides*. The generic CHamoru word for sea plants is *chaguan tasi*. The blades of this common reef seagrass are often described as straps or tapes.
*Lo’u* is common throughout the Western Pacific and is able to withstand wave action and tidal currents. They usually grow in shallow, soft muddy substrates or sand flats, and coral reefs. They are unique because they are the only seagrass species whereby pollination occurs at the surface of the water.
In 1719 the German Jesuit Priest Joseph Bonani observed the use of seagrass for fishing nets in Luta (Rota). One hundred years later in 1819 members of the French Freycinet scientific expedition also observed CHamorus using seagrass fishing nets.
*Lo’u* was used for *chenchulu* (drag nets) and *lagua’* (hand nets) because the fibers were strong and durable. In Yap fishing nets made of *Enhalus acoroides* were heirlooms and passed from generation to generation. It is reasonable to infer that CHamorus used seagrass for fishing line and cordage for necklaces. Those are common practices among peoples of the Pacific and Indian Oceans.
***By [Lawrence J. Cunningham](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/ "Lawrence J. Cunningham"), Eric Metzgar, and Cheryl N. Cunningham***
## Personal communication
- Frank J. Cruz, Horticulturist University of Guam (retired)
- Manny Duenas, President Guam Fishermen’s Co-op Association
- Dr. Marjorie Cushing Falanruw, Biologist
- Associate Professor Joni Quenga Kerr, Science Department, Guam Community College
- Cara Lin, Seagrass and Mangrove Conservation Coordinator, Guam Coral Reef Initiative, Guam Department of Agriculture
- Professor Rosa Salas Palomo, CHamoru Studies Program, University of Guam (retired)
- Professor Dr. Thomas Stolz, Linguist Bremen University, Bremen, Germany
## For further reading
Bonani, Fr. José \[Joseph\]. Letter from Fr. Bonani to Fr. Pettinati, Rota 27 May 1719. Document 1719A. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 12, *Carolinians drift to Guam, 1715-1728*. Translated by Rodrigue Lévesque. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1998.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Falanruw, Margie Cushing. “Seagrass Nets.” *Atoll Research Bulletin*, No. 364. (1992): 1-12.
Falanruw, Margie Cushing, and L. Hotaling. *Life on Guam: Beach Strand*. Hagåtña: Department of Education, 1977.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *Uranie et Physicienne Voyage*. Paris: Chez Pillet Aîné, 1829.
*iNaturalist*. “[Tape Seagrass (Enhalus acoroides)](https://www.inaturalist.org/taxa/50360-Enhalus-acoroides).” Last modified 21 October 2024.
Randall, Richard H., and LG Eldredge. *Life in Guam: Coral Reef*. Hagåtña: Department of Education, 1977.
Strasser, Ulrike. “Reporting of the Marianas and Their Inhabitants in Early 18th Century Germany: The Jesuit ‘Neue Welt-Bott (New World Messenger) as a Source of Knowledge and Colonial Fantasy.” In *5th Marianas History Conference*, 19 – 28 February 2021.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Our Heritage, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Seagrass Fishing Nets
---
### [Pumeska: Hunters on Land and Sea](https://www.guampedia.com/pumeska/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient Chamorro/CHamorus were avid hunters both on land and sea. They developed many methods of eguihan (fishing), ranging from etupak (line fishing), lagua’ (net fishing), fisga (long spears used), stupefying fish with puting (sap), training them with a poiu or pugi (a chumming device) to lure in fish by feeding them from the depths into shallower waters then captured.
**Content:**
# Pumeska: Hunters on Land and Sea
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## Fishermen and hunters
Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros were avid hunters both on land and sea. They developed many methods of *eguihan* (fishing), ranging from *etupak* (line fishing), *lagua’* (net fishing), *fisga* (long spears used), stupefying fish with *puting* *(Barringtonia asiatica)* sap, training them with a *poiu* or *pugi* (a chumming device) to lure in fish by feeding them from the depths into shallower waters then captured.
On land, CHamorus hunted the *[fanihi](https://www.guampedia.com/fanihi-mariana-fruit-bat/)* (fruit bat) and *ayuyu* (coconut crab). *E’fanihi* (to hunt for fruit bat) used a *lagua’* attached to a long wooden pole to snare the creatures as they flew by searching for fruit. *E’ayuyu* (to hunt for coconut crabs) used *ponne* or *tåhu* (stale grated coconut meat) used as a lure for crabs. Since the Spanish introduction of the *binådu* (deer) and *babui* (pigs), CHamorus have become skilled hunters of them as well.
In 1919, CHamorus became *mane’echå’ka* (rat hunters) after Governor William Gilmer decreed that all CHamoru males must deliver five dead rats each month or pay a fine.
See [Fish and Wildlife’s Fact Sheets](https://www.guampedia.com/fish-and-wildlife-fact-sheets/) about species found on Guam.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition.* Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Pumeska: Hunters on Land and Sea
---
### [Mother’s Brothers](https://www.guampedia.com/mothers-brothers/)
**Published:** December 4, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient Chamorros were a matrilineal society, where family connections were traced through the mother’s clan. Land ownership was through women, and was distributed through these close family clans. The eldest of these women was the maga’håga.
**Content:**
# Mother’s Brothers
 Fishing. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Responsible for the his sister's children
Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros were a matrilineal society, where family connections were traced through the mother’s clan. Land ownership was through women, and was distributed through these close family clans. The eldest of these women was the *[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/).*
The highest-ranking man in the clan was the *[maga’låhi](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)*. They could be the *maga’håga’s* brother, nephew, or uncle. He was responsible for the welfare of all people in the village. The villagers went to him when they needed help to settle arguments between families, and on the proper punishment for anyone who broke the rules. He was the leader in battles or competitions against rival clans.
## Raised sisters' sons
When Chamorros married, they lived with or in the village of the groom’s clan such as his maternal uncle, his mother’s brother, and not with the parents of either spouse. When their son reached puberty, he went to live with his uncle on his mother’s side, in the clan in which his mother was raised. It was this uncle’s responsibility to teach the boy the responsibilities of manhood – such as canoe building, navigating, skill with weapons, and even sexual prowess, social and familial responsibilities.
These young men re-connected with their clan by living together in the [g*uma’ uritao*](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/) (or u*litao*), which was a men’s house. The young man remained in the g*uma’ uritao* until he chose a wife from another clan, after which the couple set up their own household within the man’s clan. Men kept the *maga’låhi* lineage and control of villages in their hands by having that title go to the *maga’låhi*’s brothers or, if none, to his nephews or cousins. This did not go to his son by a wife, who was always from a different clan.
The estates of coconut plantations were not inherited by a man’s son at his death, but by his surviving brother; who was the next oldest son in the family, or by his nephew; his eldest sister’s son. The new *maga’låhi* would then change his name to that of the former *maga’låhi* or the founder of the family, which was a single name. Men inherited the use of this clan property through their mothers’ brothers.
***[By Art De Oro](http://www.guampedia.com/art-de-oro/)***
## For further reading
Beardsley, Charles. *Guam Past and Present.* Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1964.
Boughton, George J. “Revisionist Interpretation of Precontact Marianas Society.” In *Pacific History: Papers from the 8th Pacific History Association Conference.* Edited by Donald H. Rubinstein. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*Inafa’ maolek: Chamorro Tradition and Values*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Men's Roles, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Mother’s Brothers
---
### [Matao and Acha’ot](https://www.guampedia.com/matao-and-achaot/)
**Published:** December 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Early accounts of traditional Chamorro/CHamoru society describe at least two distinct social castes—the chamorri, or upper caste, and the manachang, or lower caste. The chamorri caste was further divided into the social rankings of matao and acha’ot.
**Content:**
## Matao and Acha’ot
 Fishing. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Higher social class
Early accounts of traditional CHamoru/Chamorro society describe at least two distinct social castes—the *chamorri*, or upper caste, and the *manachang*, or lower caste. The *chamorri* caste was further divided into the social rankings of *matao* and *acha’ot*. The *matao* were the nobles in CHamoru society, the highest-ranking individuals and leaders of clan and village groups. They were the wealthiest and the most privileged of the different social classes. They lived in settlements along the coastlines of the islands. Because of their exclusive access to the lagoon, reef and the open ocean, the *matao* were sailors, traders, warriors, fishermen, and canoe-builders.
Although early Spanish accounts do not mention a distinction within the *chamorri* caste, an account by Fr. Joseph Bonani, a German Jesuit living in Rota in 1719, specifically mentions the *acha’ot* class as separate from the *matao*. This is later affirmed by French explorer [Louis de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) in the 1819 account of his visit to the Mariana Islands. The *acha’ot* were ranked beneath the *matao* and are often referred to as assistants or helpers to the *matao*. They were artisans, craftsmen and healers. The *makånas*, or traditional healers and sorcerers, were from this class.
Many *acha’ot* individuals were related to *matao*, or were themselves once *matao*, but who had been demoted to *acha’ot* as punishment for serious offenses. A *matao* man, for example, who engaged in a forbidden relationship with a woman from the *manachang* caste could be banished from his village and reduced to an *acha’ot*. However, an *acha’ot* could regain or improve his social rank if he proved himself worthy in battle or by exceptional service to his community.
## Leaders
The *chamorri* were also involved in village leadership. A council composed of high-caste males and females would meet to discuss and make decisions concerning village matters. All *chamorri* could attend these meetings, but only *matao* could participate, while *acha’ot* merely observed the proceedings.
Spanish friar [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) who jumped ship in 1602 and lived among the CHamoru people in Rota for seven months, used the Spanish terms *principales* for the upper class and *criados* or “*mangachanes”* for the lower class. According to Zamora the CHamorus living along the beaches in coastal villages were of higher social status than those living in inland villages. The *criados* or *mangachanes*, were more like servants to the *principales*, who treated them well by Zamora’s standards. In turn, the *criados* showed great respect to the *principales*, such as refusing to go near the houses or boats of the upper class without permission. The upper class was also treated more respectfully, given the first and best places during gatherings, and offered the best foods. Other historical accounts cite that the manachang were not allowed to even touch the ocean for fear that they would spoil the fishing.
[Fr. Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), the Spanish Jesuit who set up the first Catholic mission and colonial government in the Marianas, also described the two social castes. He noted the deferential treatment the *manachang* had for the upper class *chamorri*, as well as the elitist character of the *chamorri* who insisted that the Christian sacrament of baptism be limited to the nobility as a privileged ritual, much to San Vitores’ chagrin. Freycinet’s 1819 account mentions the *acha’ot* as a separate social class from the *matao*. Frecyinet also describes the character of the nobles as “honorable” and “motivated by a love of truth.” In contrast the *manachang* were “audacious liars, base, inhospitable and without faith.” However, Freycinet was unimpressed by the perceived vanity and pride of the upper class.
## Controlled resources
The upper class *matao* had exclusive privileges over ocean resources, and therefore, could navigate and engage in open-sea fishing. In addition, the *matao* were the only ones allowed to engage in trade with other islanders. According to Freycinet, each *matao* had control over a certain stretch of water which he could not go beyond without the permission of neighboring chiefs. *Manachang* could access the ocean for fishing only with the expressed permission of the *matao*. An *acha’ot* was sometimes granted access to the ocean for fishing or land for cultivating as rewards for good behavior. The *manachangs*, though, according to Freycinet, had to fend for themselves, working the land to provide food for themselves and their *matao* masters.
## Funerary rites
Perhaps one of the most distinctive features surrounding social class was the difference in burial treatment of the dead. Being an upper class CHamoru afforded certain privileges and ceremony not presented to those of lower status. Zamora’s companion Sancho described the custom for “leading citizens” in terms of burial practices:
> What they ordinarily do with their dead, however, is to cut the hair and wrap the body in a new mat, which serves as a shroud. Two of the deceased’s female relatives arrive, who are among the oldest women of the village and lay pieces of tree bark or of painted paper on top of the body. Then they begin singing and crying, simultaneously asking so-and-so, calling him by name—why have you forsaken us? Why have you departed from our sight? Why have you deserted the women who love you so?…More than two hours are spent in this manner, repeating these and other things. Amidst many tears, his relatives embrace him and carry him away…The dead are buried in front of the most prestigious relatives’ house.
This occurs after the already-decomposing body has been placed on a scaffolding of palms and trees.
In addition, Freycinet describes that after a noble has died, the CHamorus would “tear up their fruit trees, burn down their own houses, smash their canoes, rip up the sails and hang the broken and torn fragments in front of their own dwellings.” Items specific to the individual’s skills, such as paddles or spears would be laid on the body. This would be performed before the individual was buried in the home of the highest ranking family member to ensure closeness to the deceased spirit’s family.
## Demotion
Another distinctive feature of CHamoru society was the fluid movement of individuals between the *matao* and *acha’ot* classes because of social or cultural infractions. As mentioned earlier, an individual *matao* could be demoted to the rank of *acha’ot* as punishment. If an *acha’ot* was expelled from his own group, he would seek out a *matao* to be placed under his service, otherwise the *acha’ot* and his family could not settle anywhere and be “forced to wander.” The wife and children of a punished *acha’ot* were also demoted until the individual was forgiven or completed his sentence. If an *acha’ot* died in exile, his wife and children remained *acha’ot*.
*Matao* who had been punished, depending upon the offense, could have their punishments revoked through gifts of atonement from their wives and relations. Some *matao* who had proven themselves as strong and self-sustaining might escape ever being demoted to *acha’ot* for wrongdoing, although if the offense was grave enough, care would be taken to ensure the *matao* would be subject to the common law, if even in a roundabout way.
Although the *matao* and *acha’ot* were the highest-ranking individuals in traditional society, with the arrival of the Spanish and the establishment of a new social order, the *chamorri* class would eventually be replaced by another social class. No longer would matrilineal affinities necessarily determine social ranking, but rather, the ability of individuals to link themselves with the new colonial administrators and church officials economically, politically and socially. This new emergent class would be known as the *[mannakhilo’](https://www.guampedia.com/mannakhilo-and-mannakpapa/)*.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Kinship Organization*. Agat: L. Joseph Press, 1984.
–––. “The Ancient Chamorros of Guam.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume One. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Saipan: The Ethnology of a War-Devastated Island*. 2nd ed. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Organization, Social Stratification
**Tags:** Matao and Acha’ot
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Fishing Practices](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-fishing-practices/)
**Published:** February 10, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Two sources of information reveal the fishing practices of the Ancient CHamoru people. The first source is the archeological evidence. This includes the actual remains of fishes as well as pieces of fishing gear that are preserved in the ground and excavated by archeologists.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Fishing Practices
 Ancient Chamorros Fishing. Freycinet collection courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Two sources of information
Two sources of information reveal the fishing practices of the ancient CHamoru/Chamorro people. The first source is the archeological evidence. This includes the actual remains of fishes as well as pieces of fishing gear that are preserved in the ground and excavated by archeologists. The second source is the written record. The early explorers who wrote about Guam after [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)’s arrival in 1521 invariably remarked on the exceptional sailing and fishing skills of the CHamorus.
## Archeological evidence of fishing
When the first people arrived in Guam about 3,500 years ago, there were no large land mammals to hunt, but the ancient CHamorus had an almost unlimited supply of animal protein from the sea. They fished for both reef and pelagic (open ocean) fishes and collected mollusks and other invertebrates, including crabs, lobsters, and sea urchins. They also caught sea turtles.
There is no written record for the prehistoric period in Guam before [Spanish contact](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) in AD 1521. Instead archeologists study the archeological record, which includes the artifacts (man-made objects) and ecofacts (natural objects with archeological significance) left in the ground by the people of the past. Artifacts used in fishing include fishhooks, gorges (a type of fishhook with two prongs), composite hook points and shanks, bone spears, and stone fishing weights. Ecofacts pertaining to fishing include the bones, teeth, and scales of fishes; seashells; the durable parts of crabs, lobsters, and sea urchins; and the bones and shells of sea turtles. Faunal analysts identify the fragmented animal remains from archeological sites by using comparative collections.
Parrot fishes are the most abundant fishes found in almost all tropical Pacific island archeological sites, including Guam’s sites. There are two reasons for this. Parrot fish are easy to catch, so they were no doubt abundant in the catches of the past. Also, the mouth parts (parrotfish beaks) are very sturdy, so they preserve well in the ground, and they are easy to identify.
The analysis of fish bones from sites on Guam has revealed that ancient CHamorus caught all of the ordinary reef fishes and even some extraordinary reef fishes, including the largest species of parrotfish*, Bolbometopon muricatum* (the bumphead parrotfish or *atuhong* in CHamoru) and the even larger humphead wrasse (*Cheilinus undulatus* or *tanguisson*). They also caught potentially dangerous fishes, including [sharks and rays](https://www.guampedia.com/hafula-yan-haluu-rays-and-sharks-in-guam-waters/), moray eels, scorpionfish and barracudas.
But the most extraordinary fishing done by the ancient CHamorus was from their sailing canoes in the open ocean for mahimahi, marlin and sailfish, swordfish, tuna, and wahoo. Flying fishes (*gaga* in CHamoru) were also caught from canoes and used as bait for some of these large pelagic fishes.
In addition to the actual fish remains, archeologists have found pieces of fishing gear from the [Ancient CHamoru Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/). Most abundant are one-piece J-shaped fishhooks and V-shaped gorges made of *Isognomon*, a kind of oyster shell. These are found at almost all coastal sites. Less common are the composite fishhooks that have separate points and shanks, which were tied together. The points were made of bone or shell. Points of composite fishhooks are more commonly found than the shanks, some of which may have been made of perishable materials, such as wood.
Since there were no large land mammals in the Marianas before Spanish contact, the CHamoru people used human bone for fishhooks and spear points. Human bone spear points were used in fighting, but were probably used as fishing harpoons as well. Stones used for fishing weights are also commonly found in coastal sites. They can be recognized by the grooves surrounding them where natural fiber lines were tied.
Faunal analysts suggest likely methods the ancient CHamorus used for catching fishes based on the technology of the time period, the habits and habitats of the fishes, and ethnographic comparison. Many species of reef fishes were caught with nets. Others were caught with baited hooks. We have reason to think the gorges were used for catching flying fishes. Large pelagic fishes, such as mahimahi, tuna and wahoo, were probably caught with the composite fishhooks. Marlin, sailfishes and swordfishes may have been taken with harpoons.
## Early written records concerning fishing
The authors of the earliest written records pertaining to the Marianas remarked on the exceptional sailing and fishing skills of the CHamoru people. Ferdinand Magellan’s chronicler on the first European expedition to land at Guam in 1521, Antonio Pigafetta, wrote that it was the pastime and sport of the men and women of Guam to go out in their canoes and catch flying fishes with fishhooks made of fish bone.
During the period of time [between Spanish contact in 1521 and Spanish colonization in 1668](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/), CHamoru culture continued as it had in some respects. The principal change in fishing technology was the introduction of iron, which could be fashioned into fishhooks. By the time the Spanish missionary [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) was in the Marianas in 1602, he said the CHamorus made fishhooks from nails given to them by people on passing ships or salvaged from the *Santa Margarita*, a galleon which wrecked on Rota in 1601. Juan Pobre also recorded what was told him about the use of a two-pronged shell hook, probably an *Isognomon* gorge, to fish for flying fishes.
A Spaniard named Sancho, who survived the shipwreck of the *Santa Margarita* and became the servant of a CHamoru named Suñama at Pago, Guam, visited Fray Juan Pobre on Rota in 1602. Fray Juan Pobre wrote what Sancho said about how the CHamorus fished for flying fishes and used flying fishes as bait for mahimahi, marlin and other large fishes.
Fray Juan Pobre wrote:
> When they fish for flying fish, the people of the village gather as a group, then sail out in their boats, each carrying ten or twelve calabashes \[gourds\]. A very thin cord with a small two-pronged shell hook \[gorge\] is tied to each calabash. One prong is baited with tender *carne de cos* \[possibly coconut meat\], the other with a shrimp or some other small fish. The fishermen put all these calabashes in the sea at the same time, each person watching his own. When the calabash wiggles, it is a sign that a flying fish has been hooked. The people living along the shores of these islands catch so many fish that they have enough flying fish for everyone―like the sardine catches in Spain. These fish are usually eight inches long, although some are twice that size. The first flying fish is eaten raw; the second is baited on a large hook attached to a line that is cast over the stern of the boat. Many *dorados* \[mahimahi\], *agujas paladares* \[possibly blue marlin\], and other large fish are caught in this manner.
## A great fish story
Sancho also told Fray Juan Pobre the following fish story about his master, Suñama. Suñama caught a flying fish and ate the first one raw. With the second flying fish, he baited his hook and hooked a very large billfish (probably a blue marlin) and spent a great deal of time playing the fish to tire it. A large shark came and seized the billfish. When Suñama did not let go of the line, his boat capsized. He tied his line to the capsized boat and followed the line to the shark, diverted the shark, then brought the billfish back to his boat, which he righted and sailed home, flying a woven mat from the masthead to indicate a successful catch. Sancho declared that the CHamorus were “the most skilled fishermen ever to have been discovered.”
[***By Judith Amesbury, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=8114)
***Atuhong* and *tanguisson*** – The bumphead parrot fish or *atuhong* is the largest species of parrot fish. It can grow to more than four feet in length and weigh over 100 pounds. The humphead wrasse or *tanguisson* is the largest species of wrasse. Some *tanguisson* reach lengths of more than six feet and weigh more than 400 pounds. These large reef species were caught throughout the Ancient CHamoru Era and are still caught today.
**East Coast Sites** – Archeological sites on the east coast of Guam, including Pagat, Mangilao Golf Course, and Ylig Bay, have yielded collections of fish bones with high percentages of large pelagic (open ocean) fishes, especially mahimahi and marlin. That means the ancient CHamoru fishermen were braving the rough seas on the east side of Guam in their sailing canoes. Pelagic fishing during the pre-contact period is not common on other Pacific islands outside the Marianas. However there is evidence of pre-contact fishing for mahimahi and marlin on either side of the Luzon Strait, which includes southern Taiwan and the northern Philippines.
## For further reading
Amesbury, Judith R. “Pelagic Fishing in Prehistoric Guam, Mariana Islands.” *Pelagic Fisheries Research Program Newsletter* 13, no. 2 (2008): 4-8.
University of Hawai’i at Mānoa Pelagic Fisheries Research Program. “An Analysis of Archaeological and Historical Data on Fisheries for Pelagic Species in Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands.” By Judith R. Amesbury and Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson. Mangilao: MARS, 2008.
US Department of Commerce National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council. *Review of Archaeological and Historical Data Concerning Reef Fishing in the US Flag Islands of Micronesia: Guam and the Northern Marianas*. By Judith R. Amesbury and Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson. Final Report. Mangilao: MARS, 2003.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Fishing Practices
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### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Aspects of Fishing](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-cultural-aspects-of-fishing/)
**Published:** February 14, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fishing was one of the most important subsistence activities in ancient CHamoru society. Surrounded by the ocean, the CHamorus relied on their fishing skills to obtain fish, shellfish, turtles and other marine resources necessary for their survival. The CHamorus had different tools, beliefs and cultural practices specifically related to fishing, as well as rituals that helped ensure their efforts were successful.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Aspects of Fishing
 Fishing. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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Fishing was one of the most important subsistence activities in ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society. Surrounded by the ocean, the CHamorus relied on their fishing skills to obtain fish, shellfish, turtles and other marine resources necessary for their survival. The CHamorus had different tools, beliefs and cultural practices specifically related to fishing, as well as rituals that helped ensure their efforts were successful.
Archeology has uncovered artifacts and ecofacts (remains of once-living things used by humans) of CHamoru fishing activities, but historical accounts by early European visitors provide more information about the cultural aspects of fishing. By examining accounts of ancient CHamoru fishing practices, we can get a sense of the native belief in the supernatural and the intervention of spirits to help them obtain a good catch, as well as certain behaviors related to fishing that reflect other social and cultural values held by the CHamoru people.
## Fishing in CHamoru society
***Customs and Rituals***
Customs collectively are the traditions and accepted ways of behaving or doing something. Customs often include ritual practices. Rituals in general are formal or stylized acts that people perform in special places or at specific times. They are social acts, repeated and transmitted across generations. Usually, they are structured around religious beliefs, but the motivations and actions for rituals are varied. Rituals may be performed individually, or as a community; they may be private or public. Rituals help enforce social bonds or teach specific cultural lessons. They include rites of passage that signify major changes in an individual’s life. Studying rituals or ritualized behaviors can tell us about the people who participate in these activities and about the society or culture in which rituals are performed. In addition, rituals often shed light on deeper beliefs, superstitions, anxieties and taboos of a particular culture.
Early historical accounts of the ancient CHamorus describe the natives as very skilled fishermen. Fish and other foods from the sea not only provided a source of sustenance for the CHamoru people, but they were also important culturally, providing natural materials for tools and commodities for trade or gifts. Fish obtained by CHamorus living along the coasts could be traded for tubers, fruits and other agricultural products from inland CHamoru villages. Turtle shell could be fashioned into a kind of money called *alas* that were also were used for peace exchanges after warfare. [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), a Spanish friar who jumped ship and lived among the CHamorus on Rota in 1602, wrote:
> As far as their fishing skills and devices are concerned, it would take a very long story to tell about them; consequently, I will only say that they use the same kinds of nets and fishing tricks that our people use, and many more. When it comes to fishing from their *funeas* \[boats\], no better seamen or divers have ever been known to exist.
But not everyone in ancient CHamoru society engaged in fishing activities. The ancient CHamorus had strict rules about who could fish, and where. Fishing from boats and deep sea fishing were men’s activities, and these were skills learned at very young ages. Fathers would teach their sons, beginning around the age of four or five, taking them out with them in smaller versions of the large outrigger canoes. By the time sons were young teenagers, they knew enough to be able to go out to sea in their own boats and fish by themselves. Women and young children, on the other hand, would gather crabs, shellfish and other food items from lagoons and sandy flats within the reef.
Early settlements probably had small enough populations such that gathering or foraging methods were sufficient for collecting food. However, as populations grew, more sophisticated fishing methods emerged. Net fishing, hook-and-line fishing, and the use of fish weirs or traps, known as *[gigao](http://www.guampedia.com/gigao-traditional-stone-fish-weirs/)*, developed and required participation and coordination of both men and women. Images from the [Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) expedition in the early 1800s depict fishing scenes showing men and women working cooperatively to catch fish using nets.
Only elite CHamoru classes had the privilege to fish in the open sea. The lower class *manachang* were not allowed to touch the sea or canoes, as they were believed to bring bad luck; instead, the *manachang* could fish for freshwater eels (*asuli*)—a fish that upper caste [*chamorri*](https://www.guampedia.com/matao-and-achaot/) would not eat, “on account of some superstition.” Fray Juan Pobre wrote that fishermen would not eat shark, which was seen as their enemy, and that elite or high status *chamorri* refused to consume tough scaled fish or freshwater fish from rivers and streams.
Access to particular fishing grounds was regulated by clans. Different fishing grounds had names and ownership of the area of ocean and associated reefs was organized around matrilineal lines of descent (i.e., inheritance from the female or mother’s side). Violation of these boundaries was punishable by death. Wars between clans would be fought to gain access to particular fishing grounds.
## Other fishing customs
Fishing was both an individual and a communal activity for the ancient CHamorus. Fray Juan Pobre wrote about how the islanders worked together to catch fish and then share their catch with other members of the village.
According to archeological finds, parrotfish was one of the most abundant fish species caught and eaten by the CHamorus. Fray Juan Pobre described how the natives would catch flying fish (*gaga*), which also were caught in large numbers.
To catch flying fish the fishermen would use a float line technique, utilizing gourds or calabashes. Sailing out as a group in their boats, each fisherman had his own float, to which he would attach a two-pronged hook with a thin cord. The hook would be baited with *carne de cos* (coconut meat) on one prong, and shrimp or small fish on the other. Each fisherman would watch his float and look for the telltale wiggling, indicating a fish had been caught. The first of the catch would be eaten raw, and then the second would be baited on a large hook attached to the stern of the boat, to catch other kinds of larger fish.
When fishermen returned from their expeditions, they displayed a signal or banner made of pandanus to indicate they caught something. The children of the village would wait for the fishermen to return, and upon their arrival, the oldest sons would take the boats out of the water and place them in the canoe house. The fishermen would then wash themselves with fresh water brought to them by their best friends, who would help wash their backs. The fishermen would lay the fresh catch upon cut palms placed over a woven mat in the cleanest spot beside their house, and cut open the fish. As a special gift, portions of the fish were distributed, including the blood and intestines, even the fat, to the children who helped bring the fish home. Pieces from the back of the fish were given to neighbors. The remaining part would be salted “according to certain ritual procedures,” according to Fray Juan Pobre.
## Salted fish and cooking methods
Some fish were kept alive in small ponds until needed. Fish and shellfish were eaten dried or salted. Salted fish, as well as fresh, uncooked fish, were important food items presented at festive occasions or special gatherings. Although salting methods are not described, the ancient CHamorus used salt obtained naturally from the sea to cure fish. People knew when fish was being salted and took care to not disturb the process. Fray Juan Pobre wrote:
> After the fish has begun to take the salt well, they tie a long cord from the door to a palm tree approximately eight or ten *braças* \[a marine measurement equivalent to 1.6718 meters\] away. The *indios* \[CHamorus\] will detour to the other side of the house when they see this sign because they know that there is fish being salted on the side where the cord has been strung.
Salted fish would be particularly important during the dry season when heavy winds and high seas would make fishing very difficult, and chances for successful fishing expeditions would be minimal. Sometimes fish would be placed in brine instead of being salted, and at other times fish would be baked. In particular, baked flying fish would be served to sick people.
## Fishing seasons
Fishing was so important in ancient CHamoru society that even the calendar was influenced by fishing seasons. The ancient CHamoru calendar consisted of 13 lunar cycles, somewhat equivalent to the months in the modern calendar. For example, the month *Umatalaf* (March in the modern calendar) was the time to fish for *guatafi* (snapper); *Umagahaf*, the 13th month, was a time to catch *hagaf* (rock crabs, crayfish or shrimp). Ideally, February to April were good months for fishing for *sesyon* (rabbitfish), *ti’ao* (baby goatfish) and *satmoneti* (goatfish); May to June were months for net fishing for *ti’ao* and *mañahak* (baby rabbitfish); July through September for *i’e’* (baby jackfish), *ti’ao*, and *tarakitu* (medium-sized jackfish); July through October for *atulai* (mackerel) and *achuman* (a small, tuna-like fish); and November to January for using spear and torch methods to catch *mafute’* (emperors, a kind of snapper), *guile* (rudderfish) and *palakse’* (parrotfish). ***Click to know… [Ancient CHamoru Calendar](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-calendar/)***
## Demonstration of CHamoru values
One of the most moving aspects of CHamoru culture witnessed by Fray Juan Pobre in the early 1600s was the system of cooperation and sharing among members of CHamoru society. People helped each other with different kinds of fishing activities, whether it was net fishing or float line fishing. Anyone who asked for assistance with fishing, such as for catching *mañahak*, could not be refused. In addition, although the *mangachang* could not fish, any catch of fish was shared with them. This reflected the value known as [*inafa’ maolek*,](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/) which is a recognition of the interdependence of people in the community and the desire to live harmoniously through mutual respect and generosity.
Fray Juan Pobre was especially moved by their compassion. He stated:
> They are naturally kind to one another…On the day an *indio* is ill and cannot go fishing, his son will appear on the beach at the time the other village fishermen are returning. The latter will know that the father or brother is ailing, and, consequently, they will share some of their catch with him. Although he may have a house full of salted fish, they will give him some of the fresh catch so that he will have it to eat that day.
The distribution or presentation of fish or turtle catches also reflected the matrilineal practices and respect for women in ancient CHamoru society. Turtle or large fish catches, such as marlin, would be presented first to the successful fisherman’s wife, who in turn sent it to her closest female relative of higher rank. This would continue until the highest-ranking female relative was reached, who subsequently would divide the fish or turtle. Shares were sent to the lower-ranking women through whom the catch had passed.
## Spiritual practices
Ancient CHamoru society had numerous superstitions, taboos and spiritual beliefs associated with fishing. Taboos are social or religious customs that ban or prohibit certain practices, spaces or things, or limit these to particular individuals or groups. For example, as mentioned earlier, the *manachang* were not allowed to navigate canoes or fish in the ocean, and were restricted to fishing in freshwater streams or rivers. The upper caste *chamorri* would not eat eels or fish with large scales. The superstition of bad luck associated with eating freshwater eels was noted by the Spanish Jesuit missionary [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores,](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) and also by Belgian Jesuit Father Peter Coomans. Father Coomans asserted:
> However, regarding the fish called eels, they are hated by the Indians \[CHamorus\] so much when they see our people enjoying themselves when eating what the natives look upon as bad luck, they give signs of nausea. So, the Fathers and everyone else have decided to abstain from it, while they are getting to know more about the superstitions, more on account of the nausea than for a ridiculous abstinence.
In addition to these taboos, there was a great spiritual connection between fishing and the ancestral spirits, or *manganiti,* whom the CHamorus respected. Father San Vitores wrote:
> With all this, the *Marianos* \[CHamorus\] have certain superstitions, especially when they are fishing, at which time they observe silence and great abstinence, either from fear of, or to flatter the *anites* \[*manganiti*\], which are the souls of their grandparents, so they will not punish them by keeping the fish away or by frightening them in their dreams, of which they are very credulous.
Father Coomans, too, described how CHamoru fishermen were:
> extremely prone to superstitions: they observe silence; if they should violate this \[rule\], they believe that the prey will escape.
The *manganiti* were believed to reside in the skulls of the ancestors, which were used by the *makahnas*—the traditional healers or shamans—for special prayers and ceremonies. The skulls were kept in little baskets and the *makahna* would communicate with the *manganiti* to invoke favors from them for fishing or other daily activities, for healing, rainfall, or to seek protection from harm. The *makahna* would also warn fishermen when they could or could not go out to sea. Such reverence did the CHamorus have for their ancestors, Fray Juan Pobre wrote, that if a man went fishing, he would leave someone in charge, usually a family member or servant to ensure that the ancestral skulls were not disturbed, otherwise, the spirits would become angry and the fisherman would drown or be unsuccessful in his catch. Father Coomans also mentioned that during fishing expeditions, a rope would be stretched across the door of the house:
> they call this a sacred thing: *atota* \[i.e., taboo\]. If anyone should trespass over during those fishing trips, it is a crime; if anyone does so it renders all fishing useless. Anyone who has placed even a small something in security behind the ropes, which is extremely rare, it is safe even during the long absence; they lay out the sacred rope between posts and if anyone should try and trespass, he is surely a criminal and undoubtedly deserving of being killed with spears.
Fray Juan Pobre further described how the skulls were used as tokens of good luck, especially for fishing. Offerings of fresh fish or turtle caught during fishing expeditions would be placed before the oldest skulls in a special ceremony, inviting the dead ancestors to eat with them. He wrote:
> At that time, he first carries up his fish, then he removes the skulls from the little boxlike cases and sets them in front of the fish, and while performing certain ceremonies, he offers them the flying fish that he has caught. He speaks to them very softly so that no one can hear what he says. When he has caught a large fish, such as a blue marlin or *mahimahi*, or a turtle, or a *parbo*, which they call *taga* \[snapper: *tagafen saddok*; red snapper: *tagafi*\], he offers it to the skull. Then he puts the oldest skull on top of the others; then he removes it, and places it on top of whatever he has caught. Then the relatives and closest neighbors are summoned and they make a fiesta for their skulls, drinking ground rice mixed with water or with grated coconut milk. They then make signs and perform ceremonies, as if inviting the old skull to eat. Then, they begin to sing very loudly, as if giving thanks to the fisherman. They tell him, ‘You are much beloved, this head loves you very much. This skull loves you dearly because he has made you very lucky in fishing and he honors you so much.
Such strongly held beliefs in the power of the skulls were not easily removed, even with the introduction of Christianity in the late 1600s. However, Father San Vitores recounted one instance of how the CHamorus were experiencing the apparent conflict between the two traditional belief systems of Catholicism and ancient CHamoru culture. Here, a young boy, the son of a noble and educated by the missionary priests, influenced his father to call upon the Christian spirits to catch a fish:
> This boy was 12 or 13 years old. He was the son of a noble. One day he went out fishing with his father in a small boat, bearing the banner of the holy cross, as he was accustomed to. The father saw a fish that the natives like very much, called *guatafe*, and without stopping to think, he was carried away by the old custom and began to invoke his *anites*, to gain their help in catching the fish. The boy was distressed at this, and weeping, said, ‘Father, don’t call to these enemies. You won’t catch anything.’ The father answered, ‘What can I say?’ ‘Invoke Jesus and Mary and you will catch the fish.’ He did so, and he had scarcely uttered these sweet names when he caught the fish. Then he came running to our house with his son, singing praises to Jesus and Mary, and telling what had happened to himself and his son and asking pardon for his thoughtlessness.
Such conflicts between Christianity and ancient CHamoru culture signaled the beginning of great changes for the traditions of CHamoru fishermen, many of who would eventually exchange their maritime skills and fishing implements for land-based skills in agriculture and farming tools. Nevertheless, reliance on and respect for the ocean and its resources remains an important part of CHamoru cultural history. In the ancient CHamoru mindset, the ocean was theirs, a part of their creation. This is exemplified in the statements made by Fray Juan Pobre’s companion, the shipwrecked Spaniard Sancho, who had asked his CHamoru informants who made the earth and the sky—and the ocean. The natives told him they made it—
> …that inasmuch as they \[the CHamorus\] sail and fish on it, they have made it. Such is the foolishness with which they answer our questions, but they often say that we are foolish to ask.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Amesbury, Steven S., Frank A. Cushing, and Richard K. Sakamoto. *Guide to the Coastal Resources of Guam: Vol. 3. Fishing on Guam*. University of Guam Marine Laboratory Contribution No. 225. Mangilao: University of Guam Press, 1986.
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na. Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. By Scott Russell. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 32. Saipan: CNMIHPO, 1998.
Coomans, Peter. *History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands: 1667-1673*. Translated by Rodrigue Lévesque. Occasional Papers Series, no. 4. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Aspects of Fishing
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### [Pre-Historic Pottery of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/pre-historic-pottery-of-guam/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Mariana Islands has a history of pottery-making that is more than 3,500 years long. The first people to arrive in the Mariana Islands apparently had brought with them pottery-making skills; the broken remains of their pots, called sherds, have been found at archaeological sites dating back to circa 3,500 BP
**Content:**
# Pre-Historic Pottery of Guam
View more images for the Pre-Historic Pottery of Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622353674729/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Pottery-making skills came with first settlers
The Mariana Islands has a history of pottery-making that is more than 3,500 years long. The first people to arrive in the Mariana Islands apparently had brought with them pottery-making skills; the broken remains of their pots, called sherds, have been found at archaeological sites dating back to circa 3,500 BP (Before Present). While the earliest Guam pottery shares some characteristics with similarly aged pottery collections from the Philippines and Southeast Asia, its specific place of origin remains unknown. Traditional methods of manufacture continued until the widespread introduction of new manufacturing techniques and Western-manufactured vessels during the 18th century.
Guam’s prehistoric period, spanning at least 3,000 years, witnessed significant changes in pottery styles and techniques of manufacture. Analysts in Guam describe these changes according to distinct types and specific attributes. These types and attributes are compared with radiocarbon dates taken from the same sites to develop a pottery chronology that encompasses the changes in manufacture over time.
Because the historic literature lacks descriptions of the traditional pottery-making techniques and materials, archaeological research provides the basis for what is now known. Researchers generally agree that the pots were made from locally-available clays and tempering materials, using paddle-and-anvil construction techniques (although there is some evidence of coiling), and that firings took place in above-ground bonfires for relatively short times at low temperatures.
Although archaeological excavations have uncovered only a few whole pots, they have provided mounds of sherds for partial reconstructions. Much is now known about a fairly wide range of vessel forms.
## Marianas Redware and Marianas Plain
Two dominant pottery types are Marianas Redware and Marianas Plain. Marianas Redware dominates the earlier pottery, and Marianas Plain dominates the later pottery. While these two types are still commonly referred to, assigning individual sherds to such broad pottery types does not adequately acknowledge the subtle changes in various attributes (vessel form, rim thickness and shape, surface treatments, wall thickness, and temper inclusions) that occurred through time. As a consequence, most ceramic analyses focus upon definition and interpretation of these attributes.
Marianas Redware vessels consist of small, very thin-walled bowls and jars with a red-slipped or painted exterior finish. Small numbers of Marianas Redware exhibit intricate, lime-filled impressions. These designs are similar to those of an early pottery type from Melanesia and Polynesia called Lapita. Over time, these designs changed from complex to simple patterns. The decorated pots disappeared about 1,500 BP.
Shortly following 2,500 BP, large, flat-bottomed pans with thick, vertical sidewalls begin to appear. Vessels with these attributes continue for nearly 1,000 years (between about 1,600 and 1,500 BP). In some cases, mat impressions appear on the exterior surface of the pan’s flat base. The woven pattern of these impressions can be compared to the over-and-under weave used to make pandanus mats in the Caroline Islands (now the Federated States of Micronesia). Perhaps the impressions formed when the clay was placed on a woven mat to give it support during the vessel’s construction.
About 1,600 BP, bowls with more rounded bases and thinner walls replace the pans. Other attributes–such as vessel thickness, rim form, and surface treatment–become less consistent. Gradually, perhaps around 1,200 to 1,000 BP, this vessel form appears to develop into the bowl and jar forms common to the late part of the ceramic sequence (Marianas Plain). These later vessels associated with the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) (1,200 – 500 BP) consist of large, thick walls with smooth or roughened exterior finishes, volcanic temper inclusions, thickened rims, and rounded or conical bases. Some sherds from this time period have grooves that suggest that some pots were equipped with cords, possibly to suspend them, to provide a better surface for gripping or pouring, or to secure a lid.
## Clues to past
Beyond association with a particular time period, there is much that analysis of pottery can tell us about the lives of Guam’s prehistoric inhabitants. For example, the temper included in some sherds have been analyzed in order to gain information about the exchange of pottery vessels among different island communities in the Marianas archipelago. Other studies have identified charred remains on the interior surfaces of some sherds that can indicate the types of food that were prepared in these pots.
[***By Darlene Moore, MA***](https://www.guampedia.com/darlene-moore/ "Darlene Moore")
## For further reading
Dickinson, William R., Brian M. Butler, Darlene R. Moore, and Marilyn Swift. “Geologic Sources and Geographic Distribution of Sand Tempers in Prehistoric Potsherds from the Mariana Islands.” *Geoarchaeology: An International Journal* 16, no. 8 (2001): 827-854.
Hunter-Anderson, Rosalind L., Gillian B. Thompson, and Darlene R. Moore. “Rice As a Prehistoric Valuable in the Mariana Islands, Micronesia.” *Asian Perspectives* 34, no. 1 (Spring 1995): 69-89.
Moore, Darlene R. “Measuring Change in Marianas Pottery: The Sequence of Pottery Production at Tarague, Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, Mangilao, 1983.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Marianas Prehistory: Archaeological Survey and Excavations on Saipan, Tinian and Rota*. Fieldiana: Anthropology. Vol. 48*.* Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum, 1957.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Pre-Historic Pottery of Guam
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### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery: Early Calcareous Ware](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro_pottery_early_calcareous_ware/)
**Published:** February 9, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Of the different pottery forms produced in the Marianas, the lime-incised pottery from the early Pre-Latte era is of particular significance. Once referred to as Marianas redware, this early pottery is characterized as a thin-walled vessel with a red slip, or coated surface. The name redware has since been replaced by the term Early Calcareous Ware (EWC) because while these pots are made with a coral sand (calcareous) temper (a material mixed with the clay to make it more easily workable) not all vessels have the red slip.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery: Early Calcareous Ware
 Lime-impressed Pottery. Judy Flores collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## Many pots decorated with lime
Of the different pottery forms produced in the Marianas, the lime-incised pottery from the early [Pre-*Latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/)era is of particular significance. Once referred to as Marianas redware, this early pottery is characterized as a thin-walled vessel with a red slip, or coated surface. The name redware has since been replaced by the term Early Calcareous Ware (EWC) because while these pots are made with a coral sand (calcareous) temper (a material mixed with the clay to make it more easily workable) not all vessels have the red slip.
The vessels are small to medium-sized, with “an in-slanting neck and an everted rim.” In addition, the surface of some ECW pottery may have finely incised designs filled with lime (*afok*). The designs vary, but may include lines or curvilinear patterns, along with punctate patterns or indentations.
The designs on ECW pottery resemble pottery from the Philippines produced around the same time—as early 1500 BC — however, there is no evidence to definitely link ECW pottery with similar pottery from the Philippines or Island Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, EWC pottery, along with linguistic evidence, is often used to demonstrate the links the ancient inhabitants of the Mariana Islands had with other Austronesian populations that migrated from Asia into the Pacific Ocean.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino)***
## For further reading
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na. Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. By Scott Russell. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 32. Saipan: CNMIHPO, 1998.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Moore, Darlene R. “Measuring Change in Marianas Pottery: The Sequence of Pottery Production at Tarague, Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 1983.
–––. “[Pre-Historic Pottery of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/pre-historic-pottery-of-guam/).” in *Guampedia*, last modified 20 May 2021.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery: Early Calcareous Ware
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery Usage](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/)
**Published:** February 9, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Archeologists help us learn about ancient cultures by looking at the objects or materials, known as artifacts, that people left behind. The most abundant artifact found in archeological excavations throughout the Mariana Islands is pottery.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery Usage
View more image of Ancient Chamorro Pottery [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157646873177248).
#### Table of Contents
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## What artifacts tell us
Archeologists help us learn about ancient cultures by looking at the objects or materials, known as artifacts, that people left behind. The most abundant artifact found in archeological excavations throughout the Mariana Islands is pottery. Literally thousands of potsherds (fragments of pottery), strewn across different excavation sites, have been collected and analyzed over the last few decades. What archeologists have found is that CHamoru/Chamorro pottery not only came in a variety of shapes and decorative motifs, but that pottery styles underwent significant changes over time.
These changes possibly reflect other changes in CHamoru lifestyle patterns, including settlement into more permanent villages or other social and cultural factors.The earliest [Pre-Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) pots found in the Marianas were generally wide-mouthed, shallow and decorated with lime-incised designs, while vessels from the Latte Period were larger and heavier pieces with few decorations. In any case, the clay pot was one of the most versatile objects used by the ancient CHamorus. It could be used to store or cook food, boil water, or hold or transport other items. Pots have also been found within a small number of human burials.
Although not much is known about the specific techniques used by the CHamorus, pots in the Marianas most likely were manufactured locally by clay from deposits found around the islands. Using hand-building methods, whereby an individual pot is formed from coils of clay stacked upon each other, or balls of clay molded into the desired form, these vessels were then fired to harden the clay and give it strength. The clay were mixed with temper inclusions of coral or volcanic sand before firing.
The CHamorus did not use potter’s wheels, nor did they have large ovens or kilns used for firing clay. Instead, they may have used open fire or pit-firing methods to produce their ceramics until the introduction of the kiln by the Spanish. Unfortunately, traditional pot-making methods have been lost since the [era of Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) of the Marianas. Although an unbroken pot has never been recovered, some archaeologists have been able to use large fragments to reconstruct a number of vessels and piece together a history of the ancient CHamoru through their pottery.
## Ancient CHamoru pottery
Fragments of ancient clay pots, known as pottery sherds (or potsherds), are widely distributed across Guam. They are particularly abundant on the surface of Latte Period villages (from about 500-1,000 ago), and especially in those villages located on the coast with intact above ground features, such as [latte sets](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), *lusong* (stone mortars), wells, and midden (refuse) mounds. They are less common on the surface of interior latte villages, and although they are there in smaller numbers, they are found in rock shelters, and in places used as temporary encampments. The sherds form surface accumulations called pottery scatters and pot drops (a place where one pot broke). The sherds also are always found in excavations at buried archeological cultural deposits where they are often associated with cooking features like hearths or earth-ovens. Over the years, tens of thousands of pot fragments have been recovered and thousands have been analyzed. What has been learned about the people who made and used the pots?
The distribution of pot fragments (a whole pot has never been found) across the island indicates that the pots were important to people and were used in many places and probably in many ways, such as for cooking, serving, displaying, storing, and perhaps transporting some foods or liquids. Over time the shape, size, and the ways that the pots were finished, as well as the types of inclusions added to the clays during pot manufacture, changed. Some of these changes reflect stylistic preferences and others may be related to function.
For example, the shape, size, finish, and temper inclusions seen in the Latte Period pots differ from those made earlier in the Mariana’s ceramic sequence. Archeologists propose that these variations in form may be related to function. If true, then the new forms may indicate that people made some significant changes in their cooking and storing requirements near the beginning of the Latte Period. The reasons for these changes remain open to discussion. It may have to do with an increase in population size, the introduction of new crops or farming techniques, or other social and/or climatic factors.
## Latte Period pottery forms
It seems the rounded vessel shape, volcanic temper inclusions, crudely formed walls, and the incurved rims of the Latte Period pots formed appropriate containers for boiling foods like taro, yams, breadfruit, rice, preparing soups, making salt, making coconut oil, and making sugar or syrup from sugar cane. The analysis of the charred residue on Latte Period sherds has identified starch from taro (*Colocasia esculenta*), indicating that these tubers were one of the foods cooked in the pots. Also identified were raphides (needle-shaped crystals) from *Colocasia* and *Cytrosperma* taro plants, which indicate that these leaves had been used. The leaves could have covered the food while it cooked, or been prepared as one of the dishes to be served. Accidental rice impressions identified on other Latte Period sherds indicate that this grain was available to the people; it may have been cooked in the pots, but as yet, no rice starch has been identified in the residue. Starch grains and raphides from the ti plant (*Cordyline*) on other sherds suggest that this sugar-rich tuber was cooked and its leaves used. Angular, fractured bits of marine shell on another sherd suggest that shellfish were prepared, kept, or served in these pots.
Interestingly, the charred residue occurs on sherds with different surface treatment categories, including plain, wiped, punctate, and faintly combed.
The strong association between surface treatment and function has yet to be established for the Latte Period pots, though it appears such pots were used for cooking.
The large capacity of some of the Latte Period pots suggests that large quantities of foods were prepared. Some large pots could have been used for food and water storage. The grooves on some fragments suggest that a cord network was used to suspend the pot, secure a lid for safe storage, or provide a handle for gripping or pouring. During the late Latte period, a new pot with a thickened, everted rim developed and apparently spread across the island. Rims from this form have been found at sites on the east coast, west coast and in the interior of the island.
Similar surface treatments are seen in the pottery collections recovered from most Latte Period sites. Although there may be some slight differences in the percentages of the different finishing categories (plain, rough, combed, trailed, wiped), it appears that Latte Period potters attempted to achieve similar specifications when making their pots. This suggests that the people making and using the pottery shared the same culture. Apparently the pottery was not used to convey information about separate group affiliations within the larger social community.
## Pre-Latte pottery forms
The pots made prior to AD 900 were manufactured before the Latte Period, a time known as the Pre-Latte Period. Some of the Pre-Latte pots made from about 500 BC to about AD 500 had flat-bottoms with short vertical side walls. Pots with this shape are not suitable for boiling foods. However, fragments of these pots are associated with areas of fire altered rocks and charcoal, which suggests they were used for a different kind of cooking, such as frying, roasting or steaming. Breadfruit and/or flat cakes made of the flour from *gabgab* tubers, or some other plant, may have been prepared in these pots. The analysis of the remains of charred residue on a few sherds dating to this interval identified starch from taro and *Cordyline*. A fish scale fragment and fractured bits of marine shell suggest these pots were also utilized in the processing of fish and shellfish.
Some of the flat bottomed pans were quite large; they would have been heavy and not easily moved from place to place. Archeologists have proposed that the appearance of these large pots around 500 BC indicates that people became more settled then. Generally, the flat bottomed pans are found in coastal villages and in the inland portions of these villages. Flat-bottomed pans are rarely found in archeological sites located in Guam’s interior. This is probably due to the fact that most interior sites were utilized after AD 500, and by then, the pans had dropped from the ceramic sequence, perhaps no longer manufactured or used.
The shape of the Pre-Latte pots made prior to 500 BC differs from the pots described above. Very little is known about how these early pots were used. Some have a globular shape with a restricted mouth and a recurved, unthickened rim, calcareous (chalky or made of calcium carbonite) sand temper, and a red slip finish. These may have served as cooking pots. Others have an open mouth with a flaring sidewall and a rounded bottom. The open pots could have been used for display or for ceremonial events. A small number of the open pots had been decorated with lime-filled designs (impressions and incisions).
Over time the designs evolved from complex to simple patterns, and by AD 500 the decorated pots entirely drop from the ceramic sequence.
Since sherds with similar impressed and incised designs have been recovered from the early sites located in the four largest islands of the Marianas, some archeologists think that the people of this time had a mobile lifestyle, as the smaller pot sizes would have been easier to transport. Perhaps they utilized the resources in one area for a while and then moved to another area. Such a settlement system could indicate fairly low population numbers and the islanders’ continued ability to cross the open ocean distances that separate the islands from one another.
Studies of the clay in the sherds found that different pots from a single site had been made from different clay sources on Guam. The use of more than one clay source has been interpreted to mean that pots could have been made in different places by different people. It also means that people carried clays or finished pots from one place to another. As yet, little is known about the social factors involved in the clay/pot movements. Historic accounts of the traditional pottery making industry have not been located, and it is not known exactly where pots were made, or who made them. Archeologists have identified a few sites where pottery was probably made and/or fired on Guam, but the clay studies suggest there may have been many other places.
## Inter-/Intra-island pottery exchange
Temper inclusions have been studied to gain information about inter-/intra-island pottery exchange systems. For example, fairly large and prominent inclusions of quartz have been noted in some sherds. Quartz-rich deposits are differentially distributed across the Mariana Islands. These deposits occur in Saipan, but not in Tinian, Rota, and Guam. Large quartz inclusions are commonly seen in Saipan’s pottery. Since fewer quartz-tempered sherds occur in Guam, it appears that a systematic exchange of pottery between Saipan and Guam was not in place during ancient times. However, the pottery was moved around. Sherds made on Guam have been identified on Aguiguan, Tinian, Rota, and Saipan. Sherds made on Saipan have been identified on Tinian, Rota, and Guam. This distribution indicates that the people from the different islands in the Marianas continued to interact with each other from earliest times to European Contact.
On Guam, early pottery has been recovered from sites located along the coast. The sites with early pottery and early radiocarbon dates include [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) Golf Course (the Mochom site), [Tumon Bay](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) (Ypao, Tumon, Naton), Ritidian Beach, Tarague Beach, and [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) (Plaza de España and behind the Cathedral). Generally, the buried cultural deposits containing the earliest pottery are located on the furthest inland portions of the sand flats at these sites. The beaches were narrower 3,000-4,000 years ago because sea level was higher than it is now. The sites listed above have yielded pottery associated with radiocarbon dates ranging from about 1,500-1,000 BC. Tumon Bay on the west-central coast of Guam has provided earlier radiocarbon dates, but they are not associated with pottery. Likewise, the oldest radiocarbon dates from charcoal bits in cores taken from Guam’s wetlands are not associated with pottery. Based on the current pottery associated dates, it is not possible to determine exactly where people first landed on Guam.
***[By Darlene Moore, MA](http://www.guampedia.com/darlene-moore)***
## Word list
***Temper*** – In ceramics or pottery-making, “temper” refers to the material (or inclusions) that are mixed with clay to improve its workability or give it other qualities. Without temper, the clay may not fire properly or break easily during firing. Tempers give the resulting ceramic different finishes or surface textures. In Marianas pottery, he observation of tempers can indicate which era the pottery belongs. A whitish, coralline sand temper often indicates Pre-Latte pottery, while darker, volcanic sand tempers are representative of Latte Period ceramics.
***Pottery Slip*** – is formed by the addition of water or a smooth layer of wet clay to the surface of a pot before it is fired in order to produce a smooth finish.
***Surface Treatments*** – refers to the kind of texture that is present on the surface of a pot. Punctate treatments resemble indentations, spaced fairly regularly, to produce a design. Such surface treatments were applied by hand or with other tools, even fibers from coconut husks. Although the designs on pots from the Latte period are less decorative and more functional, it is suggested that the designs provided a surface to easily grip or carry the vessel, as [CHamoru](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d70CW88X6aI) pots had no handles.
## For further reading
Athens, J. Stephen, Michael F. Dega, and Jerome V. Ward. “Austronesian Colonisation of the Mariana Islands: The Palaeoenvironmental Evidence.” *Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association* 24, (2004): 21-30.
Butler, Brian M. “Pots As Tools: The Marianas Case.” *Micronesica* Supp. 2, (1990): 33-46.
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *An Archaeological Survey of Aguiguan (Aguijan), Northern Mariana Islands*. By Brian M. Butler. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 29. Saipan: CNMIHPO, 1992.
Dickinson, William R., Brian M. Butler, Darlene R. Moore, and Marilyn Swift. “Geologic Sources and Geographic Distribution of Sand Tempers in Prehistoric Potsherds from the Mariana Islands.” *Geoarchaeology: An International Journal* 16, no. 8 (2001): 827-854.
Graves, Michael W., Terry L. Hunt, and Darlene R. Moore. “Ceramic Production in the Mariana Islands: Explaining Change and Diversity in Prehistoric Interaction and Exchange.” *Asian Perspectives* 29, no. 2 (1990): 211-233.
Moore, Darlene R. “Measuring Change in Marianas Pottery: The Sequence of Pottery Production at Tarague, Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 1983.
Pago Bay Resort, L.L.C. *Archaeological Research at the Laguna Pago Bay Resort, Lots 155 NEW, 164 NEW, and 164-4, Yona Municipality, Guam*. By Mike T. Carson and John A. Peterson. Mangilao: MARC, 2009.
Paul H. Rosendahl, PhD, Inc. *Volume II: Data Analyses, Archaeological Mitigation Program, Mangilao Golf Course Project Area.* By B.J. Dilli, A.E. Haun, S.T. Goodfellow, and B. DeRoo. Hilo: PHRI, 1998.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
US Department of the Navy Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Pacific. *Guam’s Prehistoric Pottery and its Chronological Sequence*. By Darlene R. Moore. Honolulu: IARII, 2002.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Pottery Usage
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### [Commemorating Our Past, Commandeering Our Future: Guam’s Rocky Road to Self-Governance](https://www.guampedia.com/commemorating-our-past-commandeering-our-future-guams-rocky-road-to-self-governance/)
**Published:** August 18, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Organic Act certainly deserves to be celebrated. But at the same time, we cannot overlook its deficiencies. We didn’t even get to elect our own governor until 20 years later. And the legislature did not have the power to override the governor's veto. So while the basic structure of a democracy was there, there were inconsistencies.
**Content:**
# Commemorating Our Past, Commandeering Our Future: Guam’s Rocky Road to Self-Governance
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*Hafa Adai* to our esteemed island leaders, and to all of you joining us here. Events like today’s prompt us to celebrate the important milestones in our history. And although I suspect that many people on Guam don’t know a whole lot about the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), it in fact affects each one of us on a daily basis. It created GovGuam! And we lean on GovGuam every day for our power, water, traffic lights, schools and university, etc, etc, etc.
And it’s the Organic Act that created this. After centuries of being ruled by colonial overlords, the Organic Act established a GovGuam with agencies that would be staffed and led primarily by the people of this island, truly a radical shift in local political participation.
When considering the significance of the Organic Act, appreciate this: for the first time since the days of [Quipuha](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/) and [Mata’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/), Chamorros en masse would hold positions of responsibility and leadership on the island.
So the Organic Act certainly deserves to be celebrated. But at the same time, we cannot overlook its deficiencies. We didn’t even get to elect our own governor until 20 years later. And the legislature did not have the power to override the governor’s veto. So while the basic structure of a democracy was there, there were inconsistencies.
And obviously, the Organic Act was never meant to give us true self-governance. It was a step forward, but a limited one, and that limitation was by design. To understand this, we need to understand Guam’s place within US history.
When the US took control of Guam, along with Puerto Rico and the Philippines in 1898 from Spain, it had recently emerged from two wars: the American Civil War and the American Indian wars, both of which highlighted huge problems in the states—particularly surrounding race, land, and power. The United States faced questions of what to do with those who had been formerly enslaved and what to do with Indigenous Americans, many of whom were at that time being displaced by the expansion of the American frontier to the West Coast.
The American Indian Wars, coupled with the end of the Civil War, remind us that when Guam was taken over, the United States was dealing with massive race problems. And so colonizing Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines was never going to be a simple matter of integrating so-called “alien races“ into some mythological melting pot.
When the US took over Guam, racism was a part of everyday life in the states. Segregation and discrimination were institutionalized aspects of American culture, as they would become on Guam under [US Navy rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) with separate schools, segregated playgrounds, segregated hospital wards, racially discriminatory pay scales, and so on.
Chamorros were being portrayed to the American public, at best, as dark-skinned children, and, at worst, as actual monkeys. In a wide array of print accounts, Chamorros are depicted as unsophisticated, immature, and primitive—as clearly incapable of self-government. After all, the premise of colonialism is that colonized people are not fit to rule and therefore need a parental figure, a colonizer, to intervene. From the start of US rule, the Navy held the attitude that they were our father figure who would guide us to maturity. In a revealing letter to the Secretary of the Navy, one of our leading political figures of the time, Baltazar J Bordallo complained of the “attitude of dominance and superiority-complex which \[shows\] in a marked degree” among the Officers connected with the Naval Government of Guam.
BJ Bordallo wrote this in 1937, but if you look back at the responses of Chamorros over time, you get a picture of people consistently denouncing this colonial mentality, this “superiority complex.”
In 1901, we see the first written evidence of Chamorros speaking out against Guam’s political situation under the US. In a [petition ](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/)to the US Congress, they described Naval rule as a “military government of occupation.” The petitioners pointed out that Guam now had “fewer permanent guarantees of \[freedom\] and property rights“ than when under Spanish rule. America, the land of the free, and yet Guam had more freedom under Spain? It is important to appreciate that even back in 1901, Chamorros possessed the political savvy to call the US on their hypocrisy. Yet this petition was ignored, as were petitions filed in 1917, 1925, 1929, 1933, 1936, 1947, and 1949. These petitions consistently raised the same issues: a desire for self-government, a desire for democracy.
It took a world war for the US to finally respond, and Guam’s war story is important. But today, I need to focus on events after the war. Liberation Day on Guam happened on July 21, 1944, but it wasn’t until a year later, in August 1945, that the US would drop the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
During that one year interval between our liberation day and Japan’s surrender, the US stationed over 200,000 military on the island. To accommodate this massive presence, Chamorro lands were seized for military use. And yet, at the time, many landowners were generally happy to help in this way to defeat Japan. But they did so with the belief that their lands would be returned when the war was won.
Among the lands seized were 70 percent of Guam’s farms—70 percent of our ranches—taken at a time when Chamorros had been diagnosed as suffering from universal malnutrition due to the war. Sure, the United States military was handing out free cases of Spam and other canned goods, and people were grateful for the food and the medical services, but gratitude didn’t erase hunger. They wanted their farms. They wanted to be able to feed their families, just as they had been doing for centuries and centuries. The situation with the land takings was critical, and members of the Guam Congress banded together to address this urgent crisis.
The Guam Congress members eventually staged a [walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/). The intricacies of the walkout are complicated, but its underlying point spotlighted the lack of democracy on Guam, a political crisis sharpened by the suffering that Chamorros had endured at the hands of Japan and the land abuses they now faced at the hands of the US military.
Guam Congress members expertly collaborated with allies on the mainland— including some of the US media and civil rights groups like the American Civil Liberties Union. Together, they pushed the Guam issue and eventually US Congress passed, and President Harry S. Truman signed the Organic Act. 75 years ago today.
But, make no mistake, the Organic Act was neither a benevolent gift from the United States nor was it a reward for our wartime suffering. Rather, it was a response to longstanding Chamorro protests against blatant violations of our civil and political rights.
This Organic Act was certainly better than anything the island had experienced for hundreds of years, again since the days of Mata’pang and Quipuha. But it was an imperfect document, like every political document, including the US Constitution. Hello, when the US Constitution was ratified, slavery was still legal. Talk about a contradiction in the democratic system.
Similarly, the Organic Act is not a document to be admired as some inspired writing, and there have been many amendments in its 75 years. But there are still many things to do, places to go, people to talk to. Look, it took women in the US almost 150 years to gain the right to vote. Some changes that would seem to be obvious today in fact took many years of educational activism.
So events such as our 75th commemoration are not merely times to celebrate. These are also opportunities to look ahead and to ask ourselves, where to from here. We still aspire for full self-government, and we are still fighting for self-determination. But this is a marathon, not a sprint. And we are still so very far away from the finish line. *Si Yu’us Ma’åse*.
**[*By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD*](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/ "Anne Perez Hattori")**
**Editor’s note:** This speech was delivered by Dr. Hattori on 1 August 2025 in honor of the 75th Anniversary of the Organic Act.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection, Featured, Indigenous Lenses, Modern Guam Rises
**Tags:** Commemorating Our Past, Our Future: Guam’s Governance
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### [Algal Blooms in Guam ](https://www.guampedia.com/algal-blooms-in-guam/)
**Published:** June 2, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Marine algae, also known as seaweeds, are a diverse group of organisms.
**Content:**
# Algal Blooms in Guam
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## Marine algae and natural seasonality
Marine algae, also known as seaweeds, are a diverse group of organisms. Taxonomically, there are 4 main clades: the green algae (Chlorophyta), red algae (Rhodophyta), brown algae (Phaeophyta), and blue-green algae (Cyanobacteria). Functionally, these organisms play many roles in marine ecosystems. For more background information, see [“Seaweeds Overview”](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweeds-overview/).
Algae are naturally occurring members of marine environments, with natural fluctuations in light and temperature throughout the year driving seasonal patterns of algal abundance. Like many plants on land, some algae species are “annual,” meaning they experience population fluctuations on a yearly basis and may disappear in some seasons and reappear in others, and some are “perennial,” as they have a constant presence in the ecosystem.
In Guam, annual algae species exhibit seasonal blooms depending on the area of reef that they inhabit. For example, populations of the green alga *Caulerpa racemosa,* commonly called the “sea grape,” have been documented to peak between December and May. Beginning in May, Guam’s reef flats experience low tides during the hot summer daylight hours. As water temperatures heat up on our shallow reef flats during the day, *C. racemosa* populations gradually disappear from the reef flats.
Other species are always present on the reef, meaning they are perennial. An example of a perennial group of algae in Guam is *Padina* (Figure 2). This genus of brown algae inhabits the shallow reef flats of Guam year-round.
## Algal blooms and their environmental drivers
Unlike the annual population dynamics that naturally occur in marine ecosystems, an algal bloom is a sudden, unpredictable proliferation of algae in the water. This creates a monoculture environment where one species of algae dominates the entire area. Often, blooms are temporary and last a few weeks. These blooms can be caused by many factors, including increased light availability, a change in water temperature, or an abrupt increase in nutrient input into the water (eutrophication). Nitrogen is an example of a nutrient that influences algal growth. As rain falls and runs over the land, it picks up nutrients from soil and carries it into the sea. This can also occur at river mouths, where runoff is moved from the interior of the island to the ocean. Agricultural practices such as fertilization and ranching contribute to increased nutrients in the ecosystem. Many species of blue-green algae, for example, rapidly increase in abundance after intense rainfall because of the increase of nutrients in the water.
## Local impacts of algal blooms
Many algae species have been labeled as “nuisance” species due to their “bloom-and-bust” life cycles of huge overgrowth and subsequent die-off. In Guam, algal blooms can affect environmental health, human activities, and the economy. During a large bloom, some algae species overgrow coral or wash up in huge quantities onto our beaches. Blue-green algae in particular have been documented overgrowing and killing coral in Guam (Figure 3). When corals are covered by algae, they cannot absorb light for photosynthesis and get smothered under accumulated sediment or killed by chemicals released by the algae. Corals can also be physically damaged from the competitive overgrowth of too much algae at one time. Combined with other stressors that corals face under climate change, such as heat stress and ocean acidification, prolonged algal overgrowth can lead to major damage on the reef.
Algal blooms also affect human and economic activity. Extremely thick algal mats can get stuck in boat props and affect fishing activities. Additionally, recreational swimming and beach-going can be affected no one wants to swim in a cloud of stringy algae! When large quantities of algae wash up on shore, beaches become undesirable places to spend time. Tourism plays a large role in Guam’s economy. Two main draws to the island include our beautiful white sand beaches and scenic coral reefs. When algal blooms begin to affect the industry, efforts must be taken to understand their causes and remove or control the nuisance species when possible.
## Case study: Algal blooms in Tumon Bay
[Tumon Bay](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), situated centrally on the western coast of Guam, is an area of particular cultural and economic interest to Guam. The CHamoru/Chamorro people have been living in the area since the Pre-Latte era (starting 3,500-4,000 years ago), with many archeological sites located in the area. Economically, it is a hub for tourism, boasting “Hotel Row” that sits landward to long stretches of beach and fringing coral reefs for tourists to explore.
Tumon Bay has unique hydrology and geology that can support algal blooms in the summer. Freshwater aquifer springs line the coast—swimmers often notice patches of very cold water as they swim in the Bay, which is the seepage of groundwater into the ocean. The groundwater is rich with dissolved nitrogen and phosphorous and contributes nutrients to the seawater in Tumon Bay. And the concentration of hotels and other businesses lining the Bay contribute nutrients to nearshore waters from fertilizers. Finally, run-off from the coastal road that runs along the Bay contributes pollutants as well.
Reddish-brown dinoflagellates (a group of microscopic, unicellular algae) bloom in the waters of Tumon Bay when the tide is very low and traps the algae in the Bay, allowing it to multiply quickly and bloom in the warm, nutrient-rich waters. This creates the well-known summer phenomenon of Red Tides (Figure 4). These dinoflagellate blooms have been described for centuries. While they can occur throughout the year, they often are seen in April, around the anniversary of the death of Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores in 1672. Thus, the red waters have been dubbed the “Blood of San Vitores” in local legend.
Another species of algae also commonly blooms in Tumon Bay. *Ulva clathrata* (formerly known as [*Enteromorpha clathrata*](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweed-enteromorpha/); Figure 5) is a filamentous green alga that can produce extensive blooms that have been documented in since the 1970s. When conditions are favorable for growth, *U. clathrata* is an extremely fast-growing species that can clog the waters on the western shore. After heavy rainfall, increased dissolved nitrogen input from the groundwater, combined with a period of calm waters and high temperatures, are the hypothesized drivers of the blooms. It has also been suggested that increased phosphorous input, a common component of fertilizer used to maintain gardens, could influence the levels of *U. clathrata* growth as well. Runoff from gardens and the streets of Tumon provide another avenue for nutrients to enter the water. Therefore, as humans continue to change their surrounding environment and impact near-shore marine ecosystems, nuisance species such as *U. clathrata* will continue to bloom and, in turn, impact human activities and ecosystem health in Guam.
[***By Emma Miller***](https://www.guampedia.com/emma-miller/ "Emma Miller")
## For further reading
Burdick, David. “[Algae overgrowth](https://www.guamreeflife.com/reef-conservation/threats-to-guams-reefs/algae-overgrowth/).” *Guam Reef Life*, 2017[. ](https://www.guamreeflife.com/reef-conservation/threats-to-guams-reefs/algae-overgrowth/)
FitzGerald, WJ. “Environmental Parameters Influencing the Growth of Enteromorpha clathrata (Roth) J. Ag. in the Intertidal Zone on Guam.” *Botanica Marina* 21, no. 4 (1978): 207-220.
Matson, Ernest. A. “Water chemistry and hydrology of the ‘Blood of San Vitores’, a Micronesian red tide.” *Micronesica* 24, no.1 (1991): 95-108.
Peterson, Russell D. “Effects of Light Intensity on the Morphology and Productivity of Caulerpa racemosa (ForsskaI) J. Agardh.” *Micronesica* no. 8 (1972): 63-86.
Tsuda, Roy T. “Morphological, zonational, and seasonal studies on two species of *Sargassum* on the reefs of Guam.” In *Proceedings of the 7th International Seaweed Symposium*, Vol 7. (1972): 40-44.
*–––*. “Seasonality in Micronesian seaweed populations and their biogeography as affecting wild crop potential.” In *Proceedings of Republic of China–United States Cooperative Science Seminar on “Cultivation and Utilization of Economic Algae”.* Edited by R.T. Tsuda & Y.M. Chiang. Mangilao: University of Guam Marine Laboratory, 1982.
*–––*. [*Seaweed: Enteromorpha*](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweed-enteromorpha/). Guampedia.
*–––*. [*Seaweeds Overview*](https://www.guampedia.com/seaweeds-overview/). Guampedia.
University of Guam Water and Environmental Research Institute of the Western Pacific. [*Nutrient status of Tumon Bay in relation to intertidal blooms of the filamentous green alga, Enteromorpha clathrata*](https://www.weriguam.org/docs/reports/110.pdf). By Gary R.W. Denton, Carmen M. Sian-Denton, Lucrina P. Concepcion, and H. Rick Wood. Technical Report No. 110. Mangilao: WERI, 2005.
**Categories:** Natural Environment, Sea (Tasi)
---
### [Impact of Japanese Military Occupation of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/impact-of-japanese-military-occupation-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Japanese military occupation of Guam, from December 1941 through July 1944, resulted in a variety of political, economic and social impacts on the people of Guam that emerged for the most part during the post-war period.
**Content:**
# Impact of Japanese Military Occupation of Guam
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## Political, economic and social impacts
The Japanese military occupation of Guam, from December 1941 through July 1944, resulted in a variety of political, economic and social impacts on the people of Guam that emerged for the most part during the post-war period.
The most remarkable political impact was a change in CHamoru/Chamorros’ perception of the United States. Although the Chamorros had not always been receptive to the pre-war US Naval Administration, particularly due to discriminatory treatment, they generally held pro-American sentiments as they repeatedly attempted to obtain US citizenship. Their harsh wartime experiences with Japan, however, made their feelings more pro-American and strengthened their political dependency on the US.
Because Japan occupied Guam during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Chamorros now more clearly recognized Guam’s place in the international arena, specifically that the island is an important strategic location in the Western Pacific close to Japan, the US’s former enemy. Chamorros also came to understand the ambiguity of political status in the Micronesian islands (Japan’s former mandated territory surrounding Guam and, since 1947, a United Nations trusteeship) making Guam’s status as part of the US additionally important.
Recognizing these factors, the majority of Chamorros, both mentally and physically, have consistently supported a US presence on the island from 1944 to the present.
Pre-war Guam economy, though on a small scale, was semi-self-sufficient, exporting only copra. The economic damages caused by the Japanese occupation were, enormous. These included:
- a seizure of assets,
- an unreasonable low exchange rate of US dollars to Japanese yen,
- the exploitation of labor for land development plans and fortifications,
- shortage of food and life’s necessities and
- the destruction of homes.
Japan’s policy for nationalization of occupied lands, coupled with the US military landing, militarization and demolition of land during a fight to the death at the American retaking of Guam, caused great confusion as to land ownership and alienation of land soon after the US recaptured Guam. Much of the Chamorros’ agriculture and other lands that had been taken by the Japanese military during the occupation were re-defined as US military farms under the US Commercial Company (USCC) of the federal government. By 1947, these became the responsibility of the island Department of Agriculture.
The US Navy planned to obtain up to 75,700 acres out of nearly 140,000 total acres in 1945 through purchase, or condemnation (by writ of eminent domain), or lease from Chamorros to develop Guam into a substantial military base, second to only Pearl Harbor in the Pacific. The US was anticipating potential conflict with Communist China or the Soviet Union, or with both. This was in addition to 28,000 acres already owned by the US since the pre-war period, which had previously been Spanish crown lands surrendered to the US as a consequence of the Spanish-American War. The acquisition of land became possible during total post-war military rule and rehabilitation of Guam by means of US assistance.
As a result of Japanese military coercion and numerous atrocities against the Chamorro people, the Chamorros’ strong anti-Japanese views remained in post-war Guam, at least until the late 1960s when Japanese hotel investors began to be welcomed. Because the high-ranking Japanese military personnel who held rule over Chamorros were killed during the desperate fighting in 1944, civilian hostility was targeted at the Japanese residents who had immigrated to Guam in pre-war years. A few of these people collaborated with the Japanese military and were tried by the US Navy war crimes court. The Japan Club president, for example, who had been residing on Guam for forty years, was sentenced to death (later commuted to fifteen years imprisonment). Other Japanese residents who also had immigrated to Guam in the early 1900s were expelled to Saipan or Japan. More than 200 people with Japanese fathers and Chamorro mothers had to face in strong anti-Japanese sentiment in the post-war island community.
The Chamorros on Guam also directed their indignation toward the Chamorros from the Northern Marianas. Several Northern Mariana Chamorros had worked for the Minseibu (Japanese Navy Civil Administration Department) as interpreters and patrolmen and were seen by Guam Chamorros as “collaborators” of the enemy. In truth, however, the Northern Mariana Chamorros had been raised under the Japanese regime which had taken over those islands in 1914 from Germany and were a part of the Japanese military contingent.
Chamorros were torn by the situation as shown by the decision the islanders made regarding their future political status in a plebiscite held in the Northern Mariana islands on 5 February 1961. Northern Mariana voters favored political reintegration with Guam by sixty-five percent, though another thirty-four percent chose a separate territorial status for the Northern Mariana islands.
Eight years later, in a Guam plebiscite held 4 November 1969, fifty-eight percent of Guam voters said they were against reintegration with the Northern Marianas, though 42 percent voted in favor of it. Part of the reason for the Guam results, however, were also due to the mistaken belief by Guam’s leaders that Guam would carry the burden of improvements to the Northern Marianas infrastructure if the islands were re-unified.
The psychological impact of war on Guam residents still remains in the form of unpaid war reparation claims. The Allied Powers waived all reparation claims arising out of any wartime actions taken by Japan based on the Treaty of Peace with Japan (1951) signed between Japan and forty-five countries including the US. Because of this agreement, Guam is instead seeking reparations from the US.
War Claims were paid to the residents of Micronesia as they were considered to be a part of the Japanese Empire during the War.
As of June 2006 the House Judiciary Committee, US Congress, voted to approve $180 million in payments as war reparations to the Chamorro people from the US government. To date, there has been no further action on this bill.
[***By Wakako Higuchi, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/wakako-higuchi/)
## For further reading
Higuchi, Wakako. “Japan and War Reparations in Micronesia.” *Journal of Pacific History* 30, no. 1 (June 1995): 87-98.
––– *Remembering the War Years on Guam: A Japanese Perspective.* Submitted to the War in the Pacific National Historical Park, National Park Service, Guam. Mangilao: University of Guam, 2001.
––– “A U.S. Territory in Japan’s South Sea Islands: The Japanese Navy Administration of Guam.” PhD diss., Australian National University, 2006.
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era, WWII/Japanese Era: Politics
**Tags:** Impact of Japanese Military Occupation of Guam
---
### [Adoption of "Guamanian"](https://www.guampedia.com/adoption-of-guamanian/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** “Guamanian,” a term that evolved in the early years after World War II, was informally adopted as a means to distinguish between the Chamorros from Guam and the Chamorros from what is now the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. The Mariana Islands were first colonized by Spain following the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in the sixteenth century.
**Content:**
# Adoption of "Guamanian"
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## Adoption of "Guamanian"
“Guamanian,” a term that evolved in the early years after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), was informally adopted as a means to distinguish between the CHamorus/Chamorros from Guam and the Chamorros from what is now the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. The Mariana Islands were first colonized by Spain following the arrival of [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) in the 16th century.
The Treaty of Paris of 1898, in an effort to end the Spanish-American Wars, mandated the ceding of Guam to the United States, whereas, the rest of the Marianas were ceded to Germany, thus beginning a long history of geo-political divisions among Chamorros. While Guam remained under US military control up to the outbreak of World War II, the Northern Mariana Islands would be transferred from German to Japanese control during World War I. By the end of the second World War, the US would retake control of all the Mariana Islands.
In the years following the retaking of Guam by the US military in 1944, the military government commonly referred to the indigenous population as “natives” or “Chamorros.” But “Chamorro” did not adequately reflect the geo-political distinctions that in the previous century had put the people of the Marianas on opposite sides of political borders. Given the history of changing foreign administration of the islands, it was necessary for the military and media alike to distinguish between the populations of these two areas.
## Navy wanted new name for Guam Chamorros
The request for a new naming convention was thus initiated by the US Naval administration, and the question was posed to the local population via a series of informal polls and contests. By 1946, though “Guamanian” was never formally adopted, it was used in practice – the ramification of which was a social redefining of a population on the cusp of a new political era.
As Guam was being rebuilt in the post-war period, so too were its people being transformed in the wake of the war’s social, political, and cultural upheaval. Significant among these changes was the replacing of “Chamorro” with “Guamanian” – the de facto term for identifying Guam’s indigenous population after World War II.
## "Guamian, Guamese, Guamerican"
Deriving an identifying term from “Guam” yielded several possibilities, including “Guamian” and “Guamese.” Proposed by the Naval government, “Guamese” was vehemently rejected by Chamorros not just because of its Eastern connotations, but because of its similarity to the term “Saipanese” used to identify those from Saipan. In the two years immediately following the Japanese occupation, the island consciousness was still fresh with the memory of the Chamorros who suffered at the hands of the Japanese military. Blame for such suffering did not stop with the Japanese, however, and extended, perhaps more intensely, toward those who assisted them – in particular the Chamorros recruited from Saipan and Rota.
Instead, the Chamorros preferred “Guamerican.” Since the early years of US Naval administration, Chamorros from Guam sought US citizenship. Many regarded the merging of “Guam” with “American” as an apt reflection of Guam’s relationship with the United States. “Guamerican,” however, was rebuffed by the Naval government.
Given the contentions with these terms, “Guamanian” became the replacement term of choice. For roughly thirty years, the word was synonymous with “Chamorro.” It was a convenient term for the governing authority, and it was used interchangeably with “Chamorro” by Chamorros themselves.
## Long-time residents adopted name
By the late 1970s, however, the term whose definition was initially meant to identify Guam Chamorros had evolved into an increasingly inclusive and ethnically-ambiguous term. “Guamanian” uttered in popular dialogue has come to mean not just resident Chamorros, but also long-time residents of Guam who are not necessarily Chamorro.
Though the definition of “Chamorro” is itself a point of debate for many, what became clear by the end of the twentieth century was that the term “Guamanian” no longer sufficed as an apt identifier of the people it had initially intended to rename. Today, the term remains popular, though its use among Chamorros has noticeably waned in favor of its more explicit and ethnically distinct predecessor – Chamorro.
[***By Gina E. Taitano***](http://www.guampedia.com/gina-taitano/)
## For further reading
Perez, Cecilia CT. “A Chamorro Re-Telling of ‘Liberation’.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective).* The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
Taitano, Carlos P. “Political Development.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Adoption of "Guamanian"
---
### [Guam's Strategic Value](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-strategic-value/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The strategic significance of Guam is due to the enduring importance of its location and its topography to major maritime nations in the Pacific Ocean. Guam, some 30 miles long and 10 miles wide, is the largest of the Mariana Islands, an archipelago of high volcanic islands in Micronesia, a huge expanse of small islands scattered across the western Pacific.
**Content:**
# Guam's Strategic Value
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## Interpretive essay: Location, harbor proves worth
The strategic significance of Guam is due to the enduring importance of its location and its topography to major maritime nations in the Pacific Ocean. Guam, some 30 miles long and 10 miles wide, is the largest of the Mariana Islands, an archipelago of high volcanic islands in Micronesia, a huge expanse of small islands scattered across the western Pacific.
On the axis that crosses 5,000 miles of the Pacific between Hawai’i and Asia, Guam is the only island with both a protected harbor and sufficient land for major airports. Guam is also the largest landfall for communications, shipping, and military installations on the nearly 3,000-mile north-axis from Japan to Papua New Guinea and Australia. This geography means that whoever controls Guam has access by air and sea to China to the west, to Hawai’i and North America to the east, to Southeast Asia from the north and to Japan from the south. These geopolitical factors make Guam a valuable strategic nexus similar to other small island bastions in military history and maritime trade such as Hawai’i, Gibraltar, Malta and Singapore.
## Good stop for provisions
The importance of Guam was recognized by Spain after [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) made the first European landfall there in 1521 on the way to the Philippines and the first circumnavigation of the world. In the following decades Guam became a necessary stop for provisions for [Spanish Galleons](https://www.guampedia.com/european-exploration-trade-and-scientific-studies/galleons/) on their voyages from Mexico to Manila in pursuit of trade with China.
These stopovers led Jesuit missionaries in 1668 to initiate conversion of the native CHamoru/Chamorro people of the Marianas to Catholicism at first by choice and, after a rebellion, by force of arms (and to name the islands for Spain’s Queen Mariana). To protect the missionaries and its line of communications across the Pacific from other European powers, Madrid stationed solders on Guam under a military governor.
After defeating Spain in the Spanish-American War of 1898, the United States kept Guam as a part of a trans-Pacific line of communications (including the islands of Hawai’i, Midway and Wake) in a manner similar to the Spaniards to support the newly acquired Philippines. Guam was then needed as a coaling station for steam-powered ships. After the Americans neglected to acquire Spain’s other islands in Micronesia, another expanding military power – Imperial Germany – purchased the northern Mariana Islands and the rest of Micronesia from Spain in 1899.
## Close to Asia
World War I brought a modernizing and powerful Japan into Micronesia to replace a defeated Germany. The Japanese soon viewed Guam and the Philippines as obstacles in their southward march to gain access to the raw materials of Southwest Asia for Japan’s growing industries. Both Japan and America began to plan for war against each other (called War Plan Orange by the US Navy) with Guam an obvious target for Japan. In response, the Americans initiated human and radio intelligence gathering in Micronesia and Asia from Guam.
Strategic rivalries in the Pacific were temporarily calmed in 1922 by the Washington Naval Conference at which treaties were signed limiting the number of warships the five major naval powers could construct. Washington officials, to the dismay of the US Navy, agreed to halt any fortification of Guam for ten years. A geopolitical calm then settled over the western Pacific. However, the agreement was not renewed in 1932. And in 1941 the poorly fortified island of Guam was quickly taken over by the Japanese.
Having lost Guam, the Americans had to fight their way westward from Hawai’i and northward from Australia, in bloody battles across Micronesia. After the Americans re-occupied the Marianas in 1944, the islands became launch pads for their air assault on Japan that culminated in the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and Tokyo’s surrender. Thereafter the Pacific Ocean became – and remains – American, with Guam a Gibralter in the center of Micronesia.
During the cold war that followed, military bases on Guam were a deterrence against the Soviet Union in the American strategy of forward deployment around the edges of Asia. America used Guam to harbor nuclear missile submarines, long-range bombers, satellite and underwater cable communications centers, large facilities for electronic intelligence gathering, and stockpiles of conventional and nuclear weapons. Updated versions of these weapons systems and facilities remain in place on Guam.
Simultaneously, the federal government used Guam to serve American interests as a support base for the Korean War in 1949-53, a base for B-52 bombers in the Vietnam war of 1965-73 (and a haven for South Vietnamese refugees in 1975), as well as a logistical link to the U.S. base on Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean for the 1991 Gulf War and the Iraq War that began in 2003.
Throughout all those wars, the people of Guam remained loyal to the United States despite the fact that Guam is an American colony without full self-government. Now, as of 2022, Guam is being prepared for redeployment of a Marine Corps brigade from Okinawa, additional Air Force units, and regular visits from Navy aircraft carriers as America continues its strong presence in the Asian region.
[***By Robert F. Rogers, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-rogers/)
## For further reading
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Valle, Maria Teresa del. *The Importance of the Mariana Islands to Spain at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century*. Edited by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 11. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1991.
Webb, James H., Jr. *Micronesia and U.S. Pacific Strategy: A Blueprint for the 1980s*. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974.
Willens, Howard P., and Dirk A. Ballendorf. *The Secret Guam Study: How President Ford’s 1975 Approval of Commonwealth Was Blocked by Federal Officials.* Mangilao and Saipan: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Guam's Strategic Value
---
### [Guam's Political Status](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-political-status/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Since the claim by Spain over the Mariana Islands in 1565 and the settlement of Jesuit missionaries and conquest of the CHamoru people in the 17th century, the control and ultimate political fate of Guam has been the subject of war and political controversy.
**Content:**
# Guam's Political Status
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## Interpretive essay: Subject of controversy
Since the claim by Spain over the Mariana Islands in 1565 and the settlement of Jesuit missionaries and conquest of the CHamoru/Chamorro people in the 17th century, the control and ultimate political fate of Guam has been the subject of war and political controversy.
Today, Guam’s official political status is that of “unincorporated territory of the United States.” The people of Guam are US citizens and while they may acquire full political equality as individuals if they move to any of the 50 states, they are in a subservient political condition if they remain in Guam. They are unable to vote for president, select members of US Congress with voting power and congress can overturn any law passed in Guam and can decide which parts of the US Constitution apply to it.
This political status came out of the transfer of the authority over Guam from Spain to the United States at the conclusion of the Spanish American War in 1898. Guam, along with Puerto Rico and the Philippines, were ceded to the US. In subsequent court cases heard in the US Supreme Court, these areas were deemed “unincorporated territories” as opposed to “incorporated territories.”
Basically, the US Congress is given plenary power over the territories as outlined in the Constitution’s Territorial Clause (Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2). Unlike incorporated territories, the US Constitution does not fully apply and unincorporated territories are not destined for statehood. For individual residents of the territories, there is no automatic grant of citizenship and no clear path to political participation. In the Treaty of Paris that gave Guam to the US, it simply said that the “political and civil rights of the native inhabitants will be determined by Congress.”
Without a path to full integration into the American union and with a Supreme Court decision that gave Congress nearly unlimited authority, political progress and fulfillment took a backseat to national security interests in Guam. As such, it took fifty years of local agitation and the[ Japanese Occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) (1941 to 1944) to get Congress to pass the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) in 1950 that provided for a local civilian government and American citizenship.
The Organic Act provided for a measure of limited self-government that continues today and has been enhanced by congressional amendments that have added elected governorship, a non-voting delegate to Congress, a hierarchical judicial system similar to the states, and other improvements. But the ultimate fate of the island has yet to be decided and it is not clear how it will be decided and by whom.
## Political Status Commission
Influenced by events in other territories like Puerto Rico and the emerging discussion of various political status options for the surrounding Micronesian Islands (part of the old Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands), *I Mina Dosse Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/ the 12th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) passed Public Law 12-17.
The law created a Political Status Commission to educate the island on various political status options. *I Mina Tresse Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/ the 13th Guam Legislature passed legislation creating a new political status commission with an eye to holding a plebiscite in 1976. Guam’s political leadership was insistent on creating the opportunity for action since the surrounding islands, particularly the Northern Marianas, were getting serious attention from Washington DC in a series of negotiations that led to a new commonwealth. For all of its loyalty and years under the American flag, Guam was not getting the same deal as their neighbors to the north.
Unbeknownst to local officials, the Ford administration was [prepared to discuss the possibility of a new political relationship with Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/book-secret-guam-study/) under an arrangement no less favorable than that offered to the Mariana Islands. However, US Department of Interior officials were slow to move on the presidential directive that made clear the path to be taken. Guam held its political status referendum and the status “Status Quo with Improvements” won with 51 percent of the vote. Statehood received 21 percent and independence garnered five percent of the vote.
The direction of the island was not any clearer. Congress passed legislation authorizing Guam and the Virgin Islands to draft local [constitutions](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) to replace the Organic Act. This was seen as a progressive step, but did not alter the political status of Guam. A Constitutional Convention was called and after nearly two years of work, the electorate voted down the document in mid-1979. Many of its opponents argued that political status should come first, then the constitution.
## Commission on Self Determination
This vote seemed to fuel new energy for the political status efforts of local leaders. In 1980, the Guam Legislature enacted a new [Commission on Self-Determination](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-self-determination/) (P.L. 15-128) and this was the body that was going to lead the way in terms of holding another election and implement the choice of the people of Guam. Immediately, the first issue that the Commission dealt with was deciding the “self” in self-determination. The discussion was no longer limited to which political status was preferable, but rather who was going to participate. Quoting United Nations documents, the Treaty of Paris (which referred only to political rights of native inhabitants), advocates of CHamoru self-determination steered the discussion in a new direction.
The commission held four referenda. The first two were to decide which option to pursue. Statehood and commonwealth won in the first referendum with commonwealth beating out statehood which was seen as impractical. The commission then drafted a commonwealth measure to present to Congress. Rather than having the document discussed in process, it was decided to prepare and ratify the document in Guam before submission. The draft was ratified in two votes in 1987 and included provisions that would limit immigration, hold a CHamoru self-determination process and allow for mutual consent in changing the document. These provisions became bones of contention when Guam representatives had to deal with federal officials. Voting on the provisions in advance of submission to Congress made it difficult to engage in any serious “give and take” in discussions with federal officials, whether they were in Congress or in the Executive Branch.
The administrations of Guam Governors [Joseph Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) and [Carl Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/) made Commonwealth Status the cornerstone of their federal relations portfolios.
The document was introduced in Congress four different times under the leadership of Congressmen [Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/) and [Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) and received two hearings (1989 and 1997). Federal officials under the Bush and Clinton administrations were consistent in their opposition to CHamoru Self-Determination and mutual consent and the bills were never reported out of committee. The discussions between the Commission on Self Determination and federal representatives never yielded a final agreement.
In response to the lack of movement, the Guam Legislature created a [CHamoru Registry](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-registry-and-the-decolonization-registry/) for the eventual exercise of CHamoru self-determination with or without Congressional authorization. A new [Commission on the Decolonization of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-decolonization/) was established to move the process forward in advance of any formal discussion with the federal government.
## Status questions unresolved
Public support and interest has waned and political leadership has been uninvolved in the process. Felix Camacho, governor from 2003-2010, wrote letters to Congress about a potential new constitutional convention, but has not been active in either the Commission on Self Determination or Decolonization. Guam Congresswoman Bordallo has been silent on the matter to date. Governor Eddie Calvo says he will take an active stance on decolonization and reconvened the Commission on Decolonization. Members of the Commission attended and testified at two United Nations regional seminars in addition to three Decolonization plenary sessions at the UN in New York. Commission director Ed Alvarez said funding is currently being sought for a public education campaign to be followed by an eventual vote.
Today, the political status of Guam is basically the same as it was at the time the island was ceded to the US by Spain. Guam remains an unincorporated territory that is not on a track to statehood. There are many incremental steps that have improved conditions and federal-territorial relations are governed more by domestic concerns like inclusion in domestic programs rather than disputes over authority that can be resolved through political status.
But the desire for political fulfillment certainty will always be a feature of Guam’s ongoing relationship with the United States. At times, this desire will appear dormant while it will spring to life as it did in the 1930s and 1940s and 1970s and 1980s. But the issues remain difficult. Should there be a formal mechanism like a plebiscite to consult the will of the CHamoru people?
As the CHamoru population of Guam dwindles to less than 50 percent, the issue seems more urgent than ever. Does Guam have the right to independence and self-determination as the United Nations claims all small non-self-governing territories do? Is this right rejected by federal authorities? What will get federal attention in the near future?
[***By Robert A. Underwood, EdD***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)
## For further reading
*Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro* (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective). The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Willens, Howard P., and Dirk A. Ballendorf. *The Secret Guam Study: How President Ford’s 1975 Approval of Commonwealth Was Blocked by Federal Officials.* Mangilao and Saipan: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Guam's Political Status
---
### [Adventurers: Pirates on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/pirates-on-guam/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Although the word "pirate" is used in early documents, secondary literature on Guam’s history has also referred to these pirates as "adventurers," "buccaneers" and "privateers," all of which refer to the same profession of, among other things, preying upon and stealing from ships, with the primary objective being Spanish galleons carrying gold and silver.
**Content:**
# Adventurers: Pirates on Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Pirates, buccaneers, and privateers
Although the word “pirate” is used in early documents, secondary literature on Guam’s history has also referred to these pirates as “adventurers,” “buccaneers” and “privateers,” all of which refer to the same profession of, among other things, preying upon and stealing from ships, with the primary objective being Spanish galleons carrying gold and silver.
The term “buccaneer” originates from the Caribbean Islands and refers to pirates that attacked Spanish and later French shipping in the 17th and 18th centuries. A privateer was a ship authorized by a country to attack enemy shipping and by default those undertaking these attacks became known as privateers.
After a June 1668 royal order requiring all Acapulco originating galleons to stop at Guam in support of the Spanish Christian mission there, fires were kept burning at the highest points of Guam when the ships were thought due so that they would not miss the island. The fires, however, may have also helped attract pirates.
There are accounts of visits to Guam from the following “adventurers”: [Thomas Cavendish](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-thomas-canvedish/), [Oliver Van Noort](https://www.guampedia.com/oliver-van-noort/), [John Eaton and William Ambrosia Crowley](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurers-john-eaton-and-william-cowley/), [William Dampier](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-william-dampier/), [Woodes Rogers](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-woodes-rogers/), [John Clipperton and George Shelvocke](https://www.guampedia.com/john-clipperton-and-george-shelvocke/), and [William “Bully” Hayes](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-william-bully-hayes/).
[***By Nicholas J. Goetzfridt, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-goetzfridt/)
## For further reading
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia. A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 8-11. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1997.
Lubbock, Basil. *Bully Hayes, South Sea Pirate*. Boston: Charles E. Lauriat Company, 1931.
Madrid, Carlos. *Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877*. Saipan: Northern Mariana Islands Council for Humanities, 2006.
Preston, Diana, and Michael Preston. *A Pirate of Exquisite Mind. Explorer, Naturalist, and Buccaneer: The Life of William Dampier*. New York: Walker & Company, 2004.
Rogers, Woodes. *A Cruising Voyage Round the World: The Adventures of an English Privateer*. Torrington: The Narrative Press, 2004.
**Categories:** Adventurers, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Adventurers: Pirates on Guam
---
### [Adventurer: William Dampier](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-william-dampier/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** William Dampier was an English buccaneer, sea captain, chronicler (he kept a detailed journal of his travels), and scientific observer in the 17th century. Considered by his contemporaries to be an erudite sea tactician and well-read writer — a Renaissance man of the high seas — Dampier’s early career, however, involved piracy; the 28-year-old was a product of nationalist sentiment.
**Content:**
# Adventurer: William Dampier
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## Chronicler, pirate, scientific observer
William Dampier was an English buccaneer, sea captain, chronicler (he kept a detailed journal of his travels), and scientific observer in the 17th century. Considered by his contemporaries to be an erudite sea tactician and well-read writer — a Renaissance man of the high seas — Dampier’s early career, however, involved piracy; the 28-year-old was a product of nationalist sentiment. England had defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588, but Spain was left relatively untouched in her Pacific colonies to exploit the resources that continued to fuel the Spanish Crown.
That would soon change. Along with the infamous buccaneers — known as the Brethren of the Coast, as they called themselves — Dampier wreaked havoc among the Spanish when he first crossed the Isthmus of Panama in 1680, raiding their settlements along the West Coast of South America. After these initial New World successes, Dampier would continually haunt the Spanish until the early 18th century with intermittent attacks upon the lucrative Carrera de Acapulco between New Spain (Mexico) and the Philippines. Aside from piracy, history recalls Dampier as establishing precedent: He was the first European to explore and map parts of New Holland (Australia) and New Guinea; and, he was the first person to circumnavigate the world three times. His first round-the-world voyage took 10 years, beginning in 1681.
While traveling across the Pacific from the New World — some 7,323 miles — Dampier’s skill as a navigator aboard the British *Cygnet*, captained by Charles Swan, brought the ship and the crew to Guam after a swift 51-day run; food rations were low and the crew allegedly was ready to consume the officers. This was the first of two trips to Guam, at the time a Spanish-occupied seaport where on both occasions they were surprisingly well received, probably because the governor of the island wanted them off the island before the next Manila Galleon was ready to anchor and offload supplies.
A Spanish priest made the mistake of boarding the ship when he heard Spanish being spoken and was seized but kindly kept on the ship for the duration of the *Cygnet*‘s stay. Governor [Joseph de Quiroga](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=16031) had no other option but to accommodate Swan’s desire for supplies despite the scant resources on Guam at the time. The governor did, however, send out a boat to intercept a Spanish galleon arriving at Guam to inform them about the presence of the buccaneers. The galleon hastily sailed out to sea where it stayed following three days of struggling to free itself from a shoal. Dampier was particularly fascinated with breadfruit and with the swift [proas](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=841) of the CHamorus/Chamorros.
Dampier wrote:
> The Natives are very ingenious beyond any People, in making Boats, or Proes, as they are called. . . I do believe, they sail the best of any Boats in the World.
Swan became aware of the hidden galleon just before his departure for Manila but against the urgings of his crew and to the great relief of Governor Quiroga, Swan decided not to go after and plunder the galleon. Before he was released, the captive priest was given an astrolabe (an instrument of this era, used to make astronomical measurements, typically of the altitudes of celestial bodies, and in navigation for calculating latitude, before the development of the sextant) and a large telescope as gifts.
On one of his most notable voyages, Dampier documented his adventures in *A New Voyage Around the World.* Published in 1697, its content is best described by its subtitle: *Describing the World, Describing particularly, the Isthmus of America, Several Coasts and Islands in the West Indies. . .The South Sea Coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico.*
In 1699, shortly after the first volume of his voyages received critical acclaim, he was sent on a voyage of discovery to New Holland in command of the HMS *Roebuck* with a commission as captain in the British Royal Navy. This led to the printing of *Voyage to New Holland in the Year 1699*, which was added as a supplement to or, in most cases, bound with *A New Voyage Around the World.* He once again returned to Australia with another expedition exploring the South Coast of New Guinea and discovered New Britain and Dampier Strait before completing the second circumnavigation of the globe in 1701.
In 1708-1711, Dampier sailed with [Woodes Rogers](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=890) (a British privateer) as navigator on circumnavigation and privateer missions. On 11 March 1710, (some accounts state March 1), their four ships made their way to Guam after a 6,000-mile transpacific voyage. Anchored at [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), Rogers’ force of four ships included 200 battle-hardened crewmen and numerous guns that outnumbered the Spanish garrison and overwhelmed its governor, Juan Antonio Pimentel. Rogers was too ill to go ashore, but his officers were able to obtain 60 pigs, 99 fowl, 24 baskets of maize (corn), 44 yams, 14 bags of rice, and 800 coconuts before leaving 10 days later.
Dampier was an astute navigator and an able pirate, but it was his seven published works that influenced countless generations of people more famous than himself. His observations and analysis of natural history helped Charles Darwin and Alexander von Humboldt develop their theories. He made innovations in navigational technology that were studied by captains James Cook and Horatio Nelson. His reports on breadfruit led to William Bligh’s collection of Tahitian breadfruit, as well as his ill-fated voyage aboard the HMS *Bounty*.
Dampier’s crew member, Alexander Selkirk, inspired author Daniel Defoe who wrote *Robinson Crusoe, 1719*, which was based on the real-life accounts of Selkirk who abandoned Dampier’s ship on the uninhabited archipelago of Juan Fernández 400 miles from the coast of Chile.
***By [Bruce L. Campbell, MA](http://www.guampedia.com/bruce-campbell) and [Nicholas J. Goetzfridt, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-goetzfridt/)***
## For further reading
Bonner, Willard Hallam. *Captain William Dampier: Buccaneer-Author*. Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 1934.
Funnell, William. *A Voyage Round the World Containing an Account of Captain Dampier’s Expedition into the South-Seas in the Ship St. George, in the Years 1703 and 1704*. London: W. Botham, 1707.
Gill, Anton. *The Devil’s Mariner: A Life William Dampier, Pirate and Explorer, 1651-1715*. London: Michael Joseph, 1997.
Lloyd, Christopher. *William Dampier*. Hamden: Archon Books, 1966.
Norris, Gerald, ed. *William Dampier: Buccaneer Explorer*. London: The Folio Society, 1994.
Russell, William Clark. *William Dampier.* London: MacMillan & Company, 1889.
Wilkinson, Clennell. *Dampier: Explorer and Buccaneer.* New York: Harper & Brothers, 1929.
**Categories:** Adventurers, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Adventurer: William Dampier
---
### [Babuen Kuresma: Lenten Boar](https://www.guampedia.com/babuin-kuresma-lenten-boar/)
**Published:** December 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Modern-day Guam is a predominantly Catholic society. Some beliefs have passed through generations preserving the practices of the Lenten Season, one of which is of a mythological boar - the babuen kuresma - that will bite or harm children for infractions committed during the observance of Lent that lasts for forty days.
**Content:**
# Babuen Kuresma: Lenten Boar
 Balaku (Guam Wild Boar). Illustration by Ric Castro.
#### Table of Contents
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## Boar of punishment
Modern-day Guam is a predominantly Catholic society. Some beliefs have passed through generations preserving the practices of the Lenten Season, one of which is of a mythological boar – the *babuen kuresma* – that will bite or harm children for infractions committed during the observance of Lent that lasts for forty days.
## Lent a time of reflection
During Lent Catholics are supposed to be devout practicing silence, fasting and abstinence in order to reflect of Jesus Christ’s fasting in the desert.
Children are not allowed to play outside and and are told to refrain from making loud noise. An adult is expected to be quiet as well and should be serious, not playing practical jokes or have fun in general. When doing work outside and noise is unavoidable he or she should try keep the volume down as much as possible and minimize frenzied activity and extreme exertion. It is not proper to yell or scream, speak in loud voices, or laugh out loud. It is also improper to play music or sing, except religious verses such as those sung at rosaries or novenas. If a family has a party or a small social gathering, it must be subdued and not be filled with gaiety. All social activities become more rigid during Holy Week, and most especially on Holy Thursday and Good Friday.
If any of these warnings go unheeded, it is seen as gravely disrespectful and the child or adult are threatened that they will be visited by the Lenten hog, which will mercilessly bite and attack the offender. The Lenten hog is to be feared because it is mean and cruel. Some say the hog is a huge, hairy beast, with razor sharp teeth, large hooves, and that it runs very fast. Others say that no words can describe the animal other than it is so scary that they cannot remember the ordeal.
## CHamoru Catholic beliefs
The *babuen kuresma* is a figure in Christian belief but it is in the CHamoru/Chamorro belief system that it gains life. CHamorus have unique animistic beliefs, which animate and attach a collective soul to animals and objects in nature. This enables the *babuin kuresma* to incite true fear into the hearts of the young Catholic faithful, though belief in the Lenten Boar is less pervasive in contemporary times.
[***By Nathalie Pereda***](http://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J., and Janice J. Beaty. *A History of Guam*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
Onedera, Peter R. *Fafa’ña’gue yan Hinengge Siha (Ghosts and Superstitious Beliefs)*. Tamuning: St. Anthony School, 1994.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Symbolism
**Tags:** Babuen Kuresma: Lenten Boar
---
### [Adventurers: John Clipperton and George Shelvocke](https://www.guampedia.com/john-clipperton-and-george-shelvocke/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** John Clipperton, a British pirate who was made captain of one of the Spanish ships taken by William Dampier in 1704, came to the Marianas on his second voyage. He led a mutiny against Dampier on his first voyage and was later taken captive by the Spanish nobleman Marquis de Villa Roche in Panama for four years.
**Content:**
# Adventurers: John Clipperton and George Shelvocke
 The Success, a pirate ship under the direction of John Clipperton, got stuck in Humåtak/Umatac Bay in 1788 after charging the shore. Spanish soldiers fired upon them for three days from two forts, as shown in this illustration.
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## The Success
John Clipperton, a British pirate who was made captain of one of the Spanish ships taken by [Willi](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=887)[a](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=887)[m Dampier](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=887) in 1704, came to the Marianas on his second voyage. He led a mutiny against Dampier on his first voyage and was later taken captive by the Spanish nobleman Marquis de Villa Roche in Panama for four years.
In 1718 Clipperton became captain of the *Success* and another pirate, Captain Goerge Shelvocke of the *Speedwell*, was under his command. Clipperton, was by now an able captain. A group of London merchants, called the “Gentleman Venturers” financed a privateering expedition to cruise against the Spanish in the “South Seas.”
The *Success* and the *Speedwell* made the voyage from the coast of Mexico to the Ladrones (now Marianas) in 53 days, arriving in sight of the island of Saipan in 10 May 1721. They had lost six of their men and the rest were very weak. They decided to go ashore on Guam rather than Saipan as Guam was better known to Europeans as a place where they could most likely procure provisions.
## Seeking trade and ransom
On arriving at [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/), Guam, they were informed that the people could not trade with them without permission from the governor. Word was sent to the governor and a few days later a message came saying the ship should be given provisions if they behaved civilly and paid honestly.
A small boat arrived soon after, bringing on board some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy, fruit, and vegetables. A few days later the governor sent a handsome present of palm-wine, sugar, and brandy, with a large quantity of chocolate. Before long, though, things got out of hand. Clipperton had kidnapped his old Spanish enemy, the Marquis de Ville Roche earlier on the journey and offered him to the governor of Guam for ransom.
Shelvocke noted in his journal:
> Having agreed with the governor of Guam for the ransom of the Marquis de Villa Roche, that nobleman went ashore on the 18th May, accompanied by the agent, the first lieutenant, and the doctor; and the Success gave him a salute of five guns at parting.
>
> For six days after, the launch was continually employed in bringing wood, water, and provisions on board, during which time the governor requested to be supplied with some arms and ammunition in exchange, and accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him twelve fuzees, three jars of gunpowder, sixty rounds of shot, four pair of pistols, and several cutlasses, swords, and daggers. A letter was sent on board, demanding the jewels belonging to the marquis, some consecrated plate, and two negroes, who were Christians; as also requiring to have a certificate signed by the captain and officers of the Success, that peace had been proclaimed between Britain and Spain; besides which, this letter intimated that Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty were detained till all these demands were complied with.
>
> In reply, Captain Clipperton sent a letter, containing a certificate, that he had been informed by the Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili, that peace had been concluded between Britain and Spain; but threatning, if the agreed ransom for the marquis, and the two gentlemen now detained, were not sent off in twenty-four hours, that he would demolish all the houses on shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine Islands.
>
> Soon after, a letter was received from the governor, saying that he would pay for the consecrated plate, and desiring to have more powder and shot; to which Clipperton made answer that he could not spare any more. The yawl went ashore on the 28th for more provisions; but the people were told that no more could be had, unless they sent more powder and shot.
>
> Upon this Clipperton weighed anchor, headed closer to shore and fire was exchanged. The *Success* came in too close though, and got stuck in some rocks, becoming an easy target for the Spanish firing from the shore through the night. The *Success’* first lieutenant was killed and three others injured. Clipperton, by now quite overcome with liquor, was unable to command. Another officer took over and after three days of false starts got the ship afloat after all the while under attack from the Spanish on shore.
>
> The masts and yards were all sore wounded; and the carpenters had to work during the whole night, stopping-the shot-holes in the hull. They stowed away most of their guns in the hold, barred up the ports, hoisted in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steered away west under an easy sail, hoping to save their passage before the western monsoon set in; the carpenters being fully occupied in fishing the masts and yards, and the rest of the crew in mending the rigging.
>
> At six in the evening of the 31st May 1721, the body of the island of Guam bore E. seven leagues distant, and they then took their departure; being in 15 deg. 20’ N. designing now for China.
Shelvocke wrote that Captain Clipperton’s conduct at Guam was erroneous. He should not have allowed the marquis to go on shore until he had received the money for his ransom, Shelvocke said, and all of the provisions of which they sorely needed.
> The marquis had before behaved very ill to him, and had no title to any favour; and if he had kept the marquis, the governor of Guam would not have had any opportunity of putting his schemes in execution.
Shelvocke spoke harshly of Clipperton’s decision to attack Humåtak but forgave and pitied him as well.
> Clipperton committed also an egregious error in pretending to attack the town, and the ship in the harbour. Though drunkenness is rather an aggravation than an excuse for misconduct, yet it is to be considered that Clipperton was a mere sailor, who had not the benefit of a liberal education, and that he fell into this sad vice from disappointment and despair. On all occasions he had shewn a human and even generous disposition, with the most inflexible honesty, and a constant regard to the interest of his owners. He is therefore much to be pitied, for having fled to the bottle under a load of misfortunes too heavy for him to bear.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy)
## For further reading
Shelvocke, George. *A Voyage round the World by the way of the great South Sea, performed in the years 1719-1722*. London: J. Senex, 1726.
Skaggs, Jimmy M. *Clipperton: A History of the Island the World Forgot*. New York: Walker & Company, 1989.
**Categories:** Adventurers, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Adventurers: John Clipperton and George Shelvocke
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### [American Legion](https://www.guampedia.com/american-legion/)
**Published:** December 9, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The American Legion is a federally chartered veterans organization that supports veterans’ issues and engages in other community projects. The American Legion Mid-Pacific Post No. 1 was founded in Guam in 1930 under Naval Governor Willis Bradley. When the Guam Museum was first established in 1932, Governor Edmund S. Root authorized the use of a small building adjacent to the Plaza de España’s historic grounds fronting and surrounding the Governor’s Palace. The newly formed American Legion offered to manage it. Hiram W. Elliot, post commander, and Naval Chaplain Francis Lee Albert. Elliot hired Joaquin T. Aguon to help with the collections.
**Content:**
# American Legion
 American Legion, 1935. Guam Public Library System collection.
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The American Legion is a federally chartered veterans organization that supports veterans’ issues and engages in other community projects. The American Legion Mid-Pacific Post No. 1 was founded in Guam in 1930 under [Naval Governor Willis Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/). When the [Guam Museum](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) was first established in 1932, Governor Edmund S. Root authorized the use of a small building adjacent to the Plaza de España’s historic grounds fronting and surrounding the Governor’s Palace. The newly formed American Legion offered to manage it. [Hiram W. Elliot](http://www.guampedia.com/hiram-w-elliott/), post commander, and Naval Chaplain Francis Lee Albert. Elliot hired Joaquin T. Aguon to help with the collections.
At the opening ceremony of the Museum, a small collection of artifacts were donated which formed the foundation for a CHamoru/Chamorro exhibit. The Legionnaires spent their own time and funds operating the museum until 1936 when the Naval Government took over museum operations. The building was destroyed during the bombing of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** American Legion
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### [American Red Cross, Guam Chapter](https://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Congress chartered the Guam Chapter of the American Red Cross on 23 October 1916 with signatures of then President Woodrow Wilson, Secretary Charles L. Magee and American Red Cross Acting Chairman Eliot Wadsworth.
**Content:**
# American Red Cross, Guam Chapter
#### Table of Contents
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## Established in 1916
Congress chartered the Guam Chapter of the American Red Cross on 23 October 1916 with signatures of then President Woodrow Wilson, Secretary Charles L. Magee and American Red Cross Acting Chairman Eliot Wadsworth.
The first Guam Chapter Chairman was Governor William J. Maxwell (1914-1916) who launched the first Roll Call Drive with 100 percent success. More than $2,500 was raised for the War Fund in 1917 with the following year achieving more than $5,000, considered a large amount of money at that time. In 1918, the chapter provided food, clothing and shelter for typhoon victims nearly depleting its resources, yet four years later in 1922 the chapter successfully launched an appeal for starving Russians in Vladivostok.
In June 1923 the local chapter established a Junior Red Cross club with enrollment of 500 out of a total school population of 2,000 pupils. From 1924 to 1932, the chapter built a school-nursing program in response to health care concerns about school children and small children at home.
The Red Cross continued to grow and provided nursing services, its most active program, seconded by disaster relief.
Service came to a halt, however, on 10 December 1941 with the invasion of Japanese forces. The Guam Chapter was re-established in January 1947 with an all-volunteer staff. The 1950s brought on additional health and safety programs, a blood collection program and an organized volunteer services program.
The 1960s tested the strength of the chapter with the onslaught of Typhoon Karen in November 1962 and the increasing involvement of the US in Vietnam. A building fund was started in 1964 to provide a permanent home for the Guam Chapter. On 23 October 1969 the building, as it stands on Route 4 in Hagåtña today, was dedicated.
The 1970s the Guam Chapter took the lead in accepting tens of thousands of Vietnamese refugees at the end of the Vietnam War during Operation New Life. In 1976, Super Typhoon Pamela’s devastation cost the American Red Cross $11 million providing relief to the people of Guam.
The 1980s brought on a new villain which would require the expansion of Red Cross services, HIV – AIDS. The chapter launched its public education program about the infectious disease at that time. Through the 1990’s, the chapter provided food, shelter and energy assistance for the newly arrived citizens from the Federated States of Micronesia in Guam. It also provided disaster relief for victims of Typhoon Russ in 1990, Mount Pinatubo’s eruption in the Philippines in 1991, Typhoon Omar in 1992, Guam’s 8.1 earthquake in 1993, and Typhoon Paka in 1997.
The chapter repeated its fund raising success when it raised another $1 million after Typhoon Paka. More than $7 million was provided by the national headquarters to assist Guam residents for Typhoon Paka alone.
In 1997, the chapter was also re-chartered following a five-year national reorganizing process.
The Guam chapter provided assistance to fourteen Guam families after a flash flood in 1999. The following year the chapter spent $327,668 to provide local assistance, training and support to the community. Twenty-two families received direct disaster assistance and 118 children learned disaster preparedness techniques through the Red Cross Masters of Disaster Program. More than 2,000 emergency messages were delivered to 474 military families, approximately 6,000 people were trained in First Aid and cardio pulmonary resuscitation (CPR), 720 received aquatic and lifeguard training, and 385 people were reached through HIV/AIDS education.
More than 1,000 people gave their time to do the work of the Red Cross as instructors, board members, disaster volunteers and in numerous other capacities.
In July 2002, Typhoon Chata’an hit the island and 3,998 residents sought relief from the Red Cross. Disaster relief assistance amounted to $5,354,350. Six months later, in December 2002, 28,749 residents received assistance from the Red Cross after Super Typhoon Pongsona amounting to $17,772,291.
## Red Cross today
Besides providing disaster assistance the Guam Chapter assists families who are victims of single family disasters, processes messages to members of the armed forces, trains people in First Aid/CPR skills, offers aquatics and water safety courses, babysitting instruction and HIV/AIDS education.
The Guam Chapter, whose current executive director is Chita Blaise, has an active, dedicated, hands-on twelve-member board. As a volunteer-led organization, the chapter works hard in recruitment and retention of about 150 trained disaster volunteers that undergo regular training to upgrade their disaster assistance skills. These disaster-trained volunteers occasionally get deployed to assist in disaster operations across the nation. Some of the disasters where Guam volunteers were sent include the 9/11 bombing in New York City in 2001, Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the California wild fires in 2008.
The largest annual fund raising event for the Guam Chapter is the Red Ball, begun in 2001. It is held every year in October.
The Guam Chapter is connected to more than 750 chapters and 36 blood regions nationwide. Internationally. It partners with the International Red Cross and the Red Crescent Movement whenever a national society is afflicted with human suffering. Requests for assistance are channeled through partner societies for a unified response such as the Asian tsunami and the recent South Asian earthquake.
Volunteer opportunities are afforded to the youth to provide them hands-on experience in administrative skills and dental assistant training and empowering them to become trained in First Aid and earn credentials as Red Cross certified babysitters, lifeguards, water safety and cardio pulmonary resuscitation instructors.
Students from many schools provide community service at the Guam Chapter, including Academy of Our Lady of Guam, Bishop Baumgartner Memorial Catholic School, Father Duenas Memorial School, Notre Dame High School, John F. Kennedy High School, George Washington High School, Simon Sanchez High School, Harvest Christian Academy, St. Paul Christian School, Southern High School, L.P. Untalan Middle School and Evangelical Christian Academy. Students of the Department of Defense schools in Guam are active Red Cross volunteers who participate in volunteer opportunities at the US Naval Hospital Guam facility.
***By American Red Cross, Guam Chapter staff***
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** American Red Cross, Guam Chapter
---
### [Political Status Commissions](https://www.guampedia.com/political-status-commissions/)
**Published:** August 27, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the 1960s and 1970s, several formal entities were organized by the Government of Guam to help assess the island’s political needs and desires and its relationship with the United States. It was a time of change as Guam transitioned from naval rule to civilian governance under the Organic Act of 1950
**Content:**
# Political Status Commissions
View more images for the Political Status Commissions entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157634948286231).
#### Table of Contents
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In the 1960s and 1970s, several formal entities were organized by the Government of Guam to help assess the island’s political needs and desires and its relationship with the United States. It was a time of change as Guam transitioned from naval rule to civilian governance under the [Organic Act of 1950](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/). Island leaders had successfully pushed for an [elected governor](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) and a territorial non-voting delegate for the US Congress. But the question of what lay ahead for Guam and its people weighed on government leaders both on Guam and in the nation’s capital. The spirit of decolonization advocated by the[ United Nations](https://www.guampedia.com/united-nations-role-in-guams-decolonization/), especially in the 1960s, led many non-self-governing territories to seek new political statuses with their colonizing governments. Guam leaders decided to approach the question of Guam’s political status by examining the island’s unique situation and to educate themselves and the community on the various available political status options.
The Legislative Commission on Political Status (or the Political Status Commission) dates back to the early 1970s. There have been two legislatively mandated commissions—the first convened in 1973, and the second in 1975. Preceding the two Political Status Commissions were the Political Status Subcommittee of the First Constitutional Convention and the Governor’s Advisory Council on Political Status. Each of these groups pursued a greater understanding of Guam’s situation in the context of American colonialism and presented a grander vision of what Guam could achieve with a change in political status.
## Background
Although Guam has been a US possession since 1898, the island’s political status has always been anomalous. An appointed US military governor held all legislative, executive and judicial authority over the entire island and its residents up to the outbreak of World War II on Guam in 1941, and again from 1944 to 1950. Guam was occupied by Japan between 1941 and 1944.
The US Congress did not provide for an organized civil government until 1950 with the passage of the Organic Act of Guam. Through the Organic Act, the island’s status as an unincorporated territory remained, but US congressional citizenship and certain constitutional protections were granted to the people of Guam. The administration of the island was transferred from the Department of Defense to the Department of Interior. The Organic Act also established a legislature and a judicial system that allowed appeals in the federal court system under certain circumstances.
The Organic Act, however, did not grant full equal rights to Guam residents enjoyed by other US citizens. It took another twenty years before changes to the Organic Act (initiated by Guam) finally allowed the people of Guam to elect their own governor and US Congressional delegate. Although the island’s economic, social and political development was connected directly to Guam’s political status, island leaders were only able to obtain these piecemeal changes to the Organic Act. However, these movements toward more self-government and political changes across the Pacific in general continued to push local leaders to examine further the question of Guam’s political status and future relationship with the US.
In the aftermath of World War II, up to 1962, the island essentially was a military installation of the United States government, as it had been since 1898. While the Organic Act transferred the administration of the island from the US Navy to an appointed civilian governor, there were still many federal and military restrictions that affected Guam’s potential political and economic growth and development.
However, two events that helped change this were Typhoon Karen which devastated the island in 1962, and the lifting of the military security clearance also in 1962. The rebuilding and reconstruction of the island’s infrastructure after Typhoon Karen were possible through millions of dollars of federal relief funding made available by the Kennedy administration. Additionally, the lifting of the Navy’s security clearance allowed more free travel to and from Guam and helped pave the way for tourism and business, thus increasing economic development on the island. Guam’s population increased as well, growing by more than 40,000 over the following two decades, and becoming more ethnically diverse.
Urbanization and increased construction of housing developments and hotels had significant impacts on health, environment and local culture. The active military bases throughout the island demonstrated Guam’s continuing strategic military value and significant geopolitical role in the Pacific region.
It was also around this time that the islands of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) in Micronesia were negotiating their political statuses with the US and ending the United Nations trusteeship established in 1947. In the early 1960s, the UN resolved that all people have the inherent right to determine their political standing. In this spirit, countries and territories that had been under European control began to gain independence through the processes of decolonization. In Micronesia, the TTPI broke up into four entities, three of which eventually negotiated Compacts of Free Association with the United States—Palau, the Marshall Islands, and the Federated States of Micronesia (comprised of Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei and Kosrae)—which were finalized in the 1980s and 1990s. However, Saipan and the Northern Mariana Islands negotiated their political status rather quickly.
Although the unification of Guam with the Northern Marianas was discussed, the majority of Guamanians who participated in a special referendum in 1969 opted not to join their neighbors to the north. Instead, the Northern Marianas went on to negotiate their own political status with the US, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) emerged in 1978. For Guam’s leaders, witnessing the success of negotiations in Saipan only reinforced the idea that it was time for Guam to more actively and aggressively examine the island’s political status and to negotiate its political future.
## The Political Status Subcommittee, first Constitutional Convention
In 1968, at the urging of [Senator Richard F. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/), the 9th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) established the first [Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) to draft a constitution for the people of Guam. Taitano argued that the people of Guam had never had the opportunity to conduct a comprehensive review of the Organic Act or the changes that had been enacted by Congress since 1950. The Organic Act, according to Taitano, was essentially Guam’s constitution, and a commission should be established to examine the Organic Act and advise Congress of changes that the people of Guam wanted. Taitano’s bill became Public Law 9-244 and 43 members were elected to serve on the commission. However, rather than draft an actual constitution, the members discussed numerous changes to the Organic Act, as well as possibilities for Guam’s political status.
A subcommittee of the Constitutional Convention, known as the Political Status Subcommittee, held public meetings to discuss the various options for Guam’s political status, but it was apparent from these meetings that most people did not understand the different options, and others were uncertain what “decolonization” and a shift in status might mean for the island and its people. In a vote by the convention, the majority of members voted for statehood. This led the convention to affirm Resolution No. 19 which declared statehood as the eventual political status sought by the people of Guam. However, the discussions by the Political Status Subcommittee were not the main purpose of the Constitutional Convention and Resolution No. 19 was not presented as a recommendation. Indeed, the official recommendations that were made by the convention members largely were met with indifference by the federal government.
## Governor’s Advisory Council on Political Status
In 1970, the newly elected Governor of Guam, [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/), established the Governor’s Advisory Council on Political Status, to discuss the possibility of the reunification of the Mariana Islands. In fact, initial discussions about Marianas reunification had begun in the early 1960s, and since 1965, leaders from both Saipan and Guam had traveled back and forth frequently to engage in talks. The issue was brought before the people of the Marianas, and separate plebiscites were held in Saipan and Guam in November 1969. While Saipan voters approved reunification, Guam voters rejected it, and instead, each entity continued to pursue their individual negotiations with the US government.
## The first Legislative Commission on Political Status, 1973-1974
The first Political Status Commission was created through Public Law 12-17 by the 12th Guam Legislature in 1973. It was the first official body set up to address Guam’s political status as a specific issue. Unlike the previous Political Status Subcommittee and the Governor’s Advisory Council, the Political Status Commission was established to provide information to the general public about the legal and political status of Guam with the United States. The commission was chaired by Senator Frank G. Lujan and was comprised of nine senators, including: [Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), [Antonio M. Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/), Adrian C. Sanchez, Francisco R. Santos, [Richard F. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/), [Paul M. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/), Jesus U. Torres, and Paul J. Bordallo. An informational report was generated and released in September 1974.
The commission looked closely at economic, social and cultural factors that were impacted by Guam’s political status and relationship with the US. With assistance from the Stanford Research Institute, the commission prepared a formal report identifying changes needed to improve Guam’s economic and political growth and respect for the unique cultural heritage of the CHamoru/Chamorro people. In general, the informational report listed nine complaints against the US government and also called for a constitution and a committee to review the military presence on the island. The commission further suggested that Guam’s interim status be similar to the commonwealth status of Puerto Rico and the one being negotiated by the Northern Marianas at the time. The commission published weekly newspaper articles to highlight some of these issues.
The commission was challenged to move the issue of political status in the face of general indifference or inaction by the US Congress and a local community whose members were diverse in their desires and understandings of what a change in political status for Guam would mean. The commission asserted that Guam should have the right to self-determination and that the people of Guam must be consulted regarding any decision involving the island’s political status. In their report, the commission argued that the Organic Act did not allow the people of Guam to manage their affairs effectively with respect to the many federal regulations that constricted economic growth. The commission was also critical of the US military presence, arguing the military’s activities exceeded its national security interests, especially regarding the taking of land. Control over the island’s immigration policies and a careful review of federally-held lands were also argued for in the commission report.
The commission’s recommendation for the development of a constitution was seen as a way for the people of Guam to have greater control over their governance. The commission also recommended a review of the military presence by local government and federal representatives, hoping it would help control certain military activities that were seen as arbitrary, that were beyond security interests, or impeded the government’s ability to effectively manage its affairs.
Additionally, the Political Status Commission pointed out the need for a vibrant educational campaign to increase awareness about the issue of Guam’s political situation and relationship with the US. In their critical examination of Guam’s colonial relationship with the US—in light of people’s memories of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and American liberation, the ongoing conflict in Vietnam and the local media’s pro-American stance—the commission realized that any process for change would have to be gradual. With their recommendations, the members of the commission laid out a vision of Guam’s future driven by changes in Guam’s political status. They also laid the groundwork for more definitive plans for talking about these important issues and to address the challenges that lay ahead.
## The second Special Commission on Political Status, 1975-1976
The 13th Guam Legislature created the second Political Status Commission in 1975. The commission did not take a position on the ultimate status for Guam but was tasked with educating the public about the different political status options and to formally open negotiations with the federal government. Public Law 13-24, which created the commission, identified the specific problems the commission was to try and resolve, including shipping, immigration, greater regional participation and other restrictions to Guam’s economy as a result of the Organic Act or other federal controls. Unlike the first commission, the second Political Status Commission was comprised of 15 members from both political parties and two village commissioners (mayors). Republican Speaker Joseph Ada appointed four senators of the majority party and three members from the public-at large. The Democratic minority selected three Democrat senators and Democrat [Governor Ricky Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) selected three members of his administration. Republican Senator Frank Blas was selected as Chair of the commission and members included Edward Duenas, Thomas VC Tanaka, Jr., former Lt. Governor Kurt Moylan, [Dr. Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), and Democrats [Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), Adrian Sanchez, Francisco R. Santos, Edward Charfauros, Delfina Aguigui, James McDonald, Eugene Ramsey and Joseph Rios. PL 13-134 expanded the membership to include appointees from the Commissioners’ Council Gregorio A. Calvo and Roman Quinata.
Although the commission requested a federal representative, it was months before President Gerald Ford appointed the Director of the Office of Territories to represent the federal government. The Legislature had authorized the commission to be the sole representative for Guam during the negotiations. However, congressional delegate [Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), who was not consulted or asked to participate in the commission, introduced two resolutions to Congress asking the US government to consider a constitution for Guam and to form a separate commission to consider Guam’s political status. Won Pat’s actions were seen as an attempt to diminish the role of the Legislature’s Political Status Commission. In particular, Won Pat’s push for a constitutional convention without a specific political status chosen by the people of Guam created conflict between the Congressman and the commission. Unfortunately, the conflict between Won Pat and the commission was highlighted more in the media than the work of the commission itself.
Nevertheless, the commission prepared issue papers on political status, immigration and naturalization, shipping, air transportation, taxation and commerce, and US aid to Guam. The commission then polled the people of Guam as to which political status they would prefer. Again, Won Pat challenged the commission’s sole authority to negotiate on behalf of the people of Guam and requested the Congressional Research Service (CRS) to investigate the commission’s actions. The CRS concluded that the Political Status Commission’s authority to negotiate Guam’s political status was invalid because that authority lay with the Governor of Guam. The legislative commission could serve an investigatory purpose, but it could not represent the people of Guam in negotiations with the federal government. Despite these findings, the commission decided to go ahead and push for a federal negotiator while moving on with the educational campaign. Without the negotiating authority, however, any plebiscite put together by the commission was viewed more like an opinion poll.
The plebiscite coincided with the legislative primary elections in September 1976 and was the first formal expression of the people of Guam of the desire for change. Five options for political status were presented on the ballot. Eighty percent of eligible voters participated in the plebiscite with the following results:
- Status Quo: 8 percent
- Improved Status Quo: 51 percent
- Independence: 5 percent
- Statehood: 21 percent
- Other: 3 percent
“Improved status quo” referred to changes in portions of the Organic Act and other federal laws to improve the economic and social opportunities for Guam, while “Other” referred to other relationships with the US not specified in the ballot.
A month after the plebiscite, President Ford appointed Fred Zeder, Director of the Department of Interior’s Office of Territories as the US negotiator. Around this time, Won Pat’s bill calling for a second Constitutional Convention passed in Congress, and Zeder announced that Guam would be able to negotiate a political status package by 1977. The commission, still having reservations about a constitutional convention initiated in Washington, decided to support it, believing they would be able to take the lead in the negotiations. However, in October 1976, Gerald Ford was replaced by President Jimmy Carter and Zeder stepped down in January 1977, having met the Political Status Commission only once.
The Political Status Commission created by the 12th Guam Legislature in 1973 recognized that a Guam constitution alone would not be able to resolve all the aspects of Guam’s political relationship with the US and recommended instead a Federal-Territorial Relations Act to help consider those issues. Indeed, they believed, the development of a constitution should be directly connected to the process of determining a political status for Guam. Likewise, Won Pat’s alternate approach of a constitutional convention was seen by the second commission’s members as too inflexible to address the issues that required changes in federal law, such as foreign affairs, control of federal lands, immigration, labor and transportation. The constitution would merely replace the Organic Act without changing Guam’s status as an unincorporated territory, and maintain Congress’ authority over the island. The commission, therefore, continued to oppose the constitution process, believing Guam’s political status should be defined first and drafting a constitution should follow.
Over the next five years, the constitution process moved forward while the political status issue languished, but it would not go away completely. While the US government saw the constitution process as a step toward self-government, Guam’s leaders continued to request for a change in the island’s political relationship, a struggle that would continue with the next wave of political status initiatives.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/ "Dominica Tolentino")
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Political Status Commissions
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### [Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/)
**Published:** April 9, 2025
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Betel nut, known to Chamorro as pugua, can be viewed as a rich marker of cultural and social practice.
**Content:**
# Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects
#### Table of Contents
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Betel nut, known to CHamoru/Chamorro as pugua, can be viewed as a rich marker of cultural and social practice. This nut has played a key role in Chamorro cultural dynamics and family relationships. Its treatment since colonization has revealed tensions of cultural identity. Pugua can thus serve as a lens through which a variety of Chamorro cultural and social issues can be understood.
## International Areca
Areca catechu is the scientific term for the nut, although people worldwide use the term “betel nut.” This is due to the nut’s association with the betel leaf, Piper betle. Known to Chamorro as pupulu, the betel leaf serves as the wrapper when preparing a package for chewing. Areca catechu thrives in tropical climates and adapts to a wide range of soil types. It can be found in East Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, across tropical Asia, and the Pacific Islands.
Numerically, most of the world’s chewers are from the heavily populated region of South Asia. This includes the countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka where millions of chewers live. Many chewers can also be found in China’s Hunan Province, as well as in Taiwan and across Southeast Asia. The Indian diaspora has transported the Areca nut across the world. Chewers can today be found in countries from South Africa and Tanzania to England and Canada.
In Oceania, Areca catechu is believed to be native to Melanesia. Chewing across that region can be seen especially in the Solomon Islands, northern Vanuatu, and in Papua New Guinea’s coastal villages. Within the northwest Pacific, natives of Palau, Yap, and the Mariana Islands have long chewed the Areca nut.
## Areca catechu in the Mariana Islands
In the Mariana Islands, the nuts are grouped into two cultivars, red (ugam) and white (changnga). The mature ugam nuts are far more popular among Chamorro chewers. For much of Guam’s history, the typical chewing quid, or mama’on, was comprised of three parts. Typically, pieces of the husked nut would be topped with a small quantity of slaked lime (åfok). This would then be wrapped in pupulu, the piper betel leaf. Explorers’ accounts since the 1500s describe this three-ingredient quid. In recent years, however, the addition of lime is not common among Chamorro chewers, although reasons for its disuse are unclear. While tobacco is a common ingredient of the quid in the wider region of Micronesia, Chamorro rarely add it and have not generally done so throughout history.
Archaeological data from Guam’s Orote Peninsula area establishes that Areca catechu was an indigenous plant. It was present even before human settlement. Yet these studies suggest that pugua chewing was not common among pre-latte Chamorro. One study of burials dating from AD 590-1000 found only three percent of the human remains with betel stained teeth.
Excavations of latte era sites, on the other hand, demonstrate high rates of pugua stained teeth. Human skeletal remains show pugua stained teeth among almost all Chamorro. Chewing was enjoyed by both males and females, from teens through adults. These studies date the chewing of pugua then to at least 1,500 years ago.
Moreover, the staining of the teeth was regarded as a sign of beauty. Evidence from written accounts over a 400-year span confirms this. Observations by priests in the 1600s and 1700s identify stained teeth as a mark of beauty and majesty. An 1850 account by a visiting whaler stated that Chamorro women prided themselves on the bright-red appearance of their teeth, and a 1925 dental report shared the same observation.
## Social aspects of *pugua*
Extensive archival descriptions of pugua chewing among the Chamorro come from the 1819 account of a French explorer. [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) described pugua as something of necessity. It formed an important part of everyday life. It also appeared in ceremonial festivities surrounding birth, death, and marriage. As Freycinet documented in 1819,
“As soon as a marriage union was planned, the mother of the would be bride-groom or, in case of need, his grandmother or closest female relation, would arm herself with a box for betel (saluu) and pay a visit to the mother of the girl he had in view. On arrival, she would hasten to offer some of the betel she had purposely brought with her, before the hostess had time to offer her any of the usual betel. By starting her visit in this particular way, she immediately gave her hostess to understand that a marriage was to be discussed.”
By accepting the pugua offering, the bride’s family signified their approval of the marriage proposal.
The nut and betel leaf also function in the medicine chest of *yo’amte*, traditional Chamorro healers. For example, both the betel leaf and nut are ingredients to help treat infant teething. The nut and leaf are boiled to make a tea to sooth sore mouths or diarrhea.
In another medicine, the boiled juice from the young green nut can be used to treat vomiting. Commonly, chewers proclaim its benefits as an appetite suppressant and as an aide to alleviate stomach aches and headaches.
Negative remarks by colonial officials display their general disapproval of the custom. From the early 1900s, US Navy officials opposed the practice, even [US Navy Lieutenant William Safford](https://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/). While generally admired for his cultural sensitivity, Safford described pugua chewing as a disagreeable habit. By 1939, visiting anthropologist Laura Thompson observed that puguachewing was becoming less popular with younger Chamorro. She stated that due to the American influence, young people were now chewing gum instead. A Navy dentist in 1952 reported that many of his patients denied chewing because of social and cultural pressures to quit. These were part of the navy’s Americanization campaign.
Pugua has been present in the everyday life of the Chamorro people since the latte era. Its presence has been noted at births and deaths, marriages and funerals. Its use extends to herbal medicine, both among healers and the general population. In its versatility and easy portability, pugua opened doors to hospitality among strangers as well as among family and friends. Sharing pugua has been a common way to break the ice and slow the pace so that social interactions could occur.
***[By Anne Perez Hattori, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)***
**Editor’s note:** Parts of this essay were previously published as Hattori, Anne Perez, “Betel Mania, from Culture to Cancer: Digestive and Discursive Uses of the Betel Nut (Areca catechu) on Guam.” *Pacific Studies*, Vol. 41(3), 2018, 199-223.
## Betel Mania, From Culture to Cancer e-publication
## For further reading
Guam Homeless Coalition and The Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority. [*Guam Homeless Point-in-Time Count, 2013*](https://bsp.guam.gov/wp-bsp-content/uploads/govarchieve/G05-11.501%202013%20July_Guam%20Homeless%20Point-in-Time%20Count%202013%20Guam%20Homeless%20Coalition%20and%20The%20Guam%20Housing%20and%20Urban%20Renewal%20Authority.pdf). By Margaret Hattori-Uchima, Maosheng Ren, and Ana Joy Mendez. Mangilao: University of Guam School of Nursing and Health Sciences Faculty, 2013.
Hattori-Uchima, Margaret. “[Chuukese Migrant Women in Guam: Perceptions of Barriers to Health Care](https://doi.org/10.9741/23736658.1049).” *Asian/Pacific Island Nursing Journal* 2, no. 1 (2017): 19-28.
Hattori-Uchima, Margaret, Wood, Kathryn. “Nursing Leadership in Guam.” *Nursing Administration Quarterly* 43, no. 1, (2019): 19-25.
Hernandez, Julianne. [“Margaret Hattori-Uchima: University dean, health care advocate, ‘great’ mom.” ](https://www.guampdn.com/news/margaret-hattori-uchima-university-dean-health-care-advocate-great-mom/article_c44e1340-84fd-11ed-8bf5-93ac7a5dd52f.html)*Pacific Daily News*, 27 December 2022.
*KUAM News.* [“UOG Charter Month 2022: School of Health Dean Dr. Margaret Hattori-Uchima.”](https://www.youtube.com/watch?si=NnxTzUDRoXemvPjB&v=rinDvx-kGwc&feature=youtu.be) 23 March 2022.
*Pacific Daily News & Guam Women’s Chamber of Commerce*.[ “Top 25 Most Influential Women on Guam 2025: Dr. Margaret Hattori-Uchima.”](https://www.guampdn.com/eedition/page-a31/page_89440e1a-ff6d-5879-a578-224f75e1d536.html.) 7 March 2025.
Paulino, Yvette, C., Margaret Hattori-Uchima, Laura E. Buback, Teofila P. Cruz, Annette L. Aguon, Carlos R. Taitano, Michael J.A. Reid. “Guest essay: Guam experience and lessons for responding to epidemic threats—Academic institution fosters collaborations/multisectoral approach for COVID outbreak and vaccine preparedness.” In *Outbreaks, Epidemics, and Health Security: COVID-19 and Ensuring Future Pandemic Preparedness in Ireland and the World.* By Sebastian Kevany and Aoife Kirk. Cambridge: Elsevier Academic Press, 2022.
**Categories:** Dr. Anne Perez Hattori Collection, Featured, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Burial Practices](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-burial-practices/)
**Published:** February 11, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** One of the distinguishing features of our humanity is the way in which people treat and understand death. Death is not only the end of a living organism’s biological functions, but entails a variety of cultural responses and ritual activities that go beyond recognizing the end of an individual’s life.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Burial Practices
View more images for the Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Burial Practices entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157625636029774/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Burial practices and culture
One of the distinguishing features of our humanity is the way in which people treat and understand death. Death is not only the end of a living organism’s biological functions, but entails a variety of cultural responses and ritual activities that go beyond recognizing the end of an individual’s life. These responses and rituals reflect a particular society’s cultural beliefs, values and understandings about death and dying. As a cultural universal, the ways in which people prepare for death, engage in rituals of mourning, manage the deceased individual’s physical remains, and express the spiritual beliefs or notions of what happens after death are all part of the complex of activities and meanings that are associated with the final phase of human life.
Studying rituals and practices surrounding death can reveal much about a social group’s culture, history and spiritual beliefs. For example, today on Guam, many of the rituals and beliefs about death and the afterlife are rooted in the traditions of the Roman Catholic Church, which the Spanish established among the CHamoru/Chamorro people beginning in 1668. However, considering the Mariana Islands had been occupied for thousands of years, the ancient inhabitants surely had rituals and beliefs concerning death that preceded the influence of Christianity.
Archeological records and early Spanish missionary accounts provide information about the practices of the ancient islanders. Although the meanings and customs surrounding death may have changed for the CHamoru people, the deep respect for the dead and the communal response to grieve, console and commemorate a loved one remain. Interestingly, the practices that many CHamorus are familiar with today—wakes (*bela*), rosaries (*lisayo*), funeral Masses, burials, *ika’* (monetary gifts) and even the food prepared for these occasions, demonstrate the mix of Christian and CHamoru traditions that resulted from many years of [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/).
Questions remain, however, as to how the CHamoru people treated their dead before Christianity became infused with their beliefs, and what kinds of changes in burial practices occurred over time.
## Prehistoric burial practices on Guam
In every human society the treatment of the dead reflects in some way the social, political, and spiritual character of that society. The study of prehistoric burial practices offers unique insights into aspects of prehistoric life that often cannot be recognized by any other means. This is particularly relevant in regard to the ancient CHamorus, who left very few clues as to the nature of their ancient society and their belief systems.
Archeologists on Guam have examined hundreds of prehistoric burials at [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) sites (AD 1000 to AD 1521) and, to a lesser extent, the earlier Pre-Latte period sites (500 BC to AD 1000). By analyzing these burials, much has been learned about the ways of life of the ancient people, including their burial, or mortuary practices.
## Funeral rituals
We know little of the rituals that accompanied the burial of the dead because evidence of rituals rarely survives in the archeological record. However, an account of a funeral and burial in the early 17th century by [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), a Spanish friar who lived among the CHamorus in Rota, indicates that interment or burial of the deceased involved elaborate rituals and customs.
## Latte period burials
Ancient burials can be found throughout Guam and the Northern Marianas, although the majority of burials have been encountered along the coastline, where permanent densely occupied prehistoric villages once existed. Latte Period burials are often found in groups that cluster in the vicinity of [latte structures](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)―large monoliths of coral or stone arranged in parallel pairs―which may indicate that the clustered individuals were related by clan. Because many people were eventually buried in the same areas over a long period of time, new graves sometimes intruded upon earlier burials, which resulted in mixing (or “commingling”) and scattering of skeletal remains.
Latte Period people were typically buried in a supine position (on the back) or leaning to the side. Their legs could be extended, flexed, or semi-flexed. Some are so tightly flexed that they appear to have been wrapped for burial. They are often found with their heads directed inland, their feet towards the coast.
Some studies have suggested that children and adults were buried in separate areas. There is no concrete indication, however, that men and women were buried in separate areas. Unlike pre-Latte burials, Latte Period people did not typically bury their dead with grave goods or funerary objects, although there have been occasions where slingstones, a fishhook, or other items were buried with the body.
## Feet Towards the Sea
It has been suggested that this practice may have important symbolic meaning, although what the exact belief is has not been made clear in either archeological studies or missionary accounts.
In modern-day Guam, this practice – burying the dead with feet towards the coast – has continued with several cemeteries set up this way.
## Bone collection
The retrieval of bones from a deceased body after the soft tissue has deteriorated is evident in many Latte Period burials. The skull or long bones (most commonly the tibia or shin bone) were extracted from the earth after individuals had been buried for a period of time. The long bones were often crafted into speartips, fishhooks or other tools, but it is not known how the skulls were used. [Professor Marjorie G. Driver](https://www.guampedia.com/marjorie-g-driver/) of the University of Guam Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center who translated several Guam-related Spanish historic documents, relates a historical account of the skulls being used for [ancestor veneration](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-ancestor-worship/) and for both good and bad luck. Often, skeletal elements were reburied, resulting in what is known as a “secondary burial.”
## Pre-Latte burials
### Naton Beach Burials
Pre-Latte burials were rarely seen on Guam until excavations in 2007 at Naton Beach in[ Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) revealed more than 200 individuals dating from the Pre-Latte period. The Naton burials represent the largest and best preserved early mortuary population yet identified in Micronesia. In comparison with more recent prehistoric burial populations, the early Naton Beach skeletons exhibit significant differences in the use and placement of artifacts and treatment of the human remains.
For example, the Naton Pre-Latte people consistently buried their dead in a fully extended, supine position, with the arms at their side which is in sharp contrast to the Latte Period pattern that shows much more variability. What the Pre-Latte at Naton and Latte people have in common is the tendency to point the feet towards the sea.
At Naton, numerous grave goods were associated with the Pre-Latte interments, including ceramic vessels, shell bead necklaces, shell bracelets, stone adzes, shell adzes, stone pestles, shell fish gorges, stone net sinkers, large unmodified oyster shells, a shell fishhook, and a shell net sinker.
### Fiesta Resort Burials
Several burials examined at the Fiesta Resort Guam (formerly the Dai Ichi Hotel) site in Tumon were associated with radiocarbon dates and pottery from the 1st millennium AD, although the burial practices there were different from those noted at Naton Beach. Four individuals had been buried in a seated or reclining position, with legs crossed. Burial had Latte and Pre-Latte pottery sherds nearby, which made the age of the burial unclear. This particular burial consisted of the partial, articulated remains of an adult male who had been buried in a seated position facing east, with legs tightly flexed, feet adjacent to one another and the knees spread wide. Extra bones―a skull, two mandibles, three arm bones (two radii and one humerus) and two upper leg bones (femurs) representing four other people had been stacked between his knees. The intrusive bones appeared to have been placed there at the time of his burial and were probably already skeletonized.
## Canoe burials
At Latte Period sites on the west coast of Guam, nine human skeletons were discovered within canoes that had been used as coffins. Although only very small fragments of the actual wood from the canoes remained, archeologists were able to define the shapes of these canoes in the soil surrounding the human skeletal remains. In several instances, canoe burials were defined by concreted beach sand clearly in the shape of a canoe. The unintentional development of the concreted matrix may have occurred over time, as occasional soaking of the buried boat resulted in the dissolution of the organic material (from the corpse) while at the same time concentrating and containing limestone and sand that eventually became cemented around the skeleton.
There is little variability in the dimensions of the canoe containing the burials. Lengths of the mortuary “vessels” averaged 2.32 meters (7 feet 7 inches). Shapes were varied; ends were rounded, triangular, rectilinear or square, and were semicircular in cross-section. Maximum breadth averaged 0.4 meters (1 foot 3 inches), while height and thickness of the canoes average 0.3 meters (9 inches).
The recovery of small fragments of breadfruit from one of the canoes suggests that breadfruit trees were used for canoe construction, in at least this instance. Analysis of microscopic plant remains recovered from these burials has revealed a high concentration of pandanus, suggesting matting or wrapping material was used for the bodies.
The canoe burials on Guam were recovered from Latte Period villages with burial clusters and habitation (housing) structures close by. No young children have been found in canoe burials, but otherwise, there does not appear to be a relationship to age or to sex. Of the nine canoe burials known thus far, six are females and three are males. Three of the females were in their late teens, and three were between 30 and 45 years old. Two of the males were in their mid-teens; one was 35-40 years old. The social significance of the comparatively rare mortuary treatment of the canoe burial is not known.
[***By Joanne Eakin, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=10199)
## For further reading
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na. Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. By Scott Russell. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 32. Saipan: CNMIHPO, 1998.
Coomans, Peter. *History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands: 1667-1673*. Translated by Rodrigue Lévesque. Occasional Papers Series, no. 4. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
DeFant, David G., and Joanne Eakin. “Preliminary Findings from the Naton Beach Site, Guam.” Paper presented at the Pacific Island Archaeology in the 21st Century Conference, Koror, Republic of Palau, July 2009.
DeFant, David G., Joanne Eakin, and Lynn R. Leon Guerrero. *Archaeological Monitoring and Data Recovery, Fiesta Resort Guam Improvement Project.* Maite: Paul H. Rosendahl, PhD, Inc., 2008.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Graves, Michael W. “Organization and Differentiation within Late Prehistoric Ranked Social Units, Mariana Islands, Western Pacific.” *Journal of Field Archeology* 13, no. 2 (1986): 139-154.
Paul H. Rosendahl, PhD, Inc. *Tumon Bay Hyatt Hotel Archaeological Data Recovery, Tumon, Tamuning Municipality, Territory of Guam.* By E. Melanie Ryan, Bradley J. Dilli, and Alan E. Haun. Report No. 797-090999. Hilo: PHRI, 1999.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Burial Practices and Beliefs, Chamorro Culture, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Burial Practices
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### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Concepts of Beauty](https://www.guampedia.com/concepts-of-beauty-in-ancient-chamorro-society/)
**Published:** December 15, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Beauty as a cultural concept. Different cultures have different ways of defining and understanding “beauty.” In general, beauty is a characteristic of a person or object that people find appealing. Beauty evokes an experience of pleasure or satisfaction.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Concepts of Beauty
#### Table of Contents
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## Beauty as a cultural concept
Different cultures have different ways of defining and understanding “beauty.” In general, beauty is a characteristic of a person or object that people find appealing. Beauty evokes an experience of pleasure or satisfaction. People often compliment or emulate (imitate) what they perceive as beautiful, whether it’s following the latest clothing fashion trends, adopting particular hairstyles or using body ornamentation, such as wearing jewelry or other decorative accessories. Sometimes, people modify their bodies, such as tattooing their skin, or inserting objects to change the shape of their lips or earlobes, as custom or tradition dictates.
Because our ideas of beauty vary from culture to culture, we can say that beauty is culturally constructed. In other words, how an individual conceptualizes what is beautiful depends largely upon the accepted preferences of the individual’s social group or cultural upbringing. In fact, the cultural traditions of a society often present the occasions, contexts and meanings in which certain styles of clothing, costumes and body modifications are appropriate and for whom. For example, a society may decide that it is appropriate only for men, and not women, to wear tuxedos for formal occasions such as weddings, proms or awards banquets. Scary costumes in the United States are worn on October 31st or Halloween. On Guam, young children receiving the rites of baptism into the Catholic Church are dressed in white gowns. Indeed, rules like these reflect what a society considers proper or acceptable in a particular social context.
What one group considers beautiful may be seen as ugly or offensive to another, but again, these are based on each society’s cultural ideals and values. For example, when the Spanish first arrived in the 16th century, they were taken aback by the nakedness of the CHamoru/Chamorrro people and often wrote about the way they wore their hair or colored their teeth black in disparaging or unfavorable descriptions. When the CHamorus began to dress in Western style clothing, they favored those pieces that they deemed beautiful or most European, such as breeches (pants), sleeved vests, silver rings and earrings.
Not only do our notions of beauty and fashion vary from culture to culture, but they also change over time. Styles come and go as our ideas of what is beautiful or appealing are modified or evolve. While today, we follow the fashion trends of Western culture, with its corresponding rules of “proper” dress for men, women and children, sometimes, even these rules can get blurry.
But what might the ancient CHamorus have considered beautiful or fashionable? What did they wear? How did men and women decorate their faces, hair and bodies, and how did their appearance change over time? Archeological records and early accounts by Spanish explorers to the Mariana Islands give some answers to these questions.
## Hairstyles and teeth staining
Records of ancient CHamoru lifestyles go back to the early contact period, beginning with[ Ferdinand Magellan’s](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/ "Ferdinand Magellan") visit of 1521. Archeology reports from excavations substantiate some of these observations and provide additional information.
The explorer Ferdinand Magellan was the first recorded European to make landfall in the Marianas in 1521 during his circumnavigation of the globe. Antonio Pigafetta, who chronicled the visit, first described the natives they encountered as naked, and that some of the men were bearded. According to Pigafetta, both men and women had black hair that reached to the waist or longer. They also wore small hats woven from palm leaves. Their teeth were red and black, which they considered most beautiful. Although the women were mostly naked, they did cover their pubic area with a narrow strip of paper thin bark, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm. In addition, they anointed their bodies and hair with coconut and “bene” seed oil.
The description of the CHamoru practice of coloring their teeth red or black was a reference to their chewing of betel leaf (*Piper betel*), [areca (betel) nut](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/ "Betel Nut: Cultural and Social Aspects") (*Areca catechu*), and quicklime, which produces a bright earthy red juice and stains the mouth red. Over time the juice stains the teeth black. Archeological research has found a few examples of blackened teeth with decoration etched in the tooth surface. An account from the Loaysa expedition in 1526 stated that CHamorus blackened their teeth with the sap of a certain plant, unknown to the writer. Another account from 1590 described the teeth as being:
> …sharpened like those of a dog and more so, and they stain them with a red varnish that cannot be removed and which is to preserve their set of teeth; they never lose one tooth no matter how old they are. Others stain them black, which has the same property as the red \[varnish\].
Jesuit priest Father Peter Coomans described the process of staining a woman’s front teeth which was practiced in the 1670s:
> In order to do this, they spend some sweat; they mix black coloring with some gum to make it long lasting. They often reserve an entire day to anoint that one tooth; nevertheless, this care and above all this time, taken for this unction will take up as many as fourteen days, during which time the teeth must not touch anything. That is why they suffer a continuous torment, with only a funnel, to give sustenance to their body, so as not to die. When the effect has been obtained, the neighbors and friends organize a formal feast…
## Body coverings
Although the CHamoru people were described as naked, the Loaysa account of 1526 further elaborates on the description of women’s body covering. While the men walked around “naked in the flesh, exhibiting their natures,” the women covered their pubic area with some tree leaves held in place by a string around their waist. The leaf:
> … swings from side to side in front of their nature. Because sometimes the wind carries away that leaf, they always carry other leaves as spares.
[Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), a missionary who lived among the Chamorros in Rota in 1602, wrote that:
> Only the females who are more than eight or ten years old wear an appropriate piece of turtle shell or a plant leaf the size of one’s hand to cover their nakedness.
Yet, a report by [Fray Antonio de los Angeles](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-antonio-de-los-angeles/), another missionary who had lived among the CHamorus in 1596, stated that the women wore a type of matting below the waist. This suggests that their clothing, in some situations, might have been more substantial than a piece of bark fiber, as initially described by Pigafetta.
## Changes in hairstyles
It seems likely that the CHamoru people, in the few years after [European exploration](http://www.guampedia.com/category/exploration-trade-scientific/) in the Marianas began, exhibited changing hairstyles. A report in 1535 by Augustinian priest [Andres de Urdaneta](http://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-andres-de-urdaneta-2/), who traveled with the Loayasa expedition, states that:
> Both women and men wear their hair very long and loose.
However, a change in hairstyles apparently occurred between this report of 1535 and an account from the English privateer [Thomas Cavendish](http://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-thomas-canvedish/)’s visit in 1588, which described the CHamorus as:
> …wearing their haire marveilous long; yet some of them have it made up and tyed with a knot on the crowne, & some with 2 knots….
A few years later, it seems apparent that CHamoru women were also practicing techniques to change their hair color, primarily by bleaching. Fray Juan Pobre’s account notes that:
> …the men like their hair to be very black; the women, however, have very flaxen hair.
Since Pigafetta’s account states that both the men and women wore their hair long and black, it may be assumed here that the “flaxen-haired” women of Fray Juan Pobre’s time were practicing a fashion of this particular period, eighty years later. Father Peter Coomans’ writing of the 1670s describes the way women bleached their hair:
> They anoint the whole head and their hair with a mixture of lime and oil, then expose themselves to the burning rays of the sun at noon, for hours, rather, for days on end. Whenever the head is burning hot, they sprinkle it with sea water, if you look at it, you show your appreciation.
Historian Father Francisco García’s description of the people in 1668 (based on Father Diego Luis de San Vitores’ and other missionary reports) also says that the women bleached their long hair white. He also noted that the only clothing women wore was an apron of thin bark called *tifi’* \[which means “pick” *v*.\]. It is also from García’s account that we get the first description of the topknot worn by men, which is often depicted in modern artistic renderings of CHamoru warriors, including the statue of [Chief Quipuha](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/) in Hagåtña. García stated that:
> The men do not wear long hair, but shave their head leaving only a small topknot on the crown, about the length of a finger.
## Other ornamentation
De Los Angeles (1596) remarked upon the native practice of anointing their bodies with coconut oil as protection from the rain. He further noted that upon entering one’s home, the visitor was given hot water with which to wash their feet. Fragrant flower garlands for women and the use of coconut oil for both sexes indicate that smell as well as visual enhancement of the body was valued.
## Continuity and change
These descriptions of the CHamoru people span a period of over 150 years, beginning with Pigafetta’s account of 1521 and encompassing García’s writing, which described the early missionization period of 1668 to 1681. An analysis of the various descriptions can give us a general picture of continuity and change within the culture over several generations, during the time when colonization had not yet changed practices to a great extent.
To summarize, the general consensus throughout these accounts was that CHamorus were generally light-skinned, the men being darker than the women because of their greater exposure to the sun. They were generally robust and healthy people, who were somewhat larger than the average European.
Although hair fashions changed, accounts throughout this period emphasize that blackened teeth were considered beautiful. It is not clear whether men also consistently blackened their teeth throughout this time span, although constant betel nut chewing would create this effect in both sexes. By 1670, it seemed to be a prevalent practice among women, although that does not rule out men from also participating.
Observations in 1521 described both men and women as wearing their hair very long and black. Some men had beards, which are not mentioned in later descriptions. In 1588 men were observed tying their long hair into one or two buns at the top of their heads. By 1668, men’s fashion had changed to that of shaving their heads except for a short topknot about the length of a finger at the crown of the head. Beginning in 1602, women were observed with bleached hair, a practice which persisted until at least the 1670s.
Throughout this time span, men were described as being completely naked. Women were sometimes described as naked, but usually were observed wearing at minimum a leaf (*tifi’*) attached to a cord around their waist, or a piece of paper thin bark (*gunot*) which covered their private parts. In 1596 they were observed wearing a piece of matting which covered them from the naval down. The use of turtle shell plates as an apron suggests that status determined some forms of body covering.
*[**By Judy Flores, PhD**](http://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/)*
## Did you know?
***Ornamentation*** – Some of the more interesting body ornamentation practices of the CHamoru people include teeth blackening, teeth etching, hair whitening, and body enhancements with oils and fragrances. All of these have been described in letters and reports by early explorers and missionaries.
***Aesthetics*** – This dark coloration of the teeth was considered very beautiful by the CHamorus, especially women, although the missionaries could not fathom why they felt this way. Nevertheless, this is a good example of cultures that come in contact with each other might have different ideas about what is aesthetically appealing or not.
***Sight & Smell*** – Jewelry and other body ornaments were not only considered prestige items that could be used as currency, but were also used and admired for their beauty and craftsmanship. Shell necklaces and belts of strings of Spondylus shells, or as well as turtle shell chains, pendants, breastplates and tifi’―which covered women’s pubic area―were highly prized, especially by elite CHamorus.
CHamorus’ notion of beauty not only appealed to the sense of sight, but also to the sense of smell. Indeed, the scent of fresh flower garlands and coconut oil was greatly appreciated.
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. “The Account of a Discalced Friar’s Stay in the Islands of the Ladrones.” *Guam Recorder* 7, no. 1 (1977): 19-21.
–––. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series no. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-6. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1995.
Nowell, Charles E., ed. *Magellan’s Voyage Around the World: Three Contemporary Accounts*. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1962.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** ancient chamorro
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### [Ko’lao yan Fattoigue: Custom of Bringing a Gift of Food](https://www.guampedia.com/kolao-yan-fattoigue/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The term ko’lao yan fattoigue refers to the customary practice of bringing food to someone with whom you are visiting. Oftentimes, the visitor and the visited share the food and couple it with conversation.
**Content:**
# Ko’lao yan Fattoigue: Custom of Bringing a Gift of Food
 Offering food. Illustration by Raph Unpingco, 2010.
##### Share This
## Culture of reciprocity
The term *ko’lao yan fattoigue* refers to the customary practice of bringing food to someone with whom you are visiting. Oftentimes, the visitor and the visited share the food and couple it with conversation. Besides referring to a general custom of socializing over food, this term and practice is redolent with the workings of custom of [*chenchule’*](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/), or the system of reciprocity at the heart of CHamoru/Chamorro culture.
Especially if one is visiting an ill person or someone who is busy at work, common knowledge counts this as significant among those social norms known as *kustumbren CHamoru*. In the case of the former, the food that is brought is not necessarily eaten by the sick person, but rather, by their family members. In this case, as in many others, the gesture itself is what is important.
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/ "Julian Aguon")
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Resources
**Tags:** Ko’lao yan Fattoigue: Custom of Bringing a Gift of Food
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### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Food and Diet](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-food-and-diet/)
**Published:** January 17, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Cultural aspects of food. Humans require food in order to survive. People get their food from the natural environment through practices of food collection, farming, and the hunting or raising of animals. But food not only nourishes our bodies—food is culturally important, too.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Food and Diet
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Cultural aspects of food
Humans require food in order to survive. People get their food from the natural environment through practices of food collection, farming, and the hunting or raising of animals. But food not only nourishes our bodies—food is culturally important, too. We serve food at both formal and informal social activities, such as fiestas, weddings, rosaries, family meals and barbecues. Our preferences for the things we eat are influenced by what our society or culture designates as delicious, appropriate or acceptable. In the Marianas, for example, fruit bat, or fanihi is considered a delicacy, especially when stewed in coconut milk—fur and all. On the other hand, balati, or sea cucumber, which is abundant all over the island’s beaches, is not something most people in the Marianas would place on their dinner tables; however, in countries like China, the sea cucumber is a desirable food item.
Culture not only tells us what kinds of food can be eaten, but also how they should be prepared, processed or stored. We have recipes for cooking, serving and preserving different kinds of foods. Because of the ways different cultures treat food, we often describe dishes with ethnic terms: CHamoru/Chamorro red rice, Japanese sushi, Chinese dim sum, Italian pasta and so on. In addition, culture provides the context or occasions for which certain foods may be eaten—and by whom. We have traditions, rituals, taboos and other customs that we associate with blessing, sharing, distributing or restricting food. Thanksgiving turkeys, Christmas hams and colored Easter eggs, for example, are part of an American Christian cultural context in which these dishes are given socially important meanings and are served only on those special holidays.
In the Marianas, one can argue that food is central to our culture. Visitors to our homes are offered something to eat almost as soon as they walk through the door. Gifts of food are presented at our most festive occasions, like village fiestas and weddings, and at our most solemn ceremonies, such as after evening rosaries or at funerals. In ancient times, CHamorus traded food and provisions with each other, presented food offerings to their ancestral spirits, and used food to help negotiate peace following warfare. Eventually, CHamorus traded food for valuable European commodities such as iron and cloth.
Food preferences also change over time. Delicacies from the past may not seem appetizing or practical anymore. For example, fruit bat, as mentioned above, is rarely served today, not only because of its status as an endangered species, but because our tastes have changed. Our preference for Western or Asian cuisine, and even fast food items, like hamburgers, pizza, fried chicken and doughnuts, over traditional foods of the islands, have taken over the dinner and the fiesta tables. And, for better or for worse, our increasingly modern diets have impacted our health.
As people of the islands, the CHamoru diet traditionally was rich in fruits, tubers (roots) and foods from the surrounding lagoons, reefs and oceans. Fishing and cultivation of food plants were carried out with simple but effective tools and methods. By looking at ancient CHamoru subsistence strategies we can get a sense of the importance of food in shaping the way people in small island communities adapt to and face the challenges of their natural environment.
## Archaeology of CHamoru/Chamorro food
Food and the preparation of food has always been an important part of the CHamoru culture. We can all fondly remember our grandparents or other family members being very concerned about making sure we were fed and ensuring any visitors to our homes were offered something to eat. We can also recall times family members would come together to prepare dishes for a party or a fiesta. In a similar way, a look at the diet and cooking methods of our ancient CHamoru ancestors will help us gain insight on food choices and methods of food preparation that were used before Spanish colonization.
There isn’t a lot written about the archaeology of CHamoru food prior to Western contact. However, reports from archaeological sites, anthropological observations, and journals of visitors during the Spanish era provide information that, when connected, can tell the story about diet and cooking practices.
In general, these reports describe the kinds of foods that were readily available in the Marianas, as well as plants that the first settlers or early inhabitants likely brought with them. For example, *dokdok* (seeded breadfruit), pandanus, and *fadang* (federico palm nuts) were indigenous to the islands. Meanwhile, *lemmai* (seedless breadfruit), bananas and sugarcane probably were introduced by the ancient CHamorus. Remains, such as fish bones and shells, indicate the kinds of sea creatures the CHamorus ate or actively sought on fishing expeditions. Evidence from pottery, such as pottery types and food residues, reveals storage methods or cooking techniques likely used by the natives. Changes in pottery styles also give a glimpse of the changing subsistence and settlement patterns of the islanders. Skeletal remains give information about CHamoru health and nutrition.
Spanish accounts describe customs related to food, including what kinds of foods were prepared or served at different occasions and the overall importance of food in CHamoru culture. For example, CHamorus were observed serving all their food at one time, as opposed to breaking up meals into different courses. In addition, ancient CHamorus spoke very little, if at all, while eating. Some records claim CHamorus ate a lot of food and ate quickly, while other sources described CHamorus as moderate eaters. Despite these different descriptions, historic accounts agree that the ancient CHamorus valued sharing food.
## CHamoru/Chamorro health
According to archaeological investigations at various sites in Guam, ancient CHamorus had good diets and ate nutritional foods. The earliest European visitors to the Marianas described the CHamoru natives as robust, corpulent and strong. CHamorus ate moderately and were, therefore, healthy, strong and lived to an old age. However, some archaeological reports also show that islanders had periods of malnutrition and poor health.
Archaeologists look at bones and teeth because they provide indicators of a population’s health at a given time. Changes in bone can show when an individual or population is experiencing malnutrition, disease or other stresses. In the Marianas, most nutritional stress occurred during periods of famine when food resources were scarce due to seasonal weather patterns, or natural disasters, such as flood, drought, typhoons, tsunamis or earthquakes. Skeletal remains of individuals who underwent such stresses would show defects or signs of improper growth—as well as signs of recovery and healing when resources were replenished or abundant.
While CHamorus were not necessarily tall by modern standards, the Spanish remarked upon their height and apparent physical strength. The average height of males based on skeletal remains ranged from 168 to 175 centimeters (about 5’5” to 5’10”) and 152 to 160 centimeters (about 5’2” to 5’6”) for females. CHamoru remains also show areas of large muscle attachments, possibly due to strenuous physical activities that were a part of daily life. Their diets probably had much to do with the general good health of the ancient CHamorus, although they did suffer from certain endemic diseases, such as yaws (a tropical skin and bone infectious disease), arthritis and anemia.
Adult tooth samples of both sexes showed signs of betel nut (*[pugua](https://www.guampedia.com/passion-for-pugua/)*) chewing. Betel nut was introduced to the islands. It was chewed with piper leaf (*pupulu*) and slaked lime (*afok*), a social practice that had little to do with nutrition. However, chewing betel nut seemed to help prevent dental caries (cavities) because of the excess saliva produced while chewing. With its mildly narcotic effect, betel nut was chewed often and generously shared with others.
## Diet changes throughout the year
The CHamoru subsistence economy was based on cultivation of small clearings in the bush, as well as food collecting activities in the jungle, and fishing. Some of these activities were scheduled for certain times throughout the year. In the ancient [CHamoru calendar](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-calendar/), the year (*sakkan*) was divided into 13 moons (*pulan*), similar to months in a Western calendar. Each month was characterized by certain weather conditions or described ideal times for activities related to fishing or farming. The CHamoru calendar, which holds cultural knowledge for seasons and economic pursuits, is still used by today’s CHamorus who fish, farm and/or give cultural advice.
In the ancient CHamoru calendar, the 10th moon, or Fanggualo’ was known as “planting time,” or “time to hoe the field.” The 13th moon, or Umagahaf, was a time to catch crayfish. The third moon, Umatalaf, was the time to catch gatafe, or red snapper.
The diet of ancient CHamorus consisted of coconuts (*niyok*), yams (*nika* and *dago*), wild yams (*gado*’), arrowroot (*gabgab*), and other roots; bananas (*chotda*), breadfruit—both seeded (*dokdok*) and seedless (*lemmai*) varieties—rice, sugarcane (*tupu*), Federico nuts (*fadang*), ginger (*asno*), and different species of fish and other sea foods were frequently mentioned in early accounts of native food. Taro (*suni*) was a staple, cultivated for both the fiber and the edible leaves.
According to a preliminary archaeological report by Takayama and Egami in 1971, [rice was cultivated in the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/rice-in-ancient-guam/), based on archaeological studies of 1937 and 1943 conducted in Rota and Assongsong Islands. There was evidence of rice husk imprints on three sherds (pottery fragments) analyzed by another archaeologist, Toshya Sato. The sherds predated the arrival of Europeans to the Mariana Islands.
Rice residues have also been found on stone pestles in an isolated excavation on Rota. Rice was culturally important and served as a ritual food at different ceremonies, solemn feasts and funerals; it was also an important trade item and payment medium among villages and between islands. Anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) wrote of how rice was the “chief food of the islands,” and Georg Fritz, the first German colonial administrator in the Northern Mariana Islands, wrote that coconuts, bananas, rice, and taro were the only cultivated plants of the ancient CHamorus. Interestingly, the Marianas is the only Pacific island group where rice was cultivated, suggesting a connection between the CHamorus and cultures from Island Southeast Asia.
There were no indigenous, four-legged animals in the Marianas. Domestic animals such as pigs, chickens, cats, dogs, pygmy quails, spotted deer, painted quails, goats, cattle and carabao were introduced to Guam during the [Spanish period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) (1668-1898). The only mammals in ancient times were two species of bats: the large fruit-eating “flying fox” called *[fanihi](https://www.guampedia.com/fanihi-mariana-fruit-bat/)* and a small insectivorous species called *pajesjes*. *Fanihi* were relished by the CHamorus as food. Jungle fowl in the Northern Marianas, freshwater eels, freshwater shrimps and coconut crabs (*ayuyu*) were other sources of food for ancient CHamorus.
Seafood was the most important protein in the diet of the ancient CHamoru. CHamorus were expert fishermen who knew different and ingenious methods of fishing. Archaeological sites have uncovered many fishhooks and stone sinkers (*poio*). Fish remains (i.e., bones, scales, teeth and more) have been found, and writers of the Spanish period describe different reef fish and inshore fishes, including flying fishes, *mañahak* (juvenile rabbit fish), *atulai* (big-eye scad), *lagua* (parrot fish), clams, sea urchins, and *hachuman* (*Decapterus* sp.) as important to the CHamoru people. The bones of dolphins, marlins, sharks and other deep sea fish have also been found, along with some reports of turtle remains at archaeological excavations.
Early European explorers and missionaries have written and described foods, fishing practices and fishing gear of the CHamorus. In 1565, Spanish explorer Major Esteban Rodriguez talked about their encounter with CHamorus who came alongside their ship and traded rice, fish, yams, bananas, coconuts, ginger, and other products from the land—all for iron nails, which could be used to make tools, such as fishhooks. Further study of this particular account tells us about the rich resources of the land, the desire for new and different tools and implements, and reciprocity or trade between the CHamorus and others.
## CHamoru/Chamorro cooking practices
**Social roles to do with food**
Other than doing household chores and taking care of children, CHamoru women gathered food in the jungle and on the reef, fished with hand nets, made coconut oil, manufactured pots and cooked with other women. Women were also the ones who tilled and planted village garden plots. They made herbal medicines, and wove mats and other articles to display or store food. CHamoru men also tended gardens, as well as fished, built houses and canoes, worked wood and stone to fashion tools and other implements, and navigated the open ocean on deep sea fishing expeditions. They probably also cooked in the earth oven and made or repaired nets.
Although fishing was largely a man’s role, women and children did gather fish and shellfish in the lagoons. Women also worked cooperatively with men in net fishing using the *chenchulu* (large drag net), the *tekken* (gill net) and the *lagua*’ (hand net).
Ancient CHamoru society was divided into two different castes: the upper caste was known as *chamorri*, and the lower caste, *mangachang*. The *chamorri* were further divided into two classes: the upper class *matua*, and the middle class *achaot*. Some members of the *achaot* class were *matua* who had been demoted, and others were assistants to *matua*.
The chamorri lived along the beaches or close to the sea, while the mangachang lived inland in the jungles and hills.
Labor among the CHamorus was divided by class. Men of the upper class, for example, built canoes and manufactured shell “money.” Upper class men also engaged in warfare, sea fishing, sailing and exchange.
Only *chamorri* owned land in ancient CHamoru society. They did not use slaves but rather, they had servants who worked the land for them. *Mangachang*, who could not own land, had to ask permission from the *chamorri* for the privilege to plant food. They cultivated vegetables and fruits, a portion of which they would give the *chamorri* landowners. They also were forbidden to fish in the ocean or eat fish and shellfish from the sea, nor could they build or use hooks, nets or spears. Instead, they could fish in freshwater rivers and streams by hand or with clubs, and eat eels (*asuli*) which the upper classes would not touch because of food taboos. The *chamorri* also would not eat large-scaled fish or shark, which was considered a dangerous enemy.
The interaction between the classes related to food exchanges was described by the Spanish friar [Fray Juan Pobre](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), who lived among the CHamorus in Rota in 1602. He wrote:
> The people living along the shore have an abundance of fish; those who live inland have an abundance of agricultural produce. Consequently, they arrange exchanges, trading fish for rice, for tubers and for other varieties of fruit that the land produces. They have high regard for the large trees that are called *orimayes* \[i.e., *lemmai* or seedless breadfruit\]—with good reason for the fruit provides their daily sustenance, serving instead of bread.
###### Preparation of food
Evidence of fire has been found in many archaeological sites. Blackened pottery sherds (or fragments), earth ovens and rocks that have been set up for fire were found at archaeological excavation sites. Evidence of shells that had either been burned or boiled have also been recovered.
The main methods of cooking used by the CHamorus was baking or roasting in earth ovens (*chahan*), boiling in earthenware pots, and roasting on embers (*peha*). Similar to other Pacific island cultures, ancient CHamorus cooked in the *chahan* by covering their food with hot stones and leaves and placing them on the embers (*peha*). Few foods were eaten raw.
*Mañahak* (tiny juvenile rabbit fish) were caught in schools at certain periods, dried in the sun and stored for future consumption. Breadfruit was sliced and dried and could be kept for a long time during periods when the fruit was lacking. Turtle, bats and a small number of birds were eaten, but were not the main source of protein for the ancient CHamorus. Rice was the preferred starch and was husked with a wooden pestle (*falu’*) in a mortar (*lusong*). Boiled rice was called *alagan*. Cooked rice could also be formed into rice cakes, which were used at special gatherings and ritual ceremonies.
At feasts, rice and grated coconut was made into a broth or stew called *atole*, in addition to salted fish. The CHamorus baked root cops, such as *dagu* (yam) and *suni* (taro). Coconut milk was drunk in ancient times and coconut cream, made by straining grated, ripe coconut, was used in many dishes, as it is today.
Ancient CHamorus preserved food by drying in the sun, salting, or through a fermentation process of soaking. For example, breadfruit and yams would be soaked in the ocean for hours before burying them in underground pits. Lemon or some sort of citrus was available to the ancient CHamorus, and they could easily have chemically cooked their foods.
During times of famine, less desirable foods, such as *fadang* (fredrico palm nuts), pandanus fruit, wild taro and wild yams, were eaten. These foods were considered less tasty and more difficult to prepare and process, and so were reserved for times when more desirable foods were scarce. For example, after disasters like typhoons, CHamorus gathered *fadang* nuts which were soaked in water to extract the poison, dried in the sun, and ground in a stone mortar for flour, and baked.
Many people mistakenly think the intoxicating beverage *tuba*, formed from the fermented sap of the coconut bud, was present in ancient times. In fact, *tuba* was introduced by immigrants from the Philippines during the Spanish Era.
**Tools for processing food**
The ancient CHamorus used different kinds of tools for fishing and for cultivating and processing different kinds of fruits and tubers that made up much of their diets. Archaeologists have found red-slipped pottery and marine shell tools and ornaments recovered from small beach and lagoon-side [Pre-Latte Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) encampments (1500 BC- 1000 AD). Fishing gear used by the natives, including numerous shell hooks and gorges, points and shanks of hooks, stone and shell weights, and bone needles for making and repairing nets have also been found in archaeological sites. The rims of the Tridacna *gigas* (giant clam) shell were used as scrapers or knives.
Late in the Latte Era (1000 to 1521), rice was added to tree and root crops. Larger pottery vessels dating from this period that have been recovered from various archaeological sites were most likely signs that the CHamorus were beginning to store food. The ancient CHamorus must have engaged in extensive pottery manufacture because fragments of pottery containers can be found in the jungle, beaches, mountains, and the savannas.
Early historical accounts, such as those by [Louis Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) in the early 19th century, describe three simple gardening tools that are likely similar to the gardening tools used by ancient CHamorus. The *dagau* and *tanum* are pointed wooden digging sticks. *Dagau* was made of the mangrove or *gågo* and served as a mattock, pick and planting stick, a pole for carrying heavy objects, and as a defensive weapon. *Tanum* was used for planting taro and for breaking coconuts. The *akoa*, described to be like a *fusiños* or hoe, was a 5-foot long pole with a flat, sharp stone three inches wide and 1.5 inches thick, fastened to the wood.
One of the most visible ancient objects found at many archaeological sites in the Mariana Islands is the stone mortar (*lusong*), which was used with a pestle (*lomok*). The stone mortar was used to prepare CHamoru medicine and food. This tool was used even up through 20th century, prewar Guam for husking rice, grinding Federico nuts and crushing herbs.
Although not found in ancient archaeological sites, it was noted in historical records that ancient CHamorus had exceptional skills in plaiting and weaving with various plant materials. Mats and baskets, following ancient models, are still made and used, and, to a certain extent, have been retained. Mats (*guafak*) were woven primarily by women and could be used for drying rice and serving food. Rectangular baskets (*kottot*) woven from panadanus leaves were used to present ceremonial offerings or gifts of rice. There were also portable baskets woven to carry betel nut, and larger baskets for carrying weapons and food during warfare activities.
## CHamorus/Chamorros had a healthy diet
The diet of the ancient CHamoru people consisted mostly of tree and root starches, fruits and leaves from different plants and trees. They also ate a variety of seafood, crustaceans, fruit bat and jungle fowl. Archaeological data provide evidence that the CHamoru people had a healthy diet and lived relatively long lives. Their use of fire, pottery, tools and other gathering and cooking implements tell us that they had a complex system of gathering, cultivating, fishing, preserving and cooking.
***By [Marilyn C. Salas, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/marilyn-c-salas/) and [Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## Did you know?
***Salt*** – The CHamorus preserved certain foods using salt formed naturally from evaporated seawater. Salt water from waves breaking along the island’s coast could get trapped in depressions in the rocky shoreline. The water would evaporate leaving salt deposits behind which could be collected. Asiga (salt) Point in Malojloj may have been one of the places where natives would have had access to natural sea salt. In addition to using it for preservation, salt may also have been a trade commodity.
## For further reading
April, Victoriano N. *Latte Quarries of the Mariana Islands*. Hagåtña: Guam Department of Parks and Recreation Historic Resources Division, 2004.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Duenas and Associates. *An Archaeological Survey of the Duty Free Shoppers Property, Tumon, Guam*. By Darlene R. Moore and Usha K. Prashad. Mangilao: MARS, 1992.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Mariana Islands*. 2nd ed. Translated by Elfriede Craddock and edited by Scott Russell. Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 1. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
*I Hinanao-ta: A Pictorial Journey Through Time*. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs Guam Museum Division, 2008.
Kurashina, Hiro, Darlene Moore, Osamu Kataoka, Russell Clayshutle, and Erwin Ray. “Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cultural Occurrences at Tarague, Guam.” *Asian Perspectives* 24, no. 1 (1984): 57-68.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 1. *European Discovery 1521-1560*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992.
Pollock, Nancy J. “Food Habits in Guam over 500 Years” *Pacific Viewpoint* 27, no. 2 (1986): 120-143.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Safford, William E. *The Useful Plants of the Island of Guam*. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1905.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
–––. *The Native Cultures of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 185. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1945.
Tokai University. *Archeology on Rota in the Mariana Islands: Preliminary Report on the First Excavation of the Latte Site (m-1)*. By Jun Takayama and Tomoko Egami. Reports of Pacific Archaeological Survey No. 1. Hiratsuka: Tokai University, 1971.
US Department of Commerce National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council. *Review of Archaeological and Historical Data Concerning Reef Fishing in the US Flag Islands of Micronesia: Guam and the Northern Marianas*. By Judith R. Amesbury and Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson. Final Report. Hagåtña: MARS, 2003.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Health, Archeological Investigations, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Food, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Ancient Chamorro Food and Diet
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### [Transmission of Christianity into CHamoru/Chamorro Culture](https://www.guampedia.com/transmission-of-christianity-into-chamorro-culture/)
**Published:** October 6, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** There is little doubt that CHamorus today live very different lives than Chamorros/CHamorus did 400 years ago, and have different ideas about what is and isn’t CHamoru culture. We would be hard pressed however, to find any culture which didn’t change drastically in some ways, over such a long period of time.
**Content:**
# Transmission of Christianity into CHamoru/Chamorro Culture
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: In the beginning
There is little doubt that CHamorus/Chamorros today live very different lives than CHamorus did 400 years ago, and have different ideas about what is and isn’t CHamoru culture. We would be hard pressed however, to find any culture which didn’t change drastically in some ways, over such a long period of time.
The past four centuries of CHamoru history are not simple, but rather at times, incredibly complex and violent, full of colonialism, war and genocide. Because of this history, it is common today among everyday people and academics to remark that “there aren’t really any CHamorus anymore” or that “there really isn’t any CHamoru culture anymore.” Surprisingly enough, these statements can be heard from CHamorus just as often as non-CHamorus.
In some accounts of Guam history, writers make a distinction between CHamorus who lived four centuries ago, and those that live today, by marking contemporary CHamorus with the label “neo,” or “neo-CHamorus.” The CHamorus of long ago are simply CHamorus, but those of today, because of their complex and tragic history are “neo-CHamorus.” The implications of the term are clear, the real CHamorus were here prior to European contact and colonization, the ones we find today in Guam are mixed up, hybrid, impure, the “neo” meaning new in the sense of “not being real.”
The most common explanation for this difference, this divide that separates CHamorus from their ancestors, is the [colonization by the Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) which began in the second half of the 17th century. During this period, CHamorus underwent their most violent and drastic transformation in recent history. This period began with the establishment of a Catholic mission in Guam, whose aim was to convert the CHamoru people and civilize them.
The subsequent decades that followed were marked by resistance and open warfare between Spanish priests and soldiers and CHamorus of all the Mariana Islands. At the end of this conflict, which has become known as the CHamoru-Spanish Wars, tens of thousands of CHamorus had been killed by war or disease, and thousands more had been forcibly relocated from their villages and islands into new settlements designed by the Spanish, where they were slowly forced to give up their way of life.
After this period, CHamorus became Catholics, intermarried with Filipinos, Spanish and Mexicans, adopted Spanish dress, dances, food and some language. The CHamoru, after this point, seemed to disappear, subsumed within a hybrid mix, in which the Spanish or Filipino parts become dominant, and no one is sure what is or isn’t CHamoru anymore.
## How cultures change
It is a truism, an obvious fact which no one can deny, that all cultures change. We can see these in our lives, and in the history of all peoples attest to this fact as well. If this is true however, then it is also true that no culture is ever uniform or pure. If cultures are always changing, then there is never any original point, or clear original image of it, from which we can judge how real a culture still is, or how far from its original form it has been taken.
We can compare changes, from certain points in time, and discuss how these changes have taken place and why. But we can never pick a point in time and say that this point is the “true” form of said culture. Because if we do this, we imply that the true culture is only found at that point, and therefore any changes to this culture, automatically make it inauthentic or “not real.”
For many who believe that CHamoru culture today isn’t “real,” believe this to be so because the practices and ideas we call CHamoru now aren’t really CHamoru, but borrowed from other cultures. Since the 17th century, CHamorus have been heavily influenced by Spanish, Mexican, Filipino and American cultures, and as a result much from these cultures has been either borrowed or forced upon CHamorus.
For instance, if we look at something like CHamoru Catholicism everything from the practices to the language used seems to belong more to everyone else and there is little there which can be considered CHamoru. In this thinking we encounter the same logic, as before, where we find the true form of a culture belongs to a single point in time, and only at that point in time was the culture real or genuine. There are three problems with this thinking.
First, as already mentioned, it assumes that a culture can only be real if it doesn’t change, which logically and in real life terms, makes no sense. Cultures are adapting and changing all the time. Second, all cultures borrow from each other, and CHamorus are no different. The act of borrowing from other cultures is something which does not only provide evidence of a culture’s inadequacy or inauthenticity, but also its vitality, and its ability to persist and survive under changing conditions. Third, this idea assumes that only cultures which are isolated or uninfluenced are real. The problem with this is that all cultures not just interact with other cultures, but even within themselves are already a wealth of diversity. Even 500 years ago, prior to Guam being colonized, when everyone on the island was who we would consider to be CHamoru, and the island had yet to be inundated with “foreign” influences, you would not find a pure, uniform culture.
At that time, CHamorus divided and identified themselves based on issues of village, island, clan, spirits and belief. Each person, each clan, and each village might have very different ideas about who really is CHamoru, or what a CHamoru is or should be. This is the same today, as CHamorus are divided in a multitude of ways. There are CHamoru Catholics, Protestants, Mormons, and Baha’is. Different families have different practices for weddings and parties, and have different relationships to the land. CHamoru culture has always been diverse, even prior to “outside” influences.
## Forced cultural change
The most sound argument for placing an insurmountable divide between CHamorus today and their 17th century ancestors, is because the cultural changes that took place because of the Spanish colonization, were forced upon them. These changes were not natural, which the CHamorus determined for themselves, or chose to make. Instead these changes were violent upheavals of a society, which were resisted and fought against by CHamorus, at times to the death.
Of course this point is undeniable, as CHamorus were indeed forced to take up Catholicism and therefore ripped away from their own religion and culture. But to say that this tragedy makes CHamorus inauthentic or that it means that there is no more CHamoru culture is overly simplistic and inaccurate. The period of colonization by the Spanish was indeed tragic, but it is nonetheless a crucial part of Guam and CHamoru history, and one which can be seen as a time of genocide and forced conversion, but also one of CHamoru resistance and survival.
If cultures can change, it means that their changes aren’t pre-determined, but always shaped as an effect of different forces and choices, some large and some small. This means that culture isn’t an abstract set of customs and ideas which is handed from one generation to another, or in this case viciously forced onto one culture by another. Culture is always a shifting set of ideas, values and practices which influence and determine the behavior and thinking of individuals or groups, but is also open to be manipulated and altered. Furthermore, culture is a concept which can represent an infinite number of layers of society, societal interactions and beliefs, and can never truly be divided into things which truly belong and truly don’t.
At the end of the 17th century in Guam, we saw a huge clash between the Spanish and CHamorus that, although it involved physical fighting and battles, was ultimately a cultural conflict. A conflict over whose culture is superior, who has a right to colonize or dictate the existence of another, but also from the perspective of CHamorus, who has the right to their own culture, and to protect their culture from invasive attacks. CHamorus fought to defend their culture, while the Spanish fought to destroy their culture, and replace it with their own. From this struggle, the history books tell us, that one side emerges as the victor, while the other slowly fades away.
In the centuries that followed, Catholicism and the way of the colonizer appeared to be in charge. The Church seemed to take over all aspects of CHamoru life, becoming its center, and CHamorus thus live their lives literally by the tolling of its bells.
On the surface it might be clear that the colonizer had won and that the natives and their culture had been vanquished, and thus their destiny as a distinct people or a distinct culture has been lost as well. Since this time CHamorus have taken up Catholicism and made it their own, yet labels such as “Spanish” and “Catholic” still mark these practices as originating somewhere else and not really belonging to CHamorus.
In cases such as this it is important to remember that the labels we use for things often speak far less to the way things are, and have much more to do with relations of power in history and in contemporary situations. For instance, CHamorus are renowned today for their large religious parties which take place at regular intervals throughout the year to honor Catholic village saints in Guam. The label for these parties is Spanish in origin, fiesta, as is the schedule which organizes these parties. But to call these large parties or the love of holding large parties in general, as Spanish or borrowed, doesn’t really reflect both the historical and contemporary reality. Prior to the colonization of the Mariana Islands, the Spanish commented on the love of partying of CHamorus, and the sheer scale, intensity and duration at which they held parties. In additions to parties for weddings and funerals, CHamorus had regular religious parties throughout the year, during which they would honor and celebrate the spirits of their ancestors.
To say that fiestas today are Spanish or not really CHamoru, gives too much power to the label or to Spanish influence, and doesn’t recognize that these parties represent a link that survived or continued to thrive despite the violent overthrows of CHamoru life the Spanish represented. Even in violent, chaotic situations such as the ones CHamorus found themselves in during the CHamoru-Spanish Wars, the cultural changes that took place, did so through a mixture of resistance and accommodation. Neither side in this cultural battle truly “won” or were able to completely master the other, or fully defend their way of life. In situations such as this, where death is the cost of resistance, it is important to remember that the success of the colonizer can just as much be the success of the colonized.
While it is clear that the Spanish became i manma’gas Guam (the bosses of Guam) after the war, and therefore assumed the right to dictate public norms and decide the labels and names of culture, the actual practicing of customs was still something they could never completely determine or control. Catholicism became dominant in Guam, not because of the military victories of the Spanish, or the simple superiority of their culture, but rather because of the manipulations CHamorus made, the changes they created for themselves within the new oppressive religion. Through these careful, subtle manipulations, they found ways to continue many of their beliefs and practices, albeit through different names or with different artifacts.
In order to survive and working within the restrictions placed upon them by the Spanish, CHamorus nonetheless found ways of blending their culture together with the colonizer’s or sneaking into their newly imposed life some of the beliefs and practices they were forced to give up.
## Relationship between culture and imperialism
Although Guam did represent an important economic and military link for Spain, it was primarily religious reasons that led to its colonization. In the 140 years following the island being stumbled upon by Ferdinand Magellan, Spanish traders and explorers were content to occasionally stop at the island for rest or refueling, and nothing more. What led to the eventual establishment of a permanent presence on the island was a desire to Christianize and civilize Guam’s impoverished and pagan natives. It was [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), who successfully lobbied the Queen of Spain for the funds and soldiers necessary to set up a mission in Guam, and the entire island chain was named the Marianas in her honor.
In all cases of imperialism and colonization but clearly in the case of Guam, the ability and necessity to dominate, subjugate and transform another people or culture is not done for economic or military factors but cultural ones. The Spanish right to come into another’s land and take over and dictate the lives of the occupied is a right determined by their cultural superiority. The culture of the colonizer is not simply better however, but is a force of civilizing and improvement, and therefore comes with obligations that it be spread to those inferior or less civilized.
It is through these feelings of cultural superiority that all kinds of violence or racism can be justified. Through this thinking, in all matters the colonizer knows best, and even against the will of the colonized, this knowledge must be made into law. Therefore, when the Spanish established their mission in Guam, it was necessary that they not respect the existing culture of CHamorus and not treat it as anything other than savagery which must be obliterated.
To respect CHamoru culture meant that it had a right to exist or had a spirit to it, which could and should resist any attempts to destroy it or force it to change. To respect this culture meant that CHamorus had a right to refuse to be baptized, refuse to attend mass, and refuse to submit to Spanish morality or any of their other mandates. So in order to carry out their mission of spreading the light of Christianity and legitimize the violence which accompanied such efforts, CHamoru culture had to be reduced to either misguided ignorance or outright devil worship.
We can see this difference between the insights of [Fray Juan Pobre](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), a Spanish priest who jumped ship in 1602 and lived among CHamorus, and the policies of the Spanish mission during the last four decades of the same century. For Pobre, CHamoru culture was obviously not Christian, but was nonetheless not evil, but rather possessed many qualities that Christians in Europe lacked. Especially in terms of how kind, cooperative and peaceable they were, and how well they treated their relatives and neighbors, Pobre saw them as more Christians than many Christians. As a visitor amongst these islands and among CHamorus and their culture, Pobre saw their way of life as something savage, but also a thing of beauty which could be marveled at, which could be learned from and respected.
With the establishment of an official mission, such admiration was replaced with cold colonial logic where the native and his culture are worth nothing until they are remade into something which attests to the glory of the colonizer.
## How the Spanish converted CHamorus
The efforts of the Spanish to Christianize CHamorus took two basic forms, one by peaceful persuasion and outreach, the other by force. When they initially arrived in 1668, the Spanish were buoyed by beliefs that their task wouldn’t be too perilous, as surely the CHamorus would be easily converted once they had been presented with the light of God and the truth of His words.
And for a time, these fantasies seemed true, as relations between the Spanish and CHamorus were altogether cordial. San Vitores, aided by his knowledge of the CHamoru language, would extol the virtues of his God through sermons and songs, and many CHamorus, intrigued by these new visitors, agreed to be converted or have their children baptized. At this level of engagement, the Spanish priests and their religion weren’t considered to be threatening but rather a new novel presence in Guam.
As time passed and more CHamorus were converted, the Spanish became more emboldened in their tactics and moved from simply talking about the greatness of their God to actively condemning cultural practices and behaviors of CHamorus that they saw as immoral. At this point, the Spanish presence changed from being a novelty to more of an irritation and many initial converts quickly recanted.
The Spanish onslaught on CHamoru culture was directed at a number of cultural norms, attitudes and practices, including, the role of women in CHamoru society and the immoral freedoms they were allowed, the worship of ancestral spirits and skulls of deceased relatives, and activities in the men’s houses (guma’uritao), where CHamoru men and women engaged in unmarried sexual intercourse. These practices and ideas were integral to the lives of CHamorus, and so naturally they saw these condemnations as an attack on their culture and freedom.
When CHamorus refused to willingly give these things up, the priests responded with force. CHamorus, enraged at these pious invasions into their families and lives, responded with force as well. The ensuing conflict, which lasted until 1695, became known as the CHamoru-Spanish Wars. During this period a number of Spanish soldiers, priests and servants were killed and churches burned down. The Spanish in turn killed hundreds of CHamorus, crushed the skulls of CHamoru ancestors, razed entire villages, forced CHamorus to attend mass, and placed the heads of executed rebel leaders on pikes to deter any further resistance.
## How divisions helped convert CHamorus
Although this period is rife with conflict and resistance, the ways CHamorus reacted to the Spanish was not uniform in either positive or negatives senses. As already mentioned, many CHamorus eagerly agreed to be converted, especially in the first months of the mission. Some did so out of curiosity, simply wanting to know what these newcomers offered.
In another way, CHamorus were also influenced to convert because of the technology that the Spanish offered and represented. By 1668 CHamorus already had more than a century of experience with Spanish technology and guns, tools and metal (*lulok*) were already high coveted items. For artisans, lulok was already replacing shell and rock blades for tasks such as canoe carving. Some CHamorus may have associated this superiority of Spanish technology with the new culture they offered, and thus seen conversion as a logical choice, either in order to obtain more Spanish goods, or because they saw the Spanish as the new dominant group.
In other ways, conversion and acceptance of the Spanish and their rule was also a strategic move which could be aimed at garnering more status or power. The Spanish accounts tell us that when the first missionaries arrive in 1668, they were welcomed by [Kephua](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/), the chief of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), and from him they received land on which they built the first church (*guma’ Yu’os*).
Some scholars suggest however that this might be inaccurate, due to Spanish ignorance or bias. At that time of CHamoru history, villages had no singular leader, but rather groups of *[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/)* and [*maga’låhi* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)from each of the village’s clans. Kephua was likely one of many *maga’låhi* of Hagåtña. His gesture of giving land to the new visitors probably would have been aimed at increasing his status or the status of his clan among the confederation of families that made up the village of Hagåtña. By converting and being hospitable to the Spanish, Kephua was given Spanish artifacts such as iron hoops and a hat but also given a privileged position in the new order the Spanish represented. This privileged status can be seen up until the present as evidenced by his visibility in Guam history, and in the landscape of the island today as evidenced by his large statue in Hagåtña.
The conversion and acceptance of Spanish culture for strategic reasons was duplicated at the village level as well. For the first few months after arriving, San Vitores wasn’t allowed to leave Hagåtña. As he was considered to be the magas pale’ of the new regime, the leaders of Hagåtña hoped to keep him and his new religion as their own as evidence of the greatness of their village.
The presence of the Spanish led to the exacerbation and widening of other divisions in CHamoru society. Although scholars are uncertain as to how rigidly stratified or divided CHamoru society was at this period in terms of castes, the arrival of the Spanish nonetheless represented a means of potential social mobility. Lower class CHamoru could convert to the new religion in hopes of being remade as equal to all others before this new God and new society the priests offered.
The division of youth and age was also one that helped plant the seeds of the Spanish religion into CHamoru life. Young CHamorus were often the most eager to convert and give up the ways of their parents. According to one Spanish priest, it was through the young converts that the most durable conversions were made as these young people would take the beliefs of the Spanish with them directly into their families and work to convert their parents, their siblings and other relatives.
Lastly, although this period of conflict between the Spanish and CHamorus is referred to as the CHamoru-Spanish Wars, the battle lines were not neatly drawn with all of the Spanish on one side and all of the CHamorus on the other. At several moments during this long conflict, there came a point where the CHamorus who were resisting the Spanish could have wiped out the colonizers.
For instance in 1684, a CHamoru named Antonio [Yura](https://www.guampedia.com/yula/) (Yula) led a massive assault on the Spanish in Guam with the hope of eradicating their presence from Guam. With a large number of Spanish soldiers fighting in the northern islands, the CHamorus in Guam came close to succeeding in their mission as they killed three priests, wounded the Spanish Governor, and were able to burn several churches. The Spanish were saved however through the assistance of a Christian CHamoru named Ignacio [Hineti](https://www.guampedia.com/hineti-2/) who mobilized the entire village of [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) to defend the Spanish until reinforcements arrived from the north.
## The role of the reduccion
Following their military victories throughout the Mariana Islands, and in order to control the CHamoru population and ensure there were no further outbursts of resistance, or that they could not revert to their old pagan habits, the Spanish instituted a policy of *reduccion*. Through this policy, CHamoru life was radically altered especially in terms of geography and ancestral ties to land. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, CHamorus lived throughout the Mariana Islands chain. Their skills with canoe navigation and sailing gave them an incredible amount of freedom and mobility, and this was one of the reasons that the war between the Spanish and CHamorus lasted so long. CHamorus wanted by the Spanish would quickly flee to neighboring islands. Priests who settled in the northern islands were far away from the center of Spanish power and would find little help if the CHamorus of their islands became restless.
Through the *reduccion*, by 1730, nearly all the CHamorus from the Mariana Islands were forcibly resettled into new villages in Guam or Rota. In the hopes of instilling into CHamorus their new faith, the very structure of CHamoru villages was shifted to place the Catholic Church and Catholic life at the village center.
This resettlement represented a huge disruption in CHamoru life, since so much of their clan identity, practices and beliefs were tied to their ancestral lands. All CHamorus suddenly found themselves forced to live someone else’s life on someone else’s land. Even if CHamorus were to maintain their traditional worship practices, they did so at the risk of angering the ancestors of the families whose land they were now forced to occupy. Furthermore, with the battles over, CHamoru resistance to the Spanish could no longer take the same public and open forms. Open violent confrontations with Spanish priests or soldiers were no longer advisable or possible.
CHamoru resistance didn’t cease however, but shifted and adapted to this new situation. CHamorus who were determined to maintain their beliefs and traditions would need to find ways of blending it with their new religion. Although it is clear that the Spanish won the physical war of the seventeenth century, they did not win the cultural war. CHamorus didn’t simply abandon their beliefs, but instead found creative ways of keeping what they could, without inciting retribution from their new conquerors.
## Lanchos helped protect CHamoru culture
At the beginning of the 18th century, CHamorus found themselves packed into new villages with hundreds of other CHamorus. The new rulers were watchful over all CHamorus, ensuring that they followed their new religion properly and didn’t return to their pagan past. In these new villages, disease outbreaks were frequent because of the new unsanitary and crowded conditions CHamorus were forced to endure.
In order to escape this new order, and find a place where they could maintain their traditions safely, CHamorus developed what has become known as *lanchos* or ranches belonging to clans on their property outside of the village. By calling them[ *lånchos*](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/), which is derived from the Spanish word “*rancheria*,” CHamorus hoped to keep the Spanish from invading this part of CHamoru life as they had nearly all others. In these spaces, far away from the priests and their soldiers, CHamorus were able to maintain their connections to the land by raising crops and animals, as well as keep up some of their traditions through oral history, songs and folklore.
## Role of famalao’an in CHamoru culture
One cultural norm which the Spanish were determined to stamp out, while CHamorus were determined to protect was the role of CHamoru women in society. In CHamoru culture prior to the arrival of the Spanish, women and men were largely equal in society, albeit in different spheres of life. Men were in charge of warfare, tool making, canoe building and navigation and fishing outside of the reef, while women were in charge of child rearing, weaving food preparation and storage and fishing inside of the reef. A clan would be run by a *maga’haga’* (female head) and *maga’låhi* (male head). Women controlled the resources of a clan, most importantly the parceling and use of land. It was also through mothers that people identified their genealogies.
The cultural norms which most appalled the Spanish with regard to women, were those which gave them freedom in terms of their relationships and sexual partners. CHamoru women were allowed to enter into marriages and leave them with their honor in tact, at will. Men were not. If a man cheated on his wife, he could be beaten or killed by her relatives. The same retribution was not considered appropriate for women who committed a similar offense. Furthermore, as if almost spitting in the face of Spanish morality and obsession with female purity, CHamoru women who were sexually experienced were considered better marriage prospects than those who were not.
CHamorus at that time had men’s houses, or *[guma’uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/)*, where young men would be taught different skills to mold them into productive members of society. These skills were oral history, family genealogy, canoe building, tool making, but also, much to the rage of the missionaries, included sexuality. In the *guma’uritao* young men and women were allowed to engage in sexual intercourse in order to teach them about sex and mature relationships.
The Spanish, shocked and appalled at these freedoms CHamoru women possessed, became determined to put them in their proper place in society. The man was firmly established by the Catholic Church as the head of the family. The Church further enforced the idea that wives belonged to their husbands and the children in turn should take their father’s names and therefore belonged to the husband as well.
On the surface the man does appear to take over CHamoru life, but the power of CHamoru women doesn’t dissipate. Instead, it becomes less public, and became more concentrated in the family structure. CHamoru women continue to be the real heads of households but because of the Spanish injunctions, are forced to do so in the background. The women become the heads of social networks which provide the resources and womanpower to make the social life of CHamorus, fiestas, funerals, weddings, and even the very functioning of the Catholic Church possible.
Prior to arrival of the Spanish, religious services would be performed by men and women. Under the Spanish the *pale’* (priest) and other men become the leaders of the Church and the spiritual lives of CHamorus. One of the ways in which CHamorus resisted this domination and protected their beliefs was through the position of the *techa*.
*Techas* were spiritual leaders who would direct people in the chanting or recitation of *tinaitai* at religious ceremonies or funerals. After the conquest by the Spanish, CHamorus were able to keep this position of public spiritual leadership as one for women.
## Makahna became suruhånu
In addition to the displacement of women, the spiritual leaders and figures of CHamoru life also found themselves under attack by the Spanish. The worship of ancestral spirits was one of the central tenets of CHamoru society prior to Spanish colonization. CHamorus of this period believed that the world around them was filled with the spirits of deceased CHamorus who could potentially play a role in either positively or negatively affecting the affairs and fortunes of the living. They also believed that in order to live a safe and prosperous life, CHamorus had to always maintain a respectful and reverent relationship to the *ante* or their ancestors. To not do so would risk incurring their wrath.
These spirits that were in different ways referred to as *[manganiti](https://www.guampedia.com/aniti-2/)* or *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)* , were thus venerated regularly throughout the lives of CHamorus. The skulls of their ancestors, which were called *maranan uchan* , would be kept in the home and treated as if a member of the family. It would be spoken to respectfully, thanked regularly for all its help, and if the family was successful in farming, fishing, warfare or other tasks, it would be these skulls and the spirits they represented who would be celebrated. CHamorus also had parties and festivals and offerings of artifacts through which they further honored these spirits.
Although CHamorus would interact daily with these spirits, the chief intermediaries between the world of the living and the world of the *manganiti* were called *makånas* . These were spiritual leaders who could be hired or requested to help CHamorus in their interactions with the spirits of their ancestors. These *makånas* could be called upon to influence the ancestral spirits to join one side of battle against another, to ensure a good fishing expedition, to cast a spell or make sick an enemy, or to heal or release someone who had come under the influence of a spirit.
The Spanish claimed that these spiritual leaders were devil worshippers and sought to eradicate them and stamp out their influence. The *makånas* were, in all truth, the conquerors’ competition for the minds of the CHamorus. They were the leaders of a religion and framework of ideas that threatened the ability of the Spanish to win over the CHamoru people.
Early on in their mission, the Spanish were able to convince thousands of CHamorus to have their babies baptized. When afterwards many of the babies died, the *makånas* were at the forefront of the effort to link these deaths to the new dangerous religion and how it was angering of the spirits of CHamoru ancestors. The physical war between the CHamorus and the Spanish was propelled forward through this sort of war of ideas, over who could better provide a safe and prosperous future for CHamorus.
The religion and beliefs that the *makånas* represented namely ancestor veneration and the idea that the landscape of Guam was populated by the spirits of deceased CHamorus, did not disappear when the Spanish won the war in the seventeenth century. The public figure of the *makåna* did disappear as the Spanish publicly outlawed and condemned the former religion of the CHamorus. But the beliefs in the persistence of CHamoru spirits remained and were supported by the *makånas* , as intermediaries between the living and their ancestral spirits, was transferred onto another public figure, that of the medicinal healer.
What these healers were called at the time isn’t known, but we do know that they were experts in using the plants of Guam to make medicines for different ailments and illnesses. Much of their knowledge would be kept secret, save for when it was passed down from one generation to the next within a family. Before Spanish colonization, these healers were not considered to be spiritual leaders.
After the Spanish conquest of Guam, these healers began to take on the role of the *makahanas* in CHamoru society, and became what we know today as [*suruhånus* and *suruhånas*](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/) . In the *suruhånus* we find more evidence of the blending of CHamorus and Spanish culture in order to maintain some sort of continuity.
Although the cultural practices that CHamorus should respect and worship the spirits of their ancestors could no longer be openly practiced or followed, the ideas still remained strong for CHamorus although they were forced to take on different forms. In Guam after the Spanish colonization, and even up until today, the world around us is still populated by the spirits of CHamoru ancestors now called *taotaomo’na*, and CHamorus continue to respect and believe in them.
Stories abound in Guam among CHamorus and non-CHamorus of the presence and power of these spirits. They have the power to help people and as *ga’chong* (friends) give people incredible strength, and yet also make people ill, especially those who have displeased or disrespected them. The image of the *taotaomo’na* has been twisted due to the influence of Spanish Catholicism to think of them as primarily negative beings. Words such as *aniti* and *manganiti* were neutral terms for spirit and spirits prior to the arrival of the Spanish, but through the course Spanish colonization, the meaning of these terms slowly shifted to become “devil” or “evil spirits.”
This was a common practice amongst missionaries and colonizers around the world. One could not simply replace all CHamoru beliefs with Spanish ones. Instead the missionaries carefully selected words and concepts from the native religion, which they would use in their ministry in hopes of making the conversion easier or more palatable.
For instance, the Spanish in order to reach out to CHamorus used CHamoru words such as *sasalåguan* to refer to concepts or locations in Catholic religion. *Sasalåguan* was the fiery home of the *taotaomo’na* [Chaife](https://www.guampedia.com/chaife-folktale/) who plays a huge role in origin stories of CHamorus. Catholic missionaries used the word *sasalåguan*, the fiery imagery, and the fear derived from Chaife who was known to sometimes keep the souls of deceased CHamorus in cages in his domain, in order to communicate to CHamorus the concept of hell and punishment for sin. Chaife moved from being a remote ancestral spirit within CHamoru cosmology, and was transformed into a satanic figure within Catholic cosmology.
As the Spanish could never completely banish these beliefs or spirits from CHamorus, a more effective tactic was to demonize them and change them from being the fundamental unit of CHamoru religion into the evils of the Catholic religion.
*Suruhånus* played and continue to play a crucial role in maintaining the belief in these spirits and act as bridge between them and the CHamorus of today. *Suruhånus* continue to offer traditional remedies to a wide range of illness. However they also provide assistance for families who are having problems with *taotaomo’na*. *Suruhånus* can communicate with *taotaomo’na* in hopes of finding the sources of sickness or to find out if the sick person has offended a spirit and brought on their condition. The *suruhånu* can then intervene in and offer apologies or offerings to appease the *taotaomo’na*.
## Spirits became Saints
In the acceptance of Catholic saints by CHamorus we can see another way in which the existing beliefs of CHamorus were adapted in order to survive the conversion process. As already mentioned, prior to Spanish colonization, CHamorus kept in their homes *maranan uchan* and other statues or artifacts meant to be a link through which they could interact with their ancestral spirits.
The Spanish routinely destroyed these skulls during the CHamoru-Spanish Wars in an effort to stamp out the pagan religion, but also to demoralize and frighten CHamorus. Even though the Spanish demonized the CHamoru religion as devil worship and an anathema to the Catholic faith, what actually aided the Spanish in the process of converting CHamorus after the wars was the similarity between the worship of ancestral spirits and Catholic saints.
Following the end of the wars, CHamorus were forced into a new religion, which in this way, wasn’t completely new. Although the spirits were different, no longer the *ante* or deceased, respected relatives, the structure was surprisingly similar. Just as CHamoru ancestral spirits had artifacts which tied them into the homes or the lives of their relatives, so did Catholic saints, through icons, images, statues, and prayer books. And just as the spirits of CHamoru ancestors could be called upon in times of need, so too could saints. Furthermore, just as CHamorus had regular celebrations and activities to honor their ancestral spirits, so did the Catholic saints.
## Kustumbren CHamoru
In time however, tensions cooled and generations passed. The culture which CHamorus had created stopped being a form of resistance to the Spanish and instead a manipulated and delicate mixture of cultures that became *kustumbren* Chamorro, *kuttura* CHamoru or CHamoru culture.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars.* The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History.* Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Religion, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Transmission of Christianity into CHamoru/Chamorro Culture
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### [Antonio C. Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-antonio-c-yamashita/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Antonio Carbullido Yamashita (1930 – 1992) was the middle child of thirteen born to Felicita and Raymundo Yamashita. He was born 13 September 1930 in his first home village of Piti. He attended Guam public schools and graduated from George Washington High School in 1951.
**Content:**
# Antonio C. Yamashita
#### Table of Contents
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## A Guam son
Antonio Carbullido Yamashita (1930 – 1992) was the middle child of 13 born to Felicita and Raymundo Yamashita. He was born 13 September 1930 in his first home village of [Piti](http://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/). He attended Guam public schools and graduated from George Washington High School in 1951.
Dr. Yamashita earned a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Biology-Chemistry from Carroll College in Helena, Montana in 1955. He earned a Masters of Arts Degree in Biology in 1962 from the University of Northern Colorado, as well as a Doctor of Education Degree in Science Education from the University of Northern Colorado in 1963. He then returned to Guam and contributed to the development of Guam and the region. Additionally, Yamashita served in the US Army, and after being honorably discharged with the rank of Captain in 1959, he joined the Army Reserves.
## An educational leader
From 1959-1969, Yamashita taught students science at the Territorial College of Guam, predecessor of the University of Guam. It was then that [Governor Manuel Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/) called on Yamashita to discuss the dilemma of the fledgling school.
Governor Guerrero challenged Yamashita, then 34 years-old, to provide the leadership to stabilize and grow the education institution. Yamashita served as the institution’s president from 1963-1970 and again from 1974-1977. His leadership delivered a fully-accredited four-year institution in 1963. The college expanded its undergraduate divisions in 1967 with the creation of the College of Arts and Sciences, the College of Business and Public Administration, the College of Education, and the Graduate School. He then succeeded in attaining formal elevation from College to University with Land Grant status in 1968.
During Yamashita’s second term as its president, the University of Guam was granted the full measure of self governance as an autonomous agency of the government of Guam in 1976, though it wasn’t actually put into full practice until recently.
During his tenure, several programs and buildings which remain today were founded and constructed. These include the [Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)](http://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/), the Marine Lab, the Library, the science and health buildings, the College of Agriculture, the Student Center, three dormitories, what eventually became the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, and the development of the Tritons sports program.
In 1977, he retired as President Emeritus and Professor Emeritus. He subsequently served on the Territorial Commission on Education, as well as on the Diocesan Board of Education.
## Civic contributions
In the 1970s, Yamashita ran for lieutenant governor along with Manuel Guerrero for governor. They narrowly lost to [Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and Richard F. Taitano.
Yamashita helped the island community in other capacities as well. He was a delegate in the 1977 Guam Constitutional Convention, as well as a delegate to the South Pacific Commission from 1983-1986. He served as the Chairman of the Guam Community College Board of Trustees from 1984-1988. He was the Executive Director of the Pacific Post-secondary Education Council from 1986-1989. From 1990-1992, he served as a special consultant to the Guam Legislature. From 1991 to his death, Antonio C. Yamashita served as the Vice Chairman of the Territorial Land Use Commission.
## Family man
Yamashita was married to Dr. Lorraine C. Yamashita. When he became president of the College of Guam, Lorraine Yamashita became an active partner in developing the community spirit of the education institution.
Drs. Antonio Yamashita and Lorraine Yamashita have two daughters, [Dr. Aline Yamashita](http://www.guampedia.com/aline-a-yamashita/) and [Dr. Velma Yamashita](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/). Both daughters continue to develop the education of the island community–Aline through her work in the public education school system and as a senator in the 31st and 32nd Guam Legislatures; Velma through her work as an instructor for the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences and as director of the Isla Center for the Arts at the University of Guam.
Antonio Yamashita was most proud at the birth of his grandsons Ryan in 1991 and Eric in 1992. On 1 October 1992, Antonio Yamashita died after a battle with heart disease.
In 1999, the Guam Legislature renamed the Guam Teacher Corps Program, legislation that Yamashita crafted, the Dr. Antonio C. Yamashita Educator Corps. This scholarship entitles University of Guam students who wish to become teachers, counselors, and school leaders to receive tuition and support.
[***By Aline A. Yamashita, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/aline-a-yamashita/)
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Antonio C. Yamashita
---
### [Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** For more than fifty years, scholars, researchers, journalists, and students intent on finding out more about the peoples and cultures of the western Pacific have visited the Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center (commonly referred to as MARC) at the University of Guam in Mangilao.
**Content:**
# Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)
View more images for the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623777042619/).
#### Table of Contents
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## World-class Micronesia research facility
For more than 50 years, scholars, researchers, journalists, and students with intent to find out more about the peoples and cultures of the western Pacific have visited the Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center (commonly referred to as MARC) at the University of Guam in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/).
Following humbled beginnings and decades of development, the center today is considered by many to be a world-class facility for social sciences and humanities research about Guam and Micronesia, and to an extent, other Pacific Islands.
## Humble beginnings
Between March and July 1967, [Dr. Antonio C. Yamashita](http://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-antonio-c-yamashita/), president of the then-College of Guam, gathered noted scholars of Guam including Paul Carano, co-author of *A Complete History of Guam*, professor of Guam History at the college, and the eventual center’s first director; Dr. Lucius Eldredge of the UOG Marine Lab; [Emilie G. Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/emilie-green-johnston/), college student; and [Marjorie Driver](http://www.guampedia.com/marjorie-g-driver/), principal of St. John’s School—to discuss the need to establish a research library in and about Micronesia. According to Driver:
> Shortly after the end of World War II, an influx of scholars representing various disciplines and the long-range interests of the United States arrived in Micronesia. Island people were subjected to interviews, studies, analyses, etc., yet the data, observations, generalizations, and conclusions were unavailable to them, as were the scholars’ library resources.
>
> Guam’s leaders were concerned because they realized that the knowledge derived from the scholars’ research was of vital importance to the islanders, yet it was restricted and generally unavailable to them, as if it were of no concern to them. Moreover, the resource libraries rich in materials on Micronesia were located at distant institutions, generally inaccessible to the island people.
With a transfer of $10,000 from the Chamorro Language Commission, [Governor Manuel F. Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/) began the process to create MARC. Public Law 9-106, written by Guam Congressman [Richard Flores Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/)—at the center’s 30th anniversary in 1997, it was renamed in honor of Congressman Taitano—formally created MARC as “a separate and distinct program of the College.” Though considered a research center, its start was anything but auspicious. Located in a room of the now demolished Building B at the University of Guam, the three researchers set up shop to begin molding MARC after that of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum in Honolulu, Hawaiʻi.
A year later, MARC moved to the university’s RFK Memorial Library and expanded its faculty—and its general collection of published materials—to include Felicia Plaza, MMB; Thomas B. McGrath, SJ: and, Rosita Duenas. Additional faculty and staff were added several years later, including Spanish historian Teresa del Valle and librarian Albert L. Williams. Johnston became in charge of developing the growing photo collection. Given the Spanish bend of the centers’ researchers, it is no wonder that MARC focused its primary development on translating and publishing Spanish documents.
Between 1979 and 1995, MARC concentrated on developing its research. Complementing [Dr. Dirk Ballendorf’](http://www.guampedia.com/dirk-ballendorf/)s prodigious research and writing was noted Micronesian archaeologist [Dr. Hiro Kurashina](http://www.guampedia.com/hiro-kurashina/) and numerous American, European, and Asian linguists who translated French, German, and Japanese materials.
## MARC collections
In 1992, the research center moved from the Health Sciences Building to its modern two-story facility behind the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences building. The center housed the Guam and Micronesia Reference Collection, Photograph Collection, Map Collection, and the Spanish Documents and Manuscripts Collections. It also provided a variety of research-related services to the university and general communities, including electronic databases, CHamoru/Chamorro genealogies, the popular MARC Seminar Series, and its publications program.
As the University of Guam expands its purview in the western Pacific, administrators have reorganized its research centers into Centers of Excellence. MARC, as a center of excellence, now includes the Micronesian Language Institute and the Chamorro Language and Culture Center.
### Guam and Micronesia Reference Collection
The collection is one of the world’s largest and most extensive repositories of Guam and Micronesia resource materials, with holdings totaling more than 40,000 volumes (Storie, 2008). Also included in the collection are 800 unpublished theses and dissertations. In addition to academic-related materials, MARC has a complete collection of the following daily, weekly, or monthly publications: *Guam News Letter,* *Guam Recorder* (first and second series); *Guam Times Weekly, Pacific Daily News, Pacific Profiles*; and a fair number of *Guam Tribune*, *Marianas Variety News and Views* and *Guam Variety News and Views*, *Saipan Tribune, Tia Belau, FSM News*, and *Island* Times newspapers. According to MARC Librarian Monique Storie, the publications will be placed online in the near future.
The collection is non-circulating (materials cannot be checked out) and closed-stack (technicians must locate and retrieve materials on behalf of the patron), and is one of the few areas at the university that affords a quiet reading room and private cubicles. It’s open Monday through Thursday, 9 am to 5 pm. MARC’s catalogue can also be accessed online.
### Spanish Documents Collection
The extensive documents—more than 100,000 pages of manuscripts and other printed materials—contained in the Spanish Documents Collection mirror Spain’s presence in the Mariana Islands from 1521 to 1898. Spanish documents from such historical periods as Spain’s Pacific explorations, [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/), and the colonial administration in the Mariana and Caroline Islands are available to researchers. Holdings include materials from the General Archives of the Indies (Seville, Spain), the Philippines National Archives (Manila), the General Archives of Mexico, the Royal Academy of History (Madrid), and the Jesuit archives in Rome and Spain.
### Photograph Collection
Contained within the photograph collection are more than 23,000 prints, 90,000 negatives, and 4,000 slides with printed guides to the Guam Series, the Governor (Willis) Bradley collection, and the American Era Historic Sites from the U.S. National Archives. According to Storie, MARC acquired several hundred historical images of the German Period in Micronesia (1899-1914) from the relatives of Georg Fritz, the German Administrator in the then-German controlled Northern Mariana Islands. Recently, U.S. World War II veteran Ernie Vigdor donated pictures of immediate [post-war Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) (1945-1946) during the golden anniversary of the recapture of Guam by U.S. armed forces in July 1994.
### Electronic Databases
In 1982, through a grant from the U.S. Department of Agriculture in cooperation with the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, a bibliographic database was created and is housed at the Guam and Micronesia Reference Collection. Published and unpublished sources concerning tropical agriculture, aquaculture, mariculture, forestry, community development, and other natural sciences in Micronesia are available in electronic form.
### Chamorro Genealogies
As of 2008, more than 100 Chamorro families’ genealogies have been traced as part of the Chamorro Roots Project. Librarian Albert Williams’ family files, painstakingly detailed and dating to 1987, have been combined with civil and church records on births, baptisms, marriages, and deaths that have been cross-referenced with voter registries, extensive interviews, and archival data, including the 1897 Census of the Mariana Islands and the 1920 Church Census of Guam.
### Map Collection
The Map Collection contains about 1,000 rare 16th and 17th historical and contemporary United States Geological Survey and Defense Mapping Agency Hydrographic & Topographic Center maps, as well as a large number of Spanish, German, and Japanese language maps.
### Manuscripts Collection
Much of the post-war change recorded for posterity pertains to Guam’s political and social leaders—[Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), [Congressman Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), and [Governor Ricardo J.](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and [First Lady Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/) to name but a few. Currently, [Congressman Robert A. Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)’s papers are being catalogued. Their papers are housed in the growing Manuscripts Collection, a collection that contains more than two million pages of documents, including letters, diaries, photographs, and other papers. In addition to these original papers, MARC has copies of archival collections from other institutions, such as the U.S. National Archives and the Library of Congress.
## Publications
Since its inception in 1979, the MARC publications program has published more than 250 scholarly titles by scholars from diverse backgrounds and disciplines. MARC publications have been distributed throughout the insular Pacific and beyond to universities, libraries, and bookstores. Some of MARC’s well-known titles include:
- 1985 & 2004 – García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3.
- 1987 & 1992 – Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1.
- 1989 – Driver, Marjorie G, ed. *Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and His Account of the Mariana Islands, 1602*.
- 1993 – Brunal-Perry, Omaira. *A Question of Sovereignty: What Legitimate Right did Spain have to Its Territorial Expansion?* MARC Educational Series 15.
MARC has established a distribution agreement with University of Hawaiʻi Press to distribute MARC publications.
[***By Bruce L. Campbell, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/bruce-campbell/)
## For further reading
Guampedia Staff. “[MARC Publications](https://www.guampedia.com/e-publications/marc-publications/).” In *Guampedia.com*, last modified 30 March 2022.
*University of Guam*. “[Micronesian Area Research Center.](https://www.uog.edu/marc/)“
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Education, Education, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)
---
### [Archbishop Felixberto C. Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Archbishop Felixberto C. Flores (1921 - 1985) was the first Chamorro/ CHamoru bishop. He was born Felixberto Camacho Flores on 13 January 1921, in Hagåtña, the son of León Flores of Laoag, Ilocos Norte, Philippines, and Ana Martínez Camacho of Hagåtña.
**Content:**
# Archbishop Felixberto C. Flores
#### Table of Contents
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## First CHamoru/Chamorro Bishop
Archbishop Felixberto C. Flores (1921 – 1985) was the first CHamoru/Chamorro bishop. He was born Felixberto Camacho Flores on 13 January 1921, in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), the son of León Flores of Laoag, Ilocos Norte, Philippines, and Ana Martínez Camacho of Hagåtña. He attended the Guam Institute, a private school in Hagåtña run by [Nieves M. Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-nieves-m-flores/), and graduated as valedictorian of his class in 1938.
The following year, Flores embarked on the *USS Gold Star* bound for Manila, where he enrolled at the Ateneo de Manila, a Jesuit university, intending to become an engineer. He finished his first year with high honors.
## Chose life of religion
Despite what seemed to be the potential for a successful secular career, Flores left the Ateneo and chose, instead, to pursue the priesthood. The Jesuits were an attractive option, but Flores wanted to serve the church in Guam, and so he became a candidate for the diocesan priesthood. Flores entered San Jose Seminary in Manila in 1940. The seminary, run by the Jesuits, was the same institution where three earlier Chamorro priests attended: Fathers [Jesus Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/),[ Oscar Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-oscar-calvo/) and Jose Manibusan.
When [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) broke out in December 1941, classes at the Seminary were temporarily stopped. Classes eventually resumed until 1945 when the American advance in the Pacific came close to the Philippines. The Japanese interned all Americans, and others, at the Santo Tomas University concentration camp, and Flores was among them.
## Education after WWII
After the war, Flores changed seminaries and entered Saint John’s Seminary in Brighton, Massachusetts, the diocesan seminary for the Archdiocese of Boston. Two years before he finished at Brighton, Flores started taking educational administration classes at Fordham University in New York. Flores was one of an outstanding vanguard of young Chamorro men and women who attended educational institutions of higher learning in the US mainland immediately following the WWII. Many later became leaders in Guam.
## Ordination
On 30 April 1949, Flores was ordained a priest in the Agana Cathedral by [Bishop Apollinaris W. Baumgartner,](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/) OFM Cap. He was the first Chamorro priest to have been partly educated in the US mainland. Baumgartner quickly put Flores’ talent and education to work. For the 20 years of his priesthood before becoming bishop, Flores was intimately tied to the central workings of the church in Guam.
He was made priest of [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) in 1949 but was then transferred as rector of the cathedral in Hagåtña in 1955. He was superintendent of Catholic Schools from 1951 to 1955 and Chancellor or the Vicariate (and then the diocese) from 1952 to 1969. He taught at the Academy of Our Lady of Guam (1949-1969), was associate editor of the diocesan paper *Umatuna si Yuus* (1949-1969), headed various Catholic organizations (Holy Name Society, Society for the Propagation of the Faith, and Apostleship of Prayer), and was a frequent host of Catholic television and radio programs.
Flores’ prominent role in church affairs lead him to be named a papal chamberlain a few days before the 10th anniversary of his ordination in 1959. Papal chamberlain is one of the highest honors bestowed by the Church. Flores was now called Monsignor Felixberto C. Flores. In 1963, he was given the title of domestic prelate which means he was an honorary member of the papal household.
By the year 1968, Bishop Baumgartner’s health had declined seriously enough that Archbishop George Hamilton Pearce of Suva, Fiji, was made apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Hagåtña. An apostolic administrator runs the daily affairs of a diocese when the bishop is incapacitated. In 1969, Flores took his place as apostolic administrator.
## Becomes bishop in 1970
On 19 March 1970, the news was announced that Rome had nominated Flores to the episcopacy (in line to be the next Bishop). He would be given a titular see (leader of the Catholic Church in title only) but remain apostolic administrator of the Hagåtña diocese, as Bishop Baumgartner was still suffering bad health. Flores was consecrated bishop on 17 May 1970, by the apostolic delegate (the Pope’s diplomatic representative) to the United States, Archbishop Luigi Raimondi.
On 18 December 1970, Bishop Baumgartner passed away. Flores was named his successor as Bishop of the Diocese of Agana on 24 April 1971, taking effect on 15 May of that year.
Flores was to lead the Catholic Church in Guam for the next 14 years. During this time, the diocese underwent much positive development. The earlier religious orders in Guam stabilized and became semi-autonomous regions of their mainland provinces. New religious orders came to work in the diocese (the Augustinian Recollects, [Good Shepherd Sisters](https://www.guampedia.com/sisters-of-the-good-shepherd/), [Dominican Sisters](https://www.guampedia.com/dominican-sisters/), Marist Brothers). Flores ordained a dozen or so Chamorro priests, both diocesan and Capuchin.
Diocesan activities, especially in religious education, received much attention and were expanded. In 1979, Flores signed the incorporation papers establishing Catholic Social Services.
One diocesan venture which became a challenge to sustain was the Medical Center of the Marianas, a Catholic hospital which Flores built in 1977 at a cost of $14 million. Within a year it became clear that the promised financial backing he was depending on was not coming through. Flores lobbied with the government to purchase the hospital, which it did in 1979. The facility then became Guam Memorial Hospital.
Flores was also very vocal on social issues, including a 1977 referendum on casino gambling. The diocese opposed casino gambling saying that it would increase crime and addiction to gambling and the voters echoed this position, defeating the proposal by a vote of three to one.
One of Flores’ largest achievements was securing the historic visit of Pope John Paul II to Guam on 22-23 February 1981. Following this event, the diocese enjoyed unprecedented attention and affirmation from Rome. On 8 December 1983, Father Anthony S. Apuron, OFM Cap, was appointed an Auxiliary Bishop to assist Flores.
## From bishop to archbishop
On 8 March 1984, Rome announced that Flores was to be raised to the rank of Archbishop and the diocese as well to become a metropolitan archdiocese. The cathedral in Hagåtña was raised to the rank of Minor Basilica. In the same year, on 8 November, the Vatican announced that the Northern Marianas, which had been a part of the Archdiocese, was to be made its own diocese with its own bishop.
On 6 October 1985, [Diego Luís de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) was beatified in Rome. For years, Flores and others worked hard to obtain this recognition of what many recognize as the heroic virtue of an evangelist and martyr. Flores led the Guam pilgrimage to the beatification ceremonies in Rome. It was a high point in the church’s life for Flores and many Guam Catholics.
After the beatification, Flores went to San Francisco, California, to take care of his health. For years he had struggled with renal and cardiac issues. Two hours after an apparently successful open-heart surgery, he died of cardiac arrest in San Francisco on 25 October. Many remarked that at least he had seen many of his dreams for the church on Guam realized in the months and years before his death. He was buried in the sanctuary of the Dulce Nombre de María Cathedral-Basilica.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
*Capuchin Franciscan Friars*. “[Home](https://www.capuchin.com/).”
*Catholic Social Service: Catholic Charities Guam*. “[Catholic Charities, Social Service Home](http://www.catholicsocialserviceguam.org/home.html).”
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Religion
**Tags:** Archbishop Felixberto C. Flores
---
### [Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The village of Asan probably derives its name from the word Hassan, which means scarce or rare in CHamoru. There are several theories of the origin of the name of the sub-community of Ma’ina, which comes from the CHamoru word ina (to illuminate or shine on).
**Content:**
# Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)
View more photos for the Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622582101560/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Origin of village name in CHamoru
The village of Asan probably derives its name from the word *Hassan*, which means scarce or rare in CHamoru/Chamorro. There are several theories of the origin of the name of the sub-community of Ma’ina, which comes from the CHamoru word *ina* (to illuminate or shine on). Some of the variations on the village name’s origin are hunters in the area who hunted by the light of a torch and then saw their prey by the light of that torch; infants brought at sunrise to baptismal masses at which Catholics believe a person receives the “light” of God; and the moon that rises to illuminate the entire valley in which Ma’ina is situated.
## Population
As of the 2010 US Census, the population was 2,137.
## Village officials
The mayor of Asan-Maina is Frankie A. Salas.
## Village description
The district of Asan-Maina encompasses a large area, including the main coastal village of Asan, the community of Maina nestled in a valley between Nimitz Hill and Agana Heights, and most of Nimitz Hill (also known as *Libugon*), and land beyond it further inland.
The main village of Asan was redeveloped in the 1980s by the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority (GHURA). The redevelopment changed the village’s look from its more traditional Spanish flavor to a fairly modern suburban appearance. The streets were straightened, sidewalks were added, and nearly all houses were built concrete and often two stories high. GHURA still owns many of the houses in the main village, houses that were all built exactly alike, and even painted the same color. Space was limited by the ocean to the west and the hills to the east, which necessitated the two story structures and small yards.
The village sits partly on the hillside of Nimitz Hill and partly on the flat land below it, just in front of the sea. Many of the houses are built on steep roads going up the hillside, reminiscent of San Francisco. The Catholic church, *Niño Perdido Y Sagrada Familia* (Holy Family), sits at the center of the village, along with the community center and mayor’s office.
Asan’s most distinguishable landmark is a large grassy park that sits between the main village and the ocean. Known by many as Asan Beach Park, the Asan Beach Unit of the War in the Pacific National Historical Park is a large expanse of grass, with coconut trees, pavilions, a popular walking path, the Liberator’s Memorial and historical artifacts commemorating the battle that took place in Asan at the end of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
A separate part of the park is located on Nimitz Hill, called the Asan Bay Overlook, which contains a memorial wall of those who died on Guam during WWII, along with a lookout area with a panoramic view of the area in which the Asan battle took place.
Nimitz Hill, named for US Navy Admiral Chester Nimitz, is also home to the former Naval headquarters, the Top of the Mar restaurant, and a number of very expensive houses built there for the hill’s spectacular view. The navy’s top brass is also housed here.
Maina rests in a valley of lush vegetation, bamboo groves, and colorful flowers that come right up to the houses and the main road. The small community is spread out along one small, winding main road, one end of which meets the road going up Nimitz Hill and twists its way to the back side of Agana Heights. The small Fonte Bridge at the end of the road is the site of the famous Guam legend of the “White Lady.”
The area surrounding the bridge is covered with lush vegetation fed by the nutrient-rich soil near the river. The Fonte Dam (also known as Libugon Dam) was reportedly the first dam built on Guam. It was the main freshwater source for the majority of the island’s population that lived in[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) before World War II.
## Village history
The village of Asan was predominantly a fishing village in pre-Spanish times that switched to farming with the settlement of the Spaniards. Villages grew taro, rice, and sugar cane on the fertile flatland between the beach and the hills.
In 1892, Asan beach was the site of a Leper Colony, which was used for eight years until destroyed by a typhoon. Then in 1901, the area was turned into a prison camp for exiled Filipino insurrectionists, including Apolonario Mabini, a leader against the US takeover of the Philippines, who is today considered a Philippine national hero.
In 1917, when the US declared war on Germany, the enlisted men of the German cruiser SMS *Cormoran*, which had been docked in Apra Harbor for three years, were imprisoned at Asan Point by the naval authorities.
In 1922, Asan Point became a US Marine Corps camp with a quartermaster depot, a small arms range, and barracks, but the area, along with most of the island, was demilitarized in 1931.
During World War II, Asan beach played a vital part in the American recapture of Guam from the occupying Japanese forces. On 21 July 1944, the American invasion took place on the beaches of Asan and [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), beginning with a bombardment of the island at 5:30 am Japanese defensive positions were placed on top and on both sides of Asan and Adelup points. The US Armed Forces had four battleships, three cruisers, and three destroyers just off of Asan.
Then at 7 am transports moved toward shore in Asan to unload 180 armored landing vehicles full of assault troops. Lead Marines crossed the reef from 200 to 500 yards offshore and landed on Asan beach, which was defended by Japanese infantry and naval troops manning coastal defense guns.
Nine Marine battalions landed at four points along the coast, assaulted the beaches, took Orote Peninsula, the land behind Asan and Libugon Hill (which was renamed after Nimitz following the war). Fighting lasted several days, with desperate Japanese soldiers making last-ditch “banzai” suicide charges at the Marines. The Asan area was secured on 28 July but it took until 10 August 1944 to eliminate all organized resistance on the rest of Guam.
After World War II ended, Asan Beach became known as Camp Asan until 1947. Camp Asan was used as headquarters and barracks for the US Navy Seabees who helped to reconstruct the island. The village of Asan was relocated further inland along the bottom of the hillside. Maina was also added as part of the municipality.
From 1948 to 1967, Camp Asan became the “Civil Service Camp.” In essence, it was a small military base with housing, an outdoor theater, tennis courts, and a fire station. In 1968, the Navy converted the buildings into a hospital annex for use during the Vietnam War. This was utilized for seven years, until the area was turned into Vietnamese Refugee Camp in 1975. There were a total of 111,000 Vietnamese refugees who came through Guam after the Fall of Saigon.
In 1976, Supertyphoon Pamela destroyed all of the remaining buildings at Asan beach and the area was cleared of the debris by the Navy. The National Park Service acquired the area in 1978 and the War in the Pacific National Historical Park was established.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## Points of interest
### Village Map
### Institutions
**Church of Christ**
Church of Christ is a Christian Bible church located along Marine Corps Drive in the main village of Asan.
**Niño Perdido Y Sagrada Familia (Holy Family Church)**
Asan’s Catholic church was established in 1947, just after World War II, and is the center of the main village. Like all other parishes, the village Catholic faithful honor their patron saint with an annual fiesta on the last Sunday of December.
**Our Lady of Purification Church**
Maina’s Catholic church was also established shortly after World War II in 1949. Parishioners honor their patron saint on the first Sunday of February or the last Sunday in January.
### Historical
**Asan Bay Overlook**
Located on Nimitz Hill contains a memorial wall in honor of 16,142 CHamorus and Americans who died on Guam during the war. Bronze panels illustrate scenes of the invasion, occupation, and liberation of the island. The site provides a beautiful panoramic view of the Asan landing beach.
**Fonte Dam**
The Fonte Dam (also known as Libugon Dam) was reportedly the first dam built on Guam. It was the main freshwater source for the majority of the island’s population that lived in Hagåtña before World War II.
**Asan Beach Unit, War in the Pacific National Historical Park**
The Asan Beach Unit is the site of the American northern landing beach in World War II. There are three World War II monuments located in the park – the Marine Monument, Liberator’s Monument and Marine Invasion Plaque. The monument and bust of Apolinario Mabini can also be found in the park along the beachside.
The National Park hosts their annual, “This Flag is For…” for the Memorial Day weekend. On this occasion the grounds are covered with small American and Guam flags symbolizing the lives lost in WWII.
## Village mayors/commissioners
The first several mayors of the village were naval governor appointments, until residents were allowed the elect commissioners, and later mayors.
- Frankie A. Salas, Mayor, 2017-Present
- Joana Margaret C. Blas, Mayor, 2013-2016
- Vicente L. San Nicolas Commissioner/Mayor 1989-2012
- Francisco A. Acfalle, Commissioner, 1985-1989
- Daniel L. Guerrero, Commissioner, 1981-1984
- Jose S. Quitugua, Commissioner, 1973-1981
- Joaquin S. Santos, Commissioner, 1957-1973
- Santiago A. Limtiaco, Commissioner, 1944-1957
- Joaquin L. Jesus, Commissioner, 1938-1941
- Santiago A. Limtiaco, Commissioner, 1931-1938
- Santiago A. Limtiaco, Commissioner, 1930-
- Enrique S. Cruz Commissioner, 1927-
## Vice mayor/deputy commissioner
- Felomeno San Nicolas, Deputy Commissioner, (no date given)
**Editor’s note:** Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD, wrote the section entitled “The War Years.” It is reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation.
## For further reading
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
*National Park Service*. “War In The Pacific National Historical Park.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
US Department of the Interior National Park Service. “Cultural Landscapes Inventory (Part 4).” In *Asan and Agat Invasion Beaches, War in the Pacific National Historical Park.* Hågat: NPS, 2004.
## Know my island- Know my history
**Legend of the White Lady**
The Fonte River is the site of the local “White Lady” legend. According to the legend, a beautiful young maiden died of a broken heart, waiting for her boyfriend to meet her at the bridge.
Another story centers around a grieving mother who also died there as she searched in vain for her child lost in the bamboo grove around the bridge. People driving over the bridge, especially late at night, have claimed to see the ghost of the “White Lady.”
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)
---
### [Baha'i Faith](https://www.guampedia.com/bahai-faith/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Bahá’í Faith has been part of the Guam community since 1954, quietly attracting members from the island’s diverse population. The Mariana Islands Bahá’í Community encompasses both Guam and the Northern Marianas.
**Content:**
# Baha'i Faith
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Baha'i Faith
The Bahá’í Faith has been part of the Guam community since 1954, quietly attracting members from the island’s diverse population. The Mariana Islands Bahá’í Community encompasses both Guam and the Northern Marianas. There are 17 localities in which Bahá’ís reside throughout the islands, six of which have elected administrative bodies called Local Spiritual Assemblies. A national administrative body, known as the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the Mariana Islands, is located in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Members of the Bahá’í Faith follow the teachings of the prophet Bahá’u’lláh. The following is a statement that from Bahá’u’lláh about religion:
> The purpose of religion as revealed from the heaven of God’s holy Will is to establish unity and concord amongst the peoples of the world.
The Bahá’í Faith is an independent world religion that is established in all parts of the world, and whose Bahá’í World Centre is located on Mt. Carmel, in Haifa, Israel.
## Beliefs
The word “Bahá’í” means a follower of Bahá’u’lláh. Bahá’ís believe that Bahá’u’lláh is the most recent in the line of Divine Messengers sent by God that stretches back before recorded time and includes Abraham, Moses, Jesus Christ, Buddha, Krishna, and Muhammad.
The main theme of Bahá’u’lláh’s message is unity. He taught that there is only one God, that all the world’s religions represent one changeless and eternal Faith of God, and that all humanity is one race, destined to live in peace and harmony.
A related theme of the Bahá’í Faith is that humanity is a single race and that the day has come for humans to strive for the unification of the world into one global society – a society that embraces this unity while it also preserves the diversity of the human experience.
Among the principles of the Bahá’í Faith are:
- The oneness of humankind
- The elimination of all sorts of prejudice
- The equality of men and women
- The right of every individual to an independent search for truth
- The essential harmony of science and religion
- The elimination of extremes of wealth and poverty
- The promotion of universal education
The Bahá’í community of Guam, like its sister communities in all parts of the world, is actively involved in the development of the individual and society. Bahá’ís do this by engaging in activities such as: devotional gatherings open to people of all faiths; classes for the moral and spiritual education of children within the context of the oneness of humanity and the oneness of religion; and study classes focusing on Bahá’u’lláh’s writings to develop in the individual the skills and spiritual attitudes required for service to humanity and a fruitful and happy life.
Bahá’ís gather for Holy Day celebrations throughout the year, and members of the public are invited to attend these gatherings held either in homes or in the two local centers in Mangilao and Dededo. Many Bahá’í communities also host informal gatherings, called firesides, where inquirers may come to learn more about the Bahá’í Faith, ask questions, and socialize with Bahá’ís.
## History in the Mariana Islands
The Bahá’í Faith first reached Guam in 1936, when a Bahá’í from Hawaii, Mary Sweyze, the wife of scientist Dr. Otto Herman Sweyze, joined her husband on a survey to study insects in Guam. They remained in Guam for about seven months, during which time Mrs. Sweyze introduced the Bahá’í Faith to members of the Manibusan family in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/).
It wasn’t until 1954 that two Bahá’ís arrived separately in Guam – Robert Powers Jr. and Cynthia R. Olson. Cynthia’s husband Edgar, better known as Olie, eventually joined her. In July 1954 Mildred Mottahedeh, a well-known Bahá’í of international stature, visited Guam as the first Bahá’í “traveling teacher.” This was followed by the first Bahá’í Holy Day observance, and weekly advertisements of the Bahá’í activities in the Guam Daily News.
In November of that same year, the first presentation of Bahá’í books was made to island libraries. The Bahá’í Fund was established and contributions were soon sent to the Bahá’í International Fund and to a special fund to assist the persecuted Bahá’ís in Iran.
By March 1955, a local resident made the first declaration of his belief in Bahá’u’lláh. The resident, a US civil service worker, was named Charles Mackey. This event was followed by the first mention of the Bahá’í Faith on radio, KUAM, made by Cynthia Olson as part of the “Calendars of the World” program. The “Bahá’í Grapevine,” a newsletter for the Bahá’í community, also commenced publication during 1955.
In 1956, Angeline Isezaki of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) prepared the first CHamoru/Chamorro translation of Bahá’í Writings, “Blessed is the Spot.” The same year, the first Micronesian Bahá’í, Joe Erie Ilengelkei, of Palau, declared his belief in Bahá’u’lláh while living in Guam. Later in 1956, the Guam Department of Education recognized Bahá’í Holy Days and permitted Bahá’í children to be absent from school on those days. In August, the Olsons made their first teaching trip to the island of Rota. And on November 12, 1956 the anniversary of the Birth of Bahá’u’lláh, a series of half-hour radio programs on the Bahá’í Faith began on KUAM radio.
The Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Guam formed in 1956 and was officially incorporated in April 1957. The first Bahá’í marriage took place in June of that year, with precedent-setting legal recognition that has remained in effect in Guam to this day. After three milestone years of “firsts,” Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian and Head of the Bahá’í Faith at that time, identified and recorded the Mariana Islands as an “Outstanding Centre” in November of 1957.
In 1966, the first Chamorro Bahá’í, Jesus Blas “Duke” Manibusan of Sinajana, declared his belief in Bahá’u’lláh.
The first National Teaching Committee for Micronesia, appointed by the Hawaiian National Spiritual Assembly as a precursor to the first National Spiritual Assembly of the region, was subsequently formed and based in Guam.
Bahá’ís in Guam traveled and taught their faith throughout the islands of Micronesia, forming four Spiritual Assemblies: two in Pohnpei, one in Chuuk and another in Majuro.
In April 1973, Superior Court of Guam[ Judge Richard Benson](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-hugh-benson/) became the first person from Micronesia to be appointed to the Bahá’í Continental Board of Counsellors for Northeastern Asia. This board, now covering Australasia, is composed of eminent Bahá’ís who serve to encourage and protect Bahá’í communities in this region.
In 1978, the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the Mariana Islands was elected for the first time, and has been elected annually ever since. This institution exercises legislative, judiciary and executive authority in the affairs of the Bahá’í community in the Mariana Islands.
In 1980, the Bahá’ís opened the National Bahá’í Center in Malojloj, [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/). The center was moved to [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in 2002.
***By*** [***Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/) ***and*** [***Annette Donner***](http://www.guampedia.com/annette-donner/)
## For further reading
Howe, Tom. “[Spiritual legacy now playing dividends](https://news.bahai.org/story/303/).” *Baháʼí World News Service*, 2 May 2004.
*Marianas Bahá’í Community*. “[Home](https://www.marianasbahai.org/).”
*Pacific Region’s Community Resource Directory*. “[Bahá’í National Spiritual Assembly](https://pacificregionresources.org/organizations_detail/?organizations_id=65).” Organization/Business Detail, 2017.
*The Baháʼí Faith: The Official Website of the Worldwide Bahá’í Community*. “[Home](https://www.bahai.org/).”
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Other Religion, Religion
**Tags:** Baha'i Faith
---
### [Banking](https://www.guampedia.com/banking/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam’s banking history began during what is known in the banking world as the Pacific’s Concessionary Era that ran from 1900 to 1945.
**Content:**
# Banking
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Concessionary Era
Guam’s banking history began during what is known in the banking world as the Pacific’s Concessionary Era that ran from 1900 to 1945.
In December 1915, Guam [Governor William J. Maxwell](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-william-john-maxwell/) (1914 – 1916) established the Bank of Guam as a US government entity. The bank opened with a reserve of $15,000 in gold. It served the island until 1941 when it was forced to cease operations due to [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). The Japanese invaded Guam, taking over the island from the Americans.
It is reported that no banks existed during the Japanese occupation. In the Japanese-mandated islands, post offices served the population with limited banking services.
The Concessionary Era was termed a “transitional period,” encompassing two world wars. Banking expansion in the rest of the Pacific almost came to a standstill after World War I (1914-1918) with the sole exception of banks from Australia and New Zealand which ventured into the former German-administered islands of New Guinea and Samoa.
## National Era
The National Era (1945 – 1975) following World War II was characterized as a period of decolonization, nationalism, and state-led industrialization. It was also marked as a time of stigmatization of private and multinational firms. Governments in the Pacific Islands encouraged production for local needs and imposed tariff walls and licensing frameworks that hindered efficiency and the entrepreneurial spirit.
In war-weary Guam, the Bank of Guam reopened under Navy management on 15 March 1945. At the time, it was the only bank authorized to operate in Guam. Spurred on by the post-war boom, the bank become so successful that it opened a branch in the neighboring island of Saipan in 1947.
True to the times, the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was passed in 1950 and ushered in an era of gradual decolonization. With the transfer of the island’s administration from the US Navy Department to the US Department of Interior, the Bank of Guam was sold to the Bank of America that same year.
Four years later, [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), a prominent Guam businessman and civic leader, founded the first locally-owned financial institution in Guam, Guam Savings and Loan. It opened for business on 7 July 1954 and would eventually grow into what is today BankPacific.
The post-war years were a time of major change in the island. Flores became the first Governor of Guam of CHamoru/Chamorro descent in 1960 (not including the interim years between the [Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and [US Naval Eras](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/).) During his administration, the Bank of Hawaiʻi was licensed to operate in Guam in direct competition with the Bank of America. This opened the door for other US financial institutions. Citibank entered the market in 1969 followed by First Hawaiian Bank in 1970 and Chase Manhattan in 1972.
Several prominent local families and a group of visionary government employees established financial institutions during this period. In 1959 Paul Bordallo, a former employee of Guam Savings and Loan, founded Family Finance. Then in 1962, 20 government employees led by [Speaker Joe T. San Agustin](https://www.guampedia.com/speaker-joe-t-san-agustin/) donated a total of $250 to establish the Government of Guam Federal Credit Union.
But it wasn’t until 1972 when [Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/), a former Bank of America Vice President, realized a lifelong dream with the establishment of Guam’s first locally-chartered full-service bank, the Bank of Guam. Leon Guerrero, along with co-founder [Jose LG Untalan, ](https://www.guampedia.com/jose-leon-guerrero-untalan/)established the bank to fill a need they saw in the banking services provided to the local Guam community. The Bank of Guam would realize tremendous success in the years to come and be at the vanguard of the banking industry.
In 1974, two other US-based banks would enter the Guam market, Union Bank of California and the Bank of Tokyo of California.
## International Era
The International Era (1975 – present) characterized by increasing openness to foreign banks, saw a slew of foreign banks initially rush to enter the Guam market from the fringes or outside the Pacific.
The first Philippine bank to enter the market, Metropolitan Bank and Trust, opened a Guam branch in 1975 to service the Filipino-Chinese community. Allied Bank, another Philippine bank, opened in 1977 with a wholesale branch in Guam. It also owned Oceanic Bank, another Philippine bank that opened a branch in Guam.
HSBC opened in Guam in 1976 followed by Taiwan’s First Commercial Bank in 1977. In 1989, Saitama Bank opened a financial unit to service development projects in Guam and the Northern Marianas. Saitama Bank was Japan’s first direct entry into the Guam market.
Several of the existing banks expanded operations in Guam during the early period of this era.
In 1979, Bank of Hawaiʻi’s parent company, Hawaiʻi Bancorporation, Inc. opened Bankoh Finance, an industrial loan company in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam’s capital. Then in 1986, the International Banking Group, consisting of Chinese Marketing Group and Korean Marketing Group, are established by Bank of Hawaiʻi to facilitate foreign investments.
Three years later Bancorporation Inc. opened Hawaiian Trust Ltd.
There was also an expansion of locally-chartered financial companies during this time. The Camacho family opened Pacific Financial Corporation in 1976. Eduardo Camacho, the founder of the business stills runs the finance company now called Personal Finance Center.
Fourteen years later, Camacho joined local businessman Kurt Moylan in the establishment of Guam’s second locally-chartered bank. Citizen’s Security Bank opened its doors in January 1991 as a community-focused bank.
Buoyed by Guam’s quickly developing economy, the Bank of Guam which is also known as the “People’s Bank” had grown large enough to be able to open a branch in San Francisco, California. The branch was opened to facilitate financing between California and Guam, and to allow daytime interaction with the Federal Reserve Bank.
In 1984, the Bank of Guam introduced the first automated teller machine (ATM) to Guam and would continue to experience tremendous growth. Eventually, the Bank of Guam would increase its total number of branches to 14 and have more than 70 ATMs not only in Guam but also throughout the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Republic of Palau, Federated States of Micronesia, and San Francisco. By 1985, the Bank of Guam had become one of the top banks in Guam.
In 1990, the Bank of Guam opened a 10-story headquarters building in the capital city that forever changed the landscape of Hagåtña. In 1997, the bank opened its financial services division and, in 1999, opened BankGuam Insurance Underwriters, Ltd.
In 2001, the Bank of Guam had total declared assets of $669 million and almost 400 employees. The bank made history in August 2000 when it became the first Guam-established business to be listed on a national stock exchange.
### Mergers, closures and changes of ownership
The initial rush during this period later resulted in the consolidation of banks. HSBC closed in 2002. Saitama Bank merged with Asahi Bank and eventually closed. The Bank of Hawaiʻi bought the operations of the Bank of America in 1986 adding $73.9 million in deposits and $51.2 million in loans to its portfolio. A year later, the Bank of Hawaiʻi acquired the Chase Manhattan Bank’s retail operations.
Hawaiʻi Bancorporation, Inc. acquires a majority share of Marianas Finance Corporation in 1974 and First Fed American, Inc. the parent company of First Savings and Loan Association. The Bank of Guam bought the Pacific Island operations of the Bank of America in the mid-1980s and First Hawaiian Bank acquired the Guam branches of Union Bank of California in 2001. Australian Bank, ANZ, acquired locally-chartered Citizen’s Security Bank in 2007.
One of the most significant events in Guam banking occurred during this period when locally-chartered Bank of Guam, opposed First Hawaiian Banks application to the Guam Banking Board for the establishment of a new branch in [Tamuneng](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
In May 2001, First Hawaiian Bank acquired Union Bank of California and applied to the Banking Board for approval to establish a First Hawaiian Bank Branch at the same location where Union Bank had operated. First Hawaiian also applied to the FDIC for approval to open an additional branch and received approval in October 2001.
FHB, aware of the Guam law, argued that federal law preempts the Guam law that prohibited the establishment of an additional bank branch. The Bank of Guam then petitioned the Superior Court of Guam for review of the Banking Board decision granting First Hawaiian’s application to establish an additional branch.
The Superior Court of Guam found that Guam law, 11 CA 106601 (c) was preempted by the Riegle–Neal Act federal law 12 USC 36 (c) and 12 USC 1831a (j)(1). Because the Banking Board found that First Hawaiian Bank’s branch met the requirements for branching set by section 106601 (b), the lower court affirmed the Banking Board’s decision to grant First Hawaiian Bank’s application to establish an additional branch and dismissed the Bank of Guam’s petition.
The Bank of Guam appealed the judgment and filed suit in the Supreme Court of Guam against the Banking Board and First Hawaiian Bank.
There were two issues the court needed to address. One, was whether federal law preempts 11 GCA 106601 (c), and two, whether 11 GCA 106355 applies to the establishment by First Hawaiian of an additional, intrastate branch.
On 12 May 2003 the Supreme Court of Guam affirmed the lower courts decision and stated:
> First Hawaiian’s opening of a branch in Tamuning was not precluded by either 11 GCA 106601 (c) or 106355 (b). While the opening of an additional branch did violate section 106601 (c), we find that section 106601 (c) was preempted by a combined reading of 12 USC 1831a (j) (1) and 36 (c), and by a combined reading of 12 USC 1831a (j) (1) and 36 (f)(1) (A). Thus, section 106601 (c) does not prohibit the First Hawaiians intrastate branch. Section 106355 (b) restricts only a banks initial entry into Guam through branch acquisition, and does not apply to First Hawaiians application to establish an additional, intrastate branch. Thus, we find no error by the lower court, and its decision and order is AFFIRMED.
The judgment opened the way for First Hawaiian Bank to open a second branch in Tamuneng. A few years later in 2008, First Hawaiian Bank constructed a new building fronting Marine Corps Drive, a main thoroughfare in Guam, to house the Tamuneng branch in 2008.
By the end of 2008, the financial industry in Guam had matured and grown into an industry that retains it roots in the community but whose reach spans the globe.
## Pacific Banking Divisions
### Pacific Banking History
The history of banking in the Pacific is divided into temporal divisions as defined by Richard D. Robinson in his article “Politico-Administrative Relationships in Small States.” This historical paradigm takes into account changes over time in social, political, and cultural aspects of society as they relate to corporate polices and practices.
There is no written history of institutional banking in Guam during the first two historical eras.
The Exploratory Era that ran from the 1500s to 1850 encompassed the later part of the [Ancient Guam Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/), and a significant part of the island’s Spanish Era.
The Exploitative Era followed and continued until about 1900. It was characterized by the efforts of Britain, France, Germany, and the United States to establish claim to various the islands of the Pacific. It was during this period that the Treaty of Paris ceded the Spanish colony of Guam to the United States in 1898 after the Spanish-American War. This period witnessed the decline of the Spanish empire and the establishment of the American Naval administration of the island.
There is no evidence of any type of banking system in either of these two eras.
Robinson predicts that a Global Era may follow the present International Era.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## For further reading
*ANZ*. “[Our company](https://www.anz.com.au/about-us/our-company/).” Last modified 3 January 2023.
*Bank of Guam*. “[About Us](https://bankofguam.com/about-us).” Last modified 7 February 2023
*Bank of Hawaii*. “[Serving Our Community for 125 Years.](https://www.boh.com/)” 6 March 2019.
*BankPacific*. “[BankPacific](https://bankpacific.com/).” 16 October 2017.
*Coast360 Federal Credit Union*. “[History & Mission of Coast360 Federal Credit Union](https://www.coast360fcu.com/historymission).”
*First Hawaiian Bank*. “[About Us](https://www.fhb.com/en/about-us).”
*Metrobank*. “[You’re in Good Hands](http://www.metrobank.com.ph/).” Last modified 3 February 2023
*Personal Financial Center*. “[History & Mission](https://www.pfcguam.com/about-us/history-and-mission).”
**Categories:** Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Economics
**Tags:** Banking
---
### [Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/jose-leon-guerrero-untalan/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan (1919 – 1990) was Co-Founder, Vice Chairman of the Board of Directors, and Executive Vice President of the Bank of Guam until his retirement in 1985.
**Content:**
# Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Banking Pioneer
Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan (1919 – 1990) was Co-Founder, Vice Chairman of the Board of Directors, and Executive Vice President of the Bank of Guam until his retirement in 1985. He was a pioneer in banking in Guam and instrumental in the development of banking in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. In 1993, he was inducted as a laureate into the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame.
Untalan was born 20 November 1919, one of eight children of Rita Leon Guerrero and Pedro Cruz Untalan. He graduated from Seaton Schroeder High School in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in 1936 and then took his first job as a teacher in the public schools. From teaching, Untalan went on to a position as an accounting supervisor with the US Naval Civil Service, where he remained until he became a bookkeeper with the US Navy’s [pre-World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) Bank of Guam in 1941.
The bank shut its doors for the duration of [World War II ](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/)when the Japanese occupied Guam. When the Naval Government resumed its administration of Guam after the war, Untalan and his co-worker Jose Perez were called upon to prepare the re-opening of the Navy Bank of Guam, restoring partially-destroyed documents. He assumed his pre-war position as a bookkeeper.
In 1950, when Guam’s civilian government took over the Naval administration of the island after the signing of the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), the Bank of America took over the Navy Bank of Guam. Untalan stayed on as assistant cashier and later as auditor. As his responsibility grew, he opened a Bank of America branch in Chuuk, Majuro, and in the village of [Tamuneng](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). In 1967, Untalan was promoted to Assistant Manager of Operations.
11 December 1972, was a turning point in Untalan’s life–it was when he left the Bank of America to become co-founder of Guam’s first locally-owned bank, the Bank of Guam, with his life-long friend and associate [Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/). The new Bank of Guam opened with Untalan, Leon Guerrero, and 13 staff members in the Santa Cruz area of Hagåtña. Untalan and Leon Guerrero worked hard for years to build up a reputable bank and eventually opened branches in Saipan, Rota, Tinian, Chuuk, Pohnpei, Majuro, Ebeye, Kwajalein, Palau, and San Francisco, California.
Besides being a banker, Untalan was known as a devoted family man and a faithful parishioner in his church parish. He was also a civic leader, elected to the ninth Guam Congress in 1949, representing the district of Hagåtña. He was a contributor to many civic and religious organizations, and served as president of both the Father Duenas Memorial School and Agana Cathedral School parent teacher associations, manager of the Pony and Babe Ruth Baseball Leagues, vice chairman of the Territorial Planning Commission, a member of the Government of Guam Retirement Board, president of the Maina Holy Name Society, chairman of the [American Red Cross Guam Chapter](https://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/) and the Guam Tuberculosis and Health Association, chairman of the Guam Bankers Association, and vice chairman of the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority. Untalan was also given an honorary doctorate of law degree from the University of Guam.
Untalan was married to Rosario Flores Untalan, and together they had eight children: Theodore, Jose Jr., Frances, Mary, Paul, Richard, Matthew (Anthony), and Edward.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. VoI. 3. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2002.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Jose Leon Guerrero Untalan
---
### [Bautista Brothers](https://www.guampedia.com/bautista-brothers/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Bautista brothers moved to Guam from the Philippines during the early 1950s. They were and are still highly respected by other local musicians.
**Content:**
# Bautista Brothers
##### Share This
## Jazz family from the Philippines
The Bautista brothers moved to Guam from the Philippines during the early 1950s. They were and are still highly respected by other local musicians. Trumpet player Benito Bautista, more commonly known as “Bennie,” who also plays flute, marimba, and vibes played with well-known pianist Nick Abelardo when he first came to Guam. Ray Bautista plays piano and drums. Bassist Pete Bautista and drummer Marianito “Nito” Bautista both played jazz with several groups on the island. The father of the Bautista brothers, Pedro Bautista, Sr., served in the US Navy Band as a band master until his retirement.
Although Nito and Pete are both talented musicians, they look up to their oldest brother Bennie as the most gifted musician of the family. Bennie is also highly respected by many local musicians on the island. He plays many different instruments, although he considers the trumpet and vibes to be his main instruments. Louie Gombar, a well-known vibe player on Guam learned to play from Bennie. Bennie now resides in Honolulu, Hawaii, where he once played with the well-known group Martin Denny with whom he recorded a couple of albums.
Pete Bautista plays the bass while brother Ray plays the piano and drums. Ray was an original member of the well-known band the Downbeats and a former member of the Blue Notes band. Nito began his music career in 1954 during the height of “taxi dancing” on the island when woman were brought in from Hawaii to entertain the many construction workers on Guam by dancing with them for a fee. Nito originally had aspirations to play the piano, but admits that he did not have the “ear” to do so. He eventually ended up playing the drums. After Bennie left Guam for states, Nito went on to play with noted musicians Forrest Harris and Louie Gombar in numerous clubs on the island
There are two Bautista brothers who did not make music a career. Juan, a violinist, became a doctor and didn’t have the time to play. He did, however, play violin in a symphony at the college level and was able to use this talent as a means of obtaining funding for his education. Terry, who played trumpet, was drafted into the US Army and later moved Hawaii where he later passed away. He was a soloist trumpet player with a real talent for playing jazz.
Nito continues to reside on the island of Guam with his wife, Josephine, of forty-two years. Pete also lives on the island with his wife Pilar Muna Bautista. Ray and his wife Mary Jane are still living on the island, as well. Bennie, on the other hand, left Guam for New York in 1957, and relocated to Hawai’i in 1962. Bennie passed away on 14 March 2019, and his wife, Rosario Sholing Bautista (Charing) passed away on 25 February 2020.
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/ "James Perez Viernes")***
**Editor’s note:** The photos and initial research for this entry is courtesy of Mico and Stevie Scott’s *Jazz on Guam: An Oral History*, a project funded by the Guam Humanities Council and in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Music, Musicians
**Tags:** Bautista Brothers
---
### [Bishop Joaquín Felipe Oláiz](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-joaquin-olaiz/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Bishop Joaquín Felipe Oláiz y Zabalza (1872 - 1945) was the third Apostolic Vicar of Guam.
**Content:**
# Bishop Joaquín Felipe Oláiz
#### Table of Contents
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## Contributed to the Guam mission's growth
Bishop Joaquín Felipe Oláiz y Zabalza (1872 – 1945) was the third Apostolic Vicar of Guam. He was born in Pamplona, Navarra, Spain on 6 June 1872 and was baptized with the name Felipe. When Oláiz joined the [Capuchins](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1202) in 1887, he was given the names Joaquín María. Oláiz was ordained a priest in 1896, and was a missionary in Venezuela and Colombia, and served as Provincial Definitor (advisor) in his native Capuchin Province of Navarra.
In 1914, Rome assigned the care of the Apostolic Vicariate of Guam (which was a mission and not yet a diocese) to the Navarra Province of Capuchins and appointed Oláiz to head it. He was appointed Titular Bishop of Docimea (or Docimium). He arrived on Guam in 1915.
While he lived mainly in the capital village of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1251), Oláiz did reside in [Humåtak](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1293) for a brief period in order to acquaint himself with the CHamoru/Chamorro language and culture as well as to give relief to the pastor.
## Accolades from Rome
During his 19 years as Apostolic Vicar, the Catholic Church on Guam expanded in population, number of missionaries, and churches or chapels. Oláiz lead the effort to organize the Saint Vincent de Paul Society for the Assistance of the Poor, and he built a hall next to the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica for the Society and other programs of the local church. Several CHamoru boys were sent to San Jose Seminary in Manila during his tenure including three who became priests – [Fathers Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1311), [Oscar Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1803) and Jose Manibusan. A visiting Vatican inspector of the missions declared that, under Oláiz, Guam was the best organized Catholic mission in Oceania at the time.
The one major disappointment of Oláiz during his term was the failure to procure Catholic sisters for the island. Various obstacles placed by the [American Naval administration](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1534) prevented the realization of Oláiz’s dream of establishing Catholic schools under the care of such sisters.
In 1934 Oláiz tendered his resignation to the Vatican and returned to Spain shortly thereafter. He died on 8 December 1945 in his native city of Pamplona.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=686)
## For further reading
McGrath, Thomas B. “The Capuchins in the Marianas: A Note on Events and Sources.” *Journal of Pacific History* 20, no. 1 (January 1985): 57-64.
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Bishop Joaquín Felipe Oláiz
---
### [Joaquin F. Lujan](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-f-lujan/)
**Published:** August 29, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Joaquin Flores Lujan (1920-2015), commonly known as “Tun Jack” and “Kin Bitud” to family and friends, is part of a legacy of more than 100 years of CHamoru blacksmiths.
**Content:**
# Joaquin F. Lujan
View more images for the Joaquin F. Lujan entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157627204618811/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Master blacksmith and artisan
Joaquin Flores Lujan (1920 – 2015), commonly known as “Tun Jack” and “Kin Bitud” to family and friends, is part of a legacy of more than 100 years of CHamoru/Chamorro blacksmiths.
Lujan was born in 1920. He began his training from the age of nine under the guidance of his father, Mariano Leon Guerrero Lujan, a renowned toolmaker. The older Lujan had been taught by an uncle who, in turn, had been mentored by Tun Jack’s grandfather.
For generations the Lujans have produced high quality, fire-forged metal work, such as the *machete* (a heavy knife), *teras pugua* (betel nut scissors), the *fisga* (a pronged fishing spear), the *si’i* (a tool for preparing weaving materials), the *so’soh* (used to extract coconut meat), the *kamyo’* (coconut grater), and the *fusiños* (a garden hoe). These traditional metal tools were commonly used in Guam and the Marianas, particularly for daily tasks such as harvesting crops or preparing family meals. Because of their quality and rarity, some items manufactured by Lujan are prized as family heirlooms and are passed down from one generation to the next.
Lujan was the only child in his family to learn his father’s blacksmithing skills. After [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Lujan was the sole link to Guam’s blacksmithing tradition that spanned as far back as the [Spanish era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/). Because of the expertise and patience necessary to produce quality tools, blacksmithing was not a preferred occupation for many CHamorus. Lujan, however, continued to have an appreciation for the craft and understood its significance as part of CHamoru culture.
## The war years
On 8 December 1941, news of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor hit the island, causing panic in the streets. This was compounded when word travelled around the island that planes had bombed [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/). Most CHamoru families left their homes in villages such as [Hagåtña ](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña")and headed for ranches or the jungle. Lujan and his family stayed in their home in Anigua.
Early on the morning 10 December, there was a banging on the door of the Lujan home. Lujan checked and saw that it was one of his friends from Anigua, who was working as a policeman. The officer did not order them to evacuate, but rather asked Lujan to come out into the darkened night.
Lujan asked if they were safe in Anigua.
> No one is safe anywhere. They say the Japanese are coming any moment now, I just caught some boys looting from the warehouses in Hagåtña. You should go home and be with your family. I stopped them, but then realized they were right to take it. If we don’t take it, the Japanese will. No one is there. Our families need that rice. If you come with me, you can take as much as you can carry. If anyone stops us, I’ll say we are on the Governor’s orders.
>
> CHamoru policeman
As they entered Hagåtña, they saw others with the same idea, carrying whatever they could from the stores. When the looters saw the police officer in the dark, many of them paused for a moment, before continuing on with their arms and hands overflowing with canned goods, kerosene, rope, nets and any other supplies they could scrounge in the dark. Lujan and his friend each took two 50-pound sacks of rice and began to slowly carry them back toward their homes. They heard firing in the distance to the north. Lujan was worried some sailors or Marines might see them and arrest them. But no one stopped them.
As they walked along the beach, they noticed movement in the water. They heard the whine of boats and more gunfire. Lujan quickly forgot about sailors finding him and began to worry about the invisible ships approaching the shore. This was the Japanese invasion! He and his friend, with strength they did not know they had, began to run, still lugging the hundred pounds of rice atop their shoulders.
When Lujan returned home, his father chastised him for going out and also for stealing the rice.
> *Båba i bidå-mu, lao guaha maolek lokkue.*
They hid the rice carefully, vowing to save it for an emergency, which there were no shortages of during the occupation.
## Japanese general visits
Several months into the Japanese occupation of Guam, Lujan’s blacksmith shop in Anigua was visited by a Japanese general. Before the war it was common for people to stop by the shop. But things were not business as usual during the war. Imports into the island had stopped. Most CHamorus were put into work crews in order to feed the Japanese. The major villages emptied, as CHamorus hid on ranches to escape the watchful eyes of their new occupiers. The English language was banned and Japanese was taught in schools. The Japanese pushed families out of their homes to turn them into quarters for Japanese troops.
When Lujan saw the Japanese general at the entrance to their shop, he froze, fearful that this could be the end. Earlier that year, two CHamorus had been accused of hiding weapons and helping the American holdouts and were executed at Pigo Cemetery. Along the walls and tables of the shop were metal tools, all of which could be used as weapons.
This general had moved into the Dela Cruz home across the street in Anigua several weeks earlier.
When the general handed the machete back to Lujan, he remarked on the good quality. He told the blacksmiths that the work they were doing was important, and he encouraged them to continue to do it so that the CHamoru people could sustain themselves in hard times like this. As a result of the general’s order, the Lujan family was exempted from working in the fields. Instead, they were left alone to keep making tools and trading them to farmers for crops and livestock.
Despite being spared the forced labor that most other CHamorus had to endure, the Lujans still suffered. They went hungry some days and sometimes gave tools away to those who couldn’t afford to trade for them. Their newfound friend, the Japanese general, gave them some protection, but not enough. Several times while returning to Anigua from their *lancho* in Tutuhan, they were stopped by Japanese soldiers and had their crops seized. On one occasion, Lujan was beaten.
In the final months of the occupation, no one came to trade for tools with Lujan’s family. The Japanese were becoming increasingly violent and brutal as American military forces pushed their way closer and closer towards the Marianas.
Eventually, American planes appeared overhead and the bombardment began. The US intended to soften Guam up prior to their invasion, and normally densely populated locations such as Hagåtña and its neighboring areas were hit the hardest.
## Went north instead of to Manenggon
Lujan’s family stayed in their house in Anigua until they could see American ships off the coast and their bombs, which were relentless. Because of their connection to the Japanese general, they had avoided the march to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat") that so many others were forced to take. But, as the bombs continued to fall, they wondered if the general had really done them a favor.
The general’s aide appeared just a few days before the American invasion. He had a Jeep and orders to drive them north, away from the fighting, where they could find shelter and safety until the battle was over. Lujan’s family, as well as some neighbors, piled into the car. They sped north, driving along the *tinchera*, or what is today known as East Agana.
On that long strip of beach, they saw the American fleet off Guam in all its menacing glory. Although they had hoped for months for an American return, in that moment the ships didn’t seem to carry much salvation. The Americans seemed determined to pulverize the island. Lujan’s family braced themselves as they drove along the beach and bombs hit near them. They had a large wooden cross with them. Several hands all reached out to touch the cross, and prayers were thrown into the air as if to protect them from the bombs. As one of Lujan’s sisters said later, it worked. God heard their prayers, and no bombs hit them as they drove.
They were taken to Mogfog, [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/ "Dededo (Dedidu)") and dropped off in the jungle. The Lujans asked the aide if he would stay with them and hide. He said no, he would return south to take his place at his general’s side, and, if necessary, die with him. Before he drove off, he gave them a message from the general, an apology in fact, he said,
> My general said that, for what this war had brought to your island, and how it has destroyed such a beautiful place, he apologizes. It will soon be over.
>
> Japanese military aide
The general did not survive the war and was killed early in the American invasion. The Lujans said he didn’t truly support the war, but only fought out of a sense of duty to his country. His gesture of driving them north to safety must have been his way of thanking them for helping him feel connected to his family while he was away.
They spent days in Mogfog, foraging for food and living in *bokkongo* or man-made holes. When the American troops reached Lujan and his family, they gave them food and water and told them about the refugee camps which had been set up back in Hagåtña. They were in high spirits and prepared to head back home.
By the time they got to the refugee camp, thousands of other CHamorus had already been liberated, and so the camp was crowded with stations for food, building supplies, shoes, and other things needed to help get life started again. The Lujans rushed to get food and water first. They had been eating in very lean fashion for years and were astounded to see huge trays and pots of food.
Lujan gathered up some eggs, bacon, and powdered milk, and, with everyone else, began to eat as quickly as they could. They all soon regretted eating so much so fast, as their swollen bellies began to ache.
Hagåtña had been almost completely destroyed. They had little hope that they would be able to return home, especially after seeing the wanton destruction as they had come north from their *bokkongo’*. Much to their surprise, their house in Anigua had survived the war and was still standing. Once they moved back in, life could return to normal.
## The war changed everything
Except – everything had changed after the war. The island changed, and Lujan changed. In the rebuilding years, some villages disappeared, and new ones appeared. CHamorus, seeking new opportunities and worried about another war on the horizon, migrated to the US in increasing numbers. Much of the island became locked behind military fences, as new bases appeared in the southern, central and northern areas. The farming lifestyle that had sustained CHamorus for hundreds of years began to disappear, in part because of the loss of land, and also because of new employment opportunities with the formation of the government of Guam and the installation of the new Navy and Air Force bases.
With changes everywhere, it was only natural that Lujan’s life would change as well. Like many in his generation, he felt new desires to Americanize, to give up the simple life of blacksmiths, fishermen, and farmers, and work for wages instead, to gain more independence away from the land and networks of reciprocity.
Even though the art of blacksmithing had helped Lujan and his family survive the war, Lujan wanted more out of life and hoped to leave blacksmithing behind. Although he wasn’t able to serve in the Navy, he did serve for a short time in the Merchant Marines and also drove a taxi. After the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was signed, he started a career with US Immigration and married Elizabeth DL Flores Lujan (*familian Kabesa)*, who had been his classmate before the war. Together they raised a family.
## Back to blacksmithing after retirement
Upon his retirement, he returned to blacksmithing, proudly demonstrating his skills and craftsmanship at schools, festivals and public events. In 1985 he began his apprenticeship program, beginning with three apprentices, all members of the Guam Fire Department.
Over the years, Lujan was featured in television programs, newspapers and magazines, and eventually invited to exhibit and demonstrate his work in Australia, Taiwan and the continental United States. The Consortium of Pacific Arts and Cultures included his pieces in their “Living Traditions” exhibit of crafts from the Pacific Islands region. He was recognized for his work in the preservation of CHamoru culture and was awarded the Governor’s Art Award several times.
In 1996, he received the Maga’lahi Lifetime Cultural Achievement award and the National Endowment for the Arts National Heritage Fellowship Award. The NEA fellowship granted Lujan national recognition as a traditional artisan, and in fact, Lujan is the only person from this region who has received this honor.
Lujan’s skills as a traditional blacksmith reflect a strong attention to detail and quality. He put his name on every piece he made, inscribing his initials to ensure authenticity. One of his challenges was dealing with the availability of cheap, factory- or machine-manufactured tools that unscrupulous people try to pass off as Lujan’s work to make a profit.
Despite the challenges of the counterfeit products, Lujan was selfless in his desire to preserve the art of blacksmithing, and was willing to train those who want to learn. He was featured at regional cultural arts events, such as the Festival of Pacific Arts (FestPac) and the annual Micronesian Island Fair in Guam. Over the years, he trained more than a dozen apprentices in the hope of preserving the traditional art of blacksmithing. In his last years his apprentices included his grandson Jeremy Lujan Bevacqua, and his first female apprentice, Nathalie Pereda.
On 29 April 2011, Joaquin Lujan was recognized, along with three other distinguished CHamoru artists—master carver [Robert Taitano,](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-taitano/ "Robert Taitano") master weaver Philip Sablan, and tattoo artist [Maria Yatar McDonald](https://www.guampedia.com/maria-yatar-mcdonald/ "Maria Yatar McDonald")—as a Master Folk Artist by the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA). As part of this recognition, Lujan conducted the CAHA Folk and Traditional Arts Apprenticeship Program. His grandson, [Dr. Michael Lujan Bevacqua](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/ "Michael Lujan Bevacqua"), was his first student in this apprenticeship program, carrying on the Lujan legacy of metal blacksmithing.
Joaquin “Tun Jack” Lujan passed away 20 March 2015 at the age of 94.
***[ By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola ](https://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/ "Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola")***
**Editor’s note:** Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD, wrote the section entitled “The War Years.” It is reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation.
## For further reading
“[Artists Directory](https://www.guamcaha.org/).” *Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA)*.
“Guam KAHA. ‘Kahan I Kutturan Guahan’: A Tribute to Masters of Chamorro Tradition.” *Pacific Daily News*. Last modified 20 December 2002.
“Joaquin Flores Lujan.” 1996 National Endowment for the Arts National Heritage Fellow.
Onedera-Salas, Selina. “A living legacy: Tun Jack’s resolve to keep blacksmithing craft alive is as strong as steel.” *Pacific Sunday News*, 1 May 2011.
“[Picturing Guam Teachers Resource Book](https://www.humanitiesguahan.org/).” *Humanities Guåhan*, 2011.
Sweeney, Ronna. “Blacksmith Jack Lujan keeps Chamorro heritage alive.” KUAM News, 26 August 2007.
Thompson, Erin. “Keeping the fire burning: Preserving traditional arts in the modern age.” *Pacific Sunday News*, 22 August 2010.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, People, People and Places, Traditional Craft, US Naval Era, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Joaquin F. Lujan
---
### [Book: Secret Guam Study](https://www.guampedia.com/book-secret-guam-study/)
**Published:** September 3, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the 1960s the United Nations issued Resolution 1514 (XV) "Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples," as a call to end colonization around the world. As a result, many nations began the process of decolonization as territories negotiated new political statuses and exercised their rights of sovereignty and self-government.
**Content:**
# Book: The Secret Guam Study
#### Table of Contents
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In the 1960s the United Nations issued Resolution 1514 (XV) “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,” as a call to end colonization around the world. As a result, many nations began the process of decolonization as territories negotiated new political statuses and exercised their rights of sovereignty and self-government.
Pacific Island territories, including Guam, followed suit and began to visualize what a change in political status could mean for the region and its people. In the 1980s and 1990s, Guam attempted to obtain commonwealth status with the United States, but was unsuccessful in getting the [Guam Commonwealth Act](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18493) approved by the US Congress. Unknown to Guam leaders at the time, however, the federal government was considering granting commonwealth status to Guam as far back as the 1970s.
## Federal study recommends Commonwealth Status for Guam in 1975
A United States federal inter-agency task force carried out a study in 1973-74 to look at [Guam’s political status](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=830) at the same time the US was negotiating commonwealth status with the Northern Mariana Islands. Known as the “Guam study,” in 1975 the task force recommended that Guam become a US Commonwealth as well. Their recommendations, however, were shelved without the people of Guam knowing about it until 30 years later.
The Northern Mariana Islands (NMI), along with Palau, Yap, Kosrae, Chuuk, Pohnpei and the Marshall Islands, had been a part of the [Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI)](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/ "Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in Guam") created by the United Nations and administered by the US since 1947. In the early 1970s each of the island groups negotiated with the US to achieve a more permanent political status. The Northern Marianas chose to be a US Commonwealth.
The federal governmental agencies administering Guam knew that there was growing dissatisfaction on Guam with its territorial status position. People on Guam held mixed views as to what the island’s political status should be and on reunification with the NMI. The islands were politically separated in 1899 when Guam became a US territory and the northern islands of Rota, Tinian and Saipan were bought by Germany. After World War I, the northern islands became territories of Japan until they were overtaken by the US toward the end of World War II. Guam, on the other hand, was under [US rule](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1534) except for two and a half years during [World War II](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1497) when the island was occupied by Japan.
Reunification of the Mariana Islands was put forth in a 1969 referendum, which was accepted by the NMI but rejected by Guam, partly because of the role individuals from the NMI had played in facilitating the Japanese occupation of Guam during World War II and other more complicated economic, political and social considerations. The leaders of Guam also mistakenly believed that Guam would have to fund infrastructure improvements in the NMI and did not believe they could afford to do so.
After reunification failed, the 196-page federal study concluded that some status change would have to occur in Guam. The Guam study determined that commonwealth status would be best for the island, reflecting the fact the NMI was negotiating the same status. Commonwealth status appeared to meet the varying positions of [Guamanians](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1510) and the federal government, particularly the defense needs of the US, according to the report.
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger sent the report to President Gerald Ford. After Ford had reviewed it, Kissinger, in a memo with the report, said that the President agreed with the recommendations and instructed an Under Secretaries Committee to:
> seek agreement with Guamanian representatives on a commonwealth arrangement no less favorable than that which we are negotiating with the Northern Marianas. If, however, Guamanian representatives prefer a modified unincorporated territorial status, we will be willing to accept such an arrangement.
Kissinger’s memorandum instructed the Under Secretaries Committee to implement the polices set forth in order to give effect to these objectives:
- Retain US sovereignty over Guam, and, in particular, to maintain US control over Guam’s foreign affairs and defense and preserve US military basing rights to Guam.
- Enable Guam to move toward complete self-government in internal affairs under a self-drafted constitution consistent with the US Constitution in order to enhance prospects for Guam’s continued close relationship with the federal government, and for long-term stability of the island.
- Help promote the material well-being of Guamanians in order to maintain stability on Guam.
- Enhance the prospects for the ultimate integration of Guam with the Northern Marianas if this accorded with the desires of the majority of Guamanians.
The directive specified that:
> the Assistant Secretary of Interior for Program Developments and Budget should develop and implement a negotiating approach that will give effect to the above instructions, and should organize a US negotiating team that will include representation from the Departments of State and Defense as well as the Department of Interior.
The directive also ordered that Congress be kept informed of significant developments in the negotiations with Guamanian representatives.
## Thwarted by Interior
President Ford left office in 1977 and was replaced by President Jimmy Carter. While the study ordered the Department of Interior to notify Guam’s elected leaders of the newly established policy, Interior officials decided not to do so. Eventually the study was shelved without the people of Guam ever knowing it existed until 30 years later.
This federal study and its outcome are the subject of a book entitled, *The Secret Guam Study,* by Howard P. Willens and [Dirk A. Ballendorf](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=680), printed by the [Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=564), University of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, Saipan in 2004. The memorandum by Kissinger and all the supporting documents are included in the book as appendices.
***[By Shannon J. Murphy](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)***
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Book: Secret Guam Study
---
### [Burial Practices](https://www.guampedia.com/burial-practices/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Although death is an occasion for grief, the CHamorus consider it as a chance for the extended family throughout the island to gather and pray for the repose of the spirit of the difunto, or deceased male, or difunta, or deceased female.
**Content:**
# Burial Practices
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## Celebration of the *finakpo'*
Although death is an occasion for grief, the CHamorus/Chamorros consider it as a chance for the extended family throughout the island to gather and pray for the repose of the spirit of the *difunto* (deceased male), or *difunta* (deceased female). This practice dates back to the ancient CHamoru belief system of ancestral worship. The CHamorus believed that the family was so important that family members could affect them, even in death. When a family member died, CHamorus would spend days wailing and chanting until a celebration was held to rejoice the spirit’s journey *hulo’ gi langet* (up to the sky). *Långet* means sky, but it also means heaven.
Today, aspects of these practices remain. For example, there are nine days of *lisåyon måtai*, or rosary for the dead, followed by another nine days of *lisåyon familia*, or the immediate family rosary, and followed a year later by the *lisåyon komple’åños*, or anniversary rosary. These prayer groups exemplify the early CHamorus’ show of respect given to the their deceased members over extended time. They are reminiscent of the intense wailing and chanting over the death of a clan member over a period of time. Even the manner in which the *[techa](https://www.guampedia.com/techa-traditional-prayer-leader/)* (prayer leader) says the prayer exemplifies the loud wailing of the clan chant leader. Today, the *techa,* who can singsong the rosary the loudest, is the most coveted candidate for the job.
When a person is *chachaflek* (near death), members of the family begin to arrive at the home, or at the hospital, to await the death of the family member. A priest would be notified to give the *olios* (last rites). Immediately upon death, a *lisåyu*, or rosary begins, usually led by a *techa* or an elder.
The *lisåyu* would continue for nine days at the *difunto’s* or *difunta’s* home, or at the village church. The ninth day may end before or after the funeral. Gatherings are solemn and sorrowful; people are usually served light refreshments each night and a dinner at the end of the ninth day, an occasion in which members of the *familia* give small *nina’i’*—*nengkanno’, fina’mames, yan gimen* (gifts—food, sweets, and drinks). Traditional practice calls for nine days of public rosary and nine days for the family.
[*Bela*](https://www.guampedia.com/bela-wake-or-vigil/), or overnight wakes, were held at the home of the *difunta* or *difunto*. Today, instead of a *bela*, most families use the church for several hours to allow families and friends to pay their respect on the day of the funeral.
*Bela* in the early days was held overnight and throughout the next day until the burial procession took the body to the church for the mass and *responso*. In the past, family and mourners walked the procession to the *simenteyu* (cemetery). Homes situated along the route of the procession would light candles on their window sills as the carriage carrying the deceased passed by. Today, a caravan of cars takes the deceased to the burial site.
During a *bela*, people from throughout the island would arrive to pray and give *ika*–a form of [*chenchule’*](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/) for the dead. *Ika* is usually given in greater amount than a wedding *chenchule’*, because families plan for a wedding, but not for a funeral.
Mourning for the *difunto* or *difunta* continued for a year. The members of the family would wear black until after the *komple’åños* (anniversary mass) is celebrated. They avoided parties, singing and dancing, and other social activities. The widow or the widower, as the case may be, would not consider remarriage until after the one-year mourning period.
The celebration of the *finakpo’* or the *komple’åños*, was elaborate and joyful. Specially-prepared foods and *fina’mames* are served. Delicacies (See CHamoru recipes [here](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-food/chamorro-recipes/)) may include *apigige’, leche flan, åhu*, *guihan* (fish), *ayuyu* (coconut crab), *haggan* (turtle), *fanihi* (fruit bat), and *hinetnon babui yan kåtne* (roasted pig and meat). The extended family would prepare and host this occasion to show its appreciation to those who had attended the *finatai*, and for participating in the prayer groups. It was also given as a form of reciprocity to those who had given their assistance to the bereaved family in whatever form.
Many of these traditions continue today.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from “Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Burial Practices and Beliefs, Chamorro Culture, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Burial Practices
---
### [Catholic Prayers](https://www.guampedia.com/catholic-prayers/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The following are texts of Fundamental Catholic prayers in both Chamorro/CHamoru and English. They are recited during daily prayers, novenas (nobenas), and rosaries.
**Content:**
# Catholic Prayers
 Faith and Praying the Rosary. By Jen Crisostomo.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** The following are texts of Fundamental Catholic prayers in both CHamoru/Chamorro and English. They are recited during daily prayers, novenas (*nobenas*), and rosaries. Please see the **For further reading** section below for the ”*Nobenan I Niño Jesus-Novena to the Christ Child*.”
## Sign of the Cross
CHamoruEnglish**Sinat i Kilu’os****Sign of the Cross**Gi na’an i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espiritu Sånto.In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.Åmen.Amen.
## The Lord's Prayer
**I Padre Nuestro pat I Tatan-Måmi****The Lord’s Prayer or The Our Father**Tatan-måmi ni’ gaige Hao gi langet, u matuna i na’ån-mu, u mamaila’ i gobietno-mu, u mafa’tinas i pinto’-mu, taimanu gi tano’ taiguihi gi langet.Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name, Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven.Na’i ham på’go nu i kada ha’åni ni’ agon-mami, ya un asi’i ham nu i diben-måmi, taiguihi in asisi’i i dumidibi ham siha, ya cha’mo ham pumopo’lo na in fanbasnak gi tentasion, lao na’fanlibre ham gi tailayi.Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us, Lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil.Åmen.Amen.
## Hail Mary
**Åbe Maria****Hail Mary**Si Yu’us un gineggue, Maria, bula hao gråsia, si Yu’os gaige giya hågu, matuna hao entre todu i famalao’an, yan matuna i fiñanagu-mu as Jesus.Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of Thy womb Jesus.Santa Maria, nanan Yu’os, tayuyute ham n manisao på’go yan i oran finatai-måmi.Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners now and at the hour of our death.Åmen.Amen.
## Glory Be
**U Matuna I Tata****Glory Be**U matuna i Tata, yan i Lahi-ña, yan i Espirito Sånto. Taiguihi i tutuhon-na pa’go, yan i manaihinekkok na ha’åni.Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit. As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end.Åmen.Amen.
## The Creed
**I Kredo****The Creed**Manhongge yu’ as Yu’os Tåta ni’ todu ha na’siña, ha na’huyong i langet yan i tano’, yan as Jesu kristo, i guiya ha’ Lahi-na na Saina-ta ni mamapotge pot fina’tinas yan gråsian i Espiritu Sånto, finañågu nu i Bithen as Santa Maria; maså’pet gi papa’ as Ponsio Pilåto, maklåba gi kilu’os, måtai yan mahåfot; tumunok los infietnos; gi mina’tres dias, lå’la’ ta’lo ginen i manmåtai; kahulo’ gi langet ya gaige na matåta’chong gi agapa’ Yu’os Tåta ni’ ni todu ha na’siña; desde ayu u mamaila para u sentensia i manlåla’la’ yan i mamåtai. Manhongge yu’ gi Espiritu Santo; hu hongge i Santa Iglesia Katolika, i kumunion mañiantos, i ma’asi’en isao, i lina’la’ tataotao ta’lo; yan i tai hinekkok na bida, tai guenao mohon.I believe in God, the Father almighty, creator of heaven and earth, and in Jesus Christ, his only Son, our Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Spirit, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, died, and was buried. He descended into hell; the third day he rose again from the dead; he ascended into heaven and is seated at the right hand of the Father; from thence he shall come to judge the living and the dead. I believe in the Holy Spirit, the holy Catholic Church, the communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the body, and life everlasting.Åmen.Amen.
## Hail Holy Queen
**I Satbe****Hail Holy Queen**Si Yu’os un gineggue Raina yan Nanan Mina’åse’, lina’la’ yan minames ninanggan-mami. Si Yu’os un gineggue, Hågu ina’agang ni’ mandistilådon famagu’on Eba, Hågu in tatangga, manu’ugong yan mañåtnges ham guini gi sagan lågo’. Guse’ nai pues Saina Abogåddan-Måmi, naleklek mågi enao i manyo’ase’ na fanatan-mu, ya despues di este i manmadistiladon-måmi, na’li’e’ ham nu i matunan finañagu-mu as Jesus.Hail, Holy Queen, Mother of mercy, our light, our sweetness, and our hope. To thee do we cry, poor banished children of Eve. To thee do we send up our sighs, mourning and weeping in this vale of tears. Turn then, most gracious advocate, thine eyes of mercy towards us and after this, our exile, show unto us the blessed fruit of Thy womb, Jesus.Asaina Sen Yo’ase’, Asaina Yini’usan, Asaina mames na siempre Bithen as Maria.O clement, O loving, O sweet Virgin Mary.Tayuyute ham Sånta Mamañagun. Yu’os para in miresi kumonsigi i prinimetin Jesu Kristo.Pray for us, O holy Mother of God. That we may be made worthy of the promises of Christ.Amen.Amen.
## Grace
**Tinaitai Åntes de CHumocho****Grace**Asaina Jesukristo bendise este siha na nengkanno’ ni para in kanno’ ni man mafatto ginen i gineftao na kanai-mo.Bless us oh lord, in these Thy gifts, in which we are about to receive from Thy bounty through Christ our lord.Amen.Amen.
## For further reading
Tolentino, Dominica. “[Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 7 February 2023.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Religion
**Tags:** Catholic Prayers
---
### [Chamorro vs. Chamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-vs-chamoru/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Rooted in the oral tradition, the Chamorro people’s transition toward the written word is a relatively young process. With the Americanization and the emphasis on literacy during the last century, the implications of this transition became very visible at the turn of the century when the spelling of the word used to identify the indigenous population of the Marianas came under public scrutiny in Guam.
**Content:**
# Chamorro vs. Chamoru
 This board shows the progress on the Chamorro-English dictionary at a 2007 meeting. Photo by Rita Nauta for Guampedia.
#### Table of Contents
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## Spelling contested
Rooted in the oral tradition, the CHamoru/Chamorro people’s transition toward the written word is a relatively young process. With the Americanization and the emphasis on literacy during the last century, the implications of this transition became very visible at the turn of the century when the spelling of the word used to identify the indigenous population of the Marianas came under public scrutiny in Guam. Though the word “Chamorro” has had many spelling variations in accounts written in the post-European contact period, the “-r-o” spelling had come to be used in general practice.
After years of work a Chamorro Standard Orthography was adopted in 1983. While the Chamorro Language Commission had decided to adopt a spelling system that was very correct in its reflection of Chamorro pronunciation, it decided not to change the spelling of proper nouns as it would be too difficult and unpopular. If the orthography mandated a change in proper names, for instance, Cruz would be spelled Krus, Terlaje would be Tetlahi, Fegurgur would be Fegutgut. The Commission knew that even though the change would be a strong move toward cultural purity, it would be resented and subjected to endless controversy.
This traditional spelling, however, was questioned in light of the orthographic standards adopted by the Chamorro Language Commission. As such, as part of a series of public hearings held in 1993 to discuss proposed changes to village names, the Chamorro Language Commission publicly announced its decision to change the official spelling of “Chamorro” to “Chamoru” to conform to the Chamorro Standard Orthography.
## Suggested change taken as an attack by some
Met with vehement opposition, the spelling change was not readily welcomed by many, and a few vocal opponents launched a campaign in the media and the Legislature to prevent its adoption. Among their main contentions, opponents argued that rule number one of the orthography, which specifies that names of people shall retain their spelling, supersedes any other rule that may have otherwise been applied to the spelling. In terms of practicality, opponents also argued that such a change would pose significant logistical challenges in updating existing documents with the modified spelling. But the main argument of the opposition rested on the premise that the “-r-o” spelling was the traditional spelling of a term that, regardless of its origin, had become firmly embedded in the identity of the island’s people. To change its spelling was viewed by some to be a fundamental attack against the very culture it represented.
## Change represented a decision to take ownership
Proponents of the change, however, pointed out that the “-r-o” spelling was just one spelling among many variations used historically, including T-s-a-m-o-r-u, C-h-a-m-o-r-r-u, and C-h-a-m-u-r-u. Furthermore, rule number one, which made provisions for proper names of families, was a language convention and not a linguistic rule. Thus, the argument for the spelling change represented a faithfulness to the phonological rules of the language, rather than to the rules addressing acceptable language practices. More importantly, proponents argued that the traditional spelling of “-r-o” reflected Spanish orthography, and not Chamorro. The “-r-u” spelling was not an alteration of the way the term was pronounced, but instead an accurate reflection of how the word is actually pronounced. The change to the “-r-u” spelling thus represented a conscious decision to take ownership of an otherwise imposed or borrowed name.
Debated publicly at village meetings, in print via the local newspaper, and formally on the legislative floor, the controversy was less than cordial, and often stirred bitter confrontations between stakeholders in the Chamorro Language Commission, other public officials, and private citizens. Ultimately the debate became a platform to challenge the authority of the language commission – one that would eventually contribute to its demise.
## Status quo or assertion of indigenous identity
Though it is unclear to which specific language rules the “-r-u” spelling conforms, what became evident at the height of the public controversy was its political underpinnings in the greater framework of the socio-political development of the Chamorro people. Use of the “-r-o” spelling became associated with the status quo, which by extension was a tacit acceptance of the existing state of affairs of the political development of the indigenous people. In contrast, the “-r-u” spelling was a visible, practical assertion of Chamorro identity.
As such, the argument was more than just an orthographical one; it was inherently political. How a person spelled the word was often used as an indicator of one’s political philosophy. To use the traditional spelling was to accept a system that had been imposed on the indigenous people for hundreds of years. Use of the “-r-u” spelling, in contrast was a conscious assertion of the indigenous population on its own terms – that is, through a system that is self-defined and self-adopted, and thus not imposed by any external authority.
## Legislature chooses “Chamorro”
The highly emotional and politically charged debate ended, perhaps prematurely, through a legislative act of the Twenty-second Guam Legislature. Viewed by many proponents as an act of subterfuge that circumvented the authority of the commission, the 1994 law was the result of a petition launched by opponents and submitted to the legislative floor in its final session hours. Tacked on as a rider to anti-graffiti legislation, the law mandated “Chamorro” to be the official spelling. Ultimately the rider bypassed the authority granted to the Chamorro Language Commission, and arbitrarily ended the process that had been established for adopting such changes. Ironically, the law that would disband the commission five years later also repealed the section in the Guam code that made the “Chamorro” spelling official. With neither a mandate nor an authoritative language commission in place to address such issue, the matter it seems has reverted to its pre-controversial state of ambiguity.
Though the politically charged controversy has since faded from the public eye, the issue has not disappeared from the cultural consciousness. For many the issue still conjures bitter memories of personal attacks and questionable political tactics. And though “Chamorro” was once made the official spelling by virtue of public law, use of the “-r-u” spelling over the traditional “-r-o” has become a matter of personal choice.
While staunch loyalists remain on both sides of the issue, for some an acceptable compromise equates to the use of “Chamorro” when writing in English, and “Chamoru” when writing in the native tongue. Ultimately, the issue that strikes at the core of Chamorro identity is one that may never be settled by mandate. With its potential to draw divisive lines among the Chamorro people, it may also be one that many are none too eager to resurrect.
[***By Gina E. Taitano***](http://www.guampedia.com/gina-taitano/)
## For further reading
Guam Legislature.[ *An Act to Amend §§ c of § 34.50, to Add a New §§ c to § 34.60, All of Title 9, Guam Code Annotated…*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-22-149.pdf) Public Law 22-149. 22nd Guam Legislature. 19 December 1994.
––– [ *An Act to Create the ‘Dipåttamenton i Kaohao Guinahan Chamorro,’ or ‘Department of Chamorro Affairs’*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-25-69.pdf). Public Law 25-69. 25th Guam Legislature. 8 July 1999.
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
Supreme Court of Guam Compiler of Laws. “Chapter 46 Chamorro Language Commission.” In [*Guam Code Annotated*](http://www.guamcourts.org/CompilerofLaws/GCA/title17.html), Title 17. Last modified 16 November 2018.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Language
**Tags:** Chamorro vs. Chamoru
---
### [Kumision I Fino’ CHamoru Language Commission](https://www.guampedia.com/kumision-i-fino-chamorrochamorro-language-commission/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Created by public law in 1964, the Kumision I Fino’ Chamorro, or Chamorro Language Commission, was established as the recognized authority on Chamorro language policy for the island of Guam. Tasked with the primary duty of describing and prescribing the Chamorro language in its written form, the commission was also mandated to prepare an updated Chamorro-English dictionary.
**Content:**
# Kumision I Fino’ CHamoru Language Commission
#### Table of Contents
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## Established to set language policy
Created by public law in 1964, the *Kumision I Fino’ CHamoru,* or CHamoru Language Commission, was established as the recognized authority on CHamoru/Chamorro language policy for the island of Guam. Tasked with the primary duty of describing and prescribing the CHamoru language in its written form, the commission was also mandated to prepare an updated CHamoru-English dictionary.
Although the commission was eventually absorbed into the organizational structure of the Department of CHamoru Affairs through Public Law 25-69, it nevertheless made its mark in Guam history during its more than thirty-year tenure as the island’s foremost authority on indigenous language policy. And though the mandate to create the dictionary was never fulfilled prior to the commission’s dissolution in 1999, the commission did make significant progress in the standardization of the written CHamoru language.
## Board composition
Led by an appointed chairman, the commission comprised nine members who were appointed by the governor and confirmed by the legislature. The nine-member team served staggered terms ranging from one-to-three years. In its infancy, the commission operated without a separate budget and was authorized by law to utilize existing resources from the local education department and the University of Guam. The law also allowed the commission to accept donations and charge fees for its services, and permitted the commission to request additional funding through legislative appropriation.
By 1983, legislators passed Public Law 17-10, mandating the commission to develop and adopt a standardized orthography to be used by all government agencies. In the same law, the commission was designated as the Guam Place Name Commission. By Fiscal Year 1984, the commission was appropriated a budget just over $42,000, which covered the cost of one full-time employee, operating and utility expenses, and commission member stipends.
With an operating budget and an updated mandate, the commission was better equipped to fulfill its duties. The commission officially adopted the CHamoru Language Orthography on 17 September 1983. The orthography delineated 17 language rules that governed written CHamoru. By law, the rules were also to be used in the spelling of CHamoru place and street names.
The CHamoru Language Commission also worked with government agencies in the 1980s to give CHamoru titles to agency signs and names. This was a yearlong process that took a great deal of participation from many agencies. This work can still be seen in some agencies today, most notably at the Guam International Airport.
## Spelling controversy
But the orthography, and its resulting implications, did not come without controversy. During the [Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) administration while Pilar Lujan was the chairwoman of the commission, it approved a spelling system that was very correct in its reflection of CHamoru pronunciation, but it was heavily influenced by a linguist from the Philippines hired to review the spelling system. For instance *taitai* would be spelled *taytay*, *matai* would be spelled *matay*. The spelling made CHamoru look like Tagalog, a Filipino dialect. This spelling system was controversial and eventually was retracted.
## Chamorro vs. Chamoru
The authority of the commission came under public scrutiny again in 1994 when it formally changed the spelling of “*Chamorro*” to “*Chamoru*” to conform to the language structure rules specified in the official orthography. Opponents of the change launched public protests in the printed media, and campaigned to the commission and the legislature to oppose the spelling change.
The opposition prompted a request by the commission to obtain a legal opinion from the Office of the Attorney General, which in its response stated that the commission held the implied authority to correct misspelled words and conform them to Guam’s orthographic rules. Upheld by the authority of the commission on one side, and vehemently opposed by vocal supporters of the traditional spelling on the other, the debate became a significant indicator of the maturing political awareness among the indigenous population, and the resulting divisions that arose in their assertions of their political identity.
If the CHamoru Language Commission rightly held the authority to make such spelling change, however, this authority was rendered moot through legislation passed during the final hours of *I Mina’ Bente Dos na Liheslaturan Guahan*/the Twenty-second Guam Legislature’s last session. Introduced as a rider to anti-graffiti legislation, “*Chamorro*” was mandated as the official spelling to be used in all CHamoru names of streets, places, buildings, facilities and other geographical areas in Guam.
Representing a dramatic shift in support from the actions of previous lawmaking bodies, the law appeared to be the beginning of the commission’s demise. By 1999, Public Law 25-69 was passed, which repealed the law establishing the CHamoru Language Commission, and transferred its functions to the newly created Department of CHamoru Affairs.
[***By Gina E. Taitano***](http://www.guampedia.com/gina-taitano/)
## For further reading
*Department of Chamorro Affairs*. “[About Us](https://dca.guam.gov/about-us/).”
Guam Legislature. [*An Act Making General Appropriations for the Operation of the Executive and Judicial Branches of Government of Guam…*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-17-25.pdf) Public Law 17-25. 17th Guam Legislature. 29 October 1983.
––– [*An Act Relative to the Duties of the Chamorro Language Commission, and for Other Purposes*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-17-10.pdf). Public Law 17-10. 17th Guam Legislature. 24 June 1983.
––– [*An Act to Repeal and Reenact § 19655 of the Government Code of Guam Relative to Creation and Use of the Tourist Attraction Fund, and for Other Purposes*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-17-65.pdf). Public Law 17-65. 17th Guam Legislature. 7 September 1984.
––– [*An Act to Repeal and Reenact §46107, Title 17, Guam Code Annotated, to Give the Chamorro Language Commission Authority in the Naming of Streets, Places, Buildings, and Facilities*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/P.L.-21-08.pdf). Public Law 21-08. 21st Guam Legislature. 19 April 1991.
––– [*An Act to Amend §§ c of § 34.50, to Add a New §§ c to § 34.60, All of Title 9, Guam Code Annotated…*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-22-149.pdf) Public Law 22-149. 22nd Guam Legislature. 19 December 1994.
––– [*An Act to Create the ‘Dipåttamenton i Kaohao Guinahan Chamorro,’ or ‘Department of Chamorro Affairs’*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/PL-25-69.pdf). Public Law 25-69. 25th Guam Legislature. 8 July 1999.
Office of the Attorney General of Guam. *Memorandum from the Attorney General*. Ref. CLC 94-0767. 16 September 1994.
Supreme Court of Guam Compiler of Laws. “Chapter 46 Chamorro Language Commission.” In *[Guam Code Annotated](http://www.guamcourts.org/CompilerofLaws/GCA/title17.html)*,Title 17. Last modified 16 November 2018.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Language
**Tags:** Kumision I Fino’ CHamoru Language Commission
---
### [Lesson Plan: CHamoru Vocabulary Bingo](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-chamorro-vocabulary-bingo/)
**Published:** January 10, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: CHamoru Vocabulary Bingo
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/CHamoru-Vocabulary-Bingo-1.pdf)*.
**Practicing our CHamoru**
**Subjects**
Language Arts, CHamoru
**Grade-level**
Elementary, 4-5
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
20 minutes
**Materials required**
- Card-stock (optional)
- Crayons and colored pencils (optional)
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
None
**Related links**
Guampedia: [Hale’ta: CHamoru Cultural Glossary](http://www.guampedia.com/haleta-chamorro-cultural-glossary/)
## Lesson Plan
### Description
In this activity, students will play practice their vocabulary words (ideally nouns) by playing a modified version of bingo.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will practice their vocabulary words by using them in a game.
- Students will better learn their vocabulary words by identifying them with an image rather than an English translation. By doing so, they’ll be applying a word into a different (visual) context, and thus expanding their application of the term.
**Questions or Assessment**
- Did students find it difficult to match a spoken CHamoru word with an image rather than its English translation?
- Did this process become easier over time?
### Procedure
***Teacher prep***
\[Optional\] Cut cardstock into bingo-sized cards (roughly half the size of a normal sheet of paper)
***Creating Bingo Cards* (10 minutes)**
1. Ask students to draw out a 5×5 square grid onto a piece of notebook paper.
- Optional: use cardstock, which is more permanent, so that students can collect their cards over the course of the term and use them in studying for exams.
2. Once the grid is complete, read aloud the English translation of one of the CHamoru vocabulary words. Have students draw the word onto a square of their choosing.
- It may be best to play this game with nouns, particularly with younger students. If students are older, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs may be included as well; just explain to students that they are to draw the word in a manner that best represents the term to themselves. There are no right or wrong answers as long as they understand it.
3. Repeat step 2 until the entire grid is filled-in with a vocabulary word.
***Playing Vocab Bingo*** **(10 minutes)**
1. Call out one of the vocabulary words in CHamoru
- Alternatively, write each word onto a piece of paper, fold it, then pull it out of a hat.
2. When a word is called, students must identify the corresponding picture on their card and mark it with an X.
- Alternatively, if cardstock is used, then students may use small pieces of paper as “chips” and place them accordingly.
3. Repeat until a student “wins” by connecting 5 grid spaces in a row (either across, diagonally, and up and down).
- If a student wins very early on, thus ending the game too quickly, feel free to continue playing for second and third place.
***Recap* (1 minute)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson and unit:
“Today we’ve practiced our vocabulary words by playing bingo. But rather than match the word with its English translations, we matched it with an image instead. In this way we practiced applying the word in a different context.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the activity.
**Categories:** Chamorro, Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Games, Grade-levels, High School, Language Arts, Middle School, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: CHamoru Vocabulary Bingo
---
### [Lesson Plan: I Am Different](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-i-am-different/)
**Published:** December 20, 2018
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** What do most students like to talk about when they come back to school in August? You probably guessed it. They like talking about themselves! So, why not find time letting them do just that? Help students celebrate their individuality and learn about likenesses and differences. This lesson builds those important skills and a sense of family in your classroom.
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: I Am Different
 Hurao students and *latte*. Photo by Kerri Ann Borja.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/I-Am-Different.pdf)*.
By Dolores C. Cayanan
*Elementary School Educator, Agana Heights Elementary School, Guam*
## About This Lesson
The following lesson plan was developed as part of the [Culturally Sustaining Education: The Micronesian Context](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plans-for-culturally-sustaining-education/) professional development workshop held 24-26 July 2018. The workshop was held in Guam and made possible by the Center for Pacific Islands Studies at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa in partnership with Chaminade University of Honolulu’s Center for Teaching and Learning, the Department of CHamoru Affairs and the Senator Antonio Palomo Guam Museum and Educational Facility, the College of Micronesia, Alik Translation Services, and Guampedia. All lesson plans developed as part of this series were authored by a Guam-based educator with contributions from workshop facilitators.
**Subject**
Language Arts
**Grade-level**
Kindergarten
Elementary, 1st Grade
**Time required**
30 – 45 minutes a day for 2 – 3 days
**Materials required**
- White board
- Dry erase marker and eraser
- White drawing paper
- Pencils
- Crayons or markers
- Map of Micronesia, Polynesia, Melanesia
**Related documents**
- “I Am Different” poem by Kenyetta C. in English version and other languages (Tagalog, CHamoru, Chuukese, etc.)
**Related resources**
- Interpreters for languages other than English
- English – Tagalog Dictionary
- English – CHamoru Dictionary or [LearningCHamoru.com](http://learningchamoru.com)
**Related links**
Guampedia: [Micronesia Portal](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesia-portal/)
## Lesson Plan
### Description
What do most students like to talk about when they come back to school in August? You probably guessed it. They like talking about themselves! So, why not find time letting them do just that? Help students celebrate their individuality and learn about likenesses and differences. This lesson builds those important skills and a sense of family in your classroom.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will be able to demonstrate an understanding of the idea that “Being Different Is Okay” through the poem and class discussions.
**Assessment**
Students recited the poem **“I Am Different.”** Use rubric scoring:
- Student recited the poem with a lot of help.
- Student recited the poem with minimal help.
- Student recited the poem with no help.
### Procedure
***Teacher prep***
1. Decorated bulletin board with the poem “I am Different” (provided below) and the students’ self-portrait drawings around it.
2. Word Wall with pictures to represent vocabulary words: **different, far, wide, place, smile, cry, love**
***Introducing I Am Different***
1. Teacher talk: Today we will learn about how unique/different we are. Can you believe how alike and how different we are at the same time? Your eyes, your hair, your feet, your hands are all a bit different from each other yet we all have feet, hands, etc. How does that make you feel? Have volunteers respond.
2. Introduce the poem, **“I Am Different.”** First go over key vocabulary words listed on the board: **different, far, wide, place, smile, cry, love**. Use picture cues/visuals, examples, and demonstrations to teach the vocabulary words. In addition, display the key vocabulary words with picture cues on a Word Wall in English and in students’ native (1st) language. (For example: the word is ***different*** (English), ***iba*** (Tagalog), ***otro*** (CHamoru) etc.)
3. Direct students to the poem displayed on the board.
4. Directions on how to teach the poem **“I Am Different”**
- First, teacher reads it aloud without gestures/actions
- Second, do Echo Reading: Teacher reads each line first then students just repeat what the teacher read. Then teacher & students read it together without gestures/actions. (Repeat several times)
- Third, students read it together on their own. For others who aren’t able to read it well yet, have them watch & listen then they can join in with the group reading. (Repeat several times)
- Lastly, teach the poem with the gestures/actions.
**I Am Different (English version)**
**English
(*Action*)****Iba Ako
(Tagalog version)**I am different from my head to my toes
(*point to self then to head and toes*)Iba ako mula ulo hangang paaI am different from my eyes to my nose
(*point to self then eyes and nose*)Iba ako mula mata hangang ilongI come from a place that is far and wide
(*point to self then spread arms wide open*)Ako ay galing sa malayo at malawak na lugarA place where we all smile instead of cry
(*act like you are tracing your lips into a smile and bring hands down eyes as if you were crying*)Sa lugar na palaging masayaI am very different as you can see
(*point to self then at a friend*)Iba ako, Iba Ikaw, Iba TayoBut I still have a lot of love in me!
(*point to self and place hand over the heart then hug yourself*)Ngunit, Mahal ko ang sarili ko
### Extensions
1. Have the poem translated and written in students’ first language (Tagalog, CHamoru, Chuukese, Pohnpeian, Yapese, etc.)
2. In the poem, it states: ***“I come from a place that is far and wide.”*** Direct students attention to the maps or online to Guampedia’s [Micronesia Portal](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesia-portal/). Have them tell the class where they are originally from. Allow them to point the place on the map. Assist as needed.
3. Incorporate discussions about the different places students are from. Do: “Show-N- Tell” Students bring an item to represent who they are and where they are from.
4. Do an Art activity: Have students do a “self – portrait” drawing.
**Categories:** Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Grade-levels, Language Arts, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: I Am Different
---
### [Role of Education in the Preservation of Guam's Indigenous Language](https://www.guampedia.com/role-of-education-in-the-preservation-of-guams-indigenous-language/)
**Published:** August 22, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The goal of education in any society is to impart knowledge and to equip people with the tools necessary to become valuable and contributing members of their community. Yet, who determines what should be taught or what kind of knowledge people should acquire?
**Content:**
# Role of Education in the Preservation of Guam's Indigenous Language
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** Originally published in *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro: Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective*, by the Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996, pp. 17-25. With minor updates, this chapter is republished in Guampedia with permission from the Department of CHamoru Affairs.
The goal of education in any society is to impart knowledge and to equip people with the tools necessary to become valuable and contributing members of their community. Yet, who determines what should be taught or what kind of knowledge people should acquire?
Throughout [Guam’s colonial history](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-and-its-three-empires/), Spaniards, Japanese, and Americans strove to introduce and impose their value systems and beliefs upon the CHamorus/Chamorros. The methods each used may have been different, but the underlying assumption behind educating the natives was the same—that the Chamorros needed to be educated in what was considered the appropriate manner.
The first task that faced the colonizing powers was to teach the Chamorros the colonizer’s language, be it Spanish, Japanese or English. After all, how could Chamorros learn and assimilate, or be absorbed into a foreign culture, when the Chamorro language could not adequately express foreign concepts found, for example, in the Christian doctrine so fundamental to the Spaniards, or the vision of a “Co-Prosperity Sphere” that marked Japanese expansion during World War II? How could Chamorros, who had lived in a society based on ranking and status, comprehend the American concept of democracy? Thus, the first casualty of the various attempts to colonize Chamorros, to superimpose foreign values and rules, was the Chamorro language.
Fluency in Spanish, Japanese or English virtually guaranteed a relatively high status or position, especially a well-paying job. As no educational system can effectively educate without the use of a common language, the primary emphasis throughout the different colonial administrations was the language arts. Education of the Chamorros was not connected to Guam’s cultural identity. This fact is ironic if the goal of education is to equip students with the necessary tools to become valuable and contributing members of the community. After all, how effective could a system of education be when it was not connected to the history and cultural identity of Chamorros?
In this article, I will focus on how the teaching of a non-native language supported the policies of domination by the different powers in Guam. I will also explore recent attempts to preserve the Chamorro language by its incorporation into the public school educational curriculum.
## Ancient Chamorro era
Before reviewing the Spanish, Japanese and American practices, it should be noted that the Chamorros had an institution that trained young boys and girls to be productive members of Chamorro society. In the [guma’ uritao](http://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/), master craftsmen and artisans taught boys the skills of hunting, planting, fishing, navigation, canoe building, and tool making. The *guma’ uritao* was also a place where girls and boys learned who they were in relation to others in their community. In a small and close knit community, an individual’s identity is framed by his or her relationships with others. Thus, Chamorro adolescents were taught their genealogy, that is, information about their ancestors.
Chamorros were also taught history in the *guma’ uritao*. Because Guam did not have a system of writing, history was preserved through stories, chants, songs and legends. Boys learned to be good storytellers, debaters and orators and compete in formal contests using skills. Girls also polished such skills and engaged in their own unique forms of public singing and chanting competitions. Today, one form of this remains today called [Kantan Chamorrita](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/).
The *guma’uritao* was also a place where Chamorro adolescents learned to have sex, a very practical matter if those adolescents were to have families and propagate the Chamorro race.
Thus the Chamorro people had a system in place to bring adolescents into the mainstream of adult society. Young Chamorros were taught not only who they were but how to live with and amongst each other as productive members of society.
## Spanish Era
With the arrival of the Spaniards came a missionary zeal to introduce Catholicism to the Chamorros. Education was made available to Chamorro children so they could recite and practice Christian doctrine. Indeed, the first school founded by [Father Diego Luis de Sanvitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in the 17th century was a *seminario* for boys called [Colegio de San Juan de Letran](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/). The first students were the sons of chiefs and included the son of Tomas Bougi, the chief of the city of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). A separate school for girls was also established, [La Escuela de las Niñas](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/). This segregation of boys and girls reflected the missionaries’ belief that boys and girls should not be together prior to marriage. The establishment of the first Spanish schools was aimed at abolishing the *guma’uritao*, the young men’s training grounds. Instead, students were taught to speak, write and read the Spanish language:
> San Juan de Letran was a boarding school for children from ages 7 to 14. Its students were taught the Christian doctrine with the goal of having them return to their villages upon graduation to serve as assistants to the priests and serve as catalysts for the conversion of the Marianas to the Catholic faith. Although the missionaries had high hopes for the school, other officials later felt that there were problems associated with introducing such institutions and having such high expectations of the natives. By the 19th century, for instance, other Spanish officials began to oppose the school. For example, in 1830, Governor Francisco Villalobos expressed this concern to his superior, the Viceroy of Manila:
>
> ‘It is my opinion that it is better to do away with such establishment (San Juan de Letran). The children who live there very soon forget their own misery and poverty and get accustomed in the five, six or more years they live there to good food, dress and shelter. They do not learn an occupation which will help them to survive after they are dismissed from the school, and they get accustomed not work… they are only worthless young men, with nothing to do.’
>
> M. Del Priore, Education on Guam During the Spanish Administration from 1668-1899
Governor Villalobos opposed the seminary because he thought that it only made the Chamorros lazy and unproductive. In this erroneous sense held by Villalobos, the school did not accomplish the goals for which it was intended. The intention of this early school under the Spanish colonial system was precisely to wean Chamorro children from their native institutions and indoctrinate the them so that they could serve as valuable assistants in the work of the missionaries. Villalobos believed this was not working because the converted and educated Chamorro was only becoming lazy as a result. On the contrary, the newly “educated” Chamorros did not simply become lazy, though they did undergo some profound changes in values, tastes and probably status.
Although teaching the Spanish language served the Catholic Church’s interests, it is worth noting that the Church showed great interest in the Chamorro language. Sanvitores, for example, tried to learn the Chamorro language and even preached his lessons in it. Throughout the next 200 years, Sanvitores would be followed by other priests who would exhibit interest in the Chamorro language. In the early 20th century, for instance, Spanish Capuchin priest [Pale Roman de Vera](http://www.guampedia.com/father-roman-de-vera-2/) wrote a book of hymns and prayers in the Chamorro language.
Viewed in this light, the Spanish attempt to Christianize Chamorros became successful once the Chamorro language was used in church activities.
## A new colonizer
After defeating Spain in a war in 1898, the United States acquired Guam to serve as a coaling station and American outpost in the Far East. Even before the Treaty of Paris with Spain was ratified by the US Congress, President William McKinley directed the Department of Navy to secure the island. The Navy proceeded to establish a US [Naval Government of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), which lasted until 1950—with the exception of the nearly three-year period during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) when Japan invaded and occupied the island. After cleaning up the island to make the place “liveable” for itself, the Naval government of Guam quickly turned to educating the natives in order to better accommodate its needs. Education centered not only on the three “R’s” (Reading, ‘Riting, and ‘Rithmatic), but more importantly, on teaching the English language as the primary means to Americanize the Chamorros.
## Japanese Era
In December 1941, at the outbreak of World War II in the Pacific, Japan invaded and occupied Guam until July 1944. Though different than the circumstances under which Spain and America arrived, the [Japanese colonial period](http://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/) in Guam featured the very same colonial objectives to claim control of the island and exercise political authority over the Chamorros. And like Spain and America, Japan proceeded to exert its rule by imposing its language and culture. As quickly as they arrived, the Japanese imperial army and occupation unit implemented an educational program using their language. Children between the ages of 7 to 16 were assembled in the respective schools in the outlying districts and in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). They were taught the Japanese language by rote. Music and recreation also were taught.
The Japanese also started a boarding school for adult men and women and some young people. Three civilian Japanese instructors were brought from Japan for this special school. The men and women were segregated from each other in separate dormitories but were brought together for all instructional and recreational activities. The school was located in the houses of Atanacio Perez and Jose Salas in Hagåtña. The students were divided into three groups of 25 each, and after three months, they were assigned to the various Japanese offices and schools. The third group did not complete the entire training program because the American shelling and air raids which began in 1944 interrupting the educational process.
## US Naval rule
The pattern of discouraging the use of the Chamorro language continued with the Americans governance of Guam. Signs which read “Speak English Only” were posted in offices, schools and on public buildings. The official English-only policy created a direct link between proficiency in the English language and economic gain and status. Indeed, there was an elite group of Chamorros who served in high-ranking roles simply because they could read and write in the English language. Their families enjoyed a standard of living far better than those families who did not learn the English language. I remember very clearly my father telling us that although he only reached third-grade reading level, he became a teacher and then served on the Naval governor’s staff.
The early American educational system was a reflection of the American “melting pot” theory—that people from diverse cultural and ethnic backgrounds can blend together to become similar or American. This melting-pot concept forced waves of immigrants with different values and backgrounds to mold their behavior to conform to American norms. This may be a way to view the early American educational system in the US as well as in Guam.
People of the prewar generation were made to believe that without proficiency in the English language, the chances of obtaining gainful employment were unlikely. This belief was reinforced in a variety of ways, such as the establishment of a school for Americans only, located near the Plaza de España across what is now the Hagåtña Mayor’s office. Only the children of military and civilian parents were allowed to attend the school, which was considered superior to any school Chamorros attended. The practice of segregated schools for elementary and middle schools continued up to World War II.
It is interesting to note that although there was no compulsory education during the Naval administration, there was tremendous incentive to attend the American schools. In Hagåtña, the schools were named Dorn Hall, Leary and Seaton Schroeder, after the Naval governors, and [Padre Jose Palomo](http://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), after the first Chamorro Catholic priest. These were all elementary schools. The curriculum was basically the “3 R’s,” along with geography, science and physiology. Success was measured by the ability to be Americanized. Students were also required to endure compulsory calisthenics to the music of the Navy band at the Plaza de España 15 minutes before classes started. When a student reached the high school level, he or she attended the George Washington High School.
As part of its education before the war, the American Naval government sought to instill the values of cleanliness and patriotism. Naval officers in crisp white uniforms directed the bulldozing of Guam’s jungle growth to make Guam a neater place to live.
Before World War II, when the Spanish priests were replaced by the American clergy, American priests followed the practices of their predecessors and learned Chamorro. They communicated with the Chamorro people in their daily interaction and delivered their homilies in the native tongue. Prayers were recited and hymns were sung in Chamorro. The interest of the Catholic Church in using the Chamorro language continued and the Church assumed a custodial role in maintaining the native language.
After the American armed forces recaptured Guam from the Japanese in 1944, however, the use of the Chamorro language diminished. The English-only policy was reinforced not only by the Naval government but also by the Catholic Church. By the mid-1940s, the Americans brought in American priests and nuns, and even American bishop [Apollinaris W. Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/) to lead the Church. While the Spanish priests incorporated the Chamorro language into the prayers, hymns and novenas, the American Catholic nuns discouraged use of the Chamorro language.
Bishop Baumgartner had brought the [Mercy](http://www.guampedia.com/sisters-of-mercy/) and [Notre Dame](http://www.guampedia.com/school-sisters-of-notre-dame/) nuns to staff the private Catholic schools, and the instruction in the English language policy was adopted. It was then that the *Eskuelan Pale* (catechism) classes began to be conducted in English. Whether it was intentional or unintentional, the Catholic Church in Guam discarded its custodial role to preserve the Chamorro language.
Compulsory English and the emulation of American culture facilitated the Americanization of the Chamorro people, which was seen as the way to facilitate America’s interests in the region. The Spanish *mestiza*, the old-time dress of Chamorro women was abandoned in favor of western style dresses and the Chamorros acquired a taste for American food.
Chamorros were encouraged or required by economic necessity to assimilate to the American culture and to speak the English language. They gradually began to view their culture and language as inferior. Perhaps this is the hallmark of the success of colonialism: when indigenous people abandon what is theirs in favor of taking on what is foreign. This colonialist mentality came to play a large role in obstructing subsequent attempts to redeem the Chamorro language and culture.
In the 1970s, Guam’s legislators encouraged the use and teaching of the Chamorro language. The late Senator Frank G. Lujan sponsored Public Law 12-31, which authorized the Board of Education to initiate and develop a bilingual/bicultural education program emphasizing the language and culture of the Chamorro people. Senator Paul J. Bordallo authored Public Law 12-132, which made both English and Chamorro the official languages of Guam.
With this legal framework in place, the Department of Education designed a bilingual/bicultural education program to begin teaching the Chamorro language in Guam’s schools. The next step was to secure the funds to get the program going. Fortunately, Guam qualified for funding under two particular federal laws: the Elementary Secondary Education Act (ESEA) and the Emergency School Aid Act (ESAA). These laws were aimed at addressing the special needs of ethnic minority students in the US. ESEA provided federal funds to US school districts for programs using the languages of minority students as a means for learning the English language. ESAA, meanwhile, funded programs to promote the heritage of the different ethnicities in the United States.
Guam applied for and received both ESEA and ESAA funds to teach Chamorro concurrently with English. However, despite these resources, the island was at a disadvantage because Guam’s ethnic language and heritage had never been part of the overall education program. There were no Chamorro books or learning materials available to teachers and students. And, because of the historic emphasis on the English language, most of Guam’s students could not read, write or even speak Chamorro. Despite these drawbacks, the department tackled the crucial task of teaching students how to speak Chamorro, as well as how to read and write it.
ESEA funds were used to formulate a pilot bilingual program for the primary grade. Under the direction of Sister Ellen Jean Klein, SSND, the pilot program began with two small bilingual classes at Price and Torres Elementary Schools. These classes were limited to 25 students each. Since there were no Chamorro language curriculum and instructional materials available, [Lagrimas Untalan](http://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/), an educator and former legislator, produced simple illustrated books for use in the classrooms. Untalan was very much a pioneer in the teaching of Chamorro language and culture in Guam’s schools.
As associate superintendent of Curriculum and Instruction, I (Pilar Lujan) used a grant from the ESAA to expand the Chamorro language and culture program to several other public elementary schools, as well as to the private Catholic schools. [Clotilde Gould](http://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/) was assigned as project director for this special program and several native Chamorro speakers were hired to serve as language teachers. However, since the Chamorro speakers were not certified teachers, the Territorial Board of Education was at first reluctant to approve the hiring. The Board’s hard-won approval marked the first formal recognition of native Chamorro speakers in the language teaching profession in Guam.
As the Chamorro language and culture program expanded into the high schools, the need for more advanced learning materials followed. The task of developing Chamorro books and instructional materials was undertaken by DOE’s Office of Curriculum and Instruction, which drew information from Chamorro legends and oral histories and from the Chamorro language studies of an American linguist named Donald Topping. Chamorro musicians, most notably [Carlos Laguana](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-c-laguana/) and [Johnny Sablan](http://www.guampedia.com/johnny-sablan/), were enlisted to write Chamorro music for use in the program as well.
Since the Chamorro language was largely only a spoken language, developing written materials for classroom use proved to be a challenging and controversial task. Until then, the most common forms of written Chamorro were translations of [Catholic hymns](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-religious-music-hymnals/), prayers and [novenas](http://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/) produced by Spanish priests in the previous two centuries. These translations were based on the alphabet and limited sound system of the Spanish language, which could not accurately accommodate many of the sounds unique to the Chamorro language. A classic example of this limitation is in the village name [Yona](http://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo%E2%80%99-na/). The true Chamorro pronunciation of “Yona” bears little resemblance to its Spanish spelling.
To complicate matters even further, the imposition of American English and its spelling and sound system for more than half a century have profoundly shaped the way Chamorros think of oral sounds in terms of American English letter symbols. But even the American alphabet and sound system cannot accurately accommodate the sounds unique to the Chamorro language. Take the example “Yona” again, the “y” sound of American English is incorrect both in the Spanish spelling of this word and in the Chamorro pronunciation of it.
Attempts to address these linguistic problems and devise a more accommodating and accurate sound/spelling system of the Chamorro language were made by the Marianas Orthography Committee in the late 1960s. At this same time, Donald Topping was already conducting extensive research into the Chamorro language in Guam, Rota, Tinian, and Saipan. Topping was then a professor of English at the Territorial College of Guam. He later used his linguistic research as his doctoral dissertation and produced the first comprehensive studies of the Chamorro language, including a dictionary, a grammar reference and a textbook. These works complied with the spelling principles adopted by the Marianas Orthography Committee in 1971.
The Marianas Orthography Committee, which included representatives from Guam and the Northern Marianas, was followed by the [Guam Chamorro Language Commission](http://www.guampedia.com/kumision-i-fino%E2%80%99-chamorrochamorro-language-commission/). The Northern Marianas also has an official language commission. The Guam Chamorro Language Commission was created to undertake a formal study of the Chamorro language and to devise an orthography standardizing the written form of the Chamorro language. This orthography was then to be adopted officially by the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/).
In the mid-1970s, the Chamorro Language Commission enlisted Dr. Fe Aldave Yap, a linguist from the Philippines to develop an orthography. With extensive input from teachers in the bilingual program and from Lolita Leon Guerrero Huxel, a Chamorro linguist and University of Guam professor, Dr. Yap devised a Chamorro orthography based on Asian spellings and sound systems. But because it offered many unusual spellings, Dr. Yap’s orthography stirred up angry sentiments among the public and it was rejected for official adoption by the Guam Legislature. [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) issued an executive order adopting the orthography, but so much criticism was leveled against him that he rescinded the order shortly afterward.
Guam still does not have an officially adopted Chamorro orthography. \[By 1999, Public Law 25-69 was passed, which repealed the law establishing the Chamorro Language Commission, and transferred its functions to the newly created Department of Chamorro Affairs.\] However, Dr. Topping’s orthography remains in wide use by students and language enthusiasts.
In addition to the programs implemented by the island’s school system, other efforts to promote and encourage the Chamorro language included televised Chamorro language lessons by [Dr. Katherine B. Aguon](http://www.guampedia.com/katherine-aguon/) on KUAM and a 15-minute Chamorro news broadcast, anchored by Pilar Lujan on KGTF, Guam’s public education television station. KGTF also initiated and aired Chamorro programs for children.
Yet, despite all the groundbreaking efforts of dedicated individuals, the Chamorro education program was not readily accepted by the community. Even the administrators of the schools in which Chamorro classes were being taught were reluctant to support the program. After over 300 years of foreign language instruction at the expense of the Chamorro language, many people questioned the validity and utility of the Chamorro courses. Many parents felt that learning the Chamorro language was of little practical value, since learning it would not open employment opportunities for their children. Similar sentiments were expressed by the academic community at the University of Guam. Some professors and university officials questioned the relevance of Chamorro language instruction in modern society, especially because many considered Chamorro to be nothing more than a “dialect” and not a true language. Opponents of the language program felt that academic studies of the Chamorro language simply were not credible, despite Dr. Topping’s studies, which revealed that the Chamorro language did indeed have the unique geniuses and properties embodied by other languages in the world. \[Update: The University of Guam now has a BA program for Chamorro Studies.\]
Resistance came from the media as well. Guam’s print and electronic media were English-oriented and made little room for the promotion and encouragement of languages other than English. The *Pacific Daily News*, Guam’s only daily newspaper, adopted the policy requiring any non-English advertisement or announcement to be accompanied and published with English translations. This policy later prompted a protest demonstration by Chamorro language activists.
The general resistance to the Chamorro language program was a direct result of Guam’s colonial mentality. This mentality reflected the extent to which the Chamorros had internalized the views of their colonizers. Those views, of course, held that imported foreign values were “better” than indigenous ones, and that English was superior to Chamorro. After nearly a hundred years of this message, many Chamorros grew insecure about speaking their own language. Some were even afraid that the formal teaching of the Chamorro language in schools would have negative effects in the modern world. The negative reactions of academics and the media may be viewed as a reluctance to relinquish the control established by decades of an English-Only policy.
Perhaps it was due to the perseverance and dedication of the Chamorro program pioneers, or perhaps it was the worldwide winds of nationalism blowing also in Guam, that the Chamorro language program gradually gained acceptance. Or perhaps it was because the American “melting pot” concept gave way to the concept of multiculturalism.
The “melting pot” concept held that immigrants to the US should forsake not only their political allegiance to their mother countries, but also their languages and cultural heritage in order to become “full-fledged Americans.” However, later waves of immigrants began to rebel against this idea. Many could not give up their ethnic identities in favor of an “American” identity (which in itself, was a strange amalgamation of many different ethnic identities). Many, especially from Latin and Asian countries, also refused to allow their language to be subsumed by the more dominant American culture, with its heavy Anglo-European emphasis. The demands by ethnic minorities for recognition and acceptance gave rise to the philosophy of multiculturalism and to the enactment of federal laws such as the ESEA and the ESAA.
America’s new awareness to ethnic and cultural differences prompted many Guam leaders and educators to champion the Chamorro cause more confidently and systematically. In 1977, under the leadership of Senator Franklin J. Quitugua, Public Law 14-53 mandated the teaching of Chamorro in all public elementary schools. Within the Department of Education, the original Chamorro language and culture program expanded into the Chamorro Studies Research Division. At the University of Guam, Chamorro language instruction was offered to students and teachers in the Teacher Corps program. Guam’s media also became more sensitive, and radio and television audiences were treated to more Chamorro programming. At the *Pacific Daily News*, a series of angry letters to the editor and a public protest demonstration forced a change in advertising and editorial policies; ads and announcements in Chamorro or any other non-English language were no longer required to be accompanied by English translations unless desired. Chamorro speaking news reporters were also encouraged to print the quotes of Chamorro interviewees.
As part of the PDN’s new found sensitivity to the Chamorro language, Executive Editor John M. Simpson encouraged several Chamorro writers into the newsroom and with his wife, Carol Simpson, an instructor at the University of Guam, worked toward including introductory journalism and news reporting classes among the university’s course offerings. John Simpson also approached the Department of Education with an idea to produce a “*Peanuts*-type” Chamorro comic strip, similar to the comic strip by Charles Schultz, which the PDN could then feature on a daily basis, along with the paper’s other comics. Education Director, [Katherine B. Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/katherine-aguon/), supported Simpson’s idea and instructed DOE’s Chamorro studies division to develop it. Rather than merely copying a strip like *Peanuts* and translating it into Chamorro, Chamorro studies administrator Clotilde Gould suggested creating a uniquely Chamorro comic strip, [*Juan Malimanga*](https://www.guampedia.com/comic-strip-juan-malimanga/), based on a well known figure of Chamorro folklore, as the main character. Together with the Division’s artist, Roger Faustino, Gould and her staff then produced *Juan Malimanga* and a short Chamorro language lesson for the *Pacific Daily News*. “Juan” and the language lesson still appear in the PDN’s comic pages.
Since its advent in the early 1970s, “Chamorro Week,” an idea inspired and developed by [Dr. Robert Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) and former DOE Director Elaine Cadigan, also has been institutionalized in Guam’s schools. Today, the annual celebration of “Chamorro Week” reflects Guam’s ongoing efforts to “mainstream” the Chamorro language and culture. \[Update: Chamorro week has since been expanded into Chamorro Month.\]
Yet despite the many obstacles which have already been overcome, there still remains some resistance to the teaching of the Chamorro language in the public schools and at the University of Guam. Although Guam laws now mandate Chamorro courses at all grade levels, school administrators still do not give the Chamorros studies program equal instructional time, nor do they provide the same classroom spaces that are given to other class subjects.
## Entrenched policies
Unless colonial social and political policies are removed, Chamorro language and culture will continue to be denied their rightful status in all institutions affecting this community. We have seen and experienced how the colonial educational policies of the last 200 years have suppressed Chamorro language and culture. We have seen and experienced how the American school curriculum has been embraced with complete and unquestioned acceptance. Chamorros themselves have given only lukewarm responses to preserving Chamorro language and culture through training in our educational institutions. The colonial policies entrenched in our system have, and will continue to, negate the implementation of an effective and genuine Chamorro language and culture agenda.
Many Chamorros still equate success in school with proficiency in the English language. The notion that only the knowledge of English can lift the Chamorros out of economic and social oblivion has been most damaging to their language and culture. How can we prove it false? In continually advocating that personal economic success is the ultimate consequence of learning English proficiently, our schools are overselling English. Since it has never been in the mission of our educational institutions to Chamorrocize Chamorros, how can our schools reverse the firmly established colonial policies intended to Americanize Chamorros?
The efforts to retain the Chamorro language through formal education have grown out of self-preservation. Today, federal programs speak in terms of cultural awareness and respect for cultural diversity. The new attitude is that having a particular ethnic identity is not compatible with being an American. This philosophy assumes there is a dominant culture and ethnic minorities are in danger of being subsumed by it. Our schools have been quick to adopt this new philosophy and to implement the federal programs without questioning the rationale for their development, adjusting them to meet local needs.
In Guam, the dominant group is Chamorro. But it is their culture that is in danger of extinction, not those of other ethnic groups. Guam’s various ethnic groups arrived with firm knowledge of their respective cultural heritages; they speak their mother tongues proficiently. Their own educational institutions have armed them with with strong identities and language, which, under today’s educational philosophies, are appropriate vehicles for learning English as a second language. Chamorros do not have these advantages, despite their ethnic dominance. Guam is not a “melting pot.” Its minority groups are not in danger of assimilation by Chamorro society. But like the Chamorros, they are expected to conform to the cultural pattern imposed upon Guam society by American colonization.
In order for Chamorros to affirm their existence on the basis of indigenous rights, their educational institutions must be free of the colonial policies which dilute their efforts to promote their language and cultural rights. Education in Guam must be Chamorrocized. Younger generations of Chamorros certainly want this. They want to know the cultural fabric that enables them to identify with Chamorro values and traditions. They want to be as proficient in their own language as they are being made to be in English. They cry out for dignity and respect, for recognition and acceptance of their heritage.
Chamorros have come under colonial domination for no other reason than having been born on a small but valuable piece of real estate. Despite their tragic history, they still have first rights to the land, air and water in their homeland. They do not need to argue the validity of their birthrights.
***By Pilar C. Lujan***
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Language, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Role of Education in the Preservation of Guam's Indigenous Language
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Comic Strip: Juan Malimanga](https://www.guampedia.com/comic-strip-juan-malimanga/)
**Published:** February 10, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** “Juan Malimanga'' is the first comic strip in local print news that is written completely in the CHamoru language. The comic strip, originally written by Clotilde Castro Gould and illustrated by Roger Faustino, centers around humorous observations and adventures of the character Juan Malimanga. Despite its continued publication in the Pacific Daily News (PDN), the origins of this iconic comic strip signaled a landmark victory in efforts to overturn the controversial language policies of print media on the island of Guam.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Comic Strip: Juan Malimanga
 CHamoru/Chamorro Comic Strip: Juan Malimanga. Image reprinted with permission from Pacific Daily News.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Publication marks language win
“Juan Malimanga” is the first comic strip in local print news that is written completely in the CHamoru/Chamorro language. The comic strip, originally written by [Clotilde Castro Gould ](https://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/ "Clotilde “Ding” Castro Gould")and illustrated by Roger Faustino, centers around humorous observations and adventures of the character Juan Malimanga. Despite its continued publication in the Pacific Daily News (PDN), the origins of this iconic comic strip signaled a landmark victory in efforts to overturn the controversial language policies of print media on the island of Guam.
In the decades after the war, the island’s print publication, the Pacific Daily News (PDN), adopted a strict English-only policy that would only allow the printing of other languages if it was accompanied by an English translation. This was an issue because more money would have to be spent for the space needed to include English translation. Tensions surrounding this policy reached a tipping point in 1977 when a request for a birthday message in Spanish was denied.
This, in turn, sparked the creation of the organization, [People’s Alliance for Responsive Alternatives](https://www.guampedia.com/para-pada/ "PARA-PADA"), or PARA for short, which is the CHamoru word for “stop.” A rally was organized on March 26 of the following year across the street from the PDN building in the now Senator Angel Leon Guerrero Santos Latte Stone Memorial Park in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"). These protests stirred strong feelings of opposition to the English-only policy, prompting numerous cancellations to PDN subscriptions.
In an effort to rebuild the relationship between the PDN and the island community, the PDN partnered with the Guam Department of Education’s CHamoru Studies and Special Projects Division to incorporate the CHamoru language into the print publication. Coltilde Castro Gould, who served as the division’s administrator, oversaw the creation of Fino’ Chamorro, a new feature within the paper that highlighted CHamoru words and phrases. In addition, Gould was asked by the PDN editor, John Simpson, to translate the American comic strip, “Peanuts,” into CHamoru so as to further incorporate the CHamoru language into the paper.
As Gould began her translation, she realized that the humor of the comic became lost as she wrote it in CHamoru. This inspired her to instead create an entirely new comic strip that better reflected the CHamoru language and culture. She then enlisted the help of Roger Faustino, her division’s graphic artist, to illustrate her idea and bring it to life. The result was a sample for a new comic strip “Juan Malimanga,” named after the CHamoru trickster from Spanish-era stories, Juan Mala. The comic was approved and was set to be included in the comic section of the PDN on 11 May 1981.
The comic, “Juan Malimanga,” depicted the title character, as he navigated life on Guam with his friends Kika and Nano. Inspiration for the comic came from Gould’s experience growing on Guam as a child as well as the island’s current events. Coupled with the masterful use of the CHamoru language, the comic strip was well received by island residents, especially those who shared similar childhood experiences with Gould.
Gould and Faustino continued working together to create new adventures for Juan and his friends to be included in the daily paper. The “Juan Malimanga” comic strip continued to be created until Gould’s death in 2002. However, through support from Gould’s family and the University of Guam’s CHamoru Studies department, the comic returned to the PDN with new dialogue and art in 2009 provided by Peter Onedera and Ron Castro.
“Juan Malimanga” has been used in various classrooms throughout primary, secondary, and higher education as a tool to teach the CHamoru language. Its continued printing is a reminder of the struggle faced by the CHamoru people in having their language more present in daily life.
***[By Lazaro Quinata](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/ "Lazaro Quinata")***
## For further reading
Alladi, Amritha. “New Partnership Updates Juan Malimanga.” *Pacific Daily News Juan Malimanga.com*, 2008.
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “[Chamorro Public Service Post – Si Juan Malimanga](http://minagahet.blogspot.com/2006/09/chamorro-public-service-post-si-juan.html).” *No Rest for the Awake – Minagahet Chamorro*, 26 September 2006.
Palomo, Rosa Salas. “Bilingual/ Bicultural Education Program on Guam.” Interview by Lazaro Quinata. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 10 March 2021. Audio, 56:31.
Santo Thomas, Jojo. “Mom and Juan: Daughter Sandy Gould Yow Talks About Her Mother, Juan Malimanga.” *Pacific Daily News*, 2008.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Civic Society, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam: Education, Creative Expressions, Education, Language, Modern Guam Rises
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Comic Strip: Juan Malimanga
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Dance](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-dance/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Native dance of the CHamoru people was only vaguely described by early visitors to the Mariana Islands. The Jesuit annual report for 1669 to 1670 provides a rare description of a women’s dance.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Dance
#### Table of Contents
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## From ancient times to the present
Native dance of the CHamoru/Chamorro people was only vaguely described by early visitors to the Mariana Islands. The Jesuit annual report for 1669 to 1670 provides a rare description of a women’s dance. A group of 12 or 13 women swayed their bodies in place, moving their hands in a pleasing rhythm. In their right hands they flourished some half-moons and in their left hands they held little boxes of shells and bells to keep rhythm. They accompanied their dance with singing in three-part harmony, including falsetto, led by a man in tenor voice. Their songs told of their history and “antiquities” (perhaps genealogies).
Slapping rhythms and the combination of movements was described as very pleasing. The mention of half-moons and bells is not explained and therefore, it is not known if these were of recent importation since western contact or were locally produced.
The description of dance costume and ornamentation is equally vague. The women wore fragrant flowers on their foreheads (perhaps garlands) and sometimes strings of red shells (possibly Spondylus) on which turtle shell or other trinkets were hung. They also girded their waists with these same highly-valued shells, and hung from them “small, well-formed coconuts” on strings made from tree roots. These skirts were more like a birdcage that revealed the body rather than covering it.
The next historical description of native dance was made by French explorer [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/ "Louis Claude de Freycinet") in 1819, specifically because he requested to see native dance. He was told that the dance was performed on great feast days, where men and women alternated in a circle. The person being honored stood in the center while they sang praises about him or her.
By the time of Freycinet’s visit, it is apparent that indigenous dance was being overshadowed by Spanish influences. He described a celebration organized by the Spanish governor based on the “dances of Montezuma” imported from Mexico. The dancers wore colorful, richly trimmed silk and satin costumes that were brought out only for this type of performance. He also described how the people of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña") informally entertained them by having their children dance around a sombrero, the boy chasing the girl who coquettishly allowed him to kiss her cheek at the end.
Oral histories of elders who lived in the early 1900s only recall the dances introduced during the Spanish Colonial Period such as the Spanish Waltz, called the *båtso*, and the *so’tis*, with timing and footwork like the European Polka.
The *bailan ha’iguas* or “coconut shell dance” is believed to have originated in the Philippines, which involves striking half coconut shells held in each hand in a variety of rhythmic patterns between dancers, with footwork and movements to a lively ¾ beat. The same rhythm and musical beat is accompanied by thin arms-length sticks held in each hand, struck together in intricate patterns in another dance called the *bailan palitu* or “stick dance.”
The music and songs used for such dances are distinctly Spanish or Mexican in style, although they have Chamorro lyrics that range in themes from farming to fishing to courtship, and are often flirtatious or with romantic innuendos.
Spanish influences dwindled as the [American Naval Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), which began in 1899, progressed. Chamorros embraced Big Band music introduced by the navy bands, which provided entertainment in the Plaza de España in Hagåtña every Friday night; and they danced ballroom waltzes, ragtime, and flapper dance styles as they became popular in the United States. Cha cha, tango, rock n’ roll, and jitterbug became popular after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). By then, the Spanish Period dances became known as “traditional dance.”
## Revival of Chamorro dance
[Francisco “Frank” B. Rabon](https://www.guampedia.com/frank-rabon/ "Frank Rabon") was awarded the title of “Master of Chamorro Dance” by the governor of Guam in the early 1990s for his lifetime work of reviving the concept of native Chamorro dance. He was never exposed to indigenous forms of dance until he went to college in the United States. There, he gravitated towards the Hawaiian Islanders and learned their dances.
Tourism from Japan flourished beginning in the early 1970s, and when he returned to Guam in 1983 he continued to dance with Polynesian groups who performed in the hotels that had begun to line Tumon Bay. In 1984, he was introduced to former Legislative [Speaker Carlos Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/ "Carlos Pangelinan Taitano") who had traveled extensively in the Pacific after being educated in the United States. He enlisted Rabon’s help in choreographing Guam’s presentation for the Festival of Pacific Arts that was held in Tahiti in 1985.
This exposure to the idea of a Chamorro indigenous identity inspired Rabon to experiment with forms of Chamorro dance that drew on historical documents and dances from other Pacific islands. His training in Polynesian dance heavily influenced his dance movements and he continued to use the Hawaiian gourd instrument to keep rhythm.
Through his Taotao Tåno’ dance group (meaning “people of the land”), he introduced dances that depicted activities of ancient Chamorro life to re-create ancient Chamorro dance. As he has repeated many times, he is not trying to authenticate dances as being carried down from ancient times. Rather, his goal is to create an indigenous Chamorro identity that can give Chamorros of today a sense of pride in their heritage. Rabon’s dance creations have provided a basis for Chamorro dance that is being passed to successive generations by his original students.
The signature dance of the ancient Chamorro era is called the *Bailan Uritao*, or “Young Man’s Dance,” based on historical descriptions of the warrior-training practices of the *[uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/uritao/ "Uritao: Bachelor")*–young unmarried men who lived in the men’s house or *[guma’ uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/ "Guma’ Uritao")* prior to marriage. The lively jumps, shouts, and crashing together of long sticks called *tunas* requires precision and agility, and shows the prowess of a warrior. The rhythm and pattern of the sticks hitting together actually depicts the building of a [*latte* house](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), finally ending with all sticks held upwards forming the pointed roof of the house.
This usually leads to the next signature dance, the *Bailan Lina’la’*, or dance of life, which starts with the women dancers coming through the arched roof formed by the *uritao* sticks. This dance depicts the women’s dance first described in the Jesuit reports. For modesty’s sake, Rabon created a natural, coconut leaf skirt and a top for the women rather than the revealing skirt described in historical documents. The men adopted the *såde’* (loincloth), or Micronesian-style *thu*.
Rabon and his successive students, as well as others indirectly influenced by his work, have choreographed many other dances and written many other songs for dances. He and his followers have developed dances around three historical periods: Ancient Period, Spanish Colonial Period, and Contemporary Period. The Festival of Pacific Arts has been a significant influence on the development of Ancient Period dance in particular.
Hawaiians expressed concern about the “borrowing” of movements, sounds, and especially the use of the *Ipu Heke* gourd. Rabon and other organizers of various dance competitions have encouraged choreographers to look to their own historical influences and especially to the regional Micronesian styles to create dances that more closely reflect the Chamorro heritage.
The number of dance groups has proliferated to the extent that native Chamorro dance in all its historical presentations is now valued and sought out by the tourism industry. Several public schools have dance groups that filter into after-school, community dance groups. In 1999, Rabon organized a coalition of the existing dance groups called “Pa’a Taotao Tano’,” meaning “the way of life of the people of the land.”
Members of this coalition represent many schools and communities all over the island. The dance group leaders, called *ma’estros*, have dedicated countless volunteer hours to build their membership, group pride, and to choreograph dances that earn them recognition and awards at the annual Dinana’ Minagof Dance Festivals each year.
Gef Pa’go Chamorro Cultural Village in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) hosts their Dinana’ Minagof Festival every year during the second week of February. Pa’a Taotao Tano’ hosts their Dinana’ Minagof Dance Competitions every June in the [Tamuning/Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) area.
## Pa'a Taotao Tano' dance groups
Below is a list of recognized *Guma’* (cultural houses) and their *fafa’nå’gue* (certified *Guma’* leader) or *Guma’* leader. For updated information please contact the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) and reference their Artist Directory.
**Guma****Fafa’nå’gue****Guam** Taotao Tano’Frank Rabon\*Irensian Taotao Tano’Eileen Meno\*\*Taotao LaguDana KimAniten I Taotao Tano’Barbara TainatongoRasan Acho LatteBrian (BJ) TerlajePas Ginen San FranciscoCathy CalvoNi’na’en Acho LatteRaymond LujanIninan I Saina-taJonathan Perez**Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI)** Inatuas (Saipan)Jonas Barcinas and April RepekiTaotao Taga (Tinian)Eric Reyes**California** Imahen Taotao Tano’ (San Diego)Rosemary MantanonaKutturan Chamoru (Long Beach)Heidi Quenga**Japan** Taotao Kinahulo I Atdao na Tano’Asami NohiraFamagu’on Tano’ yan I TasiKyoko Nakayama \*Master of Chamorro Dance and Creative Director, Pa’a Taotao Tano’
\*\*Master of Chamorro Dance ***[By Judy Flores, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/ "Judy Selk Flores")***
## For further reading
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-6. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1995.
Rabon, Francisco B. *Pa’a Taotao Tano’: A Way of Life, People of the Land. Chamorro Chants & Dances of Guam.* Hagåtña: Irensia Publishing, 2001.
Tatge, Catherine, dir. *Dances of Life*. 2005, PBS documentary. DVD video.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Performance Arts
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Dance
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Numbers](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-numbers/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Permission to use from Dipåttamenton i Kaohao Guinahan CHamoru. Leblon Numiru, Government of Guam. Department of Education, Hagåtña, Guam.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Numbers
#### Table of Contents
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## Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro numbers
 Original illustrations from the Guam Public Library System's Ancient CHamoru Objects, by Bévalet in Freycinet's Voyage Autour du Monde, 1824.
No.CHamoru 0tåya16månot na gai gunom80guålo’ na fulu1håcha17månot na gai fiti87guålo’ na fulu na gai fiti2hugua18månot na gai gualo’90sigua na fulu3tulu19månot na gai sigua98sigua na fulu na gai guålo’4fåtfat20hugua na fulu99sigua na fulu na gai sigua5lima21hugua na fulu na gai hacha100gåtos6gunom30tutu na fulu200hugua na gåtos7fiti32tutu na fulu na gai hugua300tulu na gåtos8guålo’40fåtfat na fulu400fåtfat na gåtos9sigua43fåtfat na fulu na gai tulu500lima na gåtos10månot50lima na fulu600gunom na gåtos11månot na gai hacha54lima na fulu na gai fåtfat700fiti na gåtos12månot na gai hugua60gunom na fulu800guålo’ na gåtos13månot na gai tulu65gunom na fulu na gai lima900sigua na gåtos14månot na gai fatfåt70fiti na fulu1,000chålan15månot na gai lima76fiti na fulu na gai gunom Permission to use from Dipåttamenton i Kaohao Guinahan CHamoru. *Leblon Numiru*, Government of Guam Department of Education, Hagåtña, Guam.
## Numbers for animate \[living\] objects
 Illustration courtesy of Ron J. Castro.
CHamorus had different numbering systems for animate and inanimate objects. The following was adapted and reprinted, with permission from [Lawerence J. Cunningham, EdD](http://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/) and JJ Beaty. *A History of Guam.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
No.CHamoru 1maisa8guagualo’30tatu na fulu2hugua9sasigua40fatfat na fulu3tatu10maonot100gåtos4fatfat11maonot na gai maisa200hugua na gåtos5lalima12maonot na gai hugua1,000chålan6guagunom20hugua na fulu2,000hugua na chålan7fafiti21hugua na fulu na gai maisa10,000maonot na chålan
## Numbers for inanimate objects
 Illustration courtesy of Ron J. Castro.
No.CHamoru 1hachiyai8guatguiyai30totguiyai na fulu2huguiyai9siguiyai40fatfatai na fulu3totguiyai or togiyai10manutai100gåtos4fatfatai11manutai na gai hachiyai200huguiyai na gåtos5limiyai12manutai na gai huguiyai1,000chålan6gonmiyai20huguiyai na fulu2,000huguiyai na chålan7fetguyai21huguiyai na fulu na gai hachiyai10,000manutai na chålan
## Contemporary CHamoru numbers
 Illustration courtesy of Ron J. Castro.
The contemporary CHamoru numbering system does not differentiate between animate and inanimate objects, and has been adapted from the Spanish language.
No.CHamoru 1uno6sais11onse16disisais2dos7siette12dosse17disisiete3tres8ocho13tresse18disiocho4kuatro9nuebi14katotse19disinuebi5singko10dies15kinse20bente
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Numbers
---
### [CHamorus/Chamorros Forced into War Effort](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorus-forced-into-war-effort/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Land clearing, construction and much more. By early 1944, the CHamorus were mere tools to be utilized by the Japanese forces without regard to their safety or well-being. Most of the men were used to clear the land at either of the two operational air strips at Orote and Jalaguac (also spelled Kalaguac), or at one being developed at Ague, Dededo in the northeastern corner of the island.
**Content:**
# CHamorus/Chamorros Forced into War Effort
#### Table of Contents
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## Land clearing, construction, and much more
By early 1944, the CHamorus/Chamorros were mere tools to be utilized by the Japanese forces without regard to their safety or well-being. Most of the men were used to clear the land at either of the two operational air strips at Orote and Jalaguac (also spelled Kalaguac), or at one being developed at Ague, [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) in the northeastern corner of the island.
Some of the younger men were utilized to help construct pillboxes and man-made caves. Still others were used to install real and dummy cannons at several coastal areas, and to transport food and ammunition to key defense outposts. The women were used primarily to plant and harvest farm crops though some did land clearing too. Children worked as well.
At the southern end of the island, Japanese soldiers – in desperation – ordered groups of CHamoru men to lay coconut tree trunks across the road, ostensibly to stop American tanks. In [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/), forced laborers constructed a tank trap consisting of trunks buried vertically and arranged in a maze-like pattern. Laborers also piled huge mounts or rocks along the beach, and dug massive holes in the sand in an attempt to block and disable enemy tanks.
Some CHamorus were directed to hunt and kill all dogs they could find, the rationale being that dogs gave away the presence of people.
## Personal forced labor story: clearing the airstrip
Considering the circumstances under which the original landing Tiyan strip was built and its indispensability to the island’s future, it has attained memorial stature at least among those who wielded the primitive tools to build it. It makes a worthy companion to the latte stone which, interestingly enough, was also used as foundation stone, among others, by our ancestors.
The airport today dwarfs what we achieved during the occupation but it was built with earth movers, bulldozers, backhoe, and steamrollers. If, during the occupation, we had known the wonders that modern technology could perform, we might have said that what was being asked of us was impossible. And, having decided that, we might never have completed the airstrip. We would never have been able to overcome the psychological barrier that we would have created between us and the job’s completion.
There would have been nothing that the Japanese forces could do to make us get the project done. It would not be that we would have worked more slowly. In the actual construction, our lack of enthusiasm translated to a snail’s pace in any event. Rather, we would have been so daunted by our perception of the enormity of the task that we simply wouldn’t have been able to do it. Our naivete then worked to the enemy’s advantage. We got the job done simply because we didn’t know that we couldn’t!
As we were finishing the airstrip, it was not possible to simply dismiss it as something we were forced to do. Surprisingly, most of us looked at it with a kind of pride of proprietorship. It was ours. We made it – not only the construction but survived the incredibly taxing ordeal.
This was possible because of the older men in our forced labor groups who rose to lead us. There were many such men but I remember two of them in particular because they were my immediate leaders – Frank D. Perez and Nito Cristobal. We worked together, we prayed together and, on occasion, we laughed together. It was 1944 and I was 16.
Evidently, American military reconnaissance planes noticed that the airstrip was nearing completion and it became a daily target for bombing. Seeing the American planes bomb the airstrip in daylight was a tonic beyond description even though we knew we had to repair the runway that same night guarded by soldiers angered similarly beyond description.
## CHamoru custom of *ádalak*
One of the ironies of our forced labor was how it played against one of the most cherished of CHamoru traditions, *ádalak*, whereby neighbors helped one another build houses or prepare fields or crops. We participated in ádalak willingly and from our hearts in keeping with our custom and tradition. The closest English translation of the word is “happy labor.” This was not so when we were digging caves, constructing barricades and felling the jungle to build an airstrip.
In an incredible twist of fate, on 20 June 1944, during the Battle of the Philippine Sea, the Japanese Imperial Army lost more than 400 planes in a resounding defeat in air combat which US Naval aviators referred to as the Great Marianas Turkey Shoot. A month later, Guam was liberated by US Marines, soldiers, sailors and airmen.
Following the capture of the Tiyan airstrip, we watched with astonishment and great delight as US Navy Seabees widened, extended, and surfaced the runway with remarkable efficiency in but a few days.
Seeing US planes land and take off from “our” airstrip to continue the war against Japan made grown men cry. And teenagers, too.
Poetic justice comes to mind.
[***By Congressman Vicente “Ben” Blaz***](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/)
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted from the US Congressional Record.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** CHamorus/Chamorros Forced into War Effort
---
### [Familia](https://www.guampedia.com/familia/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Familia, a Spanish word meaning family, has a more inclusive definition in CHamoru. The term familia includes not only one’s immediate family members, but the branches of families who make up one’s clan as well. Several families who have an ancestor in common make up a clan.
**Content:**
## Familia
 Charles Lemkuhl/Micronesian Seminar (MicSem) collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## Clans are the social base
*Familia*, a Spanish word meaning family, has a more inclusive definition in CHamoru/Chamorro. The term *familia* includes not only one’s immediate family members, but the branches of families who make up one’s clan as well. Several families who have an ancestor in common make up a clan.
In CHamoru society, families and clans have always been a central part of an individual’s world. From birth until death, the *familia* provides a sense of identity, a social base, a support system, and defines one’s social status, responsibilities, and obligations. CHamorus are understood within the context of their *familia*. An essential part of forming a relationship is figuring out who each other’s relatives are as a means of identifying mutual obligations of reciprocity shared within and between clans – a key element of CHamoru social and cultural structure.
*Familia siha* or family members, consist of *[saina](https://www.guampedia.com/saina/), famagu’on, tåtan bihu, nånan biha, tiha, tihu, primu, prima*, (parents, children, grandfather, grandmother, aunties, uncles, and male and female cousins, respectively)—and extends to embrace in-laws and adopted relations. It also includes close relationships, such as those formed and maintained with dear friends, and *nina* and *ninu* (godmother and godfather, respectively).
It is still fairly common for families to live close to one another—in a family compound or in the same village. However, it is also true that it is becoming more common to live more separately in nuclear family units and to live some distance apart (there are currently many more CHamorus living stateside than in Guam and in the Northern Mariana Islands), though that does not reduce their obligations to each other.
## Social and economic unit
*Familia siha* are cooperative social and economic units. Family members are to share, help and protect each other without fail, and plan and commemorate life celebrations with each other. Each member has key roles and responsibilities. These are determined by age and gender, although other factors are considered as well, such as having particular talent, knowledge, skill, or resource available. With increasing seniority in the *familia* comes increasing responsibility – managing *familia* affairs and tasking *familia* members with specific duties. *Familia* members recognize and defer to their elders’ authority.
Traditionally, *familia* leaders and/or elders make many of the family decisions. In ancient times, marriages would be arranged and negotiated between clan leaders. Up until recent decades, courtship and marriage customarily required family elders’ approval. In more recent years however, children have been be allowed to have greater participation in the decision-making that affects them.
## Sisters and brothers
Ancient CHamorus were matrilineal, with the sister and brother as heads of the *familia*. Children belonged to their mother’s clan. This meant that children traced their lineage and inherited their rights to land, resources, and the obligations of the clan from their mother’s line.
Once married, a woman would join her husband on the land of his mother’s clan. Once children reached adolescence, they would be returned to their mother’s clan and it was their maternal uncles, not their fathers, who would raise them, teaching them skills needed as adults. It was when they returned to their mother’s clan that they would take on their roles within that clan and where their life circumstances would be determined. Over time, patriarchal Spanish and American family practices were introduced, some of which have since been incorporated into CHamoru culture. For some families, mothers, and fathers share leadership responsibilities. For others, grandparents or other elders remain at the head of more extended family networks. CHamoru families today consider both sides of the family as equally important.
## Value systems
Families can gain reputations for their integrity; levels of generosity; sense of tradition; or types of skills, knowledge or professions. Each member represents their *familia*. Their actions not only speak for themselves as individuals, but can earn pride and distinction for the entire *familia*.
Since ancient times, one of the most important ways of earning distinction for CHamorus is to have family members that properly demonstrate the values of*[ inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/), respetu, [mamåhhlao](https://www.guampedia.com/mamahlao-shame/), [mannginge’](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/),* and [*chenchule’* ](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)(being a caring, supportive family with proper senses of respect, humility, respect for elders shown by kissing their hand and participating in the family’s reciprocal networks). Conversely, a member’s “improper” actions can also bring a sense of shame to the *familia.* CHamoru families can also feel compelled to come to the aid or defense of its members. *Familia* debts owed or incurred are passed on to succeeding generations.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*Inafa’maolek: Chamorro Tradition and Values*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Kasperbauer, Carmen A. “The Chamorro Culture.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Matrilineal Systems, Our Heritage, Roles of Family Members
**Tags:** Familia
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Surnames](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-surnames/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Traditionally, CHamorus didn’t have surnames. Each person was known by a first name and was probably referred to also according to his clan name.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Surnames
 Chamorro Family, 1902. Charles Lemkuhl, Micronesian Seminar (MicSem) collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## A relatively recent development
Traditionally, CHamorus/Chamorros didn’t have surnames. Each person was known by a first name and was probably referred to also according to his clan name. When the Spanish missionaries baptized someone, he or she was christened with a name of a saint. Whatever that person’s first name was became his surname. This explains why there is no continuity of surnames even within the same nuclear family.
The three earliest censuses of the Mariana Islands were in 1710, 1727, and 1759. These documents, called the “Archivo General de Indias,” were obtained by the Micronesian Area Research Center at the University of Guam. The original documents are located in Sevilla, Spain.
Both the 1727 Census and 1759 Census record the earliest traditional CHamoru surnames in the Mariana Islands. A list of surnames in these documents, many of which are the forerunners of modern CHamoru surnames, follows. The spellings may have some discrepancies because there was no official orthography for the CHamoru language when this was written in 1984.
These surnames with their approximate definitions are:
**Name****Definition****Name****Definition**Ge’hilu’Further upTainahungNever satisfied or enoughGuailayiTo have reason forGaulafnaHis or her full moonMasanganTo be said or spoken offTalinaHis or her ropeSagua’naHis or her channelNilemlimSurprised or astonishedGoftalu’Exactly in the middle or centerTai’igiNo comparisonEga’ga’To urge to act uponTasinaHis or sea or oceanMamaisaTo be aloneTaikanuTo have nothing to eatTaisaguiNo holding or not attachedAtdaunaHis or her light or sunlightNa’lahuTo cause to walkManpagatTo be admonished or advisedChattunguLittle knowledge ofMa’i’utNarrow openingMaktusTo split or cut offMafa’taTo be presented beforeGoflachiExtremely at fault or incredibly wrongManaitaiTo be read or to prayKe’gachaTo try to step onTatmaulikNot too goodKe’na’anTo try to reach intoKe’poksaiTo try to rear or raiseTaga’naHis or her splitMehgaiA lot off or bountifulKe’takaTo try to reach intoTaichiguNo juice or liquidNa’yauyauTo shake or to cause to quiverInayikThe chosen oneSumainaHis or her soak or place of soakingKe’tahguiTo substitute forTano’naHis or her landMafakCracked or fragmentedTaimangluNo windApuAshTai’asi’No pity or lacking warmth forChata’anNot clear day or sensitiveSamaiBeautifulKe’kanuTo try to eatKe’fanaTo try to face or to confrontFahalangTo try to cause lonlinessGoguiTo safe or to secureMafa’tahgulTo disregard someone’s presenceBaubauShaky or quiveringAchaiguaSimilar toMasgaHad enough off or satiatedNapunaHis or her waveAsonnaHis or her resting areaTaifa’gasNo place for cleansingMatunaBlessedTaifinuNo words or remarks forTatlumahiNot manlyTai’iyuNo possession ofChatsagaNot in place or with little economic wealthMauleknaIt is betterKe’ta’luTo try againTaifalakNo direction or no destinationTaisungsungNo plugger or without a stopperTaigachungNo comparison or friendshipTaiguahaWithout possessionSamailhiThe beautiful maleFa’tangisTo create or make like tearsTatmahalangLittle longing forNa’ayauTo lendTaigualuNo farmfieldMasaCookedFa’chalikTo ridicule or make fun ofTaimagungNo cureMatangsiTo weep forLaguaNetMatayaTo be withoutHanumWaterKe’tuguaTo cause to fallTaisahyanNo transportationGofsainaTo be paternalistic or materialisticTatpa’guLittle beautyMa’asiTo have pity forTaina’anNo name or referenceTaisakanNo harvest of not of age
## US Naval period
There are a number of traditional CHamoru surnames that have survived today. Most have been recorded and defined by[ Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/), an American anthropologist who visited Guam before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). She was assisted by [Gertrude Costenoble Hornbostel](https://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-costenoble-hornbostel/), a German who migrated to the Mariana Islands during the German administration along with her husband, Hans Hornbostel. Gertrude, who was commonly called “Trudis Aleman” by the CHamorus, spoke CHamoru fluently.
The following traditional CHamoru surnames appear in Thompson and Hornbostel’s works. Some of the surnames with their traditional orthography are:
Name**Definition**AfaisenTo ask each otherCharguilla (Chatguiya)Not physically wellCharguane (Chatguani)Excretion not removedAtao (Atau)To give each otherGumataotao (Guma’tautau)House of peopleHokog (Hokuk)No more, empty, completedMataEyeManajane (Manai’ani)No day, no spiritMaanao (Ma’anau)FrightenQuinene (Kineni’)To be taken away or fromQuichocho (Ke’cho’cho’)To remove from a hiding place, associated with fishingTaifino (Taifinu’)Lacking expression or words forTaijito (Taihitu)No lice
It is interesting to note that all the traditional CHamoru surnames are either action or descriptive words. Names of fishes or plants are not associated with individuals.
## Note from the author
This entry was originally written for the “La Sangri Yama” series. I am especially proud of my work entitled the “Taitano Families of the Marianas Islands.” Taitano is the only surname in my bloodline that is a CHamoru word. It is also a distinguished CHamoru family group with a rich oral history.
The surname, Taitano, is a compound word. The morphological structure is “tai” which means “non” or “no.” “Tanu” means “land” or “earth.” In literal translation, Taitano, denotes “The landless.” This surname appears in the early historical documents and was originally spelled “Taytano.”
The spelling of most surnames in the Mariana Islands was changed according to the historical documents, especially during the early [American Naval Administration](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-entries-by-era/us-naval-era-politics-and-government-entries/) of Guam in 1898.
***By Anthony “Malia” Ramirez***
**Editor’s note:** Originally published in the *“Freedom to Be”: 40th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, 1984.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Indigenous Lenses, Language, Our Heritage
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Surnames
---
### [Kie Susuico](https://www.guampedia.com/kie-susuico/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Kie Susuico is a graphic artist with an interest in art that began in childhood. Susuico credits his mother for the origins of his artistic ability as she is an artist in her own right.
**Content:**
# Kie Susuico
#### Table of Contents
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## Spiritual treks awakened art
Kie Susuico is a graphic artist with an interest in art that began in childhood. Susuico credits his mother for the origins of his artistic ability as she is an artist in her own right. At a young age, Susuico’s father took him on hikes through the jungles of Guam. As part of the treks into the jungles and along remote coastal areas on Guam, Susuico has accepted the CHamoru/Chamorro name *Sanhalom*, meaning “there within,” a name that aptly describes his personality.
Susuico’s cultural art was inspired and is created from imagery he has taken from spiritual treks many years later as an adult at the age of 35. He traveled many times to the mainland United States, and each time longed to return to Guam.
Susuico’s artwork was influenced by his brothers, Jay and Mark Susuico, who are also talented artistically and have graduated from art school. His brothers shared with him numerous skills and techniques in the creation of art. Susuico drew influence and inspiration from works including [Filamore Palomo Alcon](https://www.guampedia.com/filamore-palomo-alcon/)’s *Håga*, Jay Baza Pascua’s *Sinangan*, Fanai Castro’s *Talågue*, Jerry Uelsmann’s *Japanimation*, and from the work of John Calvo, Roman Dela Cruz, Eric Taitano, and numerous graffiti artists.
Susuico’s interest in graffiti art allowed him to create his form of graffiti art on paper and in the electronic memory of his computer–digital graffiti. Graffiti rose to an art form from its early start in urban areas across America and is reaching areas across the globe to include Guam.
His computer-generated commercial art appeared in various local publications and other media to include electronic. His commercial work also appeared on clothing, in print advertisements, and as promotional materials for special events. The imagery captured by Susuico’s camera is digitally enhanced with compositions that reveal other cultural images that are meant to evoke emotion. There are also many messages and cultural symbols imbedded in his art. Susuico’s art shows powerful images composed in a unique and unconventional way.
Susuico is a member of the Chamorro Artists Association. His affiliation in the association allowed him to exhibit his work at the Pacific Trading Company’s “*Fakmåta*” art show and open mic. He designed the logo for *Fakmåta* and is now the association’s official graphic artist.
Susuico’s support for *Fakmåta* stems from his promotion of spoken-word art through his production of *Sinangån-ta* Poetry Slam. Kie, along with Melvin “*Hila*” Borja and Jovan “*Malak*” Tamayo, founded *Sinangån-ta* on 30 December 2005. The poetry slam has drawn capacity crowds. Susuico also designs the graphics for the show.
## For further reading
*Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency*. “[Artists – Guam CAHA](https://www.guamcaha.org/artists).” 21 February 2025.
Humanities Guåhan. *Picturing Guam Teachers Resource Book*. Hagåtña: HG, 2011.
Leon-Guerrero, Jillette. *Seeing Guam Through Our Eyes.* Agana Heights: Guamology Publishing, 2010.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Kie Susuico
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### [Graphic Arts](https://www.guampedia.com/graphic-arts/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Although a relatively new form of art, graphic arts on Guam became a common medium for cultural and artistic expression as modern technology became more accessible to the general public. Ancient Chamorro paintings, or pictographs, found in caves depict their lives and offer a glimpse of how the ancient island people viewed and interpreted the world around them.
**Content:**
# Graphic Arts
#### Table of Contents
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## New medium for cultural artistic expression
Although a relatively new form of art, graphic arts in Guam became a common medium for cultural and artistic expression as modern technology became more accessible to the general public. Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro paintings, or pictographs, found in caves depict their lives and offer a glimpse of how the ancient island people viewed and interpreted the world around them.
Thus, cultural expression in the form of graphics can be traced back to the [Ancient Chamorro Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/).
## Art creating culture creating art
As technology continues to evolve, technical tools make it easier to apply graphic arts as a more common form artful expression and cultural expression. In western societies, art is most commonly seen at museums and galleries. In contrast, many non-western cultures produce forms of art that are interwoven in their social fabric.
In an island whose culture lies in the middle of traditional-modern continuum, graphic art has recently enmeshed itself in cultural expression. For example, many business establishments provide graphic design services ranging from posters, web graphics, tee-shirts, announcements, brochures, and the like. Very apparent in this graphic design are cultural expressions and portrayal unique to Guam. Several locally owned tee-shirt business recreate and adopt the ancient Chamorro cave drawings.
## Local artists and graphic artists
One of the most well-known cultural graphic art was created by [Kie Susuico](https://www.guampedia.com/kie-susuico/) which became a poster cover for Isla Center for the Arts’ Art of the Pacific Rim in Fall of 2006. His black-and-white graphic design caught many eyes as it depicts a [*latte*](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), or a stone pillar with a capstone, used as foundations for ancient Chamorro houses, with roots extending from the stone. It was selected by an off-island juror as an official entry for the biennial art exhibition.
At present, graphic design is not limited to those artists who formally studied this relatively new art form. As graphic design software became less expensive, it became more accessible to the masses. The availability of this software allows many to try and experiment with juxtaposition of local colors.
[Ron Castro](https://www.guampedia.com/ron-castro/) is perhaps one of the most established graphic artists on island. He is a graduate of Art Institute of Pittsburg with his specialty being visual communications and graphic design.
For the past 20 years, Castro has painted and done other special projects with an emphasis on promoting Chamorro culture. In an effort to expose the young to Chamorro culture, he created a multimedia project spotlighting Guam’s master traditional folk artists such as master weavers, masters in Chamorro dance, and masters in Chamorro chant, among others. This graphic arts project can be seen on posters in many establishments in Guam.
[Ariel Dimalanta](https://www.guampedia.com/ariel-dimalanta/) is another established graphic artist with more than three decades of experience. Dimalanta was born in Guam, but received his grade-school through high-school education in the Philippines before returning to Guam in 1972. He then worked for the *Pacific Daily News* in 1973 as an advertising layout artist in the newspaper’s production department. Shortly afterward, Dimalanta and his siblings founded local ad agency Admasters, which produces ads for ventures such as local housing developments—including Baza Gardens, Barrigada Heights and Latte Heights—private businesses, political campaigns, as well as government projects.
From 1975 through 1979, Dimalanta left Guam to pursue a degree in the field of commercial arts. He attended the Academy of Arts College in San Francisco, the California College of Arts and Crafts, Oakland, California, and a film school in Half Moon Bay, California. When he completed his education, Dimalanta returned to Guam and started his own marketing/advertising design studio Ariel & Co.
Over the years, Dimalanta has created notable works including logo designs and illustrations for local companies, catering to both Guam residents and Japanese tourists. He created the Guam Island Guide Map, a user-friendly visitors’ guide used by Guam visitors, both military and tourists. Dimalanta has won many awards for his work, including the design for Guam’s 2000 US Census poster. Currently, Dimalanta’s design work is featured in the *Only On Guam Guide-Magazine*, a quarterly guidebook committed to showcasing Guam in its entirety to newcomer audiences.
***By Julius Sotomayor Cena***
## For further reading
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Graphic Arts
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Self-Determination](https://www.guampedia.com/interpretive-essay-commission-on-self-determination-2/)
**Published:** September 3, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Self-Determination: A promise for true democracy. To understand what the process of self-determination means for many Chamorus on Guam, one must have some knowledge of the island’s long colonial history.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Self-Determination
#### Table of Contents
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## Interpretive essay: Self-determination - A promise for true democracy
To understand what the process of self-determination means for many Chamorus (CHamorus/Chamorros) on Guam, one must have some knowledge of the island’s long colonial history. After studying various events of Guam’s history, such as the defeat of the Chamoru people by the Spaniards in 1698 after the 27 year Chamoru-Spanish War, and the subsequent colonization and subjugation by both the United States and Japan, it is no wonder the concepts of self-governance and sovereignty are elusive for many Chamorus today.
It seems Chamoru leaders in the past who fought against the Spaniards such as [Maga’låhi Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/), understood passionately what it meant to be self-governing and sovereign as a people. Hurao conveyed his thoughts in an eloquent speech in front of hundreds of Chamorus that, “…freedom is dearer to us than life itself….” Such a profound and bold speech led many of his people to do whatever it would take to regain their former freedom against great odds. Their defeat however, made Guam and its people a colony of Spain for the next 300 years.
After the United States acquired more territories through the Treaty of Paris which ended the Spanish-American War of 1898, these newly acquired lands were called “off-shore possessions.” The US paid Spain $20 million for both Guam and the Philippines. The earliest known legal authority giving the US sovereignty over the people of Guam can be found in the Treaty of Paris under Article IX which states that, “the civil and political rights of the native inhabitants of the islands hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by Congress.” The “Territorial Clause” of the US Constitution which then followed the acquisition, states, “The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory and other property belonging to the United States” (US Constitution Article 4, Section 3).
Notwithstanding this authority, however, President William Mckinley in 1898 issued an Executive Order transferring jurisdiction and governance of the people of Guam to the Department of the Navy. Moreover, in the 1901 case of *Downes v. Bidwell* , which is one of several Insular Cases, the US Supreme Court established that,
1. The Territorial Clause under Article IV of the US Constitution applied and gives Congress plenary powers over Guam and its people.
2. The US Constitution does not apply to the Chamoru people of Guam.
3. Guam is an Unincorporated Territory, which means that Guam is merely a possession and not a part of the United States.
These findings by the highest court only solidified naval rule over a civilian population. As a result, for the next fifty years, the Chamoru people became wards of the US governed by the US Navy. The naval rule of Guam was paternalistic, dictatorial and autocratic. Their mission was given primacy over civilian needs. Laws affecting the civilian population were promulgated through Executive Orders which, in today’s standards, can be construed as either racist or unconstitutional—for example, prohibiting the usage of the Chamoru language; whistling; and inter-racial marriages. Chamorus, naturally, resented the many absurd laws.
In 1902 and for the next fifty years of naval rule, the Chamorus conveyed their grievances and opposition towards the naval government to the US Congress, calling for redress for the people’s lack of civil and political rights. Congress, however, ignored the many petitions filed by the Chamoru people.
In 1945 after the defeat of Japan and Germany in World War II, in order to promote peace and cooperation amongst peoples throughout the world, the US, along with fifty-one other independent nations, gathered and formed the United Nations. The UN Charter was adopted, signed and ratified by each respective member state. The Charter enumerated the purposes and mission of the UN, which includes resolving international disputes and the decolonization of former colonies.
In December 1946, pursuant to Article 73 of Chapter XI of the UN Charter, the US—along with others nations that possessed colonies such as France, Portugal, New Zealand, United Kingdom and Spain—placed all their possessions in a list of “Non-Self-Governing Territories” (UNGA Resolution 66-1). The goal was the eventual decolonization of all territories with each attaining a full measure of self-government. By 1960, more than two-thirds of former colonies on the non-self-governing list had exercised their right to self-determination. More than one hundred states in the United Nations today were former off-shore possessions or colonies of the above-mentioned countries. These new states are now independent nations and are voting members in the UN. They are treated as equals to other member states within the UN General Assembly.
That same year, the UN stated that the pace of decolonization for the remaining territories was too slow. The inaction by administering powers to proceed in the decolonization process for these territories resulted in the passage of two landmark resolutions by the UN General Assembly: UN Resolution 1514 (XV), or the Declaration on Decolonization, and UN Resolution 1541, which delineated the ways in which a territory could achieve self-determination.
Summarized here, UN Resolution 1514 (XV) states:
1. The subjection of peoples to alien subjection, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations, and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and cooperation.
2. All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
3. Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence.
4. All armed action or repressive measures of all kinds directed against dependent peoples shall cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence, and the integrity of their national territory shall be respected.
5. Immediate steps shall be taken, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all other territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to the people of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed of colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom.
6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purpose and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
7. All States shall observe faithfully the provision of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the present Declaration on the basis of equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of all States, and respect for the Sovereign rights of all peoples and their territorial integrity.
UN Resolution 1514 radically changed the process of self-determination and made it a “right” rather than a ”principle” for peoples of non-self-governing territories. Prior to 1960 administering powers who were determined to hold onto their former territories or possessions would use the latter, arguing that self-determination was just a matter of principle not a right. The passage of Resolution 1514 changed all that and gave new hope for those still under the hegemony of colonialism.
By 1961, the United Nations created a more formal process in expediting decolonization. A Special Committee on Decolonization, also known as the Committee of 24, was established. This committee is comprised of representatives of former colonized peoples. Seminars and meetings by this committee are held in the Caribbean and Pacific, alternating each year. Their mission is to gather information as to the political development of the remaining non-self-governing territories. Such reports are then submitted to the Fourth Committee which prepares the reports for the General Assembly in their annual December meeting. The General Assembly, in turn, votes on the Resolution regarding the status of the remaining non-self-governing territories.
Each year since 1946 the status of Guam’s political development is mentioned in every UN Resolution. Guam is one of sixteen remaining territories that have yet to exercise their right to self-determination. The UN General Assembly, through the UN Resolutions, continues to remind the US of its treaty obligations under the Charter regarding the decolonization of its “possessions.”
Summarized here, UN Resolution 1541 (XV) states:
> \[Resolution\] 1541 gives three ways that a Non-Self-Governing Territory can attain a full measure of self-government as prescribed by the Charter.
>
> (a) Free association with an independent state as a result of a free and voluntary choice by the people of the Territory expressed through an informed and democratic process;
> (b) Integration with an independent state on the basis of complete equality between the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territory and those of the independent state;
> (c) Independence
>
> Whatever the political status chosen by the people of a Non-Self-Governing Territory, this choice must be the result of the freely expressed wishes of these peoples.
Colonialism is the rule or control of one power over a group of people. Decolonization is the movement of the colonized people from being governed by an external power to governing themselves or to be self-governing. Self-determination is the expression and desire of the colonized people to determine their political destiny. A Non-Self-Governing Territory is defined in the UN Charter as a territory “whose people have not yet attained a full measure of self-government.”
## The exercise of self-determination: Internal or external approach
There are two ways which in the colonized people and their administering power approach the issue of self-determination. The first approach is “internal” in which occupying powers or administering powers would unilaterally prescribe a political arrangement with the colonized people internally without United Nations intervention or oversight. The occupying power regard the colonized as a domestic people or minority population.
The US, for example, in dealing with Native American Indians created a “nation within a nation” political relationship. Native Americans can exercise some political autonomy within the boundaries of an existing state in the US. This type of political arrangement resulted from treaties signed between the US federal government and the remaining American Indian tribes shortly after the systematic genocide campaigns of the “Indian Wars” against Native Americans in the 1800s. In the nation within a nation structure, the US government dictates the parameters of its political relationship with native tribes. The US government set aside lands for native reservations and all tribes were permitted a very limited form of self-government. Congress, however, pursuant to the US Constitution under the Territorial Clause retains plenary powers over all reservations.
For Guam, the US Supreme Court in 1901 established the island as an “unincorporated territory.” That is, Guam is a possession and not a part of the US. The Court also resolved that it is the US Congress that determines the standard of governance and not the US Constitution. This ruling established the difference between how US laws apply to lands that were acquired by the United States in 1898 and those acquired earlier. Although the Organic Act of 1950 passed by Congress provided a limited form of self-government, it is still considered both “internal” and “unilateral”, since it remains a one-sided colonial form of governance.
The second approach of self-determination is called “external,” and emerged shortly after the creation of the United Nations in 1945. In December 1946 the US placed Guam, Hawai’i, Puerto Rico, Samoa and the US Virgin Islands in the list of “Non-Self-Governing Territories” pending decolonization under UNGA Resolution 66-1. Article 73 of Chapter XI of the UN Charter states that, “territories listed that have yet to achieve a full measure of self-government obligates the administering power that the interests of the inhabitant of these territories are paramount” and that by signing the Charter, administering powers accepted as a “sacred trust” the “obligation to promote to the utmost the well-being of the territories under their administration.”
Moreover, the General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 declares that: “All peoples have the right of self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” In this type of approach toward self-determination a tripartite commitment exists between the United Nations, the administering power and the people of the territories or colonized peoples. The colonized people are given the three types of political status options under UN resolution 1541 which would comply with what the UN deems is a full measure of self-government—independence (free from external rule); free-association (with an independent state); and integration (or statehood).
Since 1946 the US has remained aloof regarding the question of political status for the Chamoru people of Guam, treating it as an internal or domestic issue. Guam’s strategic location as America’s westernmost Pacific outpost, as well as Cold War politics, have made the US historically disinterested in decolonizing Guam pursuant to UN treaties.
The Chamoru people have persistently tried to assert their rights to self-determination in various ways, and history offers several examples. The 1949 walkout by the Guam Congress, for instance, was motivated by desires for civil and political rights for the Chamoru people. The actions of the Guam Congress pressured the US to provide some kind of relief for Guam from under military rule, resulting in the Organic Act of 1950. While the Organic Act gave the Chamoru people of Guam limited self-government and granted congressional US citizenship, Guam leaders pushed the federal government for subsequent, though piecemeal, amendments and other legislation, such as the Elective Governor Act of 1968, the election of Guam’s Delegate to Washington in 1972, and the establishment of the Guam Supreme Court in 1996. The Organic Act with all its modifications, though, still fails to meet UN standards of a “full measure of self-government.”
The Commonwealth Act in the 1980s, which was to serve as an interim status for Guam, was also an internal approach to improving the island’s political relationship with the US. However, after nearly two decades of negotiations with federal officials the proposed Commonwealth Act died in Congress. The inaction by the US government was an indirect “no” to the wishes and aspirations for an interim status for the people of Guam.
In January 1997 Guam’s political leaders took a different approach in the quest to resolving its political relationship with the United States. The enactment of Public Law 23-147 created the Commission on Decolonization and the Chamorro Registry to begin registering eligible voters for a future political status plebiscite. This law mirrors what was prescribed by the UN and represents an external approach to exercising self-determination. Here, a tripartite effort exists between the administering power, the colonized people and the United Nations. The administering power, or the US government, has been tasked with preparing the process of decolonization through funding and educating the people of the territory of the three political status options available for them.
The colonized people who should participate in this exercise are those who were made citizens of the United States and their descendants by virtue of the passage of the Organic Act in 1950. The third partner is the UN which has been tasked to observe and monitor the vote along with ascertaining whether a full measure of self-government is achieved through the freely expressed wishes of the people of the territory.
When the US participated in the signing and ratification of the UN Charter in the 1940s, the US accepted as “a sacred trust” their treaty obligation regarding decolonization of non-self-governing territories. By placing Guam—through the US’s own volition—on the UN list of non-self-governing territories, it participated in an agreement that should have led eventually to the decolonization of Guam and self-determination for the people of the territory. The Guam Legislature also has chosen the same route consistent with the UN decolonization process with the passage of Public Law 23-147.
Guam today has two legal statuses. As an unincorporated territory Guam is a possession of the US, but not a part of the US. Secondly, Guam is a non-self-governing territory and, as a possession, was promised a full measure of self-government pursuant to US treaties and agreement as a member of the UN. Many people on Guam see the Organic Act as an antiquated document that leaves them feeling like they are second class citizens because they are denied the right to vote for their president, nor do they have a voting delegate in Congress.
Guam today is undergoing rapid demographic, economic, social, environmental and technological transformation. The island’s proximity to the robust economies of Asia has contributed to some of these changes. Guam, however, cannot continue to have people in the federal government 7,000 miles away in Washington, DC make crucial decisions that affect Guam daily. Instead, a full measure of self-government would give Guam the freedom to exercise their control over issues that are part of the daily lives of its people.
Guam is the only island in Micronesia whose people have yet to exercise their right to self-determination. The island remains on the list of non-self-governing territories around the world. For self-determination to occur, the people of Guam must work in solidarity. There must be bipartisan support and effort between the three branches of government to call for the exercise of self-determination. For the administering power (the US), it is just a matter of complying with its treaty obligations and fulfilling their promises—then it will be possible for self-determination to become a reality.
[***By Eddie LG Benavente***](https://www.guampedia.com/eddie-l-g-benavente/ "Eddie LG Benavente")
## Video
The film *Let Freedom Ring*, The Chamorro Search for Sovereignty by the Cabazon Band Of Mission Indians in 1997. View in Vimeo [*Let Freedom Ring*, Clips 1-8](https://vimeo.com/album/2490049).
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 1
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-1-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 2
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-2-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 3
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-3-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 4
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-4-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 5
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-5-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 6
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-6-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 7
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-7-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 8
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-8-768.webp)
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Politics and Government
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Self-Determination
---
### [Clotilde "Ding" Castro Gould](https://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/)
**Published:** August 29, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Clotilde “Ding” Castro Gould (1930-2002) was a beloved storyteller, educator and advocate for Chamorro language and culture. Through her sense of humor and gift for weaving stories and songs together about Chamorros and life on Guam, Gould helped create and shape Chamorro language resources and programs on Guam, as well as advanced cultural awareness of the Marianas in the larger Pacific region.
**Content:**
# Clotilde "Ding" Castro Gould
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Storyteller, educator, language advocate
Clotilde “Ding” Castro Gould (1930 – 2002) was a beloved storyteller, educator and advocate for CHamoru/Chamorro language and culture. Through her sense of humor and gift for weaving stories and songs together about Chamorros and life on Guam, Gould helped create and shape Chamorro language resources and programs on Guam, as well as advanced cultural awareness of the Marianas in the larger Pacific region.
Gould was born in 1930 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"), the daughter of Juan Castro Castro, a tailor. Although she did not grow up with her mother, her name was Antonia, and Gould heard she was an active midwife after [World War II.](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) Instead, Gould was raised by her paternal grandmother, her father and his youngest sister. When her aunt married and had children of her own, these cousins became more like siblings. Juan Castro supported the whole family up to his death.
With such a full household, Gould was able to have an exciting and love-filled childhood. In fact, Gould attributed her storytelling skills to her paternal grandmother. Her early childhood memories were filled with stories her grandmother told her and her siblings, especially at bedtime—tales from the Spanish era, always ending with a moral or lesson to be learned. Gould learned to embellish stories the way her grandmother did, adding suspense and surprise with each retelling.
A motivated and bright student, Gould, like many other children on Guam at that time, had her education interrupted by the[ Japanese occupation ](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/ "Japanese Occupation of Guam")and World War II in the early 1940s. Many memories from war times involved difficulties during the Japanese occupation. Throughout her hardships, Gould maintained her strong will. One such incident involved her being taken from her home in Hagåtña by Japanese soldiers and forced, along with a few others, to walk to the rice paddies in [Malesso](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/ "Malesso’/Merizo"). Gould escaped and found her way home. Another incident involved Gould’s encounter with a Japanese soldier who prodded her with a shotgun and told her to bow. Instead, she started singing “God Bless America.”
Toward the end of the war Gould and her family were sent to the concentration camp in [Manenggon ](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat")valley, [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/ "Yona (Yo’ña)"), where they stayed until the island was liberated by the United States. It was during their time in the camp that the family experienced the most hardship, under constant guard by the Japanese soldiers and with little food and shelter against the weather. Gould’s family survived on breadfruit and anything else they found in the jungle. If they were lucky enough to find a chicken, they would boil it over and over again for the thin broth.
When the Americans came, all the residents of the camp, including Gould’s family, were overjoyed, running to greet the soldiers. Like other liberated Chamorros, young Gould felt her family’s hardships were over. She and her siblings were then able to return to school and finish their education after the war.
Before and after the war Gould was very active in the Catholic Church. She was a member of the Sodality of Mary (a church organization for young, unmarried girls), a member of the choir, a catechist (or lay teacher of the Catholic faith), and did other work for the Agana Heights parish. Her love of music and singing found expression in the church choir and in her own musical compositions — her mischievous or rebellious side sometimes coming through in her lyrics.
Gould also was active in school, serving as student council representative and as a member of the Civic and Playhouse clubs. She graduated from George Washington High School in 1951, and received a full scholarship to Barat College of the Sacred Heart in Lake Forest, Illinois, a rarity in those days. She attended Barat College from 1951 to 1954. Even then, she would regale her friends in the dormitories with *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/ "Taotaomo’na")* stories from Guam and other tales.
Upon her return to Guam in 1954, Gould became an educator, although she had already been working since 1949 as an elementary school teacher. She taught high school from 1954 to 1958. She married Silas Edward Gould, an American, and left again for the continental United States where she taught, first in Kansas City, Missouri, then in Riverside and Pleasant Hill in California until 1972. The Goulds raised their only daughter, Sandy, while in the States.
Longing to reconnect with her island roots, Gould began to engage with other Chamorros who had relocated to California, setting up different social activities for the Chamorro community there. However, her chance to return home came in 1972 when her aunt became ill and Gould decided to take care of her. She took a job with the Department of Education (DOE) as a Language Arts Consultant. With her proficiency in Chamorro she promoted Chamorro language for DOE and developed a series of children’s texts to teach the language, including *I Niyok yan I Manha* *(The Ripe Coconuts and the Young Coconuts),* *I Un Punidera Yan I Dies Na Babui (The Hen and the Ten Pigs),* and *Si Patas Nganga’ (Patas the Duck)*, all published in 1973.
When the Government of Guam enacted the Chamorro Language and Culture Program with federal funding, Gould became the project director. She helped develop the Chamorro language curriculum for the elementary schools and train teachers for the new curriculum. It was during her tenure that governmental support for Chamorro language, music and culture reached new highs, as even the courts and government agencies began to translate signs and other important materials and commercials into the Chamorro language.
Throughout her career, Gould served on numerous education committees and task forces. While at DOE, she served as chairperson of *Na Bunita* from 1974 to 1977, and as vice-chairperson of the International Women’s Conference in 1977, and as vice-chairperson of the Chamorro Language Commission (1980-1983). In 1980, she was appointed the Administrator of Chamorro Studies and Special Projects Division at DOE. From 1981 to 1983, she was the chairperson of the Retired Senior Citizens Advisory Council. In 1981, she organized the Guam Genealogical Society to help research and preserve genealogies and family histories of Guam’s people.
In addition to her work in education and other civic organizations, Gould was also an activist. She was a member of the [People’s Alliance for Responsible Alternatives (PARA)](https://www.guampedia.com/para-pada/ "PARA-PADA") and also the [Organization of People for Indigenous Rights (OPI-R)](https://www.guampedia.com/opi-r-organization-of-people-for-indigenous-rights/ "POP Cultures: People of Polynesia"), two grassroots organizations that advocate political awareness and change, especially regarding issues of language, culture and political rights for the Chamorro people.
In the 1981 strike led by the Guam Federation of Teachers, Gould joined other educators to form the Organization of Non-striking Employees to ensure that schools would stay open, and in protest against what she believed to be a confrontational action (i.e., the strike) that went against Chamorro culture. Most notably, her work with OPI-R and PARA led to a demonstration that prompted the *Pacific Daily News* (PDN) to formulate a liberal language policy and the development of two Chamorro language features for the newspaper which would become part of Gould’s legacy: *Fino’ Chamorro* and *[Juan Malimanga](https://www.guampedia.com/comic-strip-juan-malimanga/ "CHamoru/Chamorro Comic Strip: Juan Malimanga")*.
Because such public protests were largely unheard of in Chamorro history, Gould was not expecting a large turnout for the small group protesting the PDN’s English-only advertisement policy. In fact, to her surprise, more than 800 people turned up for the demonstration, causing the PDN to rescind its English-only policy and to be more sensitive to issues of language and culture. A joint effort between the PDN and the Chamorro Studies Division of DOE, of which Gould was the director, resulted in *Fino’ Chamorro*, a short daily language lesson, and *Juan Malimanga*, a Chamorro language comic strip, to be published.
Initially, Gould had been asked by the PDN to translate the popular comic strip *Peanuts* by Charles Schultz into Chamorro. Gould attempted to do so, but soon realized that the humor of *Peanuts* was lost in the translation and was not funny for Chamorro readers. However, not wanting to lose the opportunity, Gould proposed to produce another comic strip, with Chamorro characters speaking and joking in Chamorro, and written in a way that reflected local humor. Drawing from her imagination and childhood memories of family and friends, she created the characters for the strip and the storylines for their different misadventures. With the help of an illustrator, Juan Malimanga and his sidekicks, Kika and Nano, were brought to life in May 1981.
Juan Malimanga was based on a Chamorro folk tale character named Juan Mala, who lived during the Spanish era. Juan Mala always managed to outwit Spanish administrators with his simple manners and perceived slow wit. Like Juan Mala, Juan Malimanga had the same joking manner that drove Kika and Nano crazy. But the strip was more than a window into Chamorro humor. It was a learning tool, and Gould often used it to voice out on current events on Guam in a funny way.
In spite of her success with DOE, from which she retired in 1989, and in civic life, Gould was, at heart, always the storyteller. She knew that storytelling was an effective way of teaching, especially young children. Taking up her guitar, Gould would make up songs and use the instrument for special effects to enhance her stories. Because of her skills, in 1985, Gould represented Guam as a storyteller in the 5th Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture (FESTPAC) in Townsville, Australia, sharing stories of Guam and Chamorro history. In 1992, she participated in the Talking Island Festival held in the Hawaiian Islands. With guitar in hand, Gould told stories and sang songs about Guam to diverse audiences of students from all grade levels, as well as senior citizens. That same year, Gould was given a grant from the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) to translate the video, *Chamorro Courtship and Marriage Practices of the Early 1900s* *Conference*.
Gould also used her love of music to perpetuate the traditional Chamorro song form known as *Kantan Chamorita*, a one-octave chant that consists of four lines that rhyme in the second and fourth lines. The songs are based on a simple melody that is repeated, but the lyrics are improvised, like an impromptu call-and-response. Gould often demonstrated this form with other singers. When she was younger, she composed numerous songs, several of which were recorded by popular local music artist Johnny Sablan, including *I Mambiha na tiempo*, *Adios kirida*, *I na pinikara*, and *kada ilek-hu Hafa Adai*. Her songs, evocative of Chamorro life, memories and love, were extremely popular among Sablan’s many fans.
In 1985, Gould was presented with the Governor’s Art Award in Literary Arts. Over the years she has received recognition with several Legislative Resolutions and Awards, including her 1994 induction into the Educators’ Hall of fame at the Agana Library. She was featured as an influential Chamorro woman organizer in Dr. Laura Souder’s seminal work, *Daughters of the Island* in 1987. She was also selected to be included in the Hale-Ta *Who’s Who in Chamorro History* series, as well as the CAHA *Masters of Traditional Arts* as a Master Storyteller. In 2000 she received a Humanities Lifetime Achievement Award from the Guam Humanities Council.
Clotilde Gould passed away in 2002, leaving a legacy of service few people have been able to emulate. *Fino’ Chamorro* and *Juan Malimanga* continue to be featured in the *Pacific Daily News*, with the creativity of Chamorro specialist Peter Onedera, art professor Ric Castro and students from the University of Guam, and support of PDN publisher Rindraty Limtiaco. Now in the digital age, Gould’s brainchild, born from a life of story telling and humor, will educate and entertain audiences she may have only imagined, for years to come.
***By [Dominica Tolentino](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/) and [Faye Varias](https://www.guampedia.com/faye-varias/ "Faye Varias")***
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition.* Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Alladi, Amritha. “[Malinmanga Goes Digital: Comic Now Has ‘Mainstream Currency’](https://content-static.guampdn.com/guampublishing/juanmalimanga/pg7.shtml).” *Pacific Daily News Juan Malimanga.com*, 2008.
––– “[Chamorro Language Pioneer: Clotilde Gould Created ‘Joan Malimanga,’ Launched Chamorro Studies](https://content-static.guampdn.com/guampublishing/juanmalimanga/pg2.shtml).” *Pacific Daily News Juan Malimanga.com*, 2008.
“Clotilde Castro Gould.” In *I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: PSECC, 1997.
Gould, Clotilde, and Ricardo T. Jesus. *I Un Punidera Yan I Dies Na Babui (The Hen and the Ten Pigs)*. Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse, 1993.
Gould, Clotilde, and Terry Wright. *I Niyok Yan I Manha (The Ripe Coconuts and the Young Coconuts)*. Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse, 1993.
Hattori, Anne Perez “Guam.” *The Contemporary Pacific* 15, no. 1 (2003): 150-162.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
Tomas, Jojo Santo. “[A Cultural Legacy](https://content-static.guampdn.com/guampublishing/juanmalimanga/pg3.shtml).” *Pacific Daily News Juan Malimanga.com*, 2008.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Modern Guam Rises, Music, People, People and Places, Performance Arts, Traditional Music, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Clotilde "Ding" Castro Gould
---
### [Matrimony and Social Change in the Marianas during Spanish Times](https://www.guampedia.com/matrimony-and-social-chang-in-the-marianas-during-spanish-times/)
**Published:** April 25, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient Chamorros/CHamorus customarily chose their own spouses, rather than their families dictating who they would choose for a partner. The bride and groom’s families, however, had to approve of the choice. The groom provided gifts ranging from food items to services and even land, to the bride’s family to gain their acceptance.
**Content:**
# Matrimony and Social Change in the Marianas during Spanish Times
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros customarily chose their own spouses, rather than their families dictating who they would choose for a partner. The bride and groom’s families, however, had to approve of the choice. The groom provided gifts ranging from food items to services and even land, to the bride’s family to gain their acceptance.
Traditionally, there was a time of trial or testing before the marriage where the family could see the groom’s ability to labor or his level of skill. If the suitor was a farmer, his prospective in-laws investigated his fields and crops. If he were a fisherman he was required to demonstrate his skills in the presence of his intended bride, as well as his ability to sail a *[proa](http://www.guampedia.com/proa-and-navigation/)* (canoe). If he proved suitable, then plans for the marriage would go forward.
Each family clan also had a male as its head though [Chamorro women](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-womens-legacy-of-leadership/) made most of the decisions regarding the family. Chamorro husbands were responsible for providing for their wives, who were held in high esteem in the Mariana Islands during ancient times. In 1680 Padre Francisco Garcia observed:
> In each family the head is the father or elder relative, but with limited influence. A son as he grows up neither fears nor respects his father. The father has one advantage: he gives out the food.
The father’s role in the family unit was as a provider of food. Each family clan also had a male as its head though Chamorro women made most of the decisions regarding the family. Garcia observed:
> In the home it is the mother who rules, and the husband does not dare give an order contrary to her wishes or punish the children, because if the woman feels offended, she will either beat the husband or leave him. Then, if the wife leaves the house, all the children follow her, knowing no other father than the next husband their mother may take.
## Christianity introduced slowly
During the early years of the Spanish colonization period, [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) missionaries launched an intense, and eventually successful campaign of [conversion to Christianity](https://www.guampedia.com/transmission-of-christianity-into-chamorro-culture/). The conversion campaign, however, was neither peaceful nor inexpensive, lasting for more than 20 years.
At first the Catholic priests introduced the sacrament of [baptism](http://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/). Through this sacrament Christian names were given to Chamorros followed by their own name, such as Antonio Ayhi, Diego de Aguarin and so on.
Next, schools for boys and girls were established in an area of Hagåtña called San Ignacio de Agadña, and also in the northern village of Ritidian. By the year 1673, (in the midst of the Spanish-Chamorro wars) it was reported by Jesuit priest Francisco Gayoso that some Chamorro women were taught the principles of chastity and they became fond of the Holy Mary. Subsequently the sacrament of marriage was introduced.
On 10 June 1676 five religious men of the [Society of Jesus](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) (Jesuits), 14 soldiers and two families arrived on the ship San Antonio de Padua. The newly arrived missionaries were distributed among the villages of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), [Ritidian](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/), [Tarague](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-tarague/), Orote ([Sumai](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/)) and [Pago](http://www.guampedia.com/pago/) \[Agadña, Ritidyan, Tarrague, Orote, Pago\]. All of them were occupied in the work of baptism and marriages. This group, according to Garcia, served as an example for Chamorros “in the education of children and they were useful for the skills that they employed for the good of all.”
A short time later a group of Christian weddings took place between Marianas (converted Chamorro women who had been educated in the girls school) and Spaniards as well as some Marianos (converted native men).
In December 1680, Fr. Antonio Jaramillo, SJ reported to the Council of Indies about the progress of the missionary work in the Marianas:
> With Doctrine and education, people relocated to towns and because of the new settlement they were more accessible. Those that were married in accordance to their custom and about 150 couples married in the church come to the church on Sundays, where about 1,000 natives congregated and were all indoctrinated. Those married in the church attended confession and received communion. Unmarried Chamorro women rejected their former life and became proud Christians.
Regarding the interracial marriage of the Chamorro women, Fr. Jaramillo, reported that:
> A large number of Filipino and Spanish soldiers married Chamorro girls that show chaste Christian behavior disregarding the inequality between Spanish men and native women. They lived with them in holy matrimony, believing that by virtue of this sacrament infidel women are sanctified because they were married to faithful and Christian husbands. They were living in peace and exercising Christian behavior. God may bless them with fecundity and many children and setting a good example for their children and for others.
>
> These married women are living in the Garrison \[Agadña\], where they have one priest assigned to them to conduct their Christian education, explaining to them the obligations of the married life, how they must raise their children and how to behave toward their husbands, learning some trades that would be useful to themselves, such as sewing and other similar things from which some of these women profited.
>
> In their former life, when these women were living with their parents in the house, they were used to observing that the authority figure of the household was the woman, she was in command and the husband obeyed, but now the roles of husband and wife have been inverted. The husbands are the head of the household and they \[the women\] have accepted the civilian obligations of marriage.
In the year 1693, an early Church Census reported the number of married native couples in Guam (spelled as Guahan in the report):
**Locality****Married**
**Couples****Married**
**Consort Absent****Agadña**, Fr. Gerardo Bovens, SJ72 (2) = 144104**Santa Rosa de Agat**, Fr. Lorenzo Bustillo, SJ55 (2) = 1109**San Antonio de Fina**, Fr. Felipe María Muscati, SJ55 (2) = 1100San Dionisio de **Umatag**, Fr. Juan Felipe, SJ78 (2) = 15611**Malesso**‘ Church of San Dimas, Fr. Antonio Cundari, SJ63 (2) = 1260Nuestra Señora de la Concepción of **Pago**, Fr. Matias Cuculino, SJ37 (2) =740
Young Chamorro women, Garcia reported, followed the example of their friends who married in the church, rejecting the old tradition in which their parents or clan leaders arranged a price for them with the *[uritaos](http://www.guampedia.com/uritao/)* (bachelors). The act of deciding whom to marry was conditioned to the approval of their families, since traditions were deeply rooted and they considered the consent of their parents to be essential for the wedding to happen.
## Marriage traditions eventually blended
Marriage traditions have evolved, blending old and new. What used to be the “price” paid by the *uritaos*, in the Spanish colonial society, became the *aog* (presents to the girl during the engagement), typically a complete bridal outfit for the bride, a large part of the cost of food, drinks and music for the fandango and the services in the church, as reported by anthropologist [Laura Thompson](http://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) in 1936.
As for the Chamorro women who became subject to the laws and obligations of matrimony, marriage in the church may have given them a certain prestige and status into the new colonial social order. In the Marianas, like other colonies in the Spanish empire, once the people accepted the monarch of Spain, the Laws of the Indies regulated all civil affairs as well as marriage as sacrament, including civil matters regarding the family.
Married women from the garrison in Hagåtña were taught new trades, such as sewing skills, which produced changes in the economic and social structure in the island. The offspring of Chamorro women and Spanish or Filipino men eventually became the elite in the Marianas, since they were educated in the schools established by the Jesuits and had access to wealth and power.
While the Spanish legal system made men the leaders of society, Chamorro women however, whatever their status, continued to be the keepers and transmitters of the culture and traditions to the children, a practice which continues until this day.
***[By Omaira Brunal-Perry](http://www.guampedia.com/omaira-brunal-perry/)***
## For further reading
Archivo General de Indias, AGI, Ultramar, Legajo 562, Doc. No. 18, Cuaderno 153 and 154.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Gayoso, Francisco, SJ, *Relación de las Empresas y Sucesos Espirituales y Temporales de las Islas Marianas 1668-1672*. Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Roma, Philipinas 13, Legajo 141- 207.
Repetti, William C., SJ. “An Early Church Census of Guam.” *Guam Recorder*, n.s., 1 (2 & 3, 1972): 69.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Marriage, Our Heritage, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Matrimony and Social Change in the Marianas during Spanish Times
---
### [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, a boy’s school or seminary, was established in 1669 in Hagåtña by Father Diego Luis de San Vitores, the Jesuit priest who started the first Catholic mission in the Marianas, and was still in existence in 1899 when the Americans claimed the island.
**Content:**
# Colegio de San Juan de Letrán
 Colegio de San Juan de Letrán from the Freycinet collection. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Boys' school established in 1669
The Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, a boys’ school or seminary, was established in 1669 in Hagåtña by [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) , the [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) priest who started the first Catholic mission in the Marianas, and was still in existence in 1899 when the Americans claimed the island. The funding for the institution came from an endowment ( *obra pia* ) from Queen Mariana of Austria, Spain’s queen regent. The school was located east of the church on the Plaza de España in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) .
The school was initially constructed with perishable materials such as thatch, but succumbed to the elements. By 1679, a second structure was built to house the school, and it is believed that this building was constructed out of the more durable materials of [stone masonry](http://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/) and a tile roof. In 1779, an earthquake devastated the school and was the catalyst for a new structure during Governor Phelipe de Ceraín’s administration. During the 1880s, Governor Francisco Olive y García described the school as U-shaped, constructed out of stone masonry with a tile roof, and able to accommodate up to 500 students.
The classrooms were located on the second floor where young men, ages four through 11, received lessons in Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic, penmanship, Spanish grammar, geography, history, and good manners. By the mid 19th century, the curriculum included music, ethics, carpentry, iron-working, and agriculture. The lessons were taught by two male teachers who were educated at the Normal School in Manila.
In 1844, the enrollment at the school was approximately 300-400 students, including 30 from outlying areas that were selected as scholarship recipients to attend the school. For those who were not scholarship recipients, their parents were required to perform at least three days of community service for each child mandated to attend school. By 1886, 501 boys were enrolled at the school.
The school was repaired or rebuilt three times due to disrepair or destruction. In 1896, during the administration of Governor Emilio Galisteo y Brunenque, the school was relocated northwest of the Plaza de España and north of the [Escuela de Niñas](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/) (Girls’ School).
The school was still under construction at its new site when the American administration assumed control of the island in 1899 and, at that time, the school was renamed the Richard P. Leary School after the first American Naval Governor.
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
García, Francisco Olive y. *The Mariana Islands, 1884-1887: Random Notes.* 2nd ed. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Colegio de San Juan de Letrán
---
### [Communications and Transportation Advancements](https://www.guampedia.com/communications-transportation-advancements/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam made huge strides in improving telecommunication and transportation throughout the 20th century under American rule. A myriad of modern vehicles fill island streets. Almost every house has a television and a telephone and many have computers and internet as well.
**Content:**
# Communications and Transportation Advancements
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## Opening up to the outside world
Guam made huge strides in improving telecommunication and transportation throughout the 20th century under American rule. A myriad of modern vehicles fill island streets. Almost every house has a television and a telephone and many have computers and internet as well. It is a common sight to see people talking or texting on their cellular phones.
A majority of goods used on island are imported, brought to the island by large commercial ships that pull into and off-load cargo at Guam’s seaport. Other goods are brought in by cargo planes. Many Guam residents are frequent fliers on commercial aircraft and travel the world. Consistent mail delivery is an expectation. People can hear, watch or read about daily and world events on a variety of radio stations, television shows and newspapers or by searching the Internet, in addition to other options.
All this is a far cry from yesteryear when when the most common mode of transportation was by foot or carabao-drawn wooden carts. At the dawn of the 20th century only a few Model T-Ford cars chugged through Guam’s capital of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Television was only introduced in the mid-1950s. News and communication were relayed by a single US Navy-controlled publication or more commonly via word of mouth. Information was brought to America’s westernmost possession by sea-going vessels before the completion of an undersea commercial telegraph cable in 1903. More than 7,000 miles of cable lines were laid on the ocean floor between Guam and Midway completing the encirclement of the globe by cable. [Sumay](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) was selected as a way station in Guam. The first telephone contact with the outside world was made more than 30 years later on 16 May 1936.
Postal mail, brought by ships, took several weeks or even months to arrive on island. The mail service, however, improved when [Pan Am Clippers](https://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) began making commercial passenger and mail flights across the Pacific in the 1930s, thus further opening Guam to a new era.
The flow of imported consumer goods into Guam improved when the civilian government was given control of the commercial port of Guam in 1951. This was part of a larger transfer of authority with the establishment of the island’s civil government post-[Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) passage. Before this time, the port had been under US Navy control. In 2008, approximately 100,000 shipping containers passed through the [Jose D. Leon Guerrero Commercial Port](https://www.guampedia.com/port-of-guam/); Port Authority of Guam at Cabras Island.
In the early years of [US Naval rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) (the 20th century) news from the outside world was provided by a US Navy-controlled publication. In 1949, [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), a CHamoru/Chamorro, bought the Navy-run paper and began the first of locally-produced media outlet. Today there are several private English-language and non-English newspapers, magazines, radio stations, broadcast media companies and the World Wide Web providing news and entertainment for public consumption.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Transportation, Technology, and Communications, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Communications and Transportation Advancements
---
### [Guam Congressional Representation Act 1972](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congressional-representation/)
**Published:** August 28, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Places Guam representative in the House. On 10 April 1972, Public Law 92-271 was passed by the United States Congress, establishing the offices of Delegate of the Territories of Guam and the Virgin Islands. The groundbreaking law finally gave Guam and the Virgin Islands representation in Congress for two-year terms.
**Content:**
# Guam Congressional Representation Act 1972
#### Table of Contents
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## Places Guam representative in the House
On 10 April 1972, Public Law 92-271 was passed by the United States Congress, establishing the offices of Delegate of the Territories of Guam and the Virgin Islands. The groundbreaking law finally gave Guam and the Virgin Islands representation in Congress for two-year terms. Elected officials could now speak on the House floor and introduce new legislation though they could not vote on the floor. On 3 January 1973, [Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512) became the first resident of Guam to take the oath of office as a member of the 93rd Congress.
## Non-voting delegate
Part of understanding Guam’s efforts to obtain representation in Washington includes understanding the parameters of representation as stated in the US Constitution. Article I of the US Constitution lays the foundation for the creation and powers of the US bicameral (two chamber) legislative body consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate.
> All legislative Powers herein \[the Constitution of the United States\] granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives…
>
> The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature…
>
> The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
The Constitution of the United States is specific and clear that the composition of the members of the House of Representatives and senators of the Senate can only come from its States of the Union. All other possessions of the United States, such as Guam and even the District of Columbia, for that matter, do not have House Representatives and Senators in Congress. Instead, Guam has a “Delegate” in the House of Representatives with very limited privileges prescribed by law and House rules.
The genesis of delegates to Congress from US territories is derived from the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 passed under the Congress of the Confederation—a time that predates the Constitution and when Congress was a unicameral or one-house legislature. This ordinance created and authorized a territorial legislature to “elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting, during this temporary government.” From that ordinance came a House Resolution, and then through subsequent congressional legislation, delegates were granted certain privileges within the House of Representatives.
## Voting privileges, not voting rights
While it is generally accepted that the Constitution does not grant a delegate to Washington a right to vote on final legislative measures within the House as a whole, the voting privilege is contingent upon the House rules of a given Congress. For instance, in the 103rd Congress, the House approved a rule change, which extended the vote in a Committee of the Whole (i.e., the entire House of Representatives acting as one large congressional committee) to all House delegates. This rule was challenged as unconstitutional but failed, and the delegate vote was upheld by the US District Court for the Columbia District.
However, there was one additional caveat to this House rule change: if a vote of the Committee of the Whole was decided by a margin of the delegates’ votes, a re-vote within the House would take place without the delegates’ vote. When the succeeding 104th Congress convened the House rule change was reversed and the delegates to Congress lost their voting privileges.
Given the current parameters of the US Constitution, there are at least two ways that Guam can potentially have voting representation in the US House of Representatives and Senate: through an amendment to the US Constitution; or if Guam legitimately becomes a State of the Union.
## Pre-delegate period
Not long after the 1898 cessation of Puerto Rico, Philippines and Guam from Spain to the US, the US was not as responsive to Guam as it was to granting Puerto Rico and the Philippines some form of representation in Congress. In 1902, Congress granted Puerto Rico and the Philippines “Resident Commissioners.” They were a new form of territorial representatives to the US and, at the time, with substantially less privileges than those given to the House Delegates from Alaska and Hawaii. But for Guam, up until 1964, the only representation it had with Washington was a presidentially-appointed governor.
Although the 1950 [Organic Act](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18214) was a major milestone granting US citizenship and developing Guam’s governance, the US still did not provide Guam with any formal type of congressional representation. For the next 22 years, Guam pushed forward to work the legal and bureaucratic system to try and create a representative for Guam in Washington. Several petitions were sent through the Department of Interior to authorize a delegate to Congress, but were repeatedly shot down.
In 1954, hearings were held on Guam by a special congressional subcommittee surveying federal statutes. Guam representatives raised the representation issue, and it was [Carlos P. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1502) who testified:
> Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the subject or this part of our discussion is Washington representation for the people of Guam. The type of representation that we are asking is similar to that extended to the people of Alaska, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii. They are able to present bills on behalf of their people and are able to speak before that body. We feel that at this time such representation is adequate for us. What are we after in making this request? We want direct representation within the Federal Congress…\[We\] feel that this is a fundamental right of all the citizens of this great Nation…We feel that we are entitled to similar representation which will keep us in close contact with the rest of the Nation. This remoteness from the mainland separates us from the rest of the Nation…Our views are not heard. We are not given the opportunity of expressing our views before the legislative body that enacts laws governing our territory. Unfortunately, persons in Washington and the rest of the Nation know very little about Guam…We feel that we are left out of the country.
>
> Because of the [strategic importance](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1562) of Guam, the military has tremendous authority over our way of life. It is highly important that the military be given that authority but we must be sure that we are not depriving our people of their rights as American citizens.
In 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower included in his 1961 budget request some funds to pay for a Guam delegate in Congress. In addition, several pieces of legislation in the House and Senate were introduced but remained unsuccessful in Congress. Up until this point there were at least two key concerns that lingered throughout Washington for not granting a Guam delegate: first, funding the position; and second, it was also clear that certain national leaders were apprehensive and did not want to convey the impression that by granting a delegate, they would be changing [Guam’s status](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=830) from unincorporated to an incorporated territory and a promise of Statehood.
## Impetus for success
By 1964, Guam developed another strategy. Democratic Floor Leader [Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1559) of the 7th [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1518) introduced a bill to create an elected representative position to serve a four-year term in Washington. Bordallo was successful with his proposal and his bill became Guam Public Law 7-163. Coincidentally, the Honorable Antonio B. Won Pat was also the Speaker of the 7th Guam Legislature.
The first election was a special election for the position and held in March 1965. Won Pat narrowly beat his opponent, Felix L. Crisostomo from the [Territorial Party](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1525), by a margin of 297 votes and became Guam’s first elected representative in Washington. However, because it was only a Guam law that created that position, Congress did not fund the position and the position did not have any official standing with Congress.
While Won Pat was in Washington as Guam’s elected representative, he established Guam’s presence and began developing his rapport and network with the executive and legislative branches of the US government. He testified at many congressional hearings and lobbied heavily for the [Guam Elective Governor bill](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18228), which finally passed in 1968. Guam’s methodical strategy of representation, coupled with Won Pat’s hard work in Washington, was viewed successful enough for the US Virgin Islands and American Samoa to emulate. Upon the arrival of the US Virgin Island’s delegate Ron de Lugo, both he and Won Pat began to lobby heavily for non-voting delegate representation.
Finally in 1972, Won Pat and de Lugo’s efforts paid off and Public Law 92-271 was enacted granting Guam and the Virgin Islands one Delegate seat each in the House of Representatives. The first election for the Guam Delegate position was held in November 1972. Won Pat won the election over Guam Senator Pedro D. Perez and became Guam’s first elected Delegate to Washington.
## Guam delegates: past and present
Since the 93rd Congress, Guam’s House of Representatives delegate is chosen by election and serves for a term of two years. The following is a list of delegates that were elected to represent Guam’s interest in Washington:
- [Antonio “Tony” B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512) (1973-1984)
- [Vicente “Ben” G. Blaz](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1528) (1985-1992)
- [Robert A. Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) (1993-2002)
- [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18218) (2003-2018)
- [Michael San Nicolas](https://sannicolas.house.gov/about-michael/biography) (2019-2023)
- James C. Moylan (2023-Present)
***[By Bernard T. Punzalan](https://www.guampedia.com/bernard-t-punzalan/ "Bernard T. Punzalan")***
## For further reading
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
US Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. *District of Columbia Delegates to Congress*, by Michael K. Fauntroy. RS208785. 2001.
––– Congressional Research Service. *Delegates to the U.S. Congress: History and Current Status*, by Betsy Palmer. R40555. 2022.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Guam Congressional Representation Act 1972
---
### [Congressman Vicente "Ben" Garrido Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ben Blaz (1928 - 2014) was a distinguished public elected official and military officer. He lived his life in service to his country and carrying the banner of his home island wherever his service took him.
**Content:**
# Congressman Vicente "Ben" Garrido Blaz
#### Table of Contents
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## First CHamoru/Chamorro general
Ben Blaz (1928 – 2014) was a distinguished public elected official and military officer. He lived his life in service to his country and carrying the banner of his home island wherever his service took him. Born in 1928 as Vicente Tomas Garrido Blaz, to Vicente “Dero” Cruz Blaz and Rita Pangelinan Garrido Blaz, he was only 13 years old when the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) began in Guam. Tall for his age, he was pressed into service with various labor battalions while he helped his family survive the war as the eldest son. His experiences shaped his sense of obligation and strengthened his resolve to be of service.
Recognized for his intelligence and leadership qualities, Blaz was one of the first CHamoru/Chamorro teenagers coming out of the war experience to win a scholarship to Notre Dame. He began his studies in 1947 and with the onset of the Korean War, he joined the Marine Corps Reserve, attended Officer Candidate School and was commissioned a second lieutenant in 1951 upon graduation.
He began a military career that eventually led him to become the first General Officer (flag officer) in any branch of the Armed Services who was from Guam. He served three overseas tours that included Osaka, Okinawa and Vietnam. Blaz notes that his most satisfying tour was as Commanding Officer of the 9th Marines. In a life full of twists and turns, it was units of the 9th Marines that apprehended him and a friend in July 1944 during the battle for Guam. During his military service, he was twice awarded the Legion of Merit, Navy Commendation Medal, Bronze Star and Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry.
In recognition of his distinguished service both in peace and in combat, Blaz was promoted to Brigadier General, USMC in 1977. This represented significant personal progress as well as a significant event for his homeland of Guam. He became a role model for many young service men and women as he continued to display his leadership skill and plan for the next stage of his life.
He retired from active service in 1980 and returned to Guam where he took up farming, taught at the University of Guam and thought about elected office. During his military service, he was able to earn a Masters degree from George Washington University and became a Distinguished Graduate of the Naval War College. He was also awarded an honorary Doctor of Laws from the University of Guam in 1974.
## Washington Delegate
He ran for Congress in 1982 and came up short against political legend [Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/). Under the slogan “Right Man, Right Now,” Blaz defeated Won Pat in a rematch in 1984. He went to Congress as a Republican freshman and he was elected President of his class. He joined the Armed Services, Resources and Foreign Affairs Committees where he quickly established a reputation for a strong national defense and a strong commitment to the political development of Guam and the surrounding region. He established strong relationships and demonstrated a rhetorical style that resonated for years.
In hearings on the status of Micronesia, he admonished the Bush Administration representatives that “we are guardians, not guards of Micronesia.” In response to a New York Times editorial supporting statehood for the District of Columbia, Blaz took the opportunity to explain Guam’s situation. He ended his plea for dignity and recognition for Guam by stating “We are equal in war, but not in peace.”
These words have been used by subsequent Delegates from Guam as well as the other territories whenever matters of political development are raised. In spite of misgivings and his effort to point out the realities of Washington politics, Blaz faithfully introduced the Guam Commonwealth bill twice and advanced the cause of the return of excess lands and war reparations. His successors built upon these efforts.
## CHamoru history
After Congress, Blaz continued to use his knowledge by writing and producing television programs as well as an extensive website outlining the history of Guam (www.bisitaguam.com) He produced the *Nihi Ta Hasso* and *Nihi Ta Bisita* television series that was widely viewed by visitor and resident alike. He also wrote extensively including *Bisita Guam: A Special Place in the Sun*.
He was awarded Alumnus of the Year from Notre Dame in 1988 and Outstanding Asian American in Public Service in 1992 and is listed in numerous Who’s Who publications, Who’s Who in Marine Corps History.
He died at his home in Virginia on 9 January 2014.
[***By Robert A. Underwood, EdD***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)
## For further reading
Blaz, Ben. *Bisita Guam: A Special Place in the Sun*. Fairfax: Evers Press, 1998.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Congressman Vicente "Ben" Garrido Blaz
---
### [Coral Reef Fish of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/coral-reef-fish-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Marine fishes fulfill several important functions for Guam. Traditionally, fishing on coral reefs has been an important part of local CHamoru culture, and fish were valued as an important food source.
**Content:**
# Coral Reef Fish of Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Many roles to play
Marine fishes fulfill several important functions for Guam. Traditionally, fishing on coral reefs has been an important part of local CHamoru/Chamorro culture, and fish were valued as an important food source. While dependence on the fishery has decreased, these resources remain culturally important today. The bright colors and interesting behaviors of fishes provide attractions for snorkelers and scuba divers, and help support Guam’s tourism industry, a major part of Guam’s modern-day economy. Fish play important roles in the ecology of coral reefs, and indeed are critical for the health of coral reefs.
## Diversity and systematics
Nearly 100 families of fishes, and more than 880 fish species, occur on the coral reefs of Guam. Compare this to Hawai’i, which “only” has around 600 species. About half of Guam’s species are contained within 10 species-rich families. These include the gobies, wrasses, damselfish, snappers, blennies, cardinalfish, butterflyfish, surgeonfish, moray eels, and pipefish.
Fishes inhabiting the reefs of Guam can be divided into two large taxonomic groups, the Chondrichthyes (the cartilaginous sharks and rays) and the Osteichthyes (the bony fishes). This article will focus on the bony fishes.
## Bio-geography
Guam is in part of the world known by bio-geographers as the Indo-West Pacific, which includes the western Pacific Ocean as well as the Indian Ocean. This large area is the most species-rich marine faunal region in the world and the species composition of the reef fish fauna of Guam is similar to that of other islands and reefs in the western Pacific and Indian Oceans.
It is presumed that, with the exception of a few endemic species, the fish species found on Guam originally arrived from other places. New fish species could travel to Guam by drifting on the currents while eggs and larvae, by associating with floating debris drifting in the ocean or, in more recent times, by traveling in ballast water in ships and barges. There have been no successful intentional introductions of marine fishes to Guam’s waters.
Some species of reef fish are endemic to (only found in) the Mariana Islands. Among these are the Guam damsel, *Pomachromis guamensis*, and the Yellow-crowned butterflyfish, *Chaetodon flavocoronatus*.
## Fish habitats on the coral reef
Coral reef growth is limited by how much sunlight the coral animals can receive. Generally, coral reef growth is limited to about two hundred feet in depth. Thus, most coral reef fiash fishes are found within this depth range. Coral reefs can grow in a variety of forms, depending upon several variables, including current, amount of sunlight, and proximity to the nearest land mass.
Reefs around Guam fall into one of two types; barrier reefs and fringing reefs. There are two barrier reef lagoons on Guam, Cocos Lagoon to the south and Apra Harbor on the west. Most of the rest of the island is edged by fringing reefs. These reefs and lagoons provide a variety of habitats for reef fishes.
In general, the number of fish species is greatest in areas with more rugged and variable topography than in flat areas of sand or reef rock. Also fish diversity is usually greatest in shallow reef areas and declines with increasing depths. Many coral reef fishes are rarely found below two hundred feet deep.
## Activity and feeding habits of reef fishes
There is a great diversity of food habits among reef fishes, which helps to account for the coexistence of so many species on Guam reefs. On reefs, you can find fish that eat other fish, algae, corals, crabs, sea urchins, and many other items as well.
The majority of reef fish species are active during the daylight hours, and they retreat into sheltered locations at night. Several of these species exhibit nighttime color patterns that differ from their patterns during the day. A few fish groups, including squirrelfishes and cardinalfishes, are more active at night, and several predatory fishes, such as snappers and groupers, are more active during the twilight periods at dawn and dusk.
## Color patterns
One of the most conspicuous features of fishes living on coral reefs is their bright color patterns. While some fishes, especially small blennies and gobies, have rather drab color patterns, which camouflage them, others, such as butterflyfishes, angelfishes, damselfishes, and parrotfishes, have bright colors and bold patterns that make them very visible on the reef.
Several theories have been proposed to explain why such color patterns, which would seem to expose fish to greater risk of detection by predators, should be common. Reef fish color patterns are largely species-specific, and so it seems likely that a fish can use color patterns to recognize other members of its own species, and, it is quite likely that small, individual variations in color patterns allow a fish to recognize other fish as individuals.
In some species, males and females differ in their color patterns, and so sexual recognition also plays a role in conspicuous reef fish coloration.
## Reproductive behavior
Sexual identity is surprisingly mutable among reef fish species. While fishes in some groups, such as butterfly fishes, remain the same sex throughout their lives, in the majority of reef fish species, changing sex is common. Clownfish, for instance, first mature as males, and then, as they get older, some of the males transform into females. This usually happens when the female of a mated pair dies or disappears. Then the male of the pair changes into a functional female, and a previously immature clownfish matures to be a male.
A more common pattern is for females to change into males. This transformation is seen among many species of wrasses and parrotfishes. The usual social unit in these species is a group of fish consisting of a single colorful, dominant male and a group of less colorful females with which he mates. If this male should die or disappear, the dominant female in the harem will change sex and color pattern and become the dominant male of the group.
Mating in reef fishes involve external fertilization of the eggs by sperm. In some species, such as damselfishes, blennies, and triggerfishes, the eggs are deposited on the reef where they are fertilized and, subsequently, cared for by one or both parents. In most of the rest of the species, eggs and sperm are released freely in the water, where fertilization occurs, and then the fertilized eggs float off to develop and hatch on their own. A few groups show specialized parental care of the eggs. For example, male pipefishes brood their fertilized eggs in an abdominal pouch; cardinal fish males brood the fertilized eggs in their mouth.
The larvae of almost all reef fishes are pelagic and float or swim in the open waters until they grow and develop to the point of settling down on the reef. During this pelagic stage, most larvae die and some may drift considerable distances before settlement.
Reef fish have been, and continue to be, an important marine resource for the people of Guam.
[***By Steven S. Amesbury, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/steven-amesbury/)
## For further reading
Amesbury, Steven S., and Robert F. Myers. *Guide to the Coastal Resources of Guam, Vol. 1: The Fishes*. Mangilao: University of Guam Press, 1982.
Myers, Robert F. *Micronesian Reef Fishes: A Comprehensive Guide to the Coral Reef Fishes of Micronesia.* 3rd ed. Barrigada: Coral Graphics, 1999.
**Categories:** Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Coral Reef Fish of Guam
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### [Contemporary Guam Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-gallery/)
**Published:** April 2, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Gallery of Contemporary Era Guam (1970-Present) images featured in Guampedia.
**Content:**
# Contemporary Guam Gallery
View images in Flickr for more information [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623600576777).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0117-SH-01-Dion-Lizama-copy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Dusky-anemonefish_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Spirit-of-the-Nunu-Tree.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/Giving.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Merizo-Belltower.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0116-MW-03-Agat-Throw-Net-SS-.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0038-NF-142-TC-Hiking.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/angel-Pygoplites-diacanthus-1s.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0143-JH-Carolinians-4-scaled.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/2-IMG_2576-Gualafon.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/1A-Cutouts.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Sihek2-Featured-Image1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/XR7A2841.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Figure-1a-Jellyfish.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/53-Mrs-Palomo_1309-Patrick-Palomo-and-Mom.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/6A-Renaissance_Foam-Board1_30x50.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/tan-elena003_ed-copy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/IMG_8814.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/Starfish.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/IMG_5303.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/DSC_3702-MediaGalleries.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0072-GM-22-Carmalite_0071.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Merizo-Pier.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/0007-PI-180-Aerial-Island.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Figure-7-Haguet-hima.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/05-Mother-and-child_tpz_500.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Taotaomona-Fishing_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0134-GPA-04-ShipmentP2280068.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/DSC0464-1-filtered_1100.webp)
[ Explore more photos in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623600576777)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Contemporary Guam Gallery
---
### [Kumaire/Måle’](https://www.guampedia.com/kumairemale/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Kumaire, is religious and social term to describe the relationship between parents and their child’s godmother, borrowed from the Spanish comadre and appropriated into CHamoru cultural tradition. Måle’ is the shortened form of kumaire and is commonly used when a mother and her child’s godmother refer to one another, and is also used by the child’s father when addressing his child’s godmother.
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# Kumaire/Måle’
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## Relationship between a godmother and child's parents
*Kumaire* is religious and social term that describes the relationship between parents and their child’s godmother, borrowed from the Spanish *comadre* and appropriated into CHamoru/Chamorro cultural tradition. *Måle’* is the shortened form of *kumaire* and is commonly used when a mother and her child’s godmother refer to one another, and is also used by the child’s father when addressing his child’s godmother.
*Måle’* is religious because the relationship is initially established in the Catholic ceremony of baptism, or *[baotismo](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/ "Baotismo")* in Chamorro. This relationship is also social and cultural because it serves as a vehicle through which Chamorro familial and clan social networks, prestige, and resources are expanded.
## Kompaire system
A *måle’* and a *kompåiri* (godfather, shortened to *påri*) and parents of a child form a ”*kompaire*” system. These relationships serve to strengthen Chamorro traditional values. To the Chamorros, who are predominantly Catholic due to a history of [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) that dates back to the 17th century, the religious and social relationship established between a child’s godparents and parents correlates with the social worldview of *[inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)*, which means to make things good. It envelopes the theme of reciprocation, which is a vital practice in Chamorro culture.
Godparents are also responsible for helping their godchildren understand their cultural heritage. If a child’s parents were to die, it is expected that their godparents will look after the child’s material and spiritual needs.
The *måle’* relationships become part of a larger social system that contributes to the social well-being of the entire clan by expanding the family’s social network, support system, and access to resources. Responsibilities of raising a child are thus shared, spreading the ethic of accountability within the larger group or clan.
## Role of a måle'
A *måle’* plays an integral role in the religious and social formative life of the godchild. In terms of religious formation, she ensures that her godchild receives the necessary church sacraments such as [Holy Communion](https://www.guampedia.com/first-holy-communion-and-confirmation/ "First Holy Communion and Confirmation"), Confirmation, Marriage, and in some cases Anointing of the Sick and Ordination.
When a godchild is baptized, it is the godmother’s responsibility to select and purchase the christening garment called a *bata’* and the needed accessories. The *måle’* also helps the mother dress the child in the *bata’* during the church ceremony. She is also usually responsible for providing a cake at the christening party and during her godchild’s birthdays. When a female godchild gets married, it is the *måle’* who is again responsible for providing a wedding cake among other *[chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/ "Chenchule’: Social Reciprocity")* (monetary or material gifts). During the wedding ceremony, both the *måle’* and *påri* serve as witnesses.
In terms of socialization and enculturation, a *måle’* participates in the personal and significant events of her godchild’s life such as birthdays, Christmas, graduation, and other achievements. Being a *måle’* is tantamount to being a second mother.
## Perpetuation of culture
The importance of the role that a godmother plays in a child’s life in Chamorro culture is described in a popular Guam legend of a young girl named [Sirena](https://www.guampedia.com/sirena/ "Folktale: Sirena") who was turned into a mermaid after her godmother saved her from a curse.
In the legend, Sirena was a Chamorro girl whose love for swimming caused her to often neglect her chores. One day, Sirena’s mother sent her to get coals for the iron, but on her way to complete her errand, Sirena was tempted by the river water and began swimming, eventually losing all sense of time. When her mother discovered that Sirena was swimming instead of collecting the coal, she angrily cursed Sirena saying that if she loved swimming so much she should turn into a fish. Sirena’s godmother, who was visiting, heard the curse and said that because she is Sirena’s godmother, half of the girl belonged to her, and that the upper half of Sirena’s body shall remain human. Sirena’s lower body was then transformed and she swam away never to be seen by her family again.
Although roles and responsibilities associated with the *kumaire* today may vary from family to family, the root of this system is steeped in the Chamorro worldview of *inafa’maolek* and, therefore, necessary for perpetuation of Chamorro life.
***[By Antonio Salas, MA](https://www.guampedia.com/antonio-salas/ "Antonio Salas")***
## For further reading
*Catechism of the Catholic Church*. Vatican City: Liberia Edtirice Vaticana, 1993.
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage.* The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Jorgensen, Marilyn A. *Guam’s Patroness: Santa Marian Kamalen.* N.p., 1994.
Quan, John F. “The Compradrazgo System of Guam*.*” PhD diss., Marquette University, 1976.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era, Spanish Era Changes
**Tags:** Kumaire/Måle’
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### [Nina/Ninu](https://www.guampedia.com/ninaninu/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Nina (patlina) and Ninu (patlino) , meaning godmother and godfather in the Mariana Islands, respectively, are borrowed terms from the Spanish padrina and padrino. These terms are derived from Spanish Catholicism and describe the relationship between the godparents and their godchild.
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# Nina/Ninu
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## Godparents
*Nina (patlina)* and *Ninu (patlino)*, meaning godmother and godfather in the Mariana Islands respectively, are borrowed terms from the Spanish *padrina* and *padrino*. These terms are derived from Spanish Catholicism and describe the relationship between the godparents and their godchild. Specifically, godchildren address their godparents using these terms.
This relationship is formally sealed in a Catholic baptismal ceremony or [*baotismo* ](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/)in which godparents pledge to assist parents in raising their child in the Christian faith through the Catholic tradition. In the event of the godchild’s marriage, the *nina* and *ninu* act as witnesses at the wedding and share some responsibilities in the planning or financing (*[chenchule](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/) yan inayuda*) of the *fandånggo* (wedding reception).
Godparents are the official chaperones of the event and are given special seating at the bridal table during the reception to honor them, and as a sign of respect. Examples of godparents’ duties during weddings include from the bride’s *nina,* a lavish wedding cake being. The groom’s *ninu* would provide the drinks for the reception and a band for entertainment.
Godparents are chosen from the [*familia* ](https://www.guampedia.com/familia/)(family), such as a sibling of a parent, cousin, aunt, or uncle, and are selected through careful discernment by one or both parents. Close friends, neighbors, or co-workers are also added to this list of prospective godparents in contemporary times.
Although the godparent relationship was originally based on the Sacrament of Baptism, CHamoru/Chamorro parents have adapted this arrangement to another Catholic Sacrament, that is, the initiation sacrament of Confirmation. In the religious context, the young person being confirmed is sponsored by a Christian adult who is of the same gender, and who attests to the confirmant’s maturity in the Christian Faith. Most CHamorus, therefore, may have two sets of godparents, one through Baptism and one through Confirmation. The latter, however play a more symbolic or honorary role, and are considered less significant than the social and religious role of baptismal godparents.
A *nina*, more so than a *ninu*, plays an integral and constant role in the religious and social formative life of the godchild. In terms of religious formation, she ensures that her godchild receives the necessary church sacraments such as Holy Communion, Confirmation, Marriage, and in some cases Anointing of the Sick and Ordination. In terms of socialization and enculturation, a *nina* participates in the personal and significant events of the godchild’s life including birthdays, Christmas, graduation, and other personal achievements.
For CHamorus, these terms convey more than just a religious responsibility to the child, but also a social obligation to the child’s larger extended family. The arrangement is part of a constellation of relationships that ensure the welfare of the family and reinforcing practices of *inafa’maolek*, the CHamoru system of reciprocation.
***By Antonio Salas, MA***
## For further reading
*Catechism of the Catholic Church. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1993.*
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Jorgensen, Marilyn A. *Guam’s Patroness: Santa Marian Kamalen.* N.p., 1994.
Quan, John F. “The Compradrazgo System of Guam*.*” PhD diss., Marquette University, 1976.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era, Spanish Era Changes
**Tags:** Nina/Ninu
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### [Hale'-ta: CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Glossary](https://www.guampedia.com/haleta-chamorro-cultural-glossary/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Editor’s note: This glossary was reprinted from ”Cultural Traditions,” of the Hale’-ta Series, with permission from the Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Content:**
# Hale'-ta: CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Glossary
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**Editor’s note:** This glossary was reprinted from ”Cultural Traditions,” of the Hale’-ta Series, with permission from the Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
## Alåguan - Åtgedon
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**alåguansoupy dish made of rice, water, and coconut milkAmotsan KumuñonFirst Holy Communion breakfastAmotsan Nobiabride’s breakfastanibat tubatuba (liquid obtained from tapping coconut tree) syrupansopblan mañåguleftover food of one who just gave birthapigige’dessert made of young coconut meat, starch, and sugar wrapped in banana leafatulisoupy dish made of ground corn, water, and coconut milkayuyucoconut crabå’okwedding gift of the bridegroom to the brideåbasguavaåfoklimeåguaguatstubborn, naughty, or non-conforming behavioråkgakpandanus tree of which the leaves are commonly used for weavingåmot CHamoru sihaChamorro medicinesåmot gine’hemedicine for strengthåmot laboratoriudouche medicineåmot maipemedicine for one who is restless in his/her sleep or has a sore in his/her mouthåmot påsmomedicine for pneumoniaåmot sihamedicinesåmot tininumedicine for one who has piles or back painåntes dibeforeastauntilåtgedoncotton
## Banidosa - Buteyan Hånom
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**banidosashow-off, femalebanidosushow-off, malebaotismobaptismal celebrationbåsta para håfait’s alright; it’s not necessarybåtsoCHamoru waltzbelawake or vigilbelembaotuyanmusical string instrument which is held against the bellybilennativitybinådudeerbongbongbamboo container to hold liquidsbongbong tubatuba bamboo containerbuñelos dågudonuts made of ground yambuteyan hånombottle of water
## Chachafflek - Chenchule’
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**chachafflekquivering or jerking behavior when one is very ill or at point of deathchafflekquiver or jerkCHamoru/Chamorrothe indigenous people of the Mariana Islands and the language of the
indigenous inhabitantschåda’eggchåda’ freskofresh eggche’lusibling, brother, or sisterchenchule’assistance given to a person or family in the form of money or appropriate items for the occasion
## Dågu - Dotrina
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**dåguyamdesdefromdifuntadeceased femaledifuntodeceased maledikike’ na råmassmall branchdoggafootweardotrinareligious pre-nuptial class
## Eskomme - Fruta
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**eskommecorn soaked in lime and water in order to remove the hullfamagu’onchildren, three or morefamiliafamily, clanfandånggopre-nuptial celebrationFandånggon Nobiugroom’s prenuptial celebration or partyfanihifruit batFanohge CHamoruGuam Hymn translated by Tan Lagrimas Untalanfanohgeplural form of ‘to stand’fiestacelebration or party in honor of a patron saintfina’denne’CHamoru dipping sauce made of hot peppers, lemon or vinegar, and salt or soy saucefina’mamessweets or dessertsfinakpo’the last day of a novena or rosaryfinañåguthe birth processfinataithe rituals associated with a deathFino’ Engles pao asuungrammatical Englishfritådatype of food made from viscera of ruminating animals such as pig, deer, or cow.freskon chåda’fresh eggfrutafruit
## Gaddo' - Gupot Åtof
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**gaddo’wild yamgaimamåhlaohaving shamegådaotype of fish, red snappergimento drink or a drinkgollai sihavegetablesgrånon hågon atmagoson hålom tåno’pieces of wild bitter melon leavesgrånon golendrina(*Euphorbia hirta*) pieces of grass used in mixture for douchinggrånon låssas banålu(*Thespesia populnea*) pieces of plant’s barkguagua’ gollaivegetable basketguagua’ guihanfish basketguåfakmat to rest or sleep onguihanfishguma’ taotaomo’nahouse/home of the taotaomo’na, the first peoplegupot åtofa roofing party
## Haggan - Hulo’ gi i Langet
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**hagganturtle (Green Sea Turtle \[*Chelonia Mydas*\])hådagoddaughterhådugodsonhågon åbasguava leafhågon alageta ni’ matai (ånglo’)dead or dried avocado leafhågon maigo’ lålo’(*Phyllantus amaris*) type of plant used for medicinal purposeshågon nunubanyan tree leafhågon sihaleaves, dual and plural formshåle’ siharoots, dual and plural formshåle’ tinanom katsoroot of a type of plant used for medicinal purposeshålom tåno’woods, junglehånaoto gohinetnon babuibaked pighinetnon kåtnebaked meathererosblacksmithshuesjudgehulo’ gi i langetup towards the sky
## I - Inefresi
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**itheifit(*Intsia bijuga*) type of plant with a very heavy and hard wood resembling black walnut in colorikaassistance given to the family of the deceased personinafa’maolekharmonyinakkamo’marriage ceremonyinasnen ti’aogoatfishes preserved in saltinasnen tukongsalting process used to preserve fishinayuduassistance, helpinifresioffering (noun)
## Kado' ha' - Kusinan Sanhiyong
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**kado’ ha’pretendingkakanasorcererkamisolawoman’s slipkamutisweet potatokådusoupy dishkådun kåtnesoupy dish made with meatkådun månnok freskosoupy dish made with fresh chickenkåmyococonut grater (noun); to grate on the coconut graterkåntan ChamorritaChamorrita sing stylekåtnemeatkelaguendish made with meat or chicken or fish mixed in lemon juice or vinegarkomfetmasionconfirmationkompairethe relationship between a child’s father and godfatherkomple’åñosbirthday or anniversarykomplementowedding ritual held the night before the marriagekumuñoncommunionkostat chåtea bagkostombren Chamorroway of life of a Chamorro or culturekusinan sanhalomkitchen inside the housekusinan sanhiyongoutside kitchen
## Labatoriu - Lusong
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**labatoriuto douchelamasan matlinathe godmother’s table at a wedding which is usually breakfastlattestone pillar with capstone made by the ancient Chamorroslångetsky, heavenlåtan pritoliobig can of oillechen guakacow milklechen chibagoat milklechonpigletlemon china / lemon di china(*Trifasia trifolia*) type of lemon treelisåyurosarylisåyon familiafamily rosary; the second nine days of a deceased ‘s rosarylisåyon komple’åñosfirst year anniversary rosary for a deceased personlumotmoss used in the building of novenaslusongmortar
## Machete - Misan Gåyu
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**machetemachetemaga’låhigovernor, leading malema gutos i finiho’marriage agreementmahongnganglobstermaigo’ lålo’(*Phyllanthus amarus*) type of plant used for medicinal purposesmakånaancient CHamoru priestmalåguto runmamaisen sainaritual in tradition Chamorro courtship where the parents of the groom-to-be ask for the hands of the bride to bemamå’onbetelnut mixed with lime, pepper leaf, tobacco, etc.mamåhlaoashamed, embarrassedmana’åmtehealers, plural formma na’muñera sihathey made themselves behave like cry babiesmanåmko’the elderly, plural formmañainaparents, plural formmañåhakrabbit fishmanggaimamåhlaoto have shame, plural formmanaimamåhlao/ mantaimamåhlaoto have no shame, plural formmañe’lusiblings, brothers, sisters, plural formmangnginge’to show respect to elders by kissing/sniffing the right hand of the eldermatlinagodmothermålle’address term for the mother and godmother of child used by the child’s parents and the child’s godparents between each othermånnok freskofresh chicken soupmåsacooked, done, ready to eatmestisaformal blouse used by elderly women especially for religious or formal ceremoniesminamåhlaoshamefulnessmisan gåyumidnight mass or mass held pre-dawn
## Na’-mañågu - Ñot
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**na’mañågufood for the one who just gave birthna’taotao tumano’food for those who came from afar to participate in the celebration in honor of a village’s patron saintnåna’yanto prepare a plate of food for oneself, progressive tensenåpu(ocean) wavenengkanno’foodnengkanno’ måsafood that has already been prepared or cookednengkanno’ måta’food that has not yet been prepared or cookedNinaaddress term used by a godchild towards his/her godmothernina’ia giftnina’yanfood that is to be given to someone as a form of assistancenina’yan måta’uncooked or unprepared food given to someone as a form of assistanceNinuaddress term used by a godchild towards his/her godfathernipaa palm that grows by the river that is very good for making thatchnobenanovenaNobenan NiñuNovena to the Christ Childnobiabride-to-benobiogroom-to-beñora(shortened version of Siñora) word uttered when one shows respect by kissing the hand of the female person being respectedñot(shortened version of Siñot) word uttered when one shows respect by kissing the hand of the male person being respected
## Olios - Pupulu
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**oliosextreme unction, last ritesorinolabedpanpalaito spreadpalapålaroof extended from end of house to provide shelter form rain and sun; a pavilionpatorpatlinugodfatherPatrosiñupatron saint; usually used with Saint Joseph, the patron saint of Inalåhan celebrated in Marchpatteramidwifepånglaocrab, land crabpåpa’såtgethe bottom part of a structure built on stiltspårreaddress term used towards the godfather and father of a child between his/her parents and godparentspåtgonchildplaterussilversmith, plural formPrimera KumuñonFirst Holy Communionprimafemale cousinprimumale cousinpromesaa religious devotion to a patron saintpugua’betelnutpunideran månnokhenpupulupepper leave chewed with betelnut
## Råmas Yetbas Babui - Suruhånu
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**råmas yetbas babui(*Blechum brownei*) a type of grass used for medicinal purposesrespeturespectresponsoprayer ritual given by a priest just before a deceased person is buriedsainaparent or elderly, singular formsakmanlarge ocean-going canoesenadotmale senatorsi’ia tool used to prepare leaves for weavingsimenteyucemeterysunitarosuruhånafemale medicinal/herbal healersuruhånumale herbal/medicinal healer
## Tabetdiyu - Tun
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**tabetdiyuailment attributed to the taotaomo’nataimamåhlaoto have no shame, singular formTanaddress term used towards elderly women to demonstrate respecttarehaone’s assigned or volunteered contribution such as to a party, etc.taotaomo’naperson from beforetaotaomo’na sihaplural form of people from beforetåno’landtåpesaprontåsiocean, seatechaprayer, novena, or rosary leadertife’to pick from a tree (fruits or flowers)tihaaunttiha sihaaunts, dual or plural formtiheras pugua’betelnut scissorstihu sihauncles, dual or plural formtinala’food items that have been driedtinifokthings that are woventinifok guåfakwoven mattininufood that has been barbecuedtitiyastortillatrongkon nunubanyan treetubafermented alcoholic coconut sapTunrespect address term for elderly man
## Un - Yanggen
**CHamoru Word****English Meaning**una, oneyanandyanggenwhen
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Indigenous Lenses, Language
**Tags:** Hale'-ta: CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Glossary
---
### [Hale'ta: CHamoru Cultural Traditions](https://www.guampedia.com/haleta-chamorro-cultural-traditions/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In CHamoru society, events that celebrate life from beginning to end are interwoven into the traditions of the Catholic Church, and are celebrated to demonstrate faith and love in God, and belief in the unity and strength of the family. These events are rooted in the CHamoru tradition and identity – together, the familia and the church sponsor these events.
**Content:**
# Hale'ta: CHamoru/Chamorro Cultural Traditions
##### Share This
## From birth to death
**Editor’s note:** This glossary was reprinted from “Cultural Traditions,” of the Hale’-ta Series, with permission from the Department of Chamorro Affairs, Government of Guam.
In CHamoru/Chamorro society, events that celebrate life from beginning to end are interwoven into the traditions of the Catholic Church, and are celebrated to demonstrate faith and love in God, and belief in the unity and strength of the family. These events are rooted in the CHamoru tradition and identity – together, the *familia* and the church sponsor these events.
For example, *[fiestas](https://www.guampedia.com/fiestas/)*, *fandånggo*, and *[baotismo](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/)* (saint’s day feasts, wedding parties, and baptisms) are closely associated with religious events. However, they are also social and cultural events in and of themselves. The *[bela](https://www.guampedia.com/bela-wake-or-vigil/)* (wake) – an overnight prayer vigil before a funeral of the deceased *defunto* or *defunta* – features a series of prayers and incantations offered up to God for the well being of the soul.
This ritual is an extension of the ancient practice of clan worship for deceased members. Likewise, the *lisåyu*, or rosary, and the *[nobena](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/)* (nine day rosary) provide important moments for families and clans to gather together and celebrate their existence. Thus, the traditions of CHamoru piety, reverence, and prayer became important rituals of unity for the CHamoru people.
While some of these traditions have been adapted to modern life, it is important to understand the way things were done in the past.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Hale'ta: CHamoru Cultural Traditions
---
### [Baotismo: Baptism](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the past, picking a name for the child was a family affair. In the early matrilineal CHamoru society, the name of a newborn child comes from the mother’s clan members.
**Content:**
# Baotismo: Baptism
View more images for the Baotismo: Baptism entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622582054830/).
##### Share This
## A family affair
In the past, picking a name for the child was a family affair. In the early matrilineal CHamoru/Chamorro society, the name of a newborn child comes from the mother’s clan members. But other names reflecting nature, land, sea, and even types of fish were permitted. For example, *Nåpu, Gådao, Tåsi,* and *Tåno’* and even *Matagulai*–probably the name of a chief–were very common in the early society. During [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), the priests made sure newborns were given religious baptismal names such as Jose, Francisco, Maria, Guadalupe, and so on. During the American period, names such as Ashley and Marilyn, and other popular names of movie stars were given.
After the godparents (the *[måle](https://www.guampedia.com/kumairemale/)’* and [*påri*](https://www.guampedia.com/kumpairepari/)) have been informed of the date of the *baotismo* from the priest, the families begin the preparation for the *baotismo* party. It was not unusual for the preparations to begin as soon as the mother became pregnant. The families would reserve the best produce at the ranch, fatten the pigs, hunt for *pånglao* (land crab) and *binådu* (deer) to be cooked as *kådu* (stew), *tinala’,* and *[kelaguen](https://www.guampedia.com/kelaguen-meat-chicken-or-seafood-with-lemon/)*. *Atulai* and *mañåhak* (small fish) are caught, salted and preserved as *inasnen tukong*; the choicest of the *lemon china* are squeezed and stored in *bongbong* (hallowed bamboo container) for the [*fina’denne’*](https://www.guampedia.com/finadenne-dipping-sauce/) (sauce). Root crops such as *dågu, suni,* and *kamuti* are harvested and stored in the *papasåtge* (the cellar of a home); the *eskomme* to make the largest *titiyas* for the *kelaguen* and *inasnen ti’ao* is packed and stored in the *låtan pritolio*. A week before the celebration, the *palapåla* is built and jungle ferns and coconut leaves are readied for the decorations.
The godparents, members of the family, and friends finalized their offers of *[chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/) yan inayuda*. Some *inayuda* come in the form of *tareha*–an offer of a particular type of food that is brought to the celebration. The *tareha* may include *fina’mames* and *golai åppan,* or other goods such as a basket of *pugua’, pupulu, mamå’on, månnok fresko, guagua’ guihan* (a basket of fish), *guagua’ gollai* (a basket of fresh vegetables), *tuba,* and other drinks. As well, a *tareha* may simply be that of providing labor to build the *palapåla* and decorating it, or bringing firewood–*ningnayu*–for the barbecue.
*Chenchule’* from the godparents may include money alone or money combined with food, *nengkanno’ måta’ pat måsa, fina’mames*, or *gimen* (drinks). The godparents would also give a donation to the village priest who performs the baptismal rite. As well, guests give *chenchule’*–money, gifts, specialty food, drinks, or their labor.
After the child has been baptized and returns home, it becomes the duty of the godparents to make sure that the *mañaina* bestow their special blessing on the child through *[mangnginge](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/)’*. If ailing elders and others in the family are not able to attend the celebration, it becomes the obligation of the parents to take the child to their homes for the *mangnginge’*.
*Nina’yan*, or food given in reciprocity, occurs after the celebration. The *nina’yan* may consist of prepared or unprepared food, and is given to those who have given *chenchule’* in whatever form. By tradition, the godparents take the largest share of the *nina’yan* home. The godparents’ shares are set aside before the party. In the event there isn’t enough *nina’yan* to go around, the family makes food including *fina’mames* or items that can be given away as *nina’yan måta*–produce from the ranch, *bongbong tuba, punideran månnok, un lechon, chåda’* and so on. The process of *nina’yan* may continue after the celebration, the next day or throughout the week.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from “Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Birth and Childhood Practices, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Baotismo: Baptism
---
### [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Agueda Iglesias Johnston (1892 – 1977) was an educator, civic leader, patriot and a woman of great internal strength and fortitude. Her commitment to education earned her place in the history books as one of Guam’s foremost educators.
**Content:**
# Agueda Iglesias Johnston
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Teacher, community leader
Agueda Iglesias Johnston (1892 – 1977) was an educator, civic leader, patriot, and a woman of great internal strength and fortitude. Her commitment to education earned her place in the history books as one of Guam’s foremost educators. She not only committed her life to the education of Guam’s children, but also through her civic efforts, sought to improve the living conditions for all of Guam’s people. She also exhibited a loyalty to democracy and freedom that few could match.
Born on 12 December 1892 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam to Juan Acosta Dela Torre (1858 – 1940) and Maria Lujan Iglesias (1865 – 1918), she was only six years old when Guam became an American possession. Her schooling started in Guam’s [public elementary schools](http://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/). She then attended the US Naval Government High School and eventually the Guam Normal School for Teachers. She completed courses with the American Correspondence School in Chicago, Illinois, and received an honorary Bachelor of Community Services from the College of Guam on 12 June 1968. On 10 March 1976, she was granted a Degree of Humane Letters from the University of Guam.
Johnston began teaching at the age of 16. In 1925, she became the principal of Guam’s first junior high school the Almacen Grammar School. After 11 years as principal of the grammar school, she then became the first principal of George Washington Senior High School. She served as principal from 1936 until the outbreak of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
Two months after the occupation of the island by the Japanese, officials introduced classes at George Washington Senior High School in Japanese culture and language, mathematics, and reading. Johnston was tasked with overseeing the school for the Japanese. After the liberation of the island from the Japanese occupation, she resumed her position as principal of the High School. In 1946, Johnston served as the Superintendent of Education, a position she held for seven years.
As a civic leader, Johnston served the community in many ways. She was a founding member of the [Guam Women’s Club](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-womens-club/), a club credited with making significant improvements to the community after World War II. She was also a member of the Guam Board of Education, the [Guam Chapter of the American Red Cross](http://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/), and the Guam Memorial Board of Trustees.
She founded the Guam Girl Scouts and was instrumental in the elderly service organization *Servicio Para I Manamko* (SPIMA). She was the president of the Guam Association of Retired Persons, a founding member of the Guam Fine Arts and Historical Society. When the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) was founded in 1932, she assumed the responsibility of managing and caring for the collection of CHamoru cultural and historical artifacts. Indeed, throughout her adult life, she was active in studying and supporting the preservation of the CHamoru culture.
In 1911, at the age of 19, Johnston married her English teacher Navy Lieutenant William Gautier Johnston. Together they had seven children: Cynthia, Margaret, Herbert, Joseph, Marian, Thomas, and Eloise.
After the surrender of the island by the Americans during World War II, Johnston’s husband William, along with approximately 550 other Americans were sent to Kobe, Japan, as [prisoners-of-war](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-obrien-u-s-prisoner-of-war/). William never returned as he died in captivity.
The war brought out a hidden strength in Johnston. She was a born civic leader, but now she was also a patriot. During the Japanese Occupation, she helped raise the morale of the CHamoru people by passing on information about the progress of the war obtained from secret radios that were kept hidden from the occupiers. She passed messages that were hidden in bars of soap made by her family.
In fact, Johnston put herself in jeopardy when she provided food, clothing, and reading material to [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), the US Navy radioman for whom the Japanese were aggressively hunting. Johnston was suspected of aiding Tweed. As a result, she, along with her daughter Cynthia, was taken to the police station where she was interrogated, beaten, and whipped. She knew that several others had been tortured and some even killed for aiding the US Navy man, but she never revealed what she knew. She vowed that she would die before telling them anything. Her strength prevailed and she was eventually freed. But this tragic time brought the news of the death of her husband in the POW camp in Kobe, Japan.
## Established Liberation Day
After the war, Johnston convinced the US military leaders to support a celebration to commemorate the Liberation of the island from the Japanese. This celebration continues to this day as one of Guam’s holidays [Liberation Day](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/), which is celebrated on 21 July.
Respected and admired, Johnston was inducted into the Guam Educators Hall of Fame in 1982. Over her lifetime, she earned many distinctions for her educational, public service, and civic contributions. In 1974, the George Washington Junior High School located in Ordot-Chålan Pågo was renamed the Agueda Iglesias Johnston Junior High School in her honor. In 1982, it was renamed the Agueda Iglesias Johnston Middle School.
Although Johnston passed away on 30 December 1977 at the age of 85, her legacy as an educator, as a civic leader, and patriot lives on.
***By [Patricia Long Diego](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=781) and [Jillette Leon-Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
## For further reading
*Agueda I. Johnston Middle School*. “[Agueda I. Johnston Middle School – Fully Accredited by WASC Ordot, Chalan Pago Kattan District D.O.E. Middle School](http://aijms.net/).”
DeLisle, Christine Taitano. “Navy Wives/Native Lives: The Cultural and Historical Relations between American Naval Wives and Chamorro Women in Guam, 1898-1945.” PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2008.
*I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 3. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2002.
*I Manfayi: Generations of Public Servants*. Vol. 4. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2003.
Johnston, Agueda Iglesias. Papers. MARC Working Papers #69, 1996. Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Palomo, Tony, and Paul J. Borja. “[Agueda Iglesias Johnston: Patriot](https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/npswapa/extcontent/lib/liberation6.htm).” In *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam.* Maite: Guam 50th Liberation Committee, 1994.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Religion, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Agueda Iglesias Johnston
---
### [Guam Teachers’ Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-teachers-association/)
**Published:** December 9, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam Teachers’ Association called for collections to begin for a Guam Museum. In 1925 a group of CHamoru teachers in Guam, led by Ramon M. Sablan, formed the Guam Teachers’ Association.
**Content:**
# Guam Teachers’ Association
 Officers of the Guam Teachers Association in mid-thirties. Sanchez collection. Seated (L-R): Antonio B. Won Pat, Mrs. Agueda I. Johnston, Tomas R. Santos. Standing (L-R): Vicente C. Reyes, Luis P. Untalan, Jose LG Rios, and Rev. Joaquin F. Sablan.
##### Share This
## Guam Teachers’ Association called for collections to begin for a Guam Museum
In 1925 a group of CHamoru/Chamorro teachers in Guam, led by [Ramon M. Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-dr-ramon-manalisay-sablan/), formed the Guam Teachers’ Association. The Association aimed to create and foster education, develop the social and professional well being of the teachers on the island, and provide activities toward the attainment of moral, physical and intellectual culture on Guam.
Sablan was joined by Remedios LG Perez, Jose LG Rios, [Simon A. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/), Maria PL Guerrero, Josefa A. Perez and Antonio I. Cruz in forming this civic and professional organization. Over the years, the group helped improve school conditions and enhanced relationships between parents, students, teachers and the local government.
The Guam Teachers’ Association was also instrumental in circulating the idea for the creation of a museum for Guam. According to the September 1926 issue of the *Guam Recorder*, the Association members sponsored the first collection of natural and scientific specimens, works of art and literary curiosities for future study of the island’s history. Residents were asked to help collect historical objects for a museum as many of these items were fast disappearing from the island. The community sent a range of different antiques for their inspection, and prizes were offered for the most valuable articles accepted by the Association.
The Association also engaged in other activities to preserve Guam’s history and culture including working with the people of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) to place the first [Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) Monument in the village on 6 March 1926. The Teachers’ Association also paid for a monument honoring [Padre Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/) in 1933. It was placed in the Plaza square in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Island Life, People and Places, US Naval Era: Education, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Teachers’ Association
---
### [Department of Agriculture Collection](https://www.guampedia.com/department-of-agriculture-gallery/)
**Published:** April 21, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Collection provided by the Department of Agriculture's Forestry and Soil Resources Division and the Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources. This gallery or collection does not belong to Guampedia.
**Content:**
# Department of Agriculture Collection
**Editor’s note:** Collection provided by the Department of Agriculture’s Forestry and Soil Resources Division and the Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources. This gallery or collection does not belong to Guampedia. If you wish to use content from this collection for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from the appropriate Department of Agriculture Division. View collection [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623777170293).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/damsel-Humbug-dascyllus.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Figure-8-Captive-bred.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/25-Longspine-Urchin.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/PB150004_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/angel-Pygoplites-diacanthus-1s.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Dusky-anemonefish_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Chuguanguang.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/1-Lou-topaz2-denoise-enhance-4x-copy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/DAWR-01-Turtle.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Flagfin-angelfish.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/10-Crown-of-Thorns_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/73-TentSpider.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Fanihi_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/05-Balate-03.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/NP-Koko_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/25-Floweryspine-Urchin.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/73-HuntsmanSpider.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Bluelined-snapper.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/73-GardenSpider.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Palenose-parrotfish.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/damselfish-Humbug-dascyllus.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/05-Balate-01.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/25-Shortspine-Urchin.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Cocos-Island.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/DAWR-05-Layeggs.webp)
[ Explore More Images ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623777170293)
[ ![Clutching]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2465/4002970353_6c2dceaf0c.jpg "The start of sexual maturity is believed to be at 23 years of age. A Green Sea Turtle can deposit 40 to 140 eggs in a single clutch (nest).
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR") [ ![Chuguanguang (Guam Flycatcher)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3523/4004137096_b5de302ea4.jpg "The Myiagra frecycineti, its scientific name, is extinct now but used to live in limestone and ravine forests, mangroves and tangantangan thickets.
Anne F. Maben/DAWR") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2721/4540329676_e677581238.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4050/4540329314_760d0f6ece.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2792/4539694549_902772da27.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Characteristics]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3440/4002969245_4068abb9f6.jpg "Characteristics of the Green Sea Turtle are (A) prefrontal scales, (B) single claw on front flippers, (C) fused shell plates, and (D) rounded edges on the carapace.
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR") [ ![Dusky Anemonefish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3507/4009416555_0355c8d118.jpg "Dusky anemonefish, who's scientific name is Amphiprion melanopus, first mature as males, and then, under the proper conditions, some of the males transform into females.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4010/4539694319_6e59c07dc6.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Spotted Sea Cucumber, Balåti]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7024/6490706483_d67402198e_m.jpg "The spotted sea cucumber (Bohadschia argus) is an echinoderm and is one of 40 kinds found on Guam. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Lo'u or Turtle Grass]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/53264520775_2c383d845c.jpg "Lo’u or Turtle grass (Enhalus acoroides). Photo courtesy of Cara Lin, Guam Department of Agriculture.") [ ![Ga’Karisa (Nightingale Reed-Warbler)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3496/4004138474_a3aa976b0f.jpg "The Acrocephalus lusciniua lusciniua, its scientific name, lived in tangantangan thickets, limestone forest edges, marshes and freshwater wetlands, especially in tall reeds.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Figure 8]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48812655713_9fb5b3c2ed.jpg "Figure 8. Captive bred Guam Rail (ko’ko’), born and raised at the Guam Department of Agriculture by the Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (photo credit: Raina Taitingfong).") [ ![Tottot (Mariana Fruit Dove)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3535/4003376625_0ccd8d606f.jpg "The Ptilinopus roseicapilla, its scientific name, lives in the limestone forest and in secondary growth canopies.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Aga (Mariana Crow)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2651/4003377477_bf03f42079.jpg "The Corvus kubaryi, its scientific name, lives in a variety of habitats preferring limestone forest but also strand and ravine forests and agricultural areas.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Fanihi]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51307601462_887c9a8024.jpg "Fanihi by Dr. Merlin Tuttle for Bat Conservation International. Image from the Guam Department of Agriculture Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources fact sheets, 2002.") [ ![Synaptid Sea Cucumber, Balåti]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7031/6490706613_6fa80345e3_n.jpg "The synaptid sea cucumber (Synapta maculata) is an echinoderm that can stretch its body to a length of roughly 6 feet and is common in shallow weedy and sandy areas. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Flagfin Angelfish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2530/4009416743_a109a97838.jpg "The angelfish, who's scientific name is Apolemichthys trimaculatus, has bright and bold colors that make it very visible in the reef.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Bluelined Snapper]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2623/4010183148_bcd7af3c53.jpg "The snapper, who's scientific name is Lutjanus quinquelineatus, is one of the few predatory fishes that feed during the twilight hours of dusk and dawn.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Sasangat (Micronesian Megapode)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2653/4003375817_ed6e58cb8a.jpg "The Megapodius laperouse, its scientific name, lives in limestone forests and coconut groves and is endangered in the Mariana Island chain.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Chachaguak (Mariana Gray Swiftlet)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2439/4004137646_270072293e.jpg "Collocali. bartschi, its scientific name, live in limestone caves and sink holes in limestone and ravine forests.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Egigi (Micronesian Honeyeater)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2492/4003377133_e421acc1c7.jpg "Myzomela rubrata saffordi, its scientific name, can be found in most forests edges and flowering trees in urban areas near homes and commercial buildings.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![White-throated Ground Dove]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2502/4003376451_b020ee3c50.jpg "The CHamoru/Chamorro name for the male is Pulaman Apaka’ and the female is Pulaman Fache’. This dove lives in limestone forests and is secretive. It feeds on fruit, seeds and flowers.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Sali (Micronesian Starling)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2517/4004138750_72e95c93d5.jpg "The Aplonis opaca guami, its scientific name, lives in many habitats from seacoast limestone cliff faces to forested mountain tops and on atolls.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Yakkak (Yellow Bittern)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3512/4003376875_e2ca1334ba.jpg "The isobrychus sinensis, its scientific name, live in a variety of habitats including savanna, forest, offshore islands, tangantangan, weedy tall grass and moved fields.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Incubation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3506/4003731666_3dabce124b.jpg "Incubation of Green Sea Turtle eggs ranges from 50 to 90 days. The hatchlings crawl up from the inside of a sandy mound towards the top of the nest, emerging before sunrise.
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR") [ ![Chichirika/Naabak (Rufous Fantail)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2555/4004138218_086c7567ca.jpg "The Rhipodura rufifrons uraniae, its scientific name, live in limestone forest understory.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm
") [ ![Damselfish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2660/4010184256_6d440d8b33.jpg "The damselfish, who's scientific name is Pomachromis guamensis, are very visible because of their bold colors. They rely on the reef for external fertilization.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Harry S. Truman taking the oath of office]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51672697832_03a39af7da.jpg "Harry S. Truman taking the oath of office at the White House after the death of President Roosevelt. From left to right: Frances Perkins, Secretary of Labor; Henry Stimson, Secretary of War; Henry Wallace, Secretary of Commerce; Julius Krug, War Production Board Administrator; James Forrestal, Secretary of the Navy; Claude Wickard, Secretary of Agriculture; Francis McNamee, Department Chairman, War Manpower Commission; Francis Biddle, Attorney General; Henry Morgenthau, Secretary of the Treasury; Harry S. Truman; Edward Stettinius, Secretary of State; Bess Wallace Truman; Harlan Stone, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the House; Fred Vinson, Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion; Representative Joseph Martin, House Minority Leader; Representative Robert Ramspeck, House Democratic Whip; Representative John McCormack, House Majority Leader. Date: April 12, 1945. Harry S.Truman Library and Museum collection.") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4006/4540329354_000039d582.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Cocos Island]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2674/4009416327_a648cb604e.jpg "Cocos Lagoon is one of two barrier reef lagoons on Guam, the other being Apra Harbor. Most of the rest of the island is edged by fringing reefs.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2517/4540329606_6c281461d7.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Green Turtle in Japan]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2447/4002969795_55ba37c460.jpg "In 2007, the Department of Agriculture DAWR Sea Turtle Recovery team and Haggan Watch volunteers had tagged two nesting females. The last transmission indicates one of the females had traveled to Japan.
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR") [ ![Shortspine Urchin, Lå’on]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7156/6490705897_1dd7e6b0c1_m.jpg "The shortspine urchin (Tripneustes gratilla) is an echinoderm and is one of the 28 that can be found on Guam. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Haggan]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2636/4002968637_e854fb693b.jpg "Haggan or Haggan Bedi is the CHamoru/Chamorro name for the Green Sea Turtle. It's scientific name is Chelonia Mydas.
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR") [ ![Jose Rios School Presentation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4070/4539694489_25afa69efc.jpg "November 14 and 15 Forestry and Soil Resources Division of Agriculture presented to around 300 students.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Nosa (Bridled White-eye)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3455/4004138590_0f2e318c8f.jpg "Zosterops conspicillatus conspicillatus, its scientific name, lived in native limestone and ravine forest trees as well as tangantangan thickets.
H. Douglas Pratt/Gretchen Grimm") [ ![Planting at Fort Soledad, 2006]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2750/4539694201_20092be5c5.jpg "Members of Agriculture in Forestry, Joanne Brown, Historic Preservation, Humåtak/Umatac Mayor, Traditional Seafaring, and University of Guam Larry Cunningham gather to plant indigenous trees at Fort Soledad, October 28, 2006.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Planting at Fort Soledad, 2006]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2719/4540329726_81c92274a0.jpg "Members of Agriculture in Forestry, Joanne Brown, Historic Preservation, Humåtak/Umatac Mayor, Traditional Seafaring, and University of Guam Larry Cunningham gather to plant indigenous trees at Fort Soledad.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Crown of Thorns]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7144/6490706341_5bcfe3e5d6_n.jpg "The crown-of-thorns starfish (Acanthaster planci) is a large, many-armed invertebrate covered with long and sharp venomous spines. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Green Turtle Movement]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2487/4002970023_9c26e8e9b2.jpg "A map of the movement of a Guam green sea turtle from June till November of 2000. From the shores of Hagåtña/Agana to the Panguataran Island group, Philippines.
Shawn Wusstig/DAWR
") [ ![Damselfish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2608/4009416969_bea1b84e4a.jpg "The damselfish, who's scientific name is Pomachromis guamensis, are very visible on the reef and that rely on it for external fertilization.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Figure 3]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48813158347_a1bc12c473.jpg "Figure 3. General vegetation types found on Cocos Island and their distribution (photo credit: Cocos Island Biosecurity Tech Report by U.S. Department of Agriculture, Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service, and Wildlife Services).") [ ![Planting at Fort Soledad, Oct 28, 2006]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4047/4540329194_9b3cfbe5f0.jpg "Members of Agriculture in Forestry, Joanne Brown, Historic Preservation, Humåtak/Umatac Mayor, Traditional Seafaring, and University of Guam Larry Cunningham gather to plant indigenous trees at Fort Soledad. Before locals get started there is a demonstration.
Department of Agriculture/Forestry and Soil Resources Division") [ ![Ko'ko]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3488/3994412106_d0ef5f2472.jpg "A ko'ko, or Guam rail, is petted at the Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatics and Wildlife Resources facilities in Mangilao.
Nathalie Pereda/Guampedia") [ ![Ko'ko' (Guam Rail)]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2479/4011001196_07ff99f682.jpg "The Ko’ko’ or Guam Rail is Guam's Territorial Bird and are an endangered species. The Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources has a Captive Breeding Program to aid the ko'ko' population. Photo by Gary J. Wiles and courtesy of Department of Agriculture, Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR)") [ ![Longspine Urchin, Lå’on]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7154/6490706017_113f5abe71_m.jpg "The longspine urchin (Diadema savignyi) is an echinoderm and there are around 28 kinds found on Guam. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Angelfish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2635/4009417401_12c733e9c6.jpg "The angelfish, who's scientific name is Pygoplites diacanthus, have bright and bold colors that make it very visible in the reef.
Department of Agriculture") [ ![Flowery Urchin, Lå’on]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7173/6490706169_617216a021_m.jpg "The flowery urchin (Toxopneustes pileolus) is an echinoderm covered with venomous colorful pink pedicellariae. Photo taken by Robert F. Myers for Department of Agriculture's Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources (DAWR) Fact Sheets.
Robert F. Myers/DAWR") [ ![Palenose Parrotfish]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2587/4009417605_4a047061a8.jpg "Similar to the angelfish, the parrotfish, who's scientific name is Scarus psittacus, has bright and bold colors that make it very visible in the reef.
Department of Agriculture")
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Department of Agriculture Collection
---
### [Discipline](https://www.guampedia.com/discipline/)
**Published:** November 24, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Codes of conduct. From what is written in historical texts about Guam and the Mariana Islands, Chamorro ancestors disciplined children though not by corporal punishment.
**Content:**
# Discipline
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Codes of conduct
From what is written in historical texts about Guam and the Mariana Islands, CHamoru/Chamorro ancestors disciplined children though not by corporal punishment. This is possibly because the mores of Chamorro society set up a checks and balances system of acceptable behavior. For example, a traditional Chamorro core value is that of *respetu* (respect) of age, status and rank in society and *gaimåmålao* (to have shame or humility). Individuals are expected to act appropriately or “the right way” and if they fail to do so this reflects poorly on their family since it will be perceived that they weren’t raised properly.
*[Inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)* is the guiding value in the island society expressing the intrinsic principle of interdependence that puts emphasis on community well-being over individualism and is meant to ensure proper social conduct.
Spanish Catholic missionary [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), who visited the (the island of Luta (Rota) in 1602, decades prior to Spanish missionization of the Mariana Islands, provided an account of one of the ways in which parents disciplined their children:
> So great is their love for their children that it would take a long time to describe it and to sing its praises. They never spank them, and they even scold them with loving words. When a child is offended and angered by what is done to him, he will move a short distance away from his parents and turn his back to them, not wanting to face them. They will then toss sand or pebbles on the ground behind him, after he has cried for a little while, one of his parents will go to him and, with very tender words, will take him in his arms and or raise him to his shoulders and carry him back to where the others are gathered.
## Social codes via folklore
Locally told stories are also used as a means to keep children in line. For example, in the story of [Sirena](https://www.guampedia.com/sirena/), lessons about the importance of performing “family responsibilities” and obeying parents are imparted. Sirena’s mother sent her to complete chores, but Sirena loved swimming and often times became distracted and wanted to play in a nearby river. One day she was sent to carry out errands, but instead of completing them she dove into the river. Her mother found out about her disobedience. Enraged that her daughter had again forsaken her chores, she rashly cursed her saying, “since Sirena loves the water more than anything, she should become a fish.” Sirena’s godmother, there when the curse was spoken, intervened and said she should only be half fish. Her mother could not undo the curse, so Sirena’s body began to change and she swam away.
Another example can be found in tales of mythological creatures that will cause children harm or place them in danger if they do not behave. *Duendes* are mischievous dwarfs that will lead children (who are tricked into thinking the *duendes* are also little children to play with) away, never to be seen again if they stray too far from home at night, or if they are found the children may be ill and must be cured by a *[suruhåna](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/)* (Chamorro healer).
In addition to social settings, people must also show respect for the environment. When a person enters the *hålomtåno’* (jungle) or before they relieve themselves in the *hålomtåno’* they must ask permission from the *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/),* Chamorro ancestral spirits. If the *taotaomo’na* is offended the person may become ill or find inexplicable bruises on his or her body from being “pinched” by the *taotaomo’na.*
## Catholicism, Americanization, and discipline
Over time, there have also developed stories that ensure that children behave during the Catholic Easter observance of Lent. In the Chamorro Catholic tradition, the Lenten season is a time for reflection and prayer. Children are told that the *[babuin kuresma](https://www.guampedia.com/babuin-kuresma-lenten-boar/)* (a huge Lenten boar or pig) will eat them or bite them if they make too much noise.
Young Catholic Chamorro girls and women were also influenced by stories in order to try to ensure their chastity. The *[utak](https://www.guampedia.com/utak-itak/)* or *itak* (the white-tailed tropic bird) in times past was regarded with superstitious fear. It was believed that if the bird was seen or its shrill cry was heard it meant someone would die. This belief expanded to mean that an unwed woman in a household was pregnant. The pregnancy of an unwed woman brought shame upon a family.
Anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) was contracted by the US Naval Government to conduct studies in pre- World War II Guam. Her research would become a psycho-cultural analysis on the impact of militarization on a culture, and an important informational resource as it documenting life on Guam, the Chamorro culture and its people’s practices.
Thompson wrote that corporal punishment of children at that time on Guam was commonplace and socially accepted. Forms of discipline were also severe if a child was disrespectful or broke a rule. The older the child became the stricter the rules, and the more severe the punishment for infractions. Children, even adult children, did not protest and no one interfered with the disciplinary action of a parent or guardian.
> Parents usually exercise personal authority over their children and their prestige is reinforced by the teachings of the church and by the school. A sharp line is drawn between right and wrong. If a child fails to obey he is teased or ridiculed, or he is slapped or whipped with a switch, a stick or leather strap.
## Discipline today
Today, disciplinary action is still prescribed by parents or guardians. Acceptable forms of discipline, however, have changed with contemporary US legal mandates and society’s perception of what constitutes child abuse. Therefore, punishment meted out today is typically not as severe (or as overt) as it was when Thompson conducted her research.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Jorgensen, Marilyn A. “The Legends of Sirena and Santa Marian Camalin: Guamanian Cultural Oppositions.” In *Monsters with Iron Teeth: Perspectives on Contemporary Legend.* Vol. 3. Edited by Gillian Bennett and Paul Smith. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, Ltd., 1998.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Discipline
---
### [Ancestral Worship Today](https://www.guampedia.com/ancestral-worship-today/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Contemporary physical evidence of ancestral worship. The concept of ancestor worship, a central guiding principle in ancient Chamorro/CHamoru society, continues today in some general and some specific ways.
**Content:**
# Ancestral Worship Today
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Contemporary physical evidence of ancestral worship
The concept of ancestor worship, a central guiding principle in ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society, continues today in some general and some specific ways.
Ancestral worship is tied to the idea that when a person dies they do not leave the world, but remain in some spiritual form. Ancient Chamorros believed their dead relatives returned as [*manganiti* ](https://www.guampedia.com/aniti-2/)or *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)*, spirits which played a large role in either protecting the living and ensuring they lived safe and prosperous lives, or bringing doom, illness and bad luck to them. Therefore, even after a person passed away, a relationship of respect had to be maintained with their memory, their spirit, their legacy and so on.
The largest practices associated with this worship was the keeping of the skulls of their ancestor in the *guma’saga’* (home) and the treating of these skulls, which held the spirits of their ancestors, as respected members of the family, even to the extent that they would be spoken to in reverent tones and offered *nenkanno’* (food) and *gimen* (drink) at meals and *gupot siha* (parties).
Today, when families keep mementos, pictures and reminders of their lost relatives in their homes, they are practicing ancestor worship by venerating the lives and the spirits of their ancestors. When we hold closely the memory of a loved one that is gone, or even more specifically when in times of crisis we state that we wish that our loved one was here again, or that we wish that they could in some way guide us or help us, we are appealing to the *ante* (soul) of our relatives.
Another form of ancestor veneration is when we visit the grave sites of departed relatives and bring them some of their favorite foods or drink. Simple practices such as these reflect in small and subtle ways the practice of ancestor veneration of Ancient Chamorros.
The most concrete form in which ancestral worship continues today is through the celebration of All Soul’s Day celebrated 2 November, which involves the actual remembrance and reverence of the ancestor, now buried in a cemetery. Family members and friends prepare for the All Soul’s Day days sometimes weeks in advance, cleaning graves and adorning them with flowers or momentos.
Another form of ancestral worship that carries on to the present is the veneration of Catholic Saints. The victories of the Catholic Church in colonizing Guam and Chamorros came not through force of arms, but also through a blending of Catholicism and Ancient Chamorro religion. Although Spanish missionaries did assert that the ancestral spirits of Chamorros were demons, devils, or did not exist, and destroyed many ancestral skulls to prove this point, this confrontational approach was not their most successful.
The interventions which did the most in terms of turning Chamorros or transforming their consciousness in order to accommodate the invading religion was not to claim that all spirits don’t exist or that all spirits are *taomaolek* (without good), but simply that Catholic religion offered *maolekña* (better) and *metgotña* (stronger) spirits. And these better spirits manifested most prominently in the pantheon of Catholic saints and holy figures.
The technology and weaponry of the Spanish helped make this point. It seemed logical that because the Spanish had more advanced weapons, this might be the result of their ancestral spirits being stronger. Over time, Chamorros replaced their practices of worshiping and seeking aid from the spirits of their ancestors, and began to seek the guidance and protection of Catholic Saints. When Chamorros pray to these saints today for good fortune in business, protection from evil, or even in the finding of lost objects, they are still praying to spirits. And as they collect figures and images, artifacts of these saints, they are still using the system of practices and respect that their ancestors did centuries ago.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Other Religion, Religion
**Tags:** Ancestral Worship Today
---
### [Marriage Traditions](https://www.guampedia.com/marriage-traditions/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In ancient CHamoru society, the clan leaders arranged marriages. Women did not marry men in their clan since marriage was a chance to improve clan status and increase influence in gaining hunting, fishing and farming rights in other clan districts.
**Content:**
# Marriage Traditions
View more images for the Marriage Traditions entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622545396216/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Used to be arranged by clan leaders
In ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society, the clan leaders arranged marriages. Women did not marry men in their clan since marriage was a chance to improve clan status and increase influence in gaining hunting, fishing, and farming rights in other clan districts. Marriages were means of extending clan relations to increase clan ranking and to bind clans together. Depending on their needs and resources, clan leaders decide who would marry whom.
Every girl of marrying age commanded a “bride price.” Girls from high-ranking clans and girls who were already mothers commanded high bride prices. If the clan found the groom’s gifts worthy of the bride’s rank, her clan would accept them and consider the couple married. To celebrate, the clans would hold separate feasts, which lasted for several days.
## *Mamaisen Saina*
**First Visit to the Prospective Bride’s Home**
During the [Spanish Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and up to the recent past, the first stage of marriage involved the *mamaisen saina* (visit with the family elders to literally “ask the parents”). Once the prospective groom decided to marry, his parents would arrange for the *mamaisen saina*. Likewise, the prospective bride would inform her parents of her intention and the upcoming *mamaisen saina*. It was important that the bride’s parents agreed to the visitation as otherwise, the wedding won’t happen. When this situation occurred, the boy may have enticed the girl to run away from home and stay with a close relative, or at his home, where the village priest would arrange a plain and simple marriage ceremony.
The CHamoru word *malågo* (run away) could best describe this situation.
The *mamaisen saina* was probably the most difficult and sensitive stage in the marriage because the parents could have thwarted the process for any reason at all; but especially if they didn’t like the prospective son-in-law, or when personal dislikes exist between the two families. When this happened, the *mañaina* (elders: grandparents, aunts, and uncles) assumed the familial responsibilities.
Customarily, the girl’s family did not express their agreement to the marriage on the first visit. The parents had to show some reluctance, in whatever form–the idea was to show expressions of grief over the potential loss of their daughter. Some families would use this grieving period to hold the couple hostage just to give the prospective groom’s family a difficult time–*ma na’muñera siha*. To counter this, the boy’s parents would seek reconciliation by giving a variety of *[chenchule](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)’* and *nina’yan* (served food) spread over several visits.
At the first sign of less resistance, the boy’s parents would bring up the subject of the matrimonial plans to the girl’s parents and ask for approval to proceed. In CHamoru, this concept is referred to as *ma gutos i fini-hu* (confirmation of the nuptial agreement).
The first visit consisted of parents of both families only. Thereafter, depending on the mood of the girl’s family, the prospective groom was allowed to come and hold conversations under the watchful eyes of the parents. During these visits, planning and preparations would be finalized. As well, the prospective bride and groom arranged with the village priest for the *doktrina*, or prenuptial class.
Additionally, the families began to firm up their separate plans for the marriage festivities–the groom’s *fandånggo* (prenuptial celebration), the *komplimentu* (appreciation journey to the bride’s home), and the bride’s *amotsan nobia* (bride’s breakfast). At the same time, the godparents and members of the family, or extended families, would make their visits to the homes and discuss *chenchule’* and *tareha*. Baptismal godparents usually carried the larger share of the *chenchule’*.
## *Fandånggon Nobiu*
**Prenuptial Celebration–The Groom’s Party**
The groom’s party held a prenuptial celebration referred to as the *fandånggo*. It was held in the evening so as to allow the opportunity for the traditional groom’s *komplimentu*. The *fandånggo* is the biggest celebration of all the festivities–this is to be expected since the groom’s family is gaining a daughter. On the other hand, in the traditional sense, the *amotsan nobia* (bride’s breakfast) is rather conservative as the bride’s family is feeling devastated and heartbroken for the loss of a daughter.
The most special guests at the *fandånggo* were the bride and her *mañaina*, and members of her extended families. Everything was focused on making the bride and her party feel content and comfortable.
The bridal table–where the bride and groom, their [*matlina* and *patlinu*](https://www.guampedia.com/ninaninu/), and elders sit–was covered with delicate, generational *kinanchiyu*, or crocheted items, and set with expensive tableware. Home specialties were reserved for the bride’s table. Again, traditional sense would dictate that only a few members of the bride’s *mañaina* should attend the *fandånggo–sigi ha’ ma na’fanmuñera siha sa’ mankonne’guan ni hagan-ñiha,* (they continued to show their grief and unhappiness for losing their daughter).
The godparents were the official chaperones for the evening and they decided when the bridal group could leave, usually after the first dance. The caravan of bull carts or cars stood ready any time the *matlina* gave her signal to leave.
## *I Komplimentu*
**The Appreciation Journey to the Bride’s Home**
*Komplimentu*, a word of Spanish origin, was a show of appreciation extended by the groom to the bride and her entourage for their presence at the *fandånggo*. In the old days, the bull carts transported the *komplimentu* party along with the *danderu*, or musicians and singers, who would serenade the bride with two special songs: *Nobia Yanggen Para Un Hånao* and *Nobia Kahulo’ Ya Un Fa’gåsi I Matå-mu*. The lyrics of these songs advised the girl of her last duty to her parents, and preparation needed for the next morning. The *komplimentu* had to end within the hour or the “grieving” *mañaina* of the bride could abruptly tell them to leave.
At the *komplimentu*, the groom would bring the family jewels and heirlooms for the bride in a *kaohao*, or treasure chest, as well as food, refreshments, produce, flowers, bouquets, etc. Perhaps, the word which truly described this occasion is *å’ok*, which means the groom’s collection of gifts that is given to the bride the night before the *inakkamo’* (wedding ceremony.
## *Amotsan Nobia*
**The Bride’s Breakfast**
The *amotsan nobia* was a more conservative event than the groom’s *fandånggo*; it was held in the bride’s home after the *inakkamo’* at church. The guest list was short. As well, the groom’s guest list was short consisting mostly of the members of his family and godparents. There was neither music nor dancing. After breakfast the couple, accompanied by the godparents, would set out on a journey to [*nginge’* ](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/)the *mañaina* in their respective homes. If the *mangnginge’* was not completed within the day, it continued throughout the week until all the elders of both families were visited.
Although conservative in atmosphere, the beauty and integrity of the bride was reflected in the traditional and delicate decorations of the scenery, and the *matlina’s* spectacular *lamasan matlina* (the Godmother’s table), which was replete with a variety of delicious homemade *fina’mames* (sweets). This venue provided the *matlina* the opportunity to display her *chenchule’* of *fina’mames*, especially showing off the wedding cake, which she had painstakingly designed and prepared.
After breakfast, the *nina’yan* was given to all persons who had contributed money, food, and labor to the *amotsan nobia*. Generally, the *matlina* got the first layer of the bride’s wedding cake, and a whole *lechon*, or roast pig.
## Contemporary Guam
**Marriages today**
In contemporary Guam, most marriages do not conform to traditional practices. The concepts of *mamaisen saina* and *komplimentu* have become rare, and in their stead is the bridal shower and a joint reception, usually held at a hotel or other public venue. In many instances, the bride and bridegroom, in consultation with their respective parents, develop and carry out the wedding plans–formal announcement, guests, church, reception, church arrangement, etc. In other words, many marriages have become westernized.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from ”Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Marriage, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Marriage Traditions
---
### [Dowry Presentation: Marriage Rituals](https://www.guampedia.com/dowry-presentation-marriage-rituals/)
**Published:** December 4, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** On the night before a wedding in ancient Guam, the two families met to present the chenchule' (ceremonial gifts) to the mother of the groom. They brought edible roots (yam and taro), breadfruit, bananas, rice, fish, salt and betel nut.
**Content:**
# Dowry Presentation: Marriage Rituals
#### Table of Contents
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## Marriage rites: Dowry, wedding, and celebrations
On the night before a wedding in ancient Guam, the two families met to present the [chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/) (ceremonial gifts) to the mother of the groom. They brought edible roots (yam and taro), breadfruit, bananas, rice, fish, salt and [betel nut](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/).
In the evening, betel nut was passed around and supper served, and there was dancing. At daybreak the relatives of the groom, leaving a few individuals at his mother’s home to prepare dinner, went to the girl’s house and were given betel nut. Here the bride was given to her husband.
Breakfast was served on a mat placed on the floor at the bride’s home. The relatives of the groom were served first, in order of rank. After breakfast, the wedding guests went to the house of the groom, where dinner was served, the bride’s relatives taking precedence.
Once the [Spanish colonized](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) the Marianas, Catholic traditions were incorporated into the wedding rites. One woman, Concepcion Fejeran Garrido, recalled the following, a typical southern wedding in pre- and post-war Guam.
## Presentation of gifts
About a week before the wedding the groom’s family formally presented a wooden chest of gifts to the bride. The gifts included a wedding dress, an evening dress, wedding rings, the shoes for the pre-wedding and wedding, and other items such as lotion and perfume. Aside from the chest of gifts, a dowry was given to the bride. The dowry might include a CHamoru/Chamorro style gold necklace, earrings and a bracelet made by the only goldsmith jeweler on Guam at the time. These were presented in a jewelry box along with as much as $1,000 as a wedding gift. Gifts were also presented to the parents of the bride such as firewood, *suni* (taro), *dågu* (yam), *pugas* (rice) and *binådu* (deer meat) and *pugua’* (betel nut).
## *Kombiti*: The groom’s party
The pre-wedding party, known as *kombiti* (guests; sometimes called “*fandångg*o” in the Spanish era), was put together by the groom’s family. A representative escorted the bride, dressed in the gown provided by the groom’s family, to the party from the groom’s family. The groom greeted her as she arrived and the two entered the party through a decorated arch where the guests showered them with flower petals. The bride and her family stayed only long enough to enjoy the dinner, listening to speeches and toasts for the occasion made by their friends and family.
## The *komplimento*
After the bride and her family returned from the *kombiti*, the bride changed and prepared for the *komplimento*. The *komplimento* was a traditional event made to honor the bride and the groom for abiding by the conditions made by the bride’s father during their engagement. They were rewarded for not being seen in public together and for not showing any display of affection toward each other, as their good behavior had brought honor to their family.
About two hours after the bride’s family left the kombiti, the groom and his family walked from the party to the bride’s house, singing while they walked. They stopped about 20 yards in front of the bride’s house where they carried their best *pugua’, pupulu, tuba, åfok* and tobacco and homemade whiskey. A female relative of the groom, usually a cousin, would bring a bouquet of flowers for the bride for the wedding.
As they neared the house, one of the groom’s relatives called out, “*Amaga’, Amaga’, huyong ya ta afana’. Kao guahu bai guagua-tu pat hågu un ma-maila*.” (Noble One, Noble One, come out and we will face each other.)
During this part of the ceremony, they rhymed their statements.
The bride’s relatives replied, saying “*Hågu un ma-maila. Ha-la’mi magi.*” (You come over.)
Before they went over, the groom’s relatives asked, “*Amaga’, Amaga’, kao guaha lupok para bai poddong? Pat guaha tituka’ para bai tinika’un?*” (Noble One, Noble One, Are there any holes I am going fall into? Or are there any thorns I am going to step into?)
The bride’s relatives replied, saying, *“Ha-la’mi magi, taya lupok para un poddong, taya tituka para tinika’un. Sa’ esta munhayan hu faisa’un.*” (Come over. There are no holes and no thorns. I already cleaned the way.)
The groom’s family said, *“Esta gua’ot para un ga’cha, esta potta para un halom. Esta bangku para un fatatsong, esta chupa’ yan mama’un.”* (Here are the steps you will step up on, the door you will come into. Here is the bench you will sit on and the cigarettes, pugua’, pupulu and afok for you.)
The groom’s family then walked up the steps to the house and entered the living room The groom’s cousins then kissed the bride and gave her the bouquet. The groom’s relatives said, *“Maga’, maga’ gagao todu i malago-mu, sa todu hao bai na’i. Sa maseha dikiki na taotao, lao dangkulo na maga’låhi.”* (Noble One, Noble One, ask for what you want and I will give it to you. Although I may look like a small and humble man, I am a strong provider.)
The bride’s relatives responded, saying, *“I hu gagagao na agun, ti sinifan pat tinampi. Ayu hu gagagao na agun, i mato’tu yan matafye.” (*I am not asking for that which has been peeled and boiled (*dågu*). What I am asking for is that which has been picked and threshed (rice). The groom’s family then repeated their previous statement and the bride’s relative responded, *“I hu gagagao na totche, ti pineksai’ yan pinaki. Ayu hu gagagao na totche I masugon ginen tati ya a’gagang kumate.”* (I am not asking for the meat that is raised and shot. I am asking for the meat that is chased out of the jungle and cries out loud (*binadu*).)
All of the items requested were already given during the presentation of gifts a few nights before. The groom’s relatives repeated their previous statement and the bride’s relatives responded, saying, *“I hu gagagao na gimen, ni tinilipuk pat finakti. Ayu hu gagagao na gimen i malalagu gi guafi.”* (I am not asking for the drink that is pulled out of the well or caught from the rain. I am asking for the drink that runs through the fire (*aguayiente*).)
The groom’s family then gave the *aguayiente* in a glass but the bride’s relative slapped it out of his had and said, *“Mungga yu man ha gimen gi basu, sa guahu ti taotao lagu. Ayu bai gimen i chireta pat i tabu.”* (I don’t want to drink from the glass because I am not an outsider. I want to drink out of a bamboo cup or a coconut shell.)
After this formal welcoming, the bride’s relatives invited the groom’s relatives to start the party saying, *“Ta fan boka, ta fan gimen, ta fanangta. Ya ti ta fan makpo’ pa’go esta agupa yan manana.”* (We will eat, we will drink and we will sing. And we won’t be done until tomorrow morning).
Then music began and for the first time the bride and groom danced together. This dance was the first time they were allowed to show affection without disapproval. It was their reward from refraining from temptation of being together until this day. At this time, the bride and the groom’s families joined the celebration by competing on who had the best *pugua’, pupulu, åfok*, tobacco, tuba and whiskey. They ate and danced and celebrated until 11 pm or so at which time they had to depart to prepare for the following day’s wedding ceremony.
## The wedding
Many Catholic churches only performed wedding ceremonies at the 5:30 am Mass. Therefore the bride had to be up at 3 am to beginning readying herself. She showered and dressed only in her panties. When she was ready, the groom’s aunt arrived to dress her, fix her hair and apply her make up. As awkward as this was, it was a part of Chamorro tradition and the bride had to abide by it. The parents were dressing at this time too.
Before leaving for the church, the bride and her parents prayed together in front of an image of the Blessed Virgin Mary in their home. The father of the bride offered his daughter to the Blessed Virgin asking that she help the young woman be a good wife and mother to her children.
The groom’s family sent someone to pick the bride and her parents up and take them to the church. The bride’s maids and groom’s ushers were at the church waiting. The bride’s father walked her down the aisle and presented her to her husband. A traditional Catholic wedding ceremony then took place at the altar.
For the Communion preparation the bride’s sister (or another female relative) put on a *belo*, or white cloth, over the bride’s head and the groom’s shoulders. At the end of the wedding mass celebration, the bride’s godmother or someone else (such as from the Sodality) walked the bride to the statue of the Virgin Mary and presented her bouquet and again asked for her help throughout the marriage. The choir traditionally sang “*Hu Nå’i Hao*” (a song honoring Santa Maria).
Before the bride and groom walked down the aisle as man and wife, the bride’s godmother and groom’s godfather signed the certificate of marriage from the Church and the ceremony ended with the seal of a kiss by the bride and groom.
## Wedding celebrations
The bride and groom then drove to the bride’s wedding party. Upon arriving at the bride’s family’s house they would go into the living room, kneel on pillows and await the arrival of the elder relatives. When the elders arrived, the bride and the groom paid respect [(*manginge*’)](http://www.guampedia.com/nginge/) by smelling the hand of the elders who gave them their blessings and advice for a prosperous marriage.
Once respects were paid, the bride’s godmother opened and blessed the table and the party began. The bride and groom and their parents sat at a beautifully decorated table and were served their meal by the bridesmaids and ushers. After everyone had eaten, the bride’s relatives prepared food for the bride’s godmother to take home, which included a portion of everything presented on the table. Since the food was paid for by the godmother, it was a tradition for her to have a little of everything. The godmother was also entitled to take the top layer of the wedding cake.
After the bride’s party, the couple proceeded to the groom’s wedding party. The same traditional elements that occurred at the bride’s party occurred at the groom’s party. After the parties, the bride and groom went home and changed, then left to visit their sick and bed-ridden relatives as well as everyone who showed up to their parties that day. There they would *[manginge’](https://www.guampedia.com/saina/)* them and thank them for their blessings.
## Contemporary Guam
While much has changed on Guam over the decades, some of these traditions still live on in various degrees by those who choose to follow them. Some people prefer a civil wedding or an American-style wedding.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
## For further reading
Flores, Judy S., ed. *Kustumbren Chamoru: Chamorro Life Before and After World War II*. Mangilao: University of Guam, 2004.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Marriage, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Dowry Presentation: Marriage Rituals
---
### [Early American Economic History](https://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When the US established a military government in Guam in 1899 it became clear that the costs of administering Guam would be high. The US military government renewed the efforts started by the Spanish government to establish an agricultural economy on the island.
**Content:**
# Early American Economic History
View more images for the Early American Economic History entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622401105817/).
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
## Influenced by Navy's needs
When the US established a military government in Guam in 1899, it became clear that the costs of administering Guam would be high. The US military government renewed the efforts started by the Spanish government to establish an agricultural economy on the island. Simultaneously, many different methods were used to persuade the CHamorus/Chamorros to adapt to the American way of doing things.
Capt. Richard P. Leary, Guam’s first Naval Governor, made several administrative decisions that served as legal precedent. Among the most important were the prohibition of land sales without the prior approval of the Naval government and the closing of Guam to outsiders who did not first obtain a permit from the US Navy.
While Governor Leary may have intended to protect the property rights of the CHamorus from the colonial activities of other nations in the region (particularly the Japanese), the restrictions applied equally to land sales to other CHamorus and to US citizens. By restricting outside investment in the island these rules inhibited the economic development of Guam for many years.
The US also followed the Spanish precedent by importing labor into Guam. While the reason for this is not well-documented, it kept wage rates low so that the Navy would have the access to an inexpensive source of labor on an as-needed basis. In general, the top jobs in the Naval Government of Guam were assigned to Naval officers. Most of the civilian jobs in the military were given to imported labor from the states and from the Philippines. While some positions in the Naval government were assigned to CHamorus, most CHamorus were encouraged to engage in agricultural production because the Navy wanted to minimize the costs of its occupation of Guam.
Since much of the CHamoru ancient clan system had survived through the [Spanish colonial period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), and because CHamorus had never had much use for money, the Naval government found it difficult to convince people to produce more than they needed for themselves.
Overall, the colonists’ assessment of Guam’s economy was based upon their own standards rather than upon a more realistic model derived from the perceptions and preferences of the CHamoru people. Consequently, a dual economic system operated in Guam. Part of the system was based upon monetary exchange (much as we have today) for the colonists and the few CHamoru wage earners; the other was based upon subsistence production at the *[låncho](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/)* (family ranch) and bartering for the rest of the CHamoru population. For this reason, there was very little production to meet one of the Navy’s major reasons for holding Guam: providing fresh food and water for the US Pacific Fleet.
Gradually, though, the CHamorus began to want the new and different products that were available to military and government wage earners, and they began to accumulate the money necessary to buy things for themselves and their families.
Between 1899 and 1941, there was a gradual growth in economic activity in Guam, spurred mainly by the basic economics of colonialism. Any development that was encouraged (or even allowed) was designed to provision ships calling at [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/) and to minimize the costs to the US government of administering the colony. Economic activity was based largely on agricultural production and small-scale retailing and trade in copra, the dried meat of coconuts from which coconut oil is extracted. At that time, coconut oil had many commercial and industrial uses.
A public market was established near the Paseo de Susana, where farmers could sell their fruits and vegetables, and fishermen could sell their catch.
In 1914, the Navy invited Atkins Kroll (AK) to operate a trading company in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). In 1917, the company bought a coconut plantation at Tarague in northern Guam. AK’s operations gradually spread throughout Micronesia, with copra from the other islands being consolidated and shipped out of Guam in 100-pound sacks, creating what has been called a “copra economy.” Both before and after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the Naval government often measured land values, for property tax and other purposes, according to how many coconuts the land could produce.
The Naval government opened a Bank of Guam in 1916, the [first bank in the history of Guam.](https://www.guampedia.com/banking/) Although the first Bank of Guam was principally established as a convenience to the Navy and its personnel, local merchants quickly learned to take advantage of its services in transferring money to their suppliers in Asia and the US, borrowing money to meet business needs, and protecting their money in its safe. The bank made a profit from its loans and the services it provided, and returned a part of this profit to its depositors in its first year of operation.
During the [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), a number of other privately-owned businesses formed in Guam, many of which prospered. Many, though, were operated by immigrants who were allowed by the Navy to remain in Guam for various reasons.
One outstanding exception was the Ada Soap Factory which manufactured a type of lye soap called “saltwater soap” because it worked well in saltwater. It was made from coconut oil and ashes. Ada’s soap was of the highest quality available. It is reported that at one point Ada supplied the saltwater soap needs of the US Navy Pacific Fleet.
Throughout the period, basic sanitation facilities, utilities, and other public services were modernized in Guam. There was a public power plant built in Hagåtña to supply power to Naval government offices; water wells were drilled and water systems were installed; a hospital was built and staffed for the CHamoru population. Crushed coral was laid for the main roads.
The Naval government was concerned about public health and as a result, the general health of the people of Guam improved. This too is a step forward in economic development.
## Disaster factor
One of the major obstacles to development in the US Naval Era of Guam’s history had nothing to do with colonization, or any other device of man. As always before and ever since, Guam was repeatedly assaulted by natural disasters. Earthquakes and typhoons destroyed houses and other structures, wasting the thousands of man-hours it took to build them. Typhoons and droughts ruined crops, leaving people without enough to eat. In one 48-hour period in 1924, 33 inches of rain fell and destroyed crops and buildings all over the island. This deluge even changed the course of some rivers.
The frequency of natural disasters in Guam has influenced every aspect of CHamoru life. It has affected the lifestyles of the people and limited their choice of how to organize economic habits and relationships. It continues to affect everyone’s life today–from the types of buildings that we build and the cost of those buildings, to the prices we pay for food and other items, and the types of things that we buy.
## Security clearance
Although the Naval government had the authority to allow or deny entry to anyone coming into Guam, in 1941 President Franklin D. Roosevelt expanded and reinforced this authority with a presidential executive order. This was done to maintain the military security of the island in light of Japan’s increasing military presence and strength in the Pacific.
With World War II in the offing in 1941, the [security clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/) requirement was a reasonable decision. However, its continued application after the war, supposedly to protect the native population from harmful outside influences, caused many problems for the economy and the people of Guam. The effects of the security clearance requirement haunted the Guam economy for the next 25 years.
## American reoccupation
The American re-invasion of Guam in 1944 caused more damage than any earthquake, typhoon, or other event in history. The economy was totally destroyed, but this time, even the land was ruined for farming. The CHamorus were relocated from the Japanese concentration camps into US refugee camps where conditions were a little better. In the following weeks and months, food and building materials became more available for civilians. In the meantime, the military started a build-up of Guam as the main forward base for the direct attacks on Japan. This effort required the occupation of large amounts of land area. The CHamorus, most of whom had no homes to return to, were again relocated away from their properties, but were reasonably well-cared-for during the remainder of the war.
August 1944 marked the beginning of the [military land-takings](https://www.guampedia.com/land-ownership-on-guam/). At one point, as much as 82 percent of the land in Guam was under military control for military purposes. These areas were off-limits to all but authorized personnel. Anyone caught entering without authorization could be shot on sight. Numerous military bases were quickly constructed by 18 engineering and construction battalions, and the Army began flying daily bombing missions over Japan in B-29 bombers based at what is now Andersen Air Force Base.
What had been a defenseless Navy coaling station just three years before soon became a bastion of American military might with numerous bases, ships, plans, and more than 205,000 soldiers during this period.
## Post-war recovery
The [CHamorus were moved](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/) from the refugee camps and into resettlement sites with generous distributions of rations. These sites became the new villages of [Agaña Heights (Tutuhan)](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/), [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/), [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/), [Yo’ña](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), [Sinahånña](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), [Barrigåda](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) and [Dedidu](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/). None of these areas had been major population centers before the war. The establishment of new [villages](https://www.guampedia.com/villages-heritage-sites-and-island-life/guams-villages/) dramatically changed the distribution of the island’s population.
For several months following the US occupation, Guam was under martial law. Travel was restricted, curfews were set, and food was rationed. The process of education, which had been important to the pre-war Navy government as the means to develop and train a skilled workforce and as a method of controlling the population, resumed as early as October 1944. Temporary repairs were made to the island’s least damaged schools, while in other areas, military tents and canvas-roofed structures of wood and tin were made to serve as temporary classrooms. The re-opening of schools kept teachers, children, and parents quite busy.
In addition to schools, civilian businesses began to reopen in October 1944. To reduce the burden on the military of operating a rationing program for food and other items, several pre-war store owners were offered places to rebuild their stores and inventories to stock the shelves. At first, the goods and merchandise were drawn from military supplies. The rationing of goods ended not long afterward. With money earned from their new jobs, many people were able to buy things they had never seen or could not afford before the war.
Farming was not possible for a time because of the widespread devastation and the loss of the island’s best farmlands to the new military bases. Without access to their *låncho*, CHamorus were forced to seek other ways to make a living. This was the beginning of their economy’s rapid transformation from subsistence agriculture and bartering to a system of wage employment and monetary exchange. In the course, several stages in the normal process of economic evolution were skipped. The transformation of the traditional CHamoru economy was the final step toward the Americanization of the economy of Guam.
Between 1945 and 1950, during the construction of the bases and the reconstruction of civilian communities, there were so many jobs to be done that the Navy began importing labor from the Philippines. With jobs in military construction and in the military government readily available, employment among CHamorus was extremely high also. The economy was transformed almost overnight into a service-oriented system.
In this new wage and money economy, new private businesses sprang up like never before. In January 1946, the Bank of Guam reopened. It quickly grew and gave new businesses access to credit and an easy method of transferring funds to their off-island suppliers. For many years, Guam experienced an economic “boom,” a period when the economy grows more rapidly than it normally would, even in good years. Incomes and the island’s standard of living rose rapidly.
The main roadway in Guam, Marine Drive (now called Marine Corps Drive), was constructed early in the post-war years to provide for rapid transportation among the military bases. New water and power systems were designed and built exclusively to meet the needs of the occupying US forces. Later, as military needs subsided, there was so much excess capacity that there was no justification for denying their use by the civilian community.
Thus, civilian businesses and households were finally able to tap into these “modern” conveniences. Because of the constant flow of traffic on Marine Drive, and because the utility lines also ran alongside it, civilian homes and businesses began to sprout up along its length. Marine Drive, its accompanying utility lines, and the port at Apra Harbor are perhaps the three most important things that sets Guam apart from other islands in the western Pacific to this day. The use by civilians of facilities originally intended by the colonizers for themselves has almost accidentally allowed Guam’s economy to develop to the degree that we have today.
The Bank of Guam, formerly a Navy-owned establishment, was sold in 1950 to the Bank of America (of California). The *Navy News*, a daily newspaper published by the military, was sold to Joe Flores, and became the *Guam Daily News*, also a civilian business operation.
With effective recovery of the island’s civilian community, the next step along the road to economic progress required a degree of local political control and local self-government. The signing of the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) by President Harry S. Truman on 1 August 1950 removed Guam from being under the US Navy, and allowed the people to have a civilian government provided that impetus.
[***By Anthony A. Leon Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/anthony-a-leon-guerrero/)
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
*Hinasso’; Tinige’ Put Chamorro (Insights: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordination Commission, 1993.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Economics
**Tags:** Early American Economic History
---
### [US Naval Era Governors: Contributions and Controversies](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-governors-contributions-and-controversies/)
**Published:** August 26, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Following the conclusion of the four-month long Spanish-American war in 1898, Guam was placed under the control of the United States Department of the Navy by Presidential Executive Order 108-A on 23 December 1898—just prior the ratification of the Treaty of Paris that officially ceded the island from Spain to the US. By 12 January 1899, the first Naval governor of Guam was appointed by the Navy.
**Content:**
# US Naval Era Governors: Contributions and Controversies
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** View images for the US Naval Era Governors: Contributions and Controversies entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157633029579537).
Following the conclusion of the four-month long Spanish-American war in 1898, Guam was placed under the control of the United States Department of the Navy by Presidential Executive Order 108-A on 23 December 1898—just prior the ratification of the Treaty of Paris that officially ceded the island from Spain to the US. By 12 January 1899, the first Naval governor of Guam was appointed by the Navy.
For 52 years, from 1898 to 1950, the US Navy governed Guam except for during World War II when Japan controlled the island. Three types of governors ruled during this period—interregnum local governors (June 1898-August 1899); [US Naval Era](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-early-american-historical-overview/) mid-level ranking Navy officers serving as commandant of the US Naval Station Guam (1899-1941); and [Post-World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) Era higher ranking Navy officers serving as the Island Commander and as commander of the US military forces in the Marianas and in the former Japanese mandated islands in Micronesia (1944-1950). The early tours of duty prior to World War II ranged from just a few months to two years or so. These short tours of duty were intentionally kept brief because of what were considered unhealthy conditions on the island at the time—a humid climate and, compared to much of the US mainland, less developed living conditions.
## Naval governor profile
Twenty-one US Naval lieutenants, captains, lieutenant commanders, and commanders—and one vice-admiral—served as governor with some 13 other Naval officers serving as acting governors from time to time (one Postwar Era US Marine Corps Major General was, in effect, the governor of Guam as well). During the Naval Era, the [Naval governors](http://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-governors-of-guam/) were assigned to Guam for short tours of duty averaging just 17 months apiece, while the lone Naval officer assigned as governor of Guam during the Postwar Era served that post for just under three and a half years.
The change of command ceremony was a regular event. For the governors, this did not allow time to become knowledgeable with the island, the island’s people, or issues in Guam’s governance, although a few had prior experience with Guam. For example, [Governor Willis W. Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) commanded the station ship at Guam, the USS *Gold Star*, from 1924 to 1926 prior to his serving as Naval Station Commandant/Governor of Guam from 1929 to 1931. A few also maintained connections with Guam affairs after leaving their post. Bradley again serves as an example, continuing to work on behalf of the island and its people. As a California congressman after World War II, Bradley advocated for citizenship and later, civil government for Guam. However, with such short tours of duty, the officers were largely a “blur of…men in starched white uniforms,” according to one historian.
Some Naval governors were more capable than others and held a range of personal philosophies towards their duties and what constituted proper civil order, with some being more strict, liberal, invasive, or racist than others. These personal philosophies and capabilities are important to consider because, unlike civil government on the island today in which the people of Guam vote for political leaders and their governmental and personal philosophies, the people of Guam had no say in the selection of Naval governors who were appointed to duty out of Washington, DC during the Naval administration.
## Time periods during Naval governor rule
The Naval governors ruled Guam during several important periods of US history with the territory and its people often viewed as a strategic cog in the American machine. Guam became a territory during an era of US imperial expansion and emergence as a world power. The island remained under US control through World War I, as the Northern Marianas became territories of Japan, and through the Great Depression. Guam was temporarily removed from US control during the [Japanese occupation](http://www.guampedia.com/japanese-military-administration-of-guam/) from 1941 to 1944, but returned to American occupation as the US established itself as a global superpower at the start of the Cold War Era. The Cold War caused the US military and government officials to maintain a strong presence near Asia through military bases in Guam. [Strategic considerations](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-strategic-value/) were often used as reasons to support the virtually absolute authority vested in Guam’s Naval governors and to withhold the granting of civil liberties and rights to the people of Guam.
Some historians have said that the Naval governors also reflected the views of race and the importance of being a white American of their time. Indeed, the US had gained Guam just three decades after the US Civil War (1861-1865), largely fought over slavery, and governed the island while Jim Crow laws were in effect (1876-1965) which required racial segregation (separation) between whites and “colored” peoples. In the US, the Navy limited enlistment of “colored” men to positions of mess attendants. For CHamoru/Chamorro men in Guam specifically, this did not occur until the last years of the first Naval Era in the late 1930s. Further, Europeans and Americans have a lengthy history in believing that other peoples were inherently and naturally inferior.
Directly or indirectly, Naval governors often considered themselves and the US as “parents” and CHamorus/Chamorros and other locals as “children.” Additionally, CHamorus were considered “Hispanicized Catholic natives” who no longer had a culture and language uniquely their own. Though the people of Guam were referred to as citizens of Guam at times, there was no definition nor rights or privileges attached to this casual label.
## Lack of US federal policy paved the way for a military dictatorship
The lack of a formal US insular policy—including a lack of structure for the people within insular territories to have any real participation in their government—created a vacuum that allowed Guam’s Naval governors to rule arbitrarily for fifty-two years. These Naval governors had virtually absolute rule (answering only to the Secretary of the Navy) and governed based on their personal philosophies and individual sets of skills and abilities rather than the consent of the governed and without full application of the US Constitution. Naval governors had no training in civil government nor much, if any, prior experience in this field before being assigned as governor to Guam.
During five decades of Naval government, Guam was an “unorganized” possession (lacking an official permanent government), while CHamorus and other locals were considered wards of the US. As wards they were not provided a bill of rights, a citizenship status of any sort, or any other such protections despite the fact that CHamorus petitioned for these rights and protections after the arrival of the first Naval governor and for decades thereafter. Further, CHamorus and other locals of Guam born after the island became US soil, continued to not be considered US citizens despite the fact that the 14th Amendment to the US Constitution specifies that anyone born on US soil is entitled to US citizenship.
These conditions added up to Guam being a military dictatorship. Rather than having three equal branches of government with checks and balances in place, the Naval governor was head of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. All government administrative departments were created by and answerable to the Naval governor. Guam’s government was reflective of classic military structure in which orders are imposed from above rather than by discussion between superordinate and subordinate. In addition, military security and other concerns, along with the American mission to develop local moral character, meant that Naval governors issued [orders](http://www.guampedia.com/naval-executive-orders/), policies, proclamations, regulations, and other directives to regulate not only political life but social life and personal behavior. These directives had the force and effect of law. The Naval governor even had the power of life and death, carrying out some rare executions in Guam by hanging.
Guam’s situation contrasted sharply with the history of other insular territories such as Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands. The people of Guam were well aware that within a handful of years of being annexed by the US, non-military civil governments were established in those territories, the islands were formally organized, and US citizenship was conferred, while other areas such as Cuba, the Philippine islands, and neighboring Micronesian islands gained eventual independence.
## Naval governors: contributions and controversies
The Naval governors of Guam made many contributions to the island though each is not without some controversy. Each contribution is complex with multiple objectives. Though Guam’s Naval governors viewed themselves as providing enlightened rule and the pathway to a better life, in actuality, CHamorus and other locals lost many of the political rights previously allowed under Spanish administration (1668-1898).
Indeed, one Naval governor, [Seaton Schroeder](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-leaders-from-1899-1904/#toc-seaton-schroeder-july-19-1901-nov-2-1903) (1901-1903) noted that that the US’s presence appeared to be hurting the people of Guam economically as during the Naval administration, “only those ships necessary to the mission of the Navy stopped at Guam,” as opposed to the number of supply ships that used to visit Guam during the Spanish administration. Some historians have argued that the rhetoric of [American-style colonialism](http://www.guampedia.com/american-style-colonialism/) masks that it is the colonizer that needs the territory, instead making it appear “as if the colonized are the ones who need and who will truly benefit from the colonization of their lands.”
Naval governors set out to “civilize” and Americanize the people of Guam. They assumed that civilization was achieved through building roads and bridges, [bolstering public health](http://www.guampedia.com/category/health-medicine/us-naval-era-health/) and [public education](http://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/), [promoting the English language](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/) and [economic development](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/) (being self-sufficient by US standards), separating church and state, and teaching attitudes such as “fair play” that they felt were lacking—transforming the local standard of living as well as the peoples’ bodies and minds. While governors did make inroads in these areas, they placed priority on the needs of the Navy and Navy personnel with what was often an inadequate budget provided them. Further, many of these goals were implemented without cultural sensitivity, challenging and devaluing cultural and traditional systems in place. For instance, while island health was improved in many ways and new health care facilities were built offering free services, these measures were instituted without input or consent of the people or respect for traditional health care systems and medicines.
Naval governors ensured that hundreds of miles of road were paved—connecting military points, central and southern Guam, and farm lands to ports and markets. They encouraged economic development through such measures as back-to-the-farm campaigns; promoted education in agricultural industries, thus increasing the expense of town life; and at times, made agriculture compulsory for those not otherwise fully occupied, under penalty of vagrancy. However, these efforts were also self-serving and were aimed more at meeting the dietary needs of US Navy personnel on-island and on Navy supply ships.
Naval governors also promoted the [English language](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/) as necessary for progress. English was made the official language and used in education, government, business and other public spaces, while CHamoru was banned outside of private spaces such as the home or church. This resulted in a complex socio-cultural phenomenon in which CHamorus learned to feel ashamed of their cultural practices and language as being backward, while simultaneously resisting English and facilitating the continuity of their native language. In this way, CHamoru language and culture were maintained in various spaces and contexts, and for multiple purposes. Additionally, orders and actions by governors regarding religion—for example, removing [Spanish priests](http://www.guampedia.com/augustinian-recollects/), removing religion out of schools, and banning processions and the ringing of church bells—were met with protests.
Perhaps most controversial of all were the different measures that alienated people from their [land](http://www.guampedia.com/land-ownership-on-guam/). This included increased taxes meant to subsidize the Naval government as well as incentivize people to be more productive (but led to many foreclosures); restrictions of the sale or lease of land; the Postwar Era reconfigurement of Hagåtña, which ignored traditional allotments of land; and the WWII and Postwar Era military land-takings. During these land-takings, no one’s lands were beyond federal reach. Eventually, sixty-three percent of the island was in military hands, though by 2013 Department of Defense only controlled twenty-eight percent of lands in Guam. Some of these [land issues](http://www.guampedia.com/update-land-ownership-on-guam/) continue to be battled out in court today.
Funding for [public schools](http://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/) was inadequate and schools were continually overcrowded. Fearing an unemployed scholarly group, education beyond sixth grade, when eventually offered by the Naval government, was severely limited. Further, the promotion of education by the Naval governors led students to draw contrasts between the democratic government as pictured in the textbooks and the institutions under which they themselves were governed.
Certain governors are often used to illustrate the two extremes of the types of Naval governors of Guam. Governor William W. Gilmer represents one extreme. During his two terms in office (November 1918 to November 1919, and December 1919 to July 1920) Gilmer issued more than 50 general orders—from prohibiting whistling, banning dancing after 10 pm, requiring males to turn in five dead rat heads to their district commissioner each month, to banning interracial marriages.
At the other extreme was Governor Bradley. He recommended the granting of US citizenship to CHamorus and conferment of a bill of rights to protect the islanders from arbitrary decrees of Naval governors; proclaimed a Guam Bill of Rights when Washington did not; and allowed for Guam Congress members to be elected for the first time in its history. However, measures he instituted had no protection and, as he feared, succeeding governors resumed old practices.
Throughout the US Naval Era, some governors, such as Governor Seaton Schroeder forwarded requests by Guam local leaders for US citizenship and self-government while such petitions, resolutions, and requests given to other governors were thwarted, lost, or rejected outright. While some governors provided more opportunity for CHamorus and other locals to participate in the administration of the island, the opportunities were never substantial (even under Governor Bradley, for example, the Guam Congress remained advisory) and continued to be dependent upon the Naval governor in charge deciding what degrees of opportunity would apply or not.
US citizenship was never attained during the Naval administration. In 1946, after four decades of Naval administration American anthropologist [Laura M. Thompson](http://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) noted that if, the Navy Department’s assessment was that the CHamorus and other locals of Guam were not ready for citizenship or self-government, this is a reflection on the American regime and not on the Guamanians, as they had shown themselves to be capable during the interregnum period of the US Naval Era.
## Long lasting impacts
The Naval governors of the island have indeed impacted every phase of CHamoru life. Guam was the first full-scale American experiment in the governing of Micronesia and as noted by a US military officer, “\[i\]nternationally, it represents what the United States in reality stands for in the governing of dependent peoples.” Some of the tangible impacts include surviving infrastructure; buildings and places (re)named after Naval governors; rebuilding Hagåtña based on a California model; and sizable military bases that still dominate much of the island. Intangible impacts include an Americanized social, cultural, and political identity; the primacy of English language usage; the American (vs. Spanish) system of family names; and the adoption of certain patrilineal customs.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/)***
## Just Another April Day, 1939
*\[Under US Naval governorship\]*
> On most afternoons, young Jose Torres could be found in the village of Malesso’ helping his father and uncles plant *ma’es* or *suni* or *dago* at their *lancho* (that is, corn, taro, or yams at their ranch). On an ordinary day, he’d go straight to the *lancho* after school and help his older male and female relatives until early evening. However, this was a special day. After his noontime release from the Merlyn G Cook School, Jose’s teacher asked him to stay behind and help with a class project. With the annual Health Parade not far away, placards were needed for students to carry on their march through the village. So today Jose got a break from his routine at the ranch.
>
> On his walk home from school, Jose relaxed and played games with his cousins in the village. These were times to unwind, tell jokes, and enjoy the cool breeze of the late afternoon. Off in the distance, Jose could see and hear some of his female cousins and classmates helping *Pale’* (from the Spanish *Padre*, Father) get the church grounds ready for the upcoming San Dimas fiesta. Jose enjoyed moments such as these leisurely breaks from the labor of the ranch or the work around the house. He knew that while his dad was working at the *lancho*, his mother had stayed home because of a fever. Today his mother and grandmother were busy at home, working with a few aunties, cousins, and his *nina* (godmother). Whether they were sewing their clothing, hand-washing the laundry, preparing the family dinner, planning for the fiesta, or tending the younger children, a flurry of activities always seemed to be going on. Though he was just a boy, as the eldest in his family, Jose had already learned to appreciate the hard work done by all of his relatives in providing for the family.
>
> He and his cousins were not far from home when one of the boys noticed someone walking far behind them. Squinting their eyes to make out the adult figure, the boys guessed that it was one of the Americans. It was definitely a man, as they could tell by the stranger’s pants. And it was definitely an American, as they could tell from the towering height. Realizing then who was walking in their direction, the boys looked at each other in silence for just a moment. Then one of them shouted, “*Lachadek! Sigi ya in sangani I Sainan-miyu!*” (Hurry! Go and tell your elders!)
>
> The boys split up, each sprinting in the direction of his home. One of the mothers happened to be in the outside kitchen, supervising some of the girls as they pounded the *ma’es* on the *metati* (millstone) for the evening’s *tatiyas* (tortillas). Hearing the news, she quickly grabbed a machete and began chopping some of the weeds that had shot up behind the house since her husband had fallen ill. The insular patrolman surely would not impose a fine on her for weeds now grown beyond the length regulated by the Navy governor.
>
> Jose’s house was farther up the road, and he was panting by the time he made it home, “*Nana, Nana,*” he called out, “*Mamamaila I sindalu*” (Mother, Mother, the soldier is coming).
>
> “*Ai, Jose, sinapatos! Lachadek!*” (Jose put on your shoes! Hurry!), responded his mother, knowing full well that her eight-year-old could be ticketed for going barefoot.
>
> “*Yan ayuda yu chumuli halom I finagasi*” (And help me bring in the laundry), she further instructed. The governor had recently outlawed the laying of clothes on bushes or lawns, but since Jose’s parents could not yet afford to buy a clothesline and clothespins, they still hung their clothes on the hibiscus shrubs to dry. Jose and his mother quickly raced across the yard, pulling all of their nearly dry laundry off the shrubs and into the house. If they could move quickly, they might avoid the marine and his ticket book.
>
> Jose’s mom nervously grabbed her broom and began sweeping away the few leaves that had blown onto their front porch. “*Buenas tatdes*” (from the Spanish *buenas tardes*, good afternoon), she said calmly as the insular patrolman passed by, trying to hide the slight pant in her breath. With a bead of perspiration trickling down her brow as if to betray her anxiety, she asked, “*Malagu hao gumimen, Siñot?*” (Would you like a drink, Sir?) Politely tipping his hat as he walked by, the marine nonchalantly hid his unfamiliarity with the CHamoru language. Continuing on his rounds, he stared at the still-unopened ticked book in his hands. Surely he’d soon catch someone unprepared—perhaps barefoot or improperly clad, but certainly guilty of at least one of the navy’s many sanitary offenses.
>
> **Author’s note:** “This anecdote typifies a not uncommon occurrence in Guam in the period of naval rule from 1899-1941—the surveillance of village homes and gardens by members of the US Marine Corps. Assigned the title of Insular Patrolman, selected marines were sent to live in villages throughout the island in order to maintain “peace and order,” an assignment that included the enforcement of sanitary regulations(Corbett 1925, 74-75, as cited in Hattori 2004, pp. 2-3)
## For further reading
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “[American-Style Colonialism](http://www.guampedia.com/american-style-colonialism/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 28 May 2021.
Campbell, Bruce L. “[General Order No. 12](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-general-order-no-12/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 16 March 2021.
Cox, Leonard M. “The island of Guam.” *Bulletin of the American Geographical Society* 36, no. 7 (1904): 385-395.
Diaz, Vicente M. “…Paved with Good Intentions…Roads, Citizenship and a Century of American Colonialism in Guam.” Working Draft. Originally prepared for the “Legacies of 1898” Seminar, University of Iowa, June 1998.
Forbes, Mark. “Military.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Goetzfridt, Nicholas J. “[Early American Period has Profound Implications](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-period-has-profound-implications/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 8 June 2021.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
–––. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Leon Guerrero, Anthony. “[Early American Economic History](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 8 June 2021.
Mayo, Larry W. “US Administration and Prospects for Economic Self-sufficiency: A Comparison of Guam and Select Areas of Micronesia.” *Pacific Studies* 11, no. 3 (1988): 53-75.
Micronesian Archaeology Research Services. “[Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1272).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 11 June 2021.
Murphy, Shannon J. “[Governor Willis W. Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1367).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 19 May 2021.
Petersen, Glenn. “Differences, Connections, and the Colonial Carousel in Micronesian History.” *Pacific Asia Inquiry* 2, no. 1 (2011): 9-20.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
Saussotte, Marguerite. “[US Naval Era: Development of the Code of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=845).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 12 March 2021.
–––. “[US Naval Era: Island Court System](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=847).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 12 March 2021.
Shuster, Donald R. “[Guam and Its Three Empires](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=828).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 8 June 2021.
Taitano, Carlos P. “Political Development.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Thompson, Laura. “Crisis on Guam.” *The Far Eastern Quarterly* 6, no. 1 (1946): 5-11.
–––. “Guam: Study in Military Government.” *Far Eastern Survey* 13, no. 16 (1944): 149-154.
–––. “Guam’s Bombed-out Capital.” *Far Eastern Survey* 16, no. 6 (1947): 66-69.
Underwood, Robert A. “[Education During the US Naval Era](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=531).” In *Guampedia*, last modified on 16 March 2021.
Useem, John. “Book Review: Guam and Its People by Laura Thompson.” *Far Eastern Survey* 16, no. 20 (1947): 237.
–––. “Americans as Governors of Natives in the Pacific.” *Journal of Social Issues* 2, no. 3 (1946): 39-49.
Viernes, James Perez. “Won’t you please come back to Guam? Media discourse, military buildup, and Chamorros in the space between.” In *The Space Between: Negotiating Culture, Place, and Identity in the Pacific*. Honolulu: Center for Pacific Islands Studies, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2009.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** US Naval Era Governors: Contributions and Controversies
---
### [Education After WWII](https://www.guampedia.com/post-war-education/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Following World War II, the people of Guam faced not only the looming reconstruction of community structures and homes, but also institutional and cultural change. For Guam’s children some of the most significant transformations affected their daily lives — specifically, what and where students would learn, and who taught them at school.
**Content:**
# Education After WWII
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Before and after the war
Following [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the people of Guam faced not only the looming reconstruction of community structures and homes, but also institutional and cultural change. For Guam’s children some of the most significant transformations affected their daily lives—specifically, what and where students would learn, and who taught them at school.
## Pre-war schooling: A brief history
With a military presence that was small in the newly acquired territory, the US Naval administration nonetheless needed a labor force that possessed a basic command of English and would present no health threats to its personnel. Additionally, the administration wanted CHamorus/Chamorros to be less Spanish-like and more American. In 1951, a Naval administrator wrote that the CHamorus needed instruction because they were a:
> “listless, ambitionless, unorganized mass of humanity stirred only by the hope for individual survival.”
Thus, schools emphasized secular education in American-oriented “training for life.” School administrators pushed a curriculum consisting of rudimentary American English, agricultural and vocational training, as well as lessons on American citizenship, geography, and civics. A public health program enforced school-based inspections of hands, teeth, and clothes, and provided mandatory treatments for such parasites as hook-worms.
Many [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) teachers were only a few years older than their pupils as Guam students were only required to have completed eighth grade. They taught by recitation and drilling. Few eligible children (those age seven to 12) actually attended school. School grades went to eighth grade, but affluent CHamorus and those passing a specific test could continue on to secondary school. School grades also were not differentiated by age; a fourth grade class, for example, might include students from the ages of nine to 12. Finally, military and civilian populations were largely educated in different facilities.
## Buildings, location, and supplies
The first schools after World War II were established in wood frame buildings or repurposed [quonset huts](https://www.guampedia.com/quonset-huts/). The first concrete school was built in 1948 in the southern village of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/). Without sufficient funds, laborers, and the space to accommodate all students, however, many of these temporary structures remained until 1962 when Typhoon Karen destroyed them. Only after that major typhoon did the civilian government of Guam begin to construct more permanent buildings, starting with elementary schools, with emergency funding from the US federal government.
Where students went to school also changed after the war. Before the war, Guam’s population lived primarily in the capital of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) or in small southern villages. Hagåtña residents usually also had an outlying [*låncho* ](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/)(ranch) lands. Prior to the war, the Navy wanted to discourage people from living in the capital city, instead preferring that CHamorus focus on agricultural efforts on their *låncho*. The Navy even gave school attendance exemptions to students they deemed to live too far from the Hagåtña schools.
Post-war reconstruction, however, allowed the Navy to implement these agricultural plans to an even greater extent. With Hagåtña leveled, the Navy dispersed the town population to several new locations. These newly populated areas became the villages of Hågat, [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/), [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/), [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), [Agana Heights](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/), [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), and [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/). Schools were established to serve the children in these areas.
Immediately after the war, students resumed classes—bringing crates to sit on and studying mimeographed lessons that teachers had run off from magazines. The military gave used and/or surplus science equipment and supplies to schools.
## Teachers
Following the war, expanding enrollments of both military dependent and CHamoru civilian populations created a need to recruit and hire more teachers. The government sought to expand teacher rolls by hiring off-island contract instructors, employing dependents of military personnel, and using local student teachers. Additionally, individual teacher qualifications were expanded, paving the way to full-scale professionalization of educators.
During the first half of pre-war Guam, teachers were generally sailors, Marines, military wives, and off-island contractors. Later, local residents became teachers too. Students went to school compulsorily until age 12, and thereafter could seek high school or Normal School (teacher) training competitively. Most teachers began instructing when they were 15 or 16-years-old. In 1939, at least 55 percent of teachers had less than 10 years of teaching experience.
This trend of using young student teachers continued briefly after the war, although the Normal School was discontinued and the Territorial College (today’s University of Guam) was instituted in 1952 to train local teachers more extensively. Under [Governor Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/)’s first director of education Jose Palomo, the Territorial College used staff from Ohio State University to professionally train teachers.
Additionally, in 1948, the Guam Congress asked the governor to set aside 10 percent of local revenue to support local CHamoru teachers to train at overseas universities; this funding was denied because the governor did not feel the government was responsible for providing leadership development. Subsequently, after the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), local legislators put together loan and grant programs targeting local youth to pursue college.
Student teachers were also utilized to address the teacher shortages. These student teachers were high school students who would attend one session of the two-session school day, and then teach during the other session. They were assigned to the middle grades since it was often assumed that the best and most qualified teachers belonged in the elementary grades.
## Off-island contract teachers
Once more, children and families of military personnel arrived on island, the Navy wanted to accommodate these students to American-standard schooling with its certified, college-educated instructors. Since Naval policy had historically restricted secondary and higher education of CHamorus, a local pool of college-trained teachers was not immediately available. The post-war administration thus began a twofold program to build the teacher corps: first, to hire military dependents (such as officers’ wives) as teachers, and second, to offer contract positions for off-islanders, offering jobs with relocation and living stipends as incentive for moving to Guam. These contract teachers were predominantly placed in schools with higher percentages of military dependents and almost exclusively at the secondary school George Washington High School.
Working on contracts that lasted one to two years, these temporary teachers lived in special living quarters and received up to a 25 percent higher wage than locally-hired teachers. A Naval report issued in 1948, for example, found that a one-year contract teacher earned $3,718, a locally-hired US resident would make $2,975, and an island resident earned $2,360. This kind of pay disparity continued throughout the civil government with contract teachers and was called the territorial pay differential, or TPD. The TPD was discontinued in 1964 due in part to a government concern about the policy’s effects on teacher corps morale.
Because of the contract teaching programs, CHamoru children began to interact on a more regular basis with Americans. School became not only a place of instruction in reading and writing, but also that of off-island teachers.
## Demographic changes
In 1940, Guam’s teachers numbered 166, and out of those, about 96 percent of them were CHamoru. Just after the war in 1947, Guam’s teachers numbered 212, 190 of which were off-island hires. The numbers of Guam-born teachers began to rise, however, and in 1951 there were 305 teachers, 99 of whom were CHamoru.
## Lessons
Immediately following the war, the main priorities of the military government in implementing a reconstructed school system included building enough facilities and hiring personnel. It had a stated objective of offering a system comparable to that if stateside systems, with a long-term vision of cultivating people with higher education for island leadership.
School lessons in the elementary school included health (in the form of drills and calisthenics), English, math, and geography. Within the secondary school, George Washington offered four tracks: college preparatory, commercial, vocational, and general education. Vocational education was offered because of ongoing labor shortages; students would then take jobs outside of school and/or take limited vocational-education supplemental instruction at the College of Guam for non-credit.
## Policy changes
Several educational policies would have far-reaching effects on the future Guam population and its culture. Some of these policies, such as the English language policies of speaking English only at school, were extensions of pre-war educational objectives and philosophies, while others, such as compulsory universal high school, were entirely new.
## Desegregation
Prior to the war, there were several types of educational opportunities in Guam: homeschooling with a tutor (usually for the CHamoru elite), private religious schools, public schools, the Guam Institute, and American School. The latter served dependents of military personnel, while the Guam Institute was a comprehensive private primary and secondary school up to 12th grade attended by more affluent CHamorus.
Due to limited numbers of military dependents on island after the war, the Naval administration discontinued the segregated school systems. Subsequently, dependents attended Guam public schools and paid a fee to do so; military families would pay $5 per child attending a village school per month, and $4.10 to attend a school with a high military enrollment like Adelup.
However, despite the formal policy of not designating specific schools for military dependents exclusively, schools were established in areas that resulted in high populations of military dependents. Additionally, the cheaper rate of attending these schools encouraged military families to choose these schools.
One of the first elementary schools established was at Adelup near Nimitz Hill and later became associated with military dependents. Another school was established at Hila’an on Andersen Air Force Base in the north. Local children could attend these schools but they were mostly populated with military dependents.
## Compulsory universal education
Changes in the island’s economy after the war, due to the increase of the size and scope of the US military’s presence in Guam, demanded a more educated workforce. The Naval administration thus instituted compulsory universal school attendance until age 16, an increase of four years from the mandatory age of 12 prior to the war. The Board of Education, headed by civilians, also recommended compulsory education attendance for children ages seven to 16.
## English language policies
The Navy’s need to have a larger English-speaking civil service workforce led to the push for limitations and restrictions on speaking the CHamoru language. Policies to achieve this were put in place with the arrival of the first Naval governor and reinstated after the war. Naval and school administrators encouraged parents to speak English at home and students who spoke CHamoru at school were ticketed or fined for infractions.
It bears mentioning that although the curricula emphasized English usage and instruction and “no CHamoru” rules were implemented, it was necessary to use CHamoru to supplement English instruction. This was practiced more in primary-grade classrooms as a matter of practicality since CHamoru was the predominant language still spoken in Guam homes.
In 1900, Guam’s first appointed Naval Governor Richard P. Leary issued [General Order No. 12](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-general-order-no-12/) relative to public school education. Among other things it stated:
> “Instruction in the English language will be introduced in the public schools as soon as suitable teachers can be provided, and it is expected that the present force of native teachers will cheerfully and harmoniously cooperate with the teachers of English in order that the greatest benefits may be derived by both scholars and preceptors.”
To continue with the frame of thought of the day, General Order No. 13 was enacted, which stated:
> “All residents are recommended to utilize every available opportunity to learn how to read, write, and speak the English language, thereby improving their own mental condition as well as preparing themselves for assisting their children who are required by law to attend school.”
These language policies were in place during pre-war Guam and only interrupted with the invasion of Japanese enemy forces in December 1941. After the retaking of the island by the Americans in July 1944 and the rebuilding of Guam and commencement of school, the policies continued.
## A typical day
A primary school student would walk to the local village school—either a wood frame building or quonset hut—to be there by 7:30 in the morning. For a female student, she would greet teachers and other staffers, usually CHamoru employees from her village. Joining classmates, she would begin the day with some morning exercises, including stretching and singing the Guam Hymn.
For the next three to four hours, the teacher would instruct the children in academic subjects like English, reading and writing, arithmetic, and geography. Textbooks were imported from the US and included popular readers such as *Fun with Dick and Jane*.
Next, this student would join other female classmates to learn about sewing or cooking. Around noon, she would either eat a meal she brought to school with her, or go home and eat lunch. In the afternoon, she might leave to do chores for the family while her brother attended school with the village’s other male children. He in turn would learn the lessons she had covered earlier that morning, with the exception that his non-academic hours would be filled with instructions on farming or manual labor.
A typical George Washington High School student interacted with contract teachers, who might encourage him to pursue college. He could attend classes related to one of the four tracks offered: college preparatory, vocational, general education, and commercial. He met at least a few stateside or military dependent high school students; although he probably wouldn’t be able to sustain a long-term friendship—as military dependents would move later on—he would at least learn a little bit more about them. Finally, he might have a part-time paying job in addition to his responsibilities on the family *låncho*.
## On track with growth and change
By 1950, the student population within the public school system numbered 8,802, with a little more than 100 students attending Catholic high schools (Father Duenas for boys and Academy of Our Lady for girls) that had been established two years prior. The majority of public school students were first through sixth graders enrolled in elementary school numbering 6,286 students, and 2,516 more students in grades seventh through 12th. These numbers were a significant increase from the 7,537 enrolled in 1946.
Additionally, the demographics of the student body were beginning to change as a result of a CHamoru baby boom and the establishment of a larger, more permanent military presence. Between the years 1950-1960, CHamoru enrollments would increase by more than 40 percent, military dependent enrollments by eight percent, Filipino enrollments by over 200 percent, and “Other” enrollments (which would include groups from islands part of the present-day Commonwealth of Northern Marianas and the Federated States of Micronesia) by 40 percent.
It is also important to note that although there was a huge influx in percentage changes for Filipino and CNMI/FSM (Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands/Federated States of Micronesia) enrollees, they comprised altogether less than five percent of the total school population.
[***By Marie Ada Auyong, MA***](https://www.guampedia.com/marie-auyong/ "Marie Ada Auyong")
## For further reading
Albert, Francis Lee. “History of the Department of Education in Guam During the American Administration.” *Guam Recorder* 8, no. 7 (1931): 373, 378-386.
Althouse, Adelbert. Letter to the Secretary of the Navy, April 28, 1923. Naval Government Collection. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Johnson, Robert G. “Recommendation on the Administration of the Schools of Guam in Light of the Island Culture.” EdD diss., Florida State College, 1959.
Mansfield, C. “Education: An observation.” *Guam Recorder*, (March 1937).
Underwood, Robert A. “American Education and the Acculturation of the Chamorros of Guam.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1987.
US Naval Government of Guam. *Quarterly Reports*. Hagåtña: Naval Government of Guam, 1946-1949.
US Navy Department. *Advisory Committee on Education for Guam and the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands*. Honolulu: NoD, 1949.
US Office of the Chief of Naval Operations. *US Navy Report on Guam, 1899-1950*. Washington, DC: OPNAV, 1951.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Post WWII: Education
**Tags:** Education After WWII
---
### [Stateside Teacher Hiring Program](https://www.guampedia.com/stateside-teacher-hiring-program/)
**Published:** February 10, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Need for teachers in Guam grew after WWII. In the years following the end of World War II, Guam became a new military stronghold in the Pacific, leading to a massive increase of US military troops and their dependents on the island. The increase in military dependents, coupled with a rise in local birth rates, caused an increase in student population. As a result, the Naval administration began its reconstruction of the local education system with the ability to accommodate the large school population.
**Content:**
# Stateside Teacher Hiring Program
View more images for the Stateside Teacher Hiring Program entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72177720296868136/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Need for teachers in Guam grew after WWII
In the years following the end of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Guam became a new military stronghold in the Pacific, leading to a massive increase of US military troops and their dependents on the island. The increase in military dependents, coupled with a rise in local birth rates, caused an increase in student population. As a result, the [Naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) began its reconstruction of the local education system with the ability to accommodate the large school population.
The island of Guam was first faced with the dual challenge of getting these schools accredited and staffing them with teachers. Accreditation was an especially important factor as it would allow students from Guam to apply to US mainland universities and colleges.
At this point, the island lacked the necessary number of local teachers to take on the new military dependent and local students whose education had been interrupted as a result of the war. In 1946, the Adelup Point Normal School was established with the express purpose of providing college courses to high school graduates interested in entering careers in education. In the first year, 20 students applied to the Normal School. However, enrollment dropped in the following year, leading to the school’s closure. The University of Hawai’i was then contracted by the Guam Department of Education to facilitate summer sessions in 1946, 1947, and 1948 to bring these college teaching courses to the island. Even so, it wasn’t until 1950 that the first locally trained teachers were employed on the island. New directives were then put in place by the Naval administration to seek out qualified military dependents to serve as teachers and recruit civilians from the US mainland as contract teachers.
## Recruiting military dependent and contract teachers
The earliest form of contract teacher recruitment came in the form of printed inserts placed in various newspapers and publications across the nation, promoting the allure of teaching on an island paradise like Guam. These inserts advertised images of the island’s beaches and benefits offered to applicants. Individuals who expressed interest were directed to contact the island’s Department of Education to inquire about the position and submit applications for the contract. The only necessary requirement to apply for these contracts was a bachelor’s degree. The hiring of “qualified” teachers was essential to ensure that the schools on Guam could become accredited.
As island leaders became more involved with the federal department upon the passing of the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/), staff from the Guam Department of Education were sent to the mainland to recruit teachers at national hiring conventions. Here, recruiters could answer specific questions pertinent to the job and the island in general. This ranged from questions about the tropical environment to the demographic-specific challenges faced by teachers. It was at these conventions that recruiters could interview applicants on the spot, accept applications, and offer positions.
In a statistical report from the Guam Department of Education, by 1965, recruiters received 2,109 inquiries and 504 official applications for teaching contracts. And in just five years, that number rose to 4,354 inquiries and 870 official application submissions.
Once accepted, teachers were subject to rigorous background checks prior to entering the island. During this time, a strict [Naval security entry clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/) was mandatory for people visiting and passing through Guam. This included an application for fingerprint clearance as well as personal interviews of the contract teacher and their dependents by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. This practice continued for off-island hires even after the lifting of the mandated security clearance in 1962.
## Benefits only offered to contract teachers
Once approved, teachers were issued a contract, varying in duration, that could be continually renewed at the end of their contract term. In order to encourage teacher hires from off-island, contract teachers were given a number of benefits not shared by local teachers such as travel stipends, free housing, and a higher salary.
After proper paperwork and background checks were completed, contract teachers were mailed first class airfare tickets to Guam from their airport of choice. This airfare was subsidized by local government funds and covered the cost of relocating the entire family of the teacher, their baggage, and one vehicle to the island for personal use. In addition teachers were allowed a roundtrip ticket to their hometown or other destination of equal value every two years. Teachers could opt to downgrade from the standard first class seating to economy class seating in their initial relocation. The difference in cost could then be converted to credit for future travel.
Upon arrival on the island, contract teachers were assigned a sponsor to meet them at the airport. These sponsors were usually veteran contract teachers who taught at the same school they were assigned to. They acted as mentors, tasked with showing new contract teachers around the island, introducing them to locals they had befriended, assisting them in transitioning to the island culture, and helping them get settled in their new residences.
Contract teachers were given special residences that were erected near the school they were assigned. These residences were either small homes or apartment buildings and were typically built by the company that built the school it was near. Rent for these houses were subsidized by local funds. Many of these buildings are still visible today near the schools established in the post-war era.
One of the most controversial benefits received by both contract teachers and military dependent teachers came in the form of a territorial pay differential (TPD). In 1948, the rate of a military dependent teacher was about 26 percent and a contract teacher was about 57 percent higher than that of local hires. The inconsistency in pay became a large point of contention among locally hired teachers, especially since this wage disparity was continued even as more local teachers were receiving college degrees that were equivalent to their off-island colleagues.
## Growth and decline of contract teachers
By 1950, the island school system had a total of 45 contract employees. Over the next 10 years, a more aggressive outreach campaign was taken. This, coupled with the numerous benefits available for both military dependents and contract teachers led to a massive increase in teacher populations.
By 1960, the total teacher population numbered at 585 with military dependent teachers making up the lowest grouping of teachers at 129, contract teachers with the second lowest at 149, and Guam resident teachers the highest with 269. In just 10 years, that ratio of teachers’ percentages in the three teacher groupings changed dramatically. Guam resident teachers were now the lowest grouping with 320, military dependent teachers the second with 343, and contract teachers the new highest with 512. Over this 10 year time period, with the exception of 1962, more than 50 percent of teachers opted for a renewal of their contract.
Funding for the recruiting system and the benefits of contract teachers was sourced directly from the Government of Guam despite assurance that compensation for the additional costs came from the US Department of the Interior. The cost to continue this system became the subject of much civil debate and was covered extensively in the Guam Times Weekly. In 1976, the 13th Guam Legislature passed Public Law 13-144, ending the disparity in wages.
As the teaching benefits for contract and local teachers became more equal, many opted not to renew. For years after, recruitment of contract teachers continued. Due to the decline in benefits that once attracted so many in the decades prior, the number of application for contracts steadily declined. However, by this time, the University of Guam was prepared to meet the needs of a growing population interested in pursuing a career in education, thus eliminating the reliance on seeking out contract teachers to staff the island’s schools.
***[By Lazaro Quinata](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/ "Lazaro Quinata")***
## For further reading
Auyong, Marie Ada. [“Education After WWII.”](https://www.guampedia.com/post-war-education/) In *Guampedia*, last modified 2 March 2022.
Cunningham, Lawrence. “Guam Contract Hiring.” Interview by Lazaro Quinata. [*Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/modern-guam-rises-from-the-destruction-of-war-1945-1970/), Guampedia. Agat, Guam, 18 May 2021. Audio, 56:03.
*Guam Department of Education*. “Guidance Newsletter – Department of Education Government of Guam.” 1958.
Underwood, Robert A. “American Education and the Acculturation of the Chamorros of Guam.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1987.
US Naval Government of Guam. *Quarterly Reports*. Hagåtña: Naval Government of Guam, 1946-1949.
US Navy Department. *Advisory Committee on Education for Guam and the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands*. Honolulu: NoD, 1949.
US Office of the Chief of Naval Operations. *US Navy Report on Guam, 1899-1950*. Washington, DC: OPNAV, 1951.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era: Education, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII: Education
**Tags:** Stateside Teacher Hiring Program
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### [School for Nurses](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-school-for-nurses/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Because of a shortage of personnel Navy Medical Officers began teaching local women to be health care workers. The first class offered, in 1901, was in midwifery (local women delivered 325 babies that year) beginning a long tradition of the staff of the Naval Hospital teaching local people to be health care providers using Western medical practices.
**Content:**
# School for Nurses
#### Table of Contents
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## Lack of Navy medical personnel
Because of a shortage of personnel Navy Medical Officers began teaching local women to be health care workers. The first class offered, in 1901, was in midwifery (local women delivered 325 babies that year) beginning a long tradition of the staff of the Naval Hospital teaching local people to be health care providers using Western medical practices.
In June 1901, the cornerstone for the Maria Schroeder Hospital in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) was laid. The hospital was named after the wife of Naval governor Captain Seaton Schroeder. Maria Schroeder organized the collection of money to build a hospital to service military personnel and the local community.
In 1905, eight CHamoru/Chamorro women worked as nursing students at the Susana Hospital. They were taught about infectious diseases, physiology, and the use of drugs, by Navy medical doctors. In this year, all the people in Guam were vaccinated. In addition, a graduate nurse from Philadelphia, who was married to a medical doctor, volunteered twice a week at the hospital to teach hygiene and patient care. Students continued to work and learn at the hospital until they became ill, or left to marry.
In 1907 a formal school, called the School for Instruction and Licensing of Midwives, was organized to instruct midwives. It included some of the former Susana Hospital nurses. It was difficult to find nursing students because it was not a socially desirable occupation for young unmarried women at the time, so students were admitted to training as soon as they were recruited. Students single, and between the ages of 18 to 25. They worked eight hours a day, were paid $9.92 a month. They had to leave school if they married. They lived at the hospital in student quarters, and were allowed to go home one day a week.
In 1910, two wards of the Maria Schroeder Hospital were officially designated as US Naval Hospital, Guam, Mariana Islands. In 1911, three Navy nurses arrived in Guam to establish a formal training school. By 1912, there were seven locally-trained nurses, and two Navy nurses at the hospital. By 1915, there were 29 local staff providing health care to the island at the hospital.
During the early years learning was largely by apprenticeship. The early courses were two years long. In the 1930s a formal curriculum was established with classroom as well as ward work and the training was extended to three years. The school continued until the Japanese occupation in 1941.
During the Japanese occupation [Dr. Ramon M. Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-dr-ramon-manalisay-sablan/), a Chamorro trained in the US mainland, and the Chamorro nurses who graduated from the school provided almost all of the health care available to Chamorros. During the occupation, Sablan and the nurses faced challenges with respect to providing needed health care, including a lack of drugs, dwindling food supplies, and Sablan had not been paid for three years.
Around June 1945 the US Naval Hospital School for Native Nurses was re-established. The following year it was renamed the US Naval Hospital School of Nursing, and later the Guam Memorial Hospital School for Nursing.
The first class included students who had started before the war. The second class enrolled students from throughout the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, and American Samoa.
The last class graduated in December 1950. The school closed following the enactment of the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/).
The Nurse Practice Act of 1962 made licensure mandatory for all nurses practicing in Guam. Of the 89 Navy graduates over the years, 36 registered. They represented one-fifth of all registered nurses in Guam.
***[By Alice Hadley](https://www.guampedia.com/alice-hadley/ "Alice Hadley")***
Naval Hospital Librarian, Guam
## For further reading
DeLisle, Christine Taitano. *Placental Politics: CHamoru Women, White Womanhood, and Indignity under US Colonialism in Guam*, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2022.
Guerrero, O., RN, BS. “History of Nursing Education on Guam.” Typescript, 1964. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Hadley, Alice E. “A Brief History of the U.S. Naval Hospital, Guam, 1899-2001.” *Guam Virtual Medical Library*, 1996. Last modified 21 January 2005.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
“The Native Nurse Corps.” *Guam Recorder* 14, no. 6, (1937): 27, 42.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health
**Tags:** School for Nurses
---
### [Naval Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-gallery/)
**Published:** April 2, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Naval Era (1898-1941) Gallery is a collection of images in Guampedia for related entries.
**Content:**
# Naval Era Gallery
View images in Flickr for more information [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623544967207).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0085-DF-023b-American-Red-Cross-Float.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/GC-23189_1920x1080.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M3-037-GC11-15-Carolinians-Dancing.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0018-CDV-096-Cover.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M17-GC67.71-CA-149-Z-2.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-7057-Karabao-Race-1934.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0024-BA-004-Wedding.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/MARC07-01-Judiciary-Department1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/bluseal2_Web2022.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/SMS-Cormoran-66_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/015c-Dulce-Nombre.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC10-47-Padre-Palomo.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/first-capuchins_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0079-W08-Edward-D.-Taussig.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0040-SH-002-Shimizu-Maru.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC4-7-Navarrans.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0085-DF-170b-Island-Court-Featured-Image.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML-001-Joaquin-Aguon-and-Pedro-San-Nicholas.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/5-8904-Chamorro-Family_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML-025-Chamoru-Family1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0009-M3-089-GC89-6-Bottling-Coca-Cola.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/3-4697-Karabao-Workers-and-Rice-Paddy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/1-6903-Karabao-and-Farmer-1934.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/PC1-12-FIGURE12_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-7489-School-Children-Drills-1934_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/CDL01061_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML-028-Carolinians.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/Governors-Palace-1902.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML-032-Procession.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML-021-Women-Beating-Rice.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0028-ML-013-Chamorus-and-Naval-Officer.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/0028-ML-011-Young-Lady.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-MS4-06-Augustinian.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/075c-Post-Office-Interior.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/PC1-11-Marines_768.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/gc17-1_edit_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0085-DF-101b_tpz1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC-23725-Baseball_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/PC1-31-FIGURE31_768.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/8092-Fr-Blas-Procession_1200-1.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0075-BF-01-The-Family_1100.webp)
[ Explore more photos in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623544967207/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Naval Era Gallery
---
### [Education During the US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When Captain Richard Leary arrived in Guam in 1899 to initiate American rule under the US Navy, he found a population that was relatively literate. The people had some experience with formal schooling although it was erratic and limited to favored families in Hagåtña.
**Content:**
# Education During the US Naval Era
#### Table of Contents
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## School was not a new concept
When Captain Richard Leary arrived in Guam in 1899 to initiate American rule under the US Navy, he found a population that was relatively literate. The people had some experience with formal schooling although it was erratic and limited to favored families in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Francisco Olive reported in the 1880s that there were 18 schools in the Mariana Islands and an enrollment of 1,419 out of a population of 9,770.
Schooling was both religious and civic as *eskuelan påle’* (priest schools or catechism) and *eskuelan rai* (king’s schools or government) operated side by side and sometimes in the same structure. Carano and Sanchez (authors of Guam history tome *A Complete History of Guam*) reported in 1964 that at the conclusion of Spanish rule, 50 percent of the adult population was literate in Spanish and 75 percent in CHamoru/Chamorro. Many spoke English because of the trade with American and British whalers, and many Chamorro men had been recruited as whalers themselves.
## First two decades
Early Naval governors including Leary and his successor Seaton Schroeder made the case that a transformation needed to be made in the people. Schroeder noted that schools could help the people “attain the standards of civilization and morality that rule in the more enlightened parts of the world.” The actual goals were fairly limited. Governor EJ Dorn wrote that the basic aim was to “have the child of the present learn to express itself (sic) intelligibly in English and to know how much change is due from a $2 bill after a purchase at the traders.”
In addition to learning English, the military was concerned about sanitation and limited vocational pursuits. Governor George L. Dyer noted that one of the principle efforts of the school administration was to “insist upon the habits of cleanliness.” Economic objectives were tied to ranching and agriculture. Governor George R. Salisbury wrote:
> It is the desire of the Governor to encourage the people of the island to live on the ranches, cultivate the soil, raise stock, poultry etc. and it is requested that the Teachers, Priests, Clergymen and all Civil and and Military Officials interest themselves in attaining these results.
The first two decades of Naval rule were marked by an effort to establish a system of schooling without educational experience or funds from the Navy. Governor Dyer issued General Order No. 80 that established compulsory school attendance for all children between the ages of eight and 12. He also established an Officer of School Examiner who was authorized to issue fines. Without resources, Dyer used Naval station funds to pay military personnel to teach under the title “special laborers.”
School Superintendent Albert Manley reported in 1909 that the system had an enrollment of 1,700 children, 29 native teachers, and 12 special laborers. Manley labeled the use of military personnel “unsatisfactory” and described the growth of the schools as being “built up in a moment, as it were, done with the ordinary revenues of the Island by discrete manipulation.”
Succeeding governors used the special laborer account and spent $5,000 of local revenues on education in 1912, $7,000 in 1917, and $14,000 in 1918. Governor Salisbury changed the compulsory school age to six through 12 in 1911 and instituted an excuse for distance program. If students lived more than two miles from a school, they didn’t have to attend. Using the unpopularity of going to school, he hoped to “encourage the people to live on their farms.”
Educational expenditures were at times subject to other priorities. In 1917, Governor Smith distributed more in bounties for killing rats ($10,000) than he spent on education ($9,640).
## Major changes
Beginning in the early 1920s, major changes were made in the Guam Department of Education. Under the administration of Captain Adelbert Althouse and at the prompting of a Guam Congress petition to the Department of the Navy, Congress complained to the Navy department that the state of education was in its “crudest infancy.” Althouse removed Superintendent Jacques Schnabel and brought in Dr. Tom Collins who proceeded to make “sweeping changes” in the school system.
Collins developed a system of record keeping for the grading of the students and ensured that the schools were also “properly graded.” Collins required the preparation of daily lesson plans and a course of study that was based on a compilation of models from the Philippines, California, New Mexico, Washington, and Washington DC.
A Normal School (teacher training) was established for the summer months and an evening high school was organized. A daytime high school (named George Washington) would not open until 1936.
Under Althhouse and Collins, congressional appropriations ranging from $12,000-$16,000 per annum began and counted for approximately 20 percent of the total government expenditures for education. This ended the surreptitious use of “special laborers” from Naval station funds. The changes were dramatic and well-received, although this new educational spirit also led to the burning of Chamorro-English dictionaries in 1922.
The Edward von Pressig dictionary was actually printed by the federal government and prepared by a Navy ensign in his spare time in the previous decade. But Chamorro was seen as the enemy of educational progress, even by Chamorro educators. One principal argued that citizens and teachers who do not improve their English skills are “really committing criminal deeds to the public and especially future generations.”
The nature of the changes was dramatic. Ten new schools were added between 1922 and 1926 and enrollment increased by 800 to 2,837. Teachers increased in number from 29 to 108, and approximately 25 percent of all educational expenditures were in education in comparison to the 10- to 20-percent figure of the first two decades.
## Patriotism, the farm, and Naval orders
In the 1930s, there was renewed emphasis on vocational education and an effort to build a secondary school system. Control and management over the system eventually shifted into Chamorro hands, but the curriculum and administrative style of the schools continued to reflect the concerns of Navy officers. They were concerned about cultivating a “forward look” while ignoring the possibility of political or social change.
[Governor Willis Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) recruited Wildred Newton as superintendent to make changes in the vocational program. Bradley thought the industrial schools were “exceedingly bad spots” in the system and that the agricultural school was “little better than a third-rate school garden.” Governor Alexander established adult education out of a concern that English is not the prevailing language of the people. He labeled this a “sad reflection on American leadership after 35 years of occupation.”
Secondary schools enrollment in grades seventh through ninth grew from 258 in 1934 to 384 in 1941. Admission to senior high school was generally limited to 30-35 students per year.
In pre-war Guam, the administrative style of the Navy was reflected in the management of the schools. The director of education was the governor. Under him, the “Head” of the school system was, by statute, a Naval officer appointed by the governor. Beginning in 1917, the “Head” was the Navy chaplain who was always Protestant in the very Catholic island. Under the “Head” was the superintendent who was required to be a “citizen of Guam” in 1940. It was a highly centralized system and the actual operation of the system was by the superintendent. In the early years, Manley and Schnabel served as superintendents. Their qualifications are unknown. Collins and Newton were two professionally-trained occupants of the office. [Simon Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/), a Chamorro, eventually became superintendent in 1940. By then, the system was operated and managed primarily by local people with local resources.
The rigid system of promotion and teacher ratings was kept in tact. The system did not allow for “social promotion” and students simply stayed in school until they were 12-years-old and then left. The lock-step nature of this system is reflected in the enrollment characteristics in 1938. Twelve-year-olds were distributed in various grades. There were 41 in the 2nd grade, 136 in the 3rd grade, 182 in the 4th grade, and 14 in the 5th grade. Teachers were subjected to “proficiency” reports and tested regularly themselves.
Officials wanted compulsory education but they wanted the education to not create unrealistic expectations or reduce the “agricultural spirit.” Officials wanted to make sure that Guam’s young men didn’t become “*illustrados*” and that the island not be burdened with a “semi-educated class of parasites who deem it beneath their dignity to engage in manual labor and aspire only to clerical and storekeeper jobs.”
Self-discipline and citizenship were also part of the curriculum, but was more concerned with acquiescence than criticism. One researcher noted that due to the “anomalous political status of Guam” the terms good citizenship and character “have a different meaning from that found in the states.”
Training for citizenship and self-discipline meant patriotic recitations, calisthenics, drill teams, and flag ceremonies, not an analysis of the US Constitution or Declaration of Independence. Vocational education was defined as the “agricultural spirit” and a warning not to covet indoor jobs. Industrial fairs were really about agriculture. An emphasis on English and sanitation continued to be the other main goals of the system. “No Chamorro” rules were instituted, but as a practical matter, Chamorro continued to be used as an adjunct language to teach children, particularly in the primary grades.
## Education options
There were other schools and educational experiences in the island. Children of the elite were frequently tutored at home until secondary school. Everyone went to *eskuelan påle’* led primarily by priests and young women. This was conducted in Chamorro and many children learned how to read in Chamorro before English.
The Guam Institute was a successful private school organized by Nieves Flores, a Filipino immigrant. The school was regulated by the Naval government through monthly visits. The enrollment was 109 in 1930 and 138 in 1940, and included the 12th grade just before the outbreak of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
The American School was established for military dependents on a subscription basis. In 1930, there were 30 students enrolled in the American School and 63 enrolled in the two branches (one in [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/)) in 1940.
For the majority of the children, they were supposed to develop a “forward look” without clarifying what that forward look meant politically or economically. Those lessons came with the cataclysms that the island and the people underwent in the ensuing war, the [Japanese Occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/) and the return of the Americans in a new world. When the Japanese landed on 10 December 1941, changes would occur that would never take the island back to schools named Althouse, Gilmer, Maxwell, Leary, or Root Agricultural School. Like the pre-war governors these buildings were named after, they were part of a bygone era that would never return.
[***By Robert A. Underwood, EdD***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)
## Video
## For further reading
Albert, Francis Lee. “History of the Department of Education in Guam During the American Administration.” *Guam Recorder* 8, no. 7 (1931): 373, 378-386.
Althouse, Adelbert. Letter to the Secretary of the Navy, April 28, 1923. Naval Government Collection. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Collins, Thomas. “Department of Education.” *Guam Recorder*, no. 4 (June 1924): 10-12.
–––. Letter to the Governor of Guam, 1923. Naval Government Collection. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Dorn, Edward J. “Our Administration in Guam.” *Independent*, 21 September (1911): 636-642.
Dyer, George L. “Annual Report of Naval Station, Island of Guam.” In *Annual Reports of the Navy Department for the Year 1904*. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1904.
García, Francisco Olive y. *The Mariana Islands, 1884-1887: Random Notes.* 2nd ed. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Guam Congress. “Petition to Secretary of the Navy.” Petition, 1923.
“Is Education in Guam a Mistake?” *Guam Recorder* 1, no. 12 (February 1925).
Manley, Albert. Letter to the Governor of Guam, December 6, 1909. Naval Government Collection. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Torres, Joaquin. “Why I Study English.” *Guam Recorder* 2, no. 15 (May 1925): 78.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education
**Tags:** Education During the US Naval Era
---
### [General Order No. 12](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-general-order-no-12/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Following the Treaty of Paris in 1899 that ended the four-month Spanish-American War, the United States emerged as a colonial nation and Pacific power. American sovereignty over former Spanish territory—the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and portions of Cuba—was internationally accepted despite the on-going debate between isolationists and expansionists that gripped the US Congress.
**Content:**
# General Order No. 12
#### Table of Contents
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## Benevolent assimilation
Following the Treaty of Paris in 1899 that ended the four-month [Spanish-American War](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-american-war/), the United States emerged as a colonial nation and Pacific power. American sovereignty over former Spanish territories—the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and portions of Cuba—was internationally accepted despite the ongoing debate between isolationists and expansionists that gripped the US Congress.
US President William McKinley issued Executive Order 108-A on 23 December 1898, placing Guam under the control of the US Navy and, a month later, Captain Richard Phillips Leary was tapped as the island’s first US Naval governor. Leary was at the heart of America’s renewed spirit of Manifest Destiny, yet his instructions on how to govern the island were direct:
> The needs and desires of the (US) military on Guam took precedence over all matters in the administration of the island.
Conforming to his duties of benevolent assimilation, Leary—a career line officer, Civil War veteran, and devout Protestant—issued a series of general orders, including General Order No. 12, signed on 22 January 1900, that pertained to public education:
1. The system of public education in this island is hereby placed under the supervision and exclusive control of the Government, and all necessary expenses for the maintenance of the public school customs will be defrayed by the Government.
2. Religious instruction in favor of any particular church or creed is prohibited and all religious training heretofore required by the late school customs or rules must be eliminated from the course of instruction, as the proper place for religious teaching is the home-circle, church, chapel, or Sunday school.
3. All children between the ages of eight years and 14 years must attend school, unless excused therefrom by competent authority for good reasons that interfere with their attendance.
4. Instruction in the English language will be introduced in the public schools as soon as suitable teachers can be provided, and it is expected that the present force of native teachers will cheerfully and harmoniously cooperate with the teachers of English in order that the greatest benefits may be derived by both scholars and preceptors.
To further illustrate the mentality of the day, Leary followed this civil order with General Order No. 13, which stated among other things,
> All residents are recommended to utilize every available opportunity to learn how to read, write, and speak the English language, thereby improving their own mental condition as well as preparing themselves for assisting their children who are required by law to attend school.
Consequently, the American public school system was designed to culturally transform the CHamorus/Chamorros to accept American ideas and ways, but this would be no easy feat to accomplish.
[***By Bruce L. Campbell, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/bruce-campbell/)
## Video
Featuring a clip from the *Governor Willis W. Bradley Film, 1929-1931*.
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0085-DF-071b-Bradley-Field-Game.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-4769-School-Children_1100.jpg)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/GC-42-48-Bill-of-Rights_1100.webp)
## For further reading
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Del Priore, Maritza R. “Education on Guam during the Spanish Administration from 1668 to 1899.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1986.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Searles, Paul J., and Ruth Searles. *A School History of Guam*. Hagåtña: Naval Government Print Shop, 1937.
Underwood, Robert A. “American Education and the Acculturation of the Chamorros of Guam.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education
**Tags:** General Order No. 12
---
### [English and CHamoru/Chamorro Language Policies](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** As a result of America’s victory in the Spanish-American War, Spain sold Guam to the United States in 1898. Before long, it was determined that the US Navy would administer Guam.
**Content:**
# English and CHamoru/Chamorro Language Policies
#### Table of Contents
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## English billed as language of "success"
As a result of America’s victory in the [Spanish-American War](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1487), Spain sold Guam to the United States in 1898. Before long, it was determined that the US Navy would administer Guam. On 7 August 1899, Captain Richard Leary, the first American [naval governor](https://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-governors-of-guam/), arrived on the island and established the first [naval administration](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1534). At the time, three quarters of the adult population spoke and wrote in the native tongue of CHamoru/Chamorro. About 50 percent also spoke and wrote Spanish, while English was familiar to a small minority who had worked on [whaling ships](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=13708) or at the port town of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) in southern Guam.
## "No Chamorro" rules
In 1917, Naval Government [Executive General Order](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1668) No. 243 under Governor Roy Campbell Smith banned speaking Chamorro, and
> …designated English as only official language of Guam and ordered that “Chamorro must not be spoken except for official interpreting.
Speaking Chamorro was also forbidden on [baseball](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1191) fields, a sport growing in popularity, to encourage English use. In the early 1920s, “No Chamorro” policies were implemented and enforced within the [schools](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=531) and playgrounds. Public school students were reprimanded or penalized for speaking their native language. This policy continued after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). Outside of public schools (with the exception of primary grade schools where Chamorro was used as an adjunct language), Chamorro was the only practical language to use since most people spoke it better than English. Additionally, when people went to court, there were Chamorro interpreters so that people could use their language.
Nevertheless, from the beginning, naval governors made it a priority to increase knowledge of English in the island, especially for children. Governor Leary made a commitment, as shown by his issuance of [General Order No. 12](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=533) on 22 January 1900, to provide instruction in the English language.
As written in the order, it was “expected that the present force of native teachers will cheerfully and harmoniously cooperate with the teachers of English that the greatest benefits may be derived by both scholars and preceptors.” But there were not yet enough qualified English-speaking teachers on the island to set up a large scale educational system.
To further enhance the naval administration’s belief that command of the English language would somehow improve the Chamorro people, the very next day, 23 January 1900, Governor Leary put forth General Order No. 13, with a provision that recommended residents make every effort to “learn how to read, write, and speak the English language, thereby improving their own mental condition,” so they would be better able to help their children who had to go to school.
In Dr. [Robert A. Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/)’s Guampedia entry on “[Education During the US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/)” he writes:
> One principal argued that citizens and teachers who do not improve their English skills are really committing criminal deeds to the public and especially future generations.
## Chamorro-English dictionaries burned
Formal schools were established in 1904 by the Navy with basic English skills instruction and [sanitation](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=978) the top priorities. Still, by the early 1920s, Governor Adelbert Althouse (7 February 1922 – 8 December 1922) noted that “few school children could speak English with any degree of efficiency” and Chamorro remained the predominant language in Chamorro homes. Althouse’s response to the problem was to collect and burn Chamorro-English dictionaries and to institute a “no Chamorro” rule in the classroom and playground.
Ironically, the Chamorro-English dictionary burned by Governor Althouse was written by US Navy Paymaster Edward von Preissig and printed at Navy expense just four years earlier. *Dictionary and Grammar of the Chamorro Language of the Island of Guam* was printed by the Navy and distributed in Guam to help Chamorros learn the meaning of English, according to its forward. Preissig was assisted in creating the dictionary by Vicente Calvo, Jose Cruz, Pedro Martinez, Vicente Herrero, Atanacio Perez, Jose Roberto, Juan Taitano, and Francisco Taitano, all of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1251). He also credited J. Schnabel, superintendent of the schools, [Agueda Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=548), a teacher at the time, and his own wife Hester von Preissig, a member of the Guam Normal School faculty, for their assistance.
Unhappy with the level of education being offered their children, members of the Guam Congress petitioned the Department of the Navy for major improvements. As a result, Althouse began making changes including replacing the superintendent and the teacher training with new personnel. The Normal School, a school to train teachers, saw its beginnings as a night high school at this time.
These drastic measures did not seem to work either since as late as 1939, Chamorro was still the primary language of the Chamorro people in Guam. The Guam Congress still conducted sessions in Chamorro and many Chamorro youths had limited knowledge of English.
Later educational evolutions under different Naval governors included the opening of the island’s first public high school George Washington High School, which opened in the mid-1930s. More schools were built and enrollment numbers increased, but lessons on cleanliness and basic English seemed to remain the main goals of primary schools. Enrollment numbers in high school were extremely limited and there was little offered in terms of vocational education.
## Penalties for speaking Chamorro
The experience of the Naval government in turning Chamorros into English-speakers points to the fact that Chamorros, despite demonstrating loyalty to the United States, retained their own identity and did not feel compelled to abandon their language and culture. Most Chamorros had little contact with the American Naval administration on a daily basis. Their lives revolved around the Catholic church,[ ranching,](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/) and extended-family obligations. For the majority of Chamorros, the only part of life in which English-speaking was emphasized was in school, but at the time, education was only compulsory up to the age of 12.
In the pre-World War II school system, which lacked social promotion, and in which many children did not speak English well, this meant that most 12-year-olds only advanced to the third of fourth grades. Once their school career was over, children had little incentive to speak English in their daily lives and English language skills would rapidly decline.
For students who continued in school past the fourth grade, enforcement of English language was strict. Children received reprimands or a “ticket” when caught speaking Chamorro. However, if another student was caught, the ticket would be passed on to the new offender. Whoever was left with the ticket at the end of the day faced corporeal punishment. Monetary fines replaced the ticket system in the 1930s for infractions of the language rules. Top students were selected as monitors who enforced English-only rules and collected the fines. After World War II and the 1944 recapture of the island and the re-establishment of the American education system, the English-only policies and the fine system were revived. This practice continued for several more yeas, even after the passage of the 1950 [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) (which gave the Chamorro people some rights and limited self-governance as American citizens) as people were made to believe that English was somehow superior to Chamorro.
## Limitations for non-English speakers
Chamorros by the 1930s were heavily influenced by American films and music and were mixing various English words like “okay” into Chamorro speech. English was also the language of the print media and military newspapers such as the *Guam Recorder*, which was distributed to the public, constantly reminded Chamorros that English was the language of success. Chamorro remained the main language in nongovernmental activities, but it was looked down upon by naval administrators who for decades continued with efforts to suppress it, considering it a “cognitive deficiency.”
Despite the slow acceptance of English among the majority of Chamorros who maintained a traditional lifestyle based on agriculture and fishing, there was growing proficiency among the elites. By 1940, it was recorded in a census that English was spoken by 75 percent of Guam’s population over the age of 10. In 1941, a Navy official noted that:
> One hears occasional English conversations on the street, something unheard of a few years ago.
Not speaking English began to present more limitations for the community. If one wanted to work for the Navy in fields such as education, [nursing](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=980), or law enforcement, English was required. This trend toward English would accelerate in the immediate [post-war era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) as the military and later, the civilian government would open up many more jobs for English speakers. Non-elite Chamorros who, in the past, had few interactions with English speakers now had to learn how to speak English well if they wanted to gain employment with the government.
[***By Michael R. Clement, Jr.***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/)
## Video
## For further reading
Armknecht, R.F. “English in the Homes of Guam.” *Guam Recorder* 18, no. 4 (July 1941): 139-141, 165-166.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Underwood, Robert A. “American Education and the Acculturation of the Chamorros of Guam.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1987.
–––. “English and Chamorro on Guam.” *World Englishes* 8, no. 1 (1989): 73-82.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Language, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics, Post WWII: Education, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** English and CHamoru/Chamorro Language Policies
---
### [Envisioning the Past: Near Extinction](https://www.guampedia.com/envisioning-the-past-near-extinction/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** It is difficult to envision the reality of Chamorros who survived the colonization by Spain. A 10-year-old boy who witnessed the arrival of Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores in 1668, would have seen an almost 93 percent drop in the population of his people if he lived to be 64-years-old.
**Content:**
# Envisioning the Past: Near Extinction
View more images for the Envisioning the Past: Near Extinction entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622402331527/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: Colonization tragic for Chamorros
It is difficult to envision the reality of CHamorus/Chamorros who survived the colonization by Spain. A 10-year-old boy who witnessed the arrival of [Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) in 1668, would have seen an almost 93 percent drop in the population of his people if he lived to be 64 years old.
Written accounts as early as 1602 describe the size of the native population of the Mariana Islands. Franciscan Lay [Brother Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) spent seven months in Rota after jumping ship to bring Christianity to the islanders. During his sojourn, he learned much about the islands from Sancho, a Spaniard who survived the shipwreck of the Santa Margarita near Rota in 1600 and lived among the Chamorros on Guam and Rota.
Sancho told Fray Juan Pobre that there were “nearly 400 villages” and “more than 60,000 people” on the island of Guam. Rota, he reported had 12,000 people living in fifty villages. Sancho said the “indios” had told him that the islands numbered over twenty and shared a common language but he did not know the size of the “islands lying in the direction of the volcano” or their population since he had not visited them.
In 1683, Jesuit priest Francisco Garcia, a Madrid based publicist for the overseas missions, published a book about Padre Diego Luis de San Vitores. A testament to the man that brought Christianity to the Mariana Islands, it contains a significant, albeit bias account of this traumatic period in Marianas history. It is now recognized as the most significant primary source for this period of Marianas history. Garcia wrote that there were 100,000 inhabitants in the Mariana Islands at the arrival of San Vitores in 1668.
Contemporary scholars, however, believe that these numbers were inflated. As late as 1950, estimates for the 1668 population of the island chain ranged from 40,000 to 73,000. Due to research into late seventeenth century documents, more recent population estimates lay between 30,000 and 60,000.
Once the mission was established, governors submitted reports to the Viceroy in Manila and the King of Spain. These reports contained summaries of the population. Interim Governor Antonio Villamor y Vadillo reported in 1705 that the inhabitants of the Mariana Islands numbered approximately 3,500.
Seventeen years later, in 1722 under the administration of Governor Luis Antonio Sanchez de Tagle, the number of indigenous inhabitants of Guam and Rota had dropped to 1,936. The first detailed census in 1728 reports a slight increase to 2,279 but by 1747 it had declined further. [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/), circumnavigator and Commander of the French Scientific expedition that spent three months in the Mariana Islands in 1819 reported the population of indigenous inhabitants at a record low of 1,583 in the year 1747.
## Causes for the decline in population
There have been many explanations as to the cause of this decline. Many think that the majority died in the Spanish-Chamorro wars. Disease carried aboard the sailing ships is another cause that is often cited. The fact that the population decline continued well after the pacification of the islands indicates that while war and disease killed a significant amount of people, there were other reasons for the continued downward spiral.
The “reduction” of the Mariana Islands, when inhabitants were forcibly removed from their homes in the northern islands and resettled in Guam, is believed to be the cause of more than three thousand deaths. Many died when the raging seas sank their vessels. The effects of moving to a warmer climate was said to have caused the demise of others.
The resettlement of people from eight northern islands increased the population density of settlements in Guam. This situation facilitated the spread of illness and disease among the inhabitants killing many of the weakest members, children and the elderly. Another factor stemming from the resettlement patterns were changes in sanitation practices that may have contributed to the general decline in the overall health of the population.
Emotional trauma from the rapid loss of their culture is reported to have resulted in suicide, infanticide and abortion. There are accounts that state that some inhabitants fled to other islands rather than lose their independence.
Illness and infection, malnutrition, and general overall stress may have also reduced the number of fertile young women or those being able to carry a child full-term. The deaths of children – many years prior, also reduced the number of girls that survived to childbearing age.
The introduction of alcohol and from Manila, the knowledge to make coconut liquor or tuba, was also reported to have had a negative impact on the population. Freycinet said:
> Of all causes, however, the most active (though the least resisted) has been the excessive consumption of spirits. In general, primitive peoples are unwilling to recognize the danger posed by alcohol, because transitory pleasure masks the deadly strength of poisonous liquors.
Some “creoles” he said, had learned to make alcohol from maize as well. Another factor that increased the impact of alcohol on the population was the practice of providing alcohol instead of food to workers in order to cut costs. Alcohol abuse was a problem that extended to the early American Naval administration on Guam causing the early Naval Governors to prohibit all forms of alcohol and spirits on the island.
Le Gentil de la Barbnais, a passenger aboard the French ship Jupiter that visited Guam in 1716 recorded his impression of life in the islands. In his account of the Mariana Islands, Freycinet wrote:
> He \[Barbnais\] paints a grim picture of a colony suffering and prey to thefts and assassinations, evils that in themselves bespoke a total absence of civil order. More than this, he presents us with natives groaning under the harshest of oppressions, physically and morally downtrodden and beaten, gnawed by leprosy, succumbing to ill treatment to the point that their numbers, which were from 15,000 to 20,000 at the time of conquest of the isles, fell to 1500 even by 1716, that is, within a space of eighteen years.
The decline in the population was so dire that Spanish administrators periodically came up with drastic proposals to deal with the situation. Among the recommendations were: the abolishment of the Real Presido of the Mariana Islands, the relocation of the population to Manila, the resettlement of 100 families from the Philippines, and the immigration of 10,000 colonists: 5,000 Chinese males and 5,000 Carolinians comprised of 1,600 males and 3,400 females.
Fortunately, the Spanish Crown did not approve these suggestions. One can only imagine the outcome of the influx of large numbers of colonists on a people numbering less than 2,000. In response to the suggestion to send 100 families to Guam from the Philippines, one advisor, pointing out the disadvantages of the proposal, said it would be “deplorable” to send 100 families because “it would be necessary that they be from the most despicable lot, lazy people; what if they turned out to be as vagabond in the Marianas as they are here?”
In 1739, in response to the 100 family proposal, King Philip V wrote in a letter to the Governor of the Marianas, recommending “to free women from all work contrary to their sex” and to assign the men to cultivate corn, tobacco and cotton “without denying them their freedom and compelling them to other types of work.” He continued:
> If those natives were subject to a better mode of living and conservation than heretofore practiced, the result would not only be the creation of some trade with other islands, but also that their number would not so quickly decrease; indeed, the fertility of that country and the circumstances of freedom for inhabitants from the oppressions they suffer, would encourage many families to go there.
Instead of 100 families, the King ordered the Governor of the Philippines to arrange for the voluntary resettlement of “5 or 6 families of Indians or half-breeds” every two years. As further enticement the settlers would enjoy tax exemptions, and those who denied them these exemptions would suffer grave penalties.
In 1748 a ship with settlers bound for the Marianas from the Philippines was lost at sea. After that tragedy no settlers could be enticed to undertake the voyage to Guam. It is not apparent if any settlers under this program ever made it to Guam.
At the close of the eighteenth century the population of Guam and Rota was comprised of 142 “Militaires”, 591 “Espagnols,” 5,964 “Philippinois,” thirty “Mulatres” and 2,074 “Naturels” or Chamorros. Almost 7 percent of a population of 30,000 Chamorros at contact is what remained by 1799.
## Built back up again
That the Chamorro people survived is truly amazing. There were about 9,000 Chamorros on Guam in 1900 and 23,000 in 1944 at the end of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). Sixty years later there are almost 177,000, including Chamorros in Guam, the Northern Marianas and the U.S. mainland. Chamorro people not only survived, but eventually thrived.
One researcher has suggested that one reason for the initial survival of the Chamorro people is that the smaller population allowed the Spanish to tend to and care for the people better. This may have some credence as many of the accounts relate how the priests sought out children to teach the Catholic faith to. Priests ministered to the spiritual and sometimes physical needs of the people. From the number of descendents of Spanish priests, however, it appears that at times this “ministering” overstepped the bounds of propriety.
One factor is undeniable, and that is the successful passage of the Chamorro language, traditional practices and cultural knowledge through the female line. This has ensured the survival of the Chamorro culture. While we can wonder, we will probably never know all of the factors that allowed the survival of the Chamorro people.
In the year 2000, there were 65,243 Chamorros enumerated on Guam in the federal census. That is forty-three percent of the island’s population of 150,000 people. Today the Chamorro people face similar demographic challenges to those faced by their early ancestors. An influx of outsiders due to the planned military buildup on the island will certainly impact them. An estimated additional 24,000 active duty military and their families are expected to move to Guam by 2014. In order to accommodate them, the island also expects an increase in workers from abroad to staff the numerous jobs that will accompany the buildup on Guam.
One significant difference is that there is now a pool of potential new residents from the Chamorro population residing off island. The numbers of Chamorro’s serving in the U.S. military also cannot be discounted. The military has traditionally been a popular option for employment for young Chamorros seeking education and travel. Exactly how many Chamorros will be included in the military families that will make Guam their home is unknown.
If efforts to recruit workers from the off-island Chamorro population are successful, the potential impact of outsiders on the community may be lessened. If we take the lessons from history, then we can expect that the Chamorro people will prevail even under these contemporary circumstances.
To be a descendent of a people that faced tremendous hardship and overcame incredible odds should instill pride in those of Chamorro heritage today. Antoine de Saint-Exupery said it well when he wrote, “A civilization is built on what is required of men, not on that which is provided for them.”
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G., trans. *The Augustinian Recollect Friars in the Mariana Islands 1769-1908.* MARC Educational Series no. 24. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
–––. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Shell, Richard J. *Saved from Extinction: Changes in Guam’s Population, 1700 to Mid-Century.* MARC Working Paper #73. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
Underwood, Jane H. “Population History of Guam: Context of Microevolution*.”* *Micronesica* 9, no. 1 (1973): 11-44.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Spanish Era, Trends
**Tags:** Envisioning the Past: Near Extinction
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Sidereal Direction Terminology](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-sidereal-direction-terminology/)
**Published:** September 26, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 1817 Adelbert von Chamisso recorded the CHamoru terms for what he assumed were cardinal directions: Timi (North), Seplun (South), Manuu (East), Faniipan (West). These terms are sidereal or star directions and not completely analogous to the Western concepts of North, South, East and West. Nevertheless, these sidereal directions (of or with respect to the distant stars, i.e., the constellations or fixed stars, not the sun or planets) are fixed and not situational positions on the horizon and can easily be used as abstract cardinal directions.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Sidereal Direction Terminology
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
In 1817 [Adelbert von Chamisso](http://www.guampedia.com/adelbert-von-chamissos-1817-chamorro-vocabulary/) recorded the CHamoru/Chamorro terms for what he assumed were cardinal directions: *Timi* (North), *Seplun* (South), *Manuu* (East), *Faniipan* (West). These terms are sidereal or star directions and not completely analogous to the Western concepts of North, South, East and West. Nevertheless, these sidereal directions (of or with respect to the distant stars, i.e., the constellations or fixed stars, not the sun or planets) are fixed and not situational positions on the horizon and can easily be used as abstract cardinal directions.
The often heralded [Luis de Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/luis-de-torres/) was Chamisso’s primary source of information about the CHamoru language. Chamisso was a member of Otto von Kotzebue’s Russian scientific expedition to Guam. [Dr. Alexander M. Kerr](https://www.guampedia.com/alexander-m-kerr/) of the University of Guam’s Marine Laboratory, presented [Chamisso’s glossary of CHamoru terms ](https://www.guampedia.com/adelbert-von-chamissos-1817-chamorro-vocabulary/)at the 2009 CHamoru Seafaring Lexicon Symposium, University of Guam, [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/), Guam, and reported his findings in the University of Guam’s *Marine Lab Report* 127.
An etymological and linguistic analysis of the archaic CHamoru direction terms at the [2014 CHamoru Seafaring Lexicon Symposium](http://www.guampedia.com/chamoru-seafaring-lexicon-workshop/), Guam Community College, Mangilao, Guam, recommends the following spellings in modern orthography: *Timek* (North), *Seplon* (South), *Manu’u* (East) and *Fani’ipan* (West). The terms for East and South clearly suggest their sidereal roots and it seems likely that the directions West and North are also a constellation or a star.
*Manu’u* is a bird constellation that rises on the Eastern horizon. This word is a linguistic cognate of the CHamoru word *månnok* (currently used to refer to chicken), which is also the generic term for bird in Proto-Austronesian.
There are three stars in the bird constellation. The body of the bird is Rising Altair. The northern wingtip is Rising Gamma Aquila. The tip of the southern wing is Rising Beta Aquila. It seems certain that *Fani’ipan* is the setting bird constellation but its etymological roots are not clear.
In contrast, Carolinian navigators do not view Gamma Aquila, Altair and Beta Aquila as a bird constellation, but rather as three separate points on their sidereal compass. Carolinians view Altair as the god *Mailap* and the adjacent stars are his father and mother or *Mailap’s* North and South hand.
The sidereal direction *Seplon* (South) is the constellation Crux. It is commonly called the Southern Cross and looks like a diamond shaped kite. Many other Pacific Islanders identify this constellation as the diamond shape of a triggerfish. The root of the CHamoru word *pulonnon* (triggerfish) can be found in the sidereal direction *Seplon*.
Although the etymological roots are not clear, *Timek* , must refer to Polaris or North Star. *Timek,* is further substantiated by the *I Fanlalai’an* Oral History Project’s Research Working Team who found an additional reference with a variant spelling, *Timik*, in Louis Claud de Freycinet’s, *An Account of the Corvette L’ Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819.*
These four sidereal directions can be generalized to the more abstract cardinal directions of North, South, East and West. *Timek* (North), *Seplon* (South), *Manu’u* (East), *Fani’ipan* (West), are no longer in general use by CHamoru speakers. These CHamoru sidereal direction terms may have fallen out of use because they were the privileged knowledge of traditional navigators or because ocean-going sailing was discouraged and sometimes even forbidden in Spanish colonial times in the Mariana Islands. Nevertheless, as late as 1722 a Catholic mission report states that CHamorus still sailed without a magnetic compass and navigated by the stars.
## Terms used today are inconsistent
Today, most CHamoru speakers use the following terms: *lågu, håya, kåttan*, and *luchan* as cardinal directions, however, there are no consistent definitions of these terms. For example, most people in Saipan say *lågu* is West, *kåttan* is North, *håya* is East, and *luchan* is South. In Guam many say *lågu* is North, *kåttan* is East, *håya* is South and *luchan* is West. However, there are many village exceptions to this rule.
Before colonization these direction terms were not cardinal directions and had the following definitions: *lågu* meant seaward or foreign, *håya* meant landward or indigenous, *kåttan* meant to the right of seaward along the coast, and *luchan* meant to the left of seaward along the coast.
The aforementioned definitions of these terms are very important to helping us understand other terms that stem from them. For example, *sanlagu* today is predominantly used to refer to the United States. In the Spanish colonial period, *sanlagu* meant Spain. In addition, *lågu* can mean all that which is seaward, or overseas. Thus, its counterpart *sanhaya* can either mean, all that which is landward, or, anywhere within the Marianas. Further, *fino’ håya* means the indigenous language of the Mariana Islands, i.e. CHamoru. *Fino’ lågu* means Spanish, English, or any foreign language from overseas.
*Taotao håya* is an indigenous person; a native person; a CHamoru.
*Taotao lågu* is a foreign person; a person not of CHamoru descent.
*Ga’lågu* is literally, a foreign animal; foreign pet; dog. *Dågon håya* is a type of yam; its name suggests that it may be a native species of yam as opposed to other species that may have been introduced later.
In conclusion, to recognize that *lågu, håya, kåttan* and *luchan* are place specific directions and not cardinal directions will prevent many common misunderstandings. Further, knowledge of the four CHamoru sidereal directions can be generalized and used as cardinal directions without confusion, because they are fixed points on the horizon and not situational.
These direction terms are crucial not only for those who endeavor to restore chants and seafaring, but for the CHamoru community as a whole. In addition, this will benefit all those who will use the study of *fino’ håya* in efforts to rediscover elements of the CHamoru language heritage that were once thought lost.
***By Jeremy Cepeda, [Leonard Z. Iriarte](http://www.guampedia.com/leonard-iriarte/), and [Lawrence J. Cunningham](http://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/)***
## For further reading
Chamisso, Adelbert von. “Vocabularium der Dialekte Chamori (Marianen-Inseln) und von Cap, Ulea und Radack.” In *Kotzebue, O. Entdeckungs-Reise in die Süd-See und nach der Berings-Straße zur Erforschung einer nordöstlichen Durchfahrt*. Weimar: Gebr. Hoffmann, 1821.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. “[Chamorro Directional Terminology](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-directional-terminology/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 21 July 2021.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Gladwin, Thomas. *East is a Big Bird: Navigation and Logic on Puluwat Atoll*. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970.
Holton, Gary, Calistus Hachibmai, Ali Haleyalur, Jerry Lipka, and Donald Rubinstein. “East is Not a ‘Big Bird’: The Etymology of the Star Altair in the Carolinian Sidereal Compass.” *Oceanic Linguistics* 54, no. 2 (2015): 579-588.
Joseph, Alice, and Veronica F. Murray. *Chamorros and Carolinians of Saipan: Personality Studies*. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1971.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 5, *Focus on the Mariana Mission*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1995.
–––. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 12, *Carolinians drift to Guam, 1715-1728*. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1998.
Solenberger, Robert R. “Recent Changes in Chamorro Direction Terminology.” *Oceania* 24, no. 2 (1953): 132-141.
University of Guam Marine Laboratory. *Adelbert von Chamisso’s (in Kotzebue 1821) Vocabularium der dialekte Chamori*. Translated and annotated by Alexander M. Kerr. Technical Report 124: 1-87. Mangilao: ML, 2009.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Language, Our Heritage, Transportation, Technology, and Communications
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Sidereal Direction Terminology
---
### [Episcopal Church](https://www.guampedia.com/episcopal-church/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Episcopal Church in Micronesia includes three churches in Guam – St. John the Divine in Upper Tumon, St. Andrew By the Philippine Sea in Hågat, and St. Michael and All Angels in Dededo.
**Content:**
# Episcopal Church
 The Episcopal Church is the name given to the Church of England, or Anglican Church, as it evolved in the United States. Episcopal Church, Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## The Episcopal Church in Guam
The Episcopal Church in Micronesia includes three churches in Guam – St. John the Divine in Upper [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), St. Andrew By the Philippine Sea in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), and St. Michael and All Angels in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/).
## Church origins and organization
The Episcopal Church is the name given to the Church of England, or Anglican Church, as it evolved in the United States. As early as 1607, the first settlers in colonial America held Anglican services in Jamestown, Virginia. The Revolutionary War and America’s subsequent independence from Britain led to the eventual separation of the Americans from the Church of England. In 1789, the Americans formally created their own ecclesiastical body, calling the new church the Protestant Episcopal Church, derived from the Greek term “episkopos,” meaning “bishop.”
The Episcopal Church, as it later came to be known, maintains its association with the Church of England, and is part of the worldwide Anglican Communion. Its organizational structure includes the parish, or individual church; the diocese, which is overseen by an elected bishop; the province; and the General Convention, which is its highest ecclesiastical authority. The ecclesiastical head of the church is the Presiding Bishop, elected by the General Convention.
## Beliefs
The Episcopal Church aims to spread the message of Christ to love God and one another. The primary guide for worship is the Book of Common Prayer. This Book contains Bible passages, prayers and liturgies, historical documents of the church, as well as Catechism that outlines the beliefs and practices of the Christian faith. The contemporary Episcopal Church promotes ecumenism and welcomes all Christians to worship, and is increasingly involved in promoting social causes.
## Beginnings in Guam
The Episcopal Church first came to Guam in the 1950s, when employees of the federal government working on the island petitioned the Episcopal Diocese of Hawai’i for a local presence. In 1956, the church acquired land in Upper Tumon, and in 1957, the first Episcopal Church in Guam, St. John the Divine, was established. Shortly thereafter, the St. John’s Episcopal School followed. Both church and school originally existed in Quonset huts, but were replaced with concrete structures after the devastating impact of Typhoon Karen in 1962.
Also in the 1960s, St. Andrew By the Philippine Sea in Hågat was built. The facility initially served as a day-care center, but eventually formed into a parish. The third Episcopal Church, St. Michael and All Angels in Dededo, is the most recent addition. Founded in the early 1990s, the church first held worship services in the carport of a private residence. Today, St. Michael’s is housed in its own building.
Currently, Fr. Manny Querido and Fr. Tony Gomowald divide their time leading Sunday worship services among the three churches. All three churches fall under the Episcopal Church in Micronesia (ECIM), which is overseen by Bishop George Packard, based in New York. Locally, the bishop’s deputy, Harold F. Parker, serves as administrator of the ECIM.
## Services, programs and events
The ECIM celebrates a host of special events throughout the year, including the feasts of its patron saints. The feast of St. Michael is observed in January, St. John in June, and the feast of St. Andrew is celebrated in November. Apart from Sunday services, the ECIM holds a special family potluck dinner at St. John the Divine Church on the first Sunday of every month. The gatherings are open to the general public.
Additionally, the ECIM organizes the Education for Ministry program, which is based out of the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee. It is a four-year, theological studies program available to laypeople. Classes are held at St. John’s Church, and participants are certified after completing the program.
[***By Vanessa Estella, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/vanessa-estella/)
## For further reading
*Episcopal Church of America*. “[Home](https://www.episcopalchurch.org/).” Last modified 1 July 2021.
*St. John’s School*. “[Episcopal Traditions](https://www.stjohnsguam.com/history--traditions.html).” St. John’s School: An Independent, PreK-12 Episcopal School in Guam.
*The Episcopal Church*. “[Micronesia](https://www.episcopalchurch.org/).” Last modified 6 February 2021.
Webber, Christopher L. *Welcome to the Episcopal Church: An Introduction to Its History, Faith, and Worship.* Harrisburg: Morehouse Publishing, 1999.
**Categories:** Christian, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Religion
**Tags:** Episcopal Church
---
### [Escuela de Niñas](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-escuela-de-ninas/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Escuela de Niñas or School for Girls, was located in the capital city of Hagåtña. The original building fell into disrepair, and a new building for the school was constructed in 1879 during the administration of Governor Manuel Bravo y Berrera.
**Content:**
# Escuela de Niñas
 The Escuela de Niñas built in 1879 by Governor Manuel Brabo y Barrera. Image courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) collection.
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## Girls' school opened in 1879
The Escuela de Niñas or School for Girls, was located in the capital city of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). The original building fell into disrepair, and a new building for the school was constructed in 1879 during the administration of Governor Manuel Bravo y Berrera. It relocated west of the Plaza de Magallanes at the corner of Mariana de Austria Street. The school was constructed out of stone masonry, known as [*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/), with a tile roof. The building was divided into two classrooms for instruction and could accommodate up to 150 students.
One teacher and an assistant, or *ayudante*, taught the young ladies, ages four to 11. The curriculum consisted of classes in Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic, sewing, and embroidery. A report on primary instruction in 1886 notes that the Escuela de Niñas had an enrollment of 356. Both the [Colegio de San Juan de Letrán](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/) and the Escuela de Niñas were overcrowded facilities during the 19th century, prompting an official request to Spain for the construction of an additional school on the island.
The teacher and assistant were paid with funds from an education endowment (*obra pía*) from Queen Mariana of Austria, Spain’s queen regent for the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, which was a boys’ school.
[***By Velma Yamashita***](http://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/)
## For further reading
García, Francisco Olive y. *The Mariana Islands, 1884-1887: Random Notes.* 2nd ed. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1984.
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Vara de Rey y Rubio, Joaquín, Luis Santos Fontordera, and Luis Cadarso y Rey. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1890-1894.* Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Education
**Tags:** Escuela de Niñas
---
### [Guamanian Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-gallery-2/)
**Published:** April 2, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A collection of images featured in Guampedia.com from the Guamanian Era (1950-1970).
**Content:**
# Guamanian Era Gallery
View images in Flickr for more information [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623725161958).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M7-042-St-Judes.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Bautista-and-Tydingco.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/FD-Faculty_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/0052-BU2-03-Crows-Nest.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Bill-Munas-Band.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/0035-GM70-017-Ricardo-and-Richard-Ad.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0009-27-GC-20-872-flores_church-copy.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M18-08-Pacific-Journal.jpg) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0007-MM-384-Tropical-House.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Portrait.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0015-SA-0008-Ada-Nuns.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/guampedia025.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/guampedia-000-Guam-Womens-Club.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/0009-M7-013-Guam-Congress.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/adastore.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/GC-20-861-Daniel.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0005-AG-01-01allstar7-23-56.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/0006-GP-080-Carlos-Taitano.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/02_SeaBees_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/1959-Naval-hospital_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/A50_GuamVillage.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Surfers_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/3rdGL.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Cliff-Hotel_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Kaiser-Aetna-Housing_tpz1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/GC-20-806-Lowe.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Arriola007_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/0009-M5-097-Organic-Act.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/PastedGraphic-2.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/00-GP-Cover.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0009-M3-079-GC44-1958-32-Camp-Roxas-workers-1958.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0005-AG-02-baberuth-baseball-1963.webp)
[ Explore more photos in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623725161958)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Guamanian Era Gallery
---
### [Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church](https://www.guampedia.com/faith-presbyterian-christian-reformed-church/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The origins of the Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church in Guam date back to the 1950s, when military personnel from the Protestant Reformed Church worshiped together at the Navy Chapel. Filipino contract workers assisting with Guam’s postwar reconstruction eventually joined this group.
**Content:**
# Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church
 The Presbyterian Church of Ta'i. Guampedia photo.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## History In Guam
The origins of the Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church in Guam date back to the 1950s, when military personnel from the Protestant Reformed Church worshiped together at the Navy Chapel. Filipino contract workers assisting with Guam’s postwar reconstruction eventually joined this group. These earliest members of the church focused their ministry on an area called Camp Busanda, which was a government-operated facility that housed contract workers. Today, that area is known as Camp Covington, [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/).
A serviceman and elder in the Orthodox Presbyterian Church by the name of John Reynolds led the first Bible study classes in a Quonset hut at the camp. As interest in the church grew, Navy Chaplain Lynn Wade granted Reynolds permission to hold regular Sunday worship services. Eventually, the church would come to be known as Camp Busanda Christian Church, with Reynolds serving as its first pastor.
The church continued its expansion, attracting both military and civilian followers. A group of civilian families who belonged to the Protestant Reformed Church in Grand Rapids, Michigan, would provide the next step in the church’s development. These families successfully contacted their home church in Michigan about adopting the Guam church as a missionary project, as the church was then operating independently from the military.
When the Navy released Lynn Wade in 1954, he remained on the island to assist the Protestant Reformed Christians. In 1959, the Reverend John Hofman arrived in Guam to assist Wade. At this time, the Protestant Reformed Church in the United States was undergoing its own reorganization, and merged with the Christian Reformed Church of North America (CRCNA). As a result of the merger, the Protestant Reformed Church turned over its property along Marine Drive to the Christian Reformed Board of Foreign Missions in 1961. The church now became known as the Faith Christian Church, with Rev. Hofman as pastor.
In 1962, Mr. and Mrs. Jay Poel arrived in Guam to manage the church’s bookstore and assist with evangelization. They would eventually succeed Rev. Hofman as leaders of the Guam mission. By 1964, the chapel became known as the Faith Christian Reformed Church and attendance at weekly services included statesiders, Filipinos and Micronesians studying in Guam. Rev. Dykema would be appointed missionary pastor in 1965, while the Poels turned their attention to the growing bookstore ministry. In 1966, a new chapel was constructed along Marine Drive in East Agana, adjacent to the Faith Bookstore.
The following decade witnessed more changes for the church. In 1973, Faith Church invited the Rev. David Hwan Jo of Korea to begin a ministry among Koreans living on the island. The Korean ministry eventually grew into a separate church. Furthermore, in 1979, the church established a Daily Vacation Bible School to expand the work done with the Micronesian student ministry.
In 1983, Neil Culbertson and his wife Janie Lou arrived on the island to oversee the Guam mission, and remained at the helm of the Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church until July 2010. Pastor Neil Culbertson has guided the church’s relocation and building construction in [Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/), which was dedicated in 2003. He also helped in founding a day-care and preschool ministry called the Little Lambs Preschool that opened in 2006 until closing in 2014. Pastor Tom and Rose Van Engen arrived and began ministry at Faith Church in May 2013.
## Church history and beliefs
The beliefs and doctrine of the Christian Reformed Church are based on the bible. Followers believe that the Bible is the inspired word of God and is the final authority in all matters on which it speaks.
The church has its origins with the Protestant Reformation of 1517, when the Roman Catholic Church was divided into several branches. Among the branches was the Lutheran Church which identifies with the teachings of Martin Luther. Another branch developed under the influence of Ulrich Zwingli and later John Calvin. Calvinists believe in the whole counsel of God taught in the Holy Bible and well summarized in the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic Confession, and the Canons of Dort. Central to CRCNA beliefs are the “5 Sola’s of the Reformation (*sola* in Latin means ‘only’ or ‘alone’)”, by Scripture alone, by Christ alone, by grace alone, by faith alone, and for glory to God alone. Calvinists also believe in the biblical teachings of predestination and that outside influences or even bad choices cannot take individuals away from God, whose rule over all of creation gives his followers sure hope for the future .
When the split from the Roman church occurred, churches in Scotland called themselves “Presbyterian” and “Reformed.” The Reformed churches thrived in the Netherlands, and a branch of Dutch Calvinism evolved. Dutch Calvinism ultimately gave rise to the Christian Reformed Church. In the mid-1800s, a group of the followers of the Dutch Reformed Church moved to the US, and in 1857, started the CRCNA.
[***By Vanessa Estella, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/vanessa-estella/)
## For further reading
*Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church of Guam*. “[Welcome](http://faithchurchguam.org/).”
*Christian Reformed Church*. “[Homepage](https://www.crcna.org/).”
**Categories:** Christian, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Post WWII: Religion, Religion
**Tags:** Faith Presbyterian Christian Reformed Church
---
### [Fanihi: Mariana Fruit Bat](https://www.guampedia.com/fanihi-mariana-fruit-bat/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Bats in the old World family Pteropodidae have very large eyes and excellent eyesight in low light, but do not use echolocation. Within the Pteropodidae family, bats in the genus Pteropus are known as flying fox because their face and ears resembles a fox or small dog. The bats found on Guam are Pteropus mariannus, locally called fanihi or fruit bats.
**Content:**
# Fanihi: Mariana Fruit Bat
View more images for the Fanihi entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622533901866/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Scientific name: Pteropus mariannus
Bats in the old world family *Pteropodidae* have very large eyes and excellent eyesight in low light, but do not use echolocation. Within the *Pteropodidae* family, bats in the genus *Pteropus* are known as flying fox because their face and ears resembles a fox or small dog. The bats found on Guam are *Pteropus mariannus*, locally called *fanihi* or fruit bats.
*Pteropus marianus* is a medium sized flying fox. The males are slightly larger than females. Adult bats weigh 0.66 to 1.15 pounds and have a forearm length 5.3 to 6.1 inches. The fur is dark brown in color and often flecked with gray hairs giving the bats a grizzled appearance. Fur at the shoulders and neck is longer and paler brown or golden in color.
The range of *fanihi* is limited to the Marianas and Caroline islands: Guam, Rota, Saipan, Tinian, Agrihan, Sarigan, Anatahan, Pagan, Guguan, Maug, Asuncion, Palau, Yap, Ulithi, and Kosrae.
## Roosts, reproduction and social organization
Fruit bats roost in the canopy of large trees in colonies that can be made up of hundreds or thousands of bats using numerous trees. Bats return to the same colony sites for many years if they are not disturbed. When colonies are repeatedly bothered by hunters or other activities, bats will move to areas that are difficult for people to find such as at the edge of cliffs or in mangroves. A small number of bats typically roost away from colonies solitarily or in very small groups.
Mature males are thought to defend females from other males in a “harem” social organization, where bachelor males roost in trees around the main colony. Females give birth to a single pup annually. Bats are born throughout the year and remain near their mother for up to a year. It is thought that the wild bats live between five to eight years.
## Foraging and foods
Fruit bats feed on fruit, nectar, and young leaves, native forest species are preferred to introduced plants. Fruits that are commonly eaten include:
Scientific nameCHamoru nameEnglish name*Artocarpus mariannensis*dukdukbreadfruit*Cycas circinalis*fadangFederico nut, cycad*Ficus prolixa*nunubanyan, strangling fig*Neisosperma oppositifolia*fagot *Pandanus fragrans*kafupandanus screw pine*Terminalia catappa*talasitropical almondBats also visit flowers for nectar in particular *Barringtonia asiatica*, or putting in CHamoru/Chamorro, and sea poison tree or fish poison tree in English; and *Erythrina variegata*, or gaogao in CHamoru, and Indian coral tree in English. Tender young leaves, shoots and buds are regularly eaten and are an important food sources after typhoons.
Three bats, carrying small radio collars, were followed in Guam’s northern forests of Andersen Air Force Base. They had a distinct foraging area that were used repeatedly, ranging in size from 35 acres to 270 acres. Two of the bats commuted nightly from roosting sites to foraging areas a distance of about three miles. The third bat both roosted and foraged in the same area. The bats foraged in both mature and secondary growth limestone forest.
## Threats, population sizes and status
The number of bats on Guam and in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands has declined drastically in recent years. The US Fish and Wildlife Service has listed *fanihi* as a threatened species. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) lists Mariana fruit bat as an Appendix 1 species meaning “threatened with extinction.”
Scientists estimate that there are less than 40 *fanihi* remaining on Guam. The single *fanihi* colony at Pati Point on Andersen Air Force Base has less than 40 bats at a count in May 2015. Illegal hunting and predation by [brown treesnakes](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/) are the greatest threats to *fanihi* on Guam. Illegal hunting on Rota has greatly reduced the population. There are few fanihi on Saipan, Tinian and Agrihan. The eruption of the volcano on the island of Anatahan in 2003-2005 reduced that island’s bat population from over 1,000 fanihi to an estimated 100 in 2007. Approximately 150 fanihi are on Sarigan. There have been no recent counts on the far northern islands.
From 1970 to 1990, a yearly average of 13,000 *fanihi* were imported from islands across the Pacific for sale in markets on Guam. More than 220,000 *fanihi* were killed during this time, resulting in enormous loss of *fanihi* populations in countries from Palau to Samoa. Samoa has two species of fruit bats, *Pteropus tonganus* and *Pteropus samoensis*, which are different from the species found on Guam, the CNMI and Caroline islands.
*Fanihi* numbers on some islands have never recovered as the populations were driven to such low numbers that even small amounts of hunting are unsustainable. International trade in bats was prohibited in 1990 among countries that are signatory to CITES, (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) which is an international agreement between governments. Its aim is to ensure that international trade in specimens of wild animals and plants does not threaten their survival.
[***By Anne Brooke, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/anne-brooke/)
## For further reading
Hall, Leslie, and Greg Richards. *Flying Foxes: Fruit and Blossom Bats of Australia*. Melbourne: Krieger Publishing Company, 2001.
US Fish and Wildlife Service. “[Species](https://www.fws.gov/apps/office/pacific-islands-fish-and-wildlife/species).” *Pacific Islands Fish and Wildlife Office*.
US Fish and Wildlife Service Pacific Islands Fish and Wildlife Office. “[Mariana Fruit Bat (Pteropus mariannus mariannus)](https://www.fws.gov/apps/species/mariana-fruit-bat-pteropus-mariannus-mariannus).” *Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants Federal Registry*. 70 FR 1190. Honolulu: PIFWO, 2005.
Wiles, Gary J., and Anne P. Brooke. “Conservation Threats to Bats in the Pacific Islands and Insular Southeast Asia.” *Ecology, Evolution, and Conservation of Island Bats*. Edited by Theodore H. Fleming and Paul A. Racey. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Land (Tano), Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Fanihi: Mariana Fruit Bat
---
### [Father Marcian Pellet](https://www.guampedia.com/father-marcian-pellet/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Father Marcian Pellet (1909 - 1996), OFM Cap. was a Capuchin missionary, artist, sculptor, and amateur archaeologist. He spent 57 years dedicated to the Catholic Church in the Mariana Islands, almost four of those years in a civilian Prisoner of War camp in Japan during World War II. His artistic works grace several locations in Guam.
**Content:**
# Father Marcian Pellet
View more images for the Father Marcian Pellet entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622450214221/).
##### Share This
## Artist priest
Father Marcian Pellet (1909 – 1996), OFM Cap. was a Capuchin missionary, artist, sculptor, and amateur archaeologist. He spent 57 years dedicated to the Catholic Church in the Mariana Islands, almost four of those years in a civilian Prisoner of War camp in Japan during World War II. His artistic works grace several locations in Guam.
Pellet was born on 10 November 1909, in Murphysboro, Illinois. He entered the Capuchin Order in 1931 and was ordained a priest in 1939. That same year he volunteered for the overseas missions and was sent to Guam, arriving in December 1939. He served in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) and [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) in 1940.
When Guam was taken over by the Japanese in December 1941, Fr. Pellet was sent along with the other American Capuchin missionaries to Prisoner of War camps in Japan on 10 January 1942. The friars spent three and a half years in several camps in and around Kobe, Japan. In August 1945, they were freed by American forces.
The following year, after recuperating in the US mainland, Pellet returned to Malesso’ and Humåtak in Guam. But the American Capuchins after the war were now responsible for the Northern Mariana Islands, and CHamoru-speaking missionaries were needed there. Pellet was assigned to Rota in 1947. He made the decision to move the people back to the village of Songsong, from which they were evicted by the Japanese because of war preparations. Pellet was for a time the only Westerner on Rota and thus was the civil liaison between the military government and the island residents.
In 1949, CHamorus from Yap were to be repatriated to the Marianas and Tinian was chosen for their re-settlement. Pellet became the first resident Catholic priest of Tinian since the 19th century. He built San Jose Church in Tinian in 1956. He also attended to the patients at the leprosarium which cared for people from all over Micronesia.
Leaving Tinian in 1958, Pellet worked in various ministries over the next dozen years. He served in Rota again two separate times; he assisted in Saipan, taught at Father Duenas Memorial School on Guam and was pastor of the Catholic church in the village [Ordot](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) on Guam. In 1973, due to deteriorating eye sight, Pellet retired from full-time ministry and took up residence at Saint Fidelis Friary.
Pellet was an avid, albeit unschooled, artist. Even in prison camp, he painted watercolors. These survived the war and were put on display many years later on Guam. He painted religious art for various churches throughout the Marianas, many of which are now lost. Still, his artwork can be seen today in churches throughout Guam, including the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in Hagåtña, Saint Francis Church in[ Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), and Saint Fidelis Friary in Agana Heights.
Besides religious art, Pellet was called upon to repair secular statuary. In 1983, a civic group asked him to repair the vandalized statue of Sirena, a mermaid of CHamoru legend, which sits at the San Antonio Bridge, or *Tollai Acho* (Stone Bridge), in Hagåtna. In 1989, he took on his last project, the repair of the John F. Kennedy statue which stands in front of the Tamuning public high school named after the US president.
When he was in Tinian, Pellet did some amateur archaeological digging around the House of Taga, which is the largest set of remaining latte (monolith stone pillars with capstones) in the Marianas, and contributed to archeologist Alexander Spoehr’s article which appeared in the *Journal of the Polynesian Society* in 1961. Artifacts from Pellet’s digs were sent to the Bishop Museum in Hawai’i. Pellet also discovered ancient CHamoru petroglyphs in Tinian at a cave now called “Marcian Cave.”
Pellet died on 18 November 1996.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](https://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Forbes, Eric, OFM Cap. *The Many Colors of Father Marcian*. Agana Heights: Capuchin Friars, Vice Province of Star of the Sea, 2006.
Spoehr, Alexander. “Conquest Culture and Colonial Culture in the Marianas During the Spanish Period.” In *The Changing Pacific: Essays in Honour of H.E. Maude.* Edited by Niel Gunson. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
---
### [Filamore Palomo Alcon](https://www.guampedia.com/filamore-palomo-alcon/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Filamore Palomo Alcon is a contemporary abstract artist who has produced his art for over twenty-five years. Alcon uses acrylics on canvas to create his work. Alcon began drawing at four years old.
**Content:**
# Filamore Palomo Alcon
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Cultural abstract expression
Filamore Palomo Alcon (1952 – 2025) was a contemporary abstract artist who produced art for over 25 years. Alcon used acrylics on canvas to create his work. Alcon began drawing at four years old.
Alcon’s work was inspired primarily from his life experiences dating as far back to his early childhood growing up in the village of [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/ "Piti"), which he expresses mainly through imagination and from deep within his emotions. It was in this, the village environment, that he was able to live the customs and traditions of the CHamoru/Chamorro culture. Although more abstract than representational, Alcon’s work nonetheless depicts the cultural imagery of the island of Guam. During the 1990s, Alcon created island scenes of Guam called the “*Islan Guahan* Series,” which are quite realistic and are a compromise of his usual abstract form of self-expression.
Color is important in Alcon’s works and is one of the essential elements of his artistic statement. His use of bold, intense, and vibrant colors is quite obvious when viewing his art and is symbolic of the emotions of color, though no one color overpowers another because of his use of the color black. Black is prominently used in almost all his work for its ability to balance the colors he uses. This is apparent in his stylized abstract depiction of the island, such as “*Guahan A.D. 1668*”, which was completed in 2000. Because of his use of vibrant contrasting colors, his art produces an illusion of depth and movement on a two-dimensional scale, which gives the viewer a unique feeling of cultural enhancement from an artist perspective.
Numerous exhibitions in the Pacific region have proven successful for Alcon. He participated in various exhibits produced by the CHamoru Artists Association or *I Acha’ot Guahan Siha* of which he was also a founder along with other CHamoru artists. The group’s first public exhibition took place on 25 August 1989 at Tan Ana’s Kusina, a CHamoru restaurant in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"). Other exhibits include the University of Guam Isla Center for the Arts. In 1985, he participated in the Fourth Festival of the Pacific Arts and Culture exhibition in Tahiti. In 1985, he was featured as a local CHamoru artist on the “Islan Guam” TV program. He was a nominee for the Governor’s 1990 Art Award.
Alcon’s first one-man show was held at the Pacific Star Hotel in 1992. In December 1994, he and five other Guam artists opened The Guam Gallery of Art in the CHamoru Village to provide a venue for local and indigenous art. In 1995 his painting was exhibited at the Bangkok National Gallery during the 10th Exhibition of the Asian Watercolor Confederation. Alcon’s artwork was again exhibited at the First Pacific Festival of Contemporary Arts Exhibition at Apia, Western Samoa in the National Cultural Center in September 1996. His artwork was selected and featured for Shell’s 1997 calendar. In November 2000, his work was juried and selected for a group show of Guam Artists titled “Creative Hands V” at the University of Guam’s Isla Center for the Arts. Some of Alcon’s art were was used in books and magazine publications. In 2002, as an artist, he was one of many CHamorus featured in a book, “*I Manfåyi, Who’s Who in Chamorro History,” Volume III*. This book publication is known as the “*Hale’-ta*” series. He was also the featured artist for the *GU Magazine’s* November/December 2005 issue.
In February 2005, Alcon was introduced to using the computer as a means to creating his art. Always an abstract artist, he applied modern technology in producing studies of his art. He viewed the computer as merely a tool to study his concept and designs. Once the studies are finalized, a computerized print is made from which he transferred the imagery created by this technology onto a larger format canvas size using acrylic paints. In October 2005, he was able to use this modern technology to complete an acrylic painting on canvas, “The Tao (The Man) and His Legacy”. This art piece was donated, auctioned, and sold during the Gift of Life Art Charity Auction for the Leukemia and Lymphoma Society, Team in Training.
He has also completed two “*Islan Guahan* Series” paintings, entitled, “*Watching Peskadot*” and “*Fallen Latte*” in 2006 using this modern art technology. He just recently completed another “*Islan Guahan* Series” art study from the computer.
Alcon also worked on studies in preparation for a one-man art show that he called “Cultural Abstractions.” He recently completed two art studies from the computer titled, “*MATAN PAKYO*”, or *The Eye of the Typhoon* and “*NAPUN TASI*”, or *The Wave of the Ocean*.
Alcon was the owner of “The Guam Gallery of Art” located at the CHamoru Village in Hagåtña. He coordinated numerous cultural art exhibitions in 2006. In October 2006, in collaboration with the CHamoru Artists Association, he presented “Orange Night, Spondylus Night,” another cultural art event.
## For further reading
*Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency*. “[Artists – Guam CAHA](https://www.guamcaha.org/artists).” 21 February 2025.
*I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. VoI. 3. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2002.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Filamore Palomo Alcon
---
### [Nieves M. Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-nieves-m-flores/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 1985, 96 years after his birth on 5 August 1889, in the capital city of Laoag in the province of Ilocos Norte, Philippines, Nieves Mariano Flores was inducted into the Hall of Fame of the international fraternity of professional educators, Phi Delta Kappa, for devoting more than 20 years of his life to education.
**Content:**
# Nieves M. Flores
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## Molded island leaders
In 1985, 96 years after his birth on 5 August 1889, in the capital city of Laoag in the province of Ilocos Norte, Philippines, Nieves Mariano Flores was inducted into the Hall of Fame of the international fraternity of professional educators, *Phi Delta Kappa*, for devoting more than 20 years of his life to education.
Nieves Flores (1889 – 1949) was more than a Guam educator—he was a prominent civic leader, an attorney, and a land surveyor—yet remarkably, little is published about the man who molded some of the island’s most talented people, often under austere conditions.
Nieves Flores attended a private Spanish school in Laoag before moving to Manila. At Manila High School he studied surveying and was a classmate of Manual Roxas, who became the first president of the newly independent Republic of the Philippines from 1946 to 1952. Flores furthered his surveying studies at the Trade School of the Philippines before being recruited in 1914 by the US Naval government in Guam to conduct the ongoing cadastral land survey initiated by Governor George L. Dyer in 1905.
Two years later, in 1916, Flores was not only the Navy’s deputy surveyor, but he was also Guam’s Deputy Attorney. For the next seven years, Flores attempted, though unsuccessfully, to survey [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and the surrounding areas; periodic cadastral surveys continued but were rendered virtually useless given the lack of accurate information.
Land surveys conducted during the terms of Naval governors William J. Maxwell, from 1914 to 1916, and Roy C. Smith, from 1916 to 1918, continued to haunt the Naval and civilian governments years later. As stated in historian Robert Rogers *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*, the land surveys showed the Naval government’s record of:
> …poor land management, questionable tax assessments and condemnations, massive court litigation, and huge real estate swindles \[that\] would occur in the decades ahead as consequences of inadequate cadastral information.
Prior to the American recapture of Guam between 21 July and 10 August 1944, as military planners pondered on the best invasion site, Major Frank O. Hough, U.S. Marine Corps stated:
> …that the only overall survey of the island had been done by an engineering unit from the Philippines in 1916 (headed by Nieves Flores).
While performing a dual professional life in the Naval government, Flores married Guadalupe Alcantara Cruz on 11 November 1916 at [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/). Flores’s marriage to Guadalupe was the first of three marriages. Guadalupe died four years later of unknown causes at the age of 25. The union produced two sons—Alexis and Sabino. After [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Alexis graduated from Northwestern University in 1949, one of a handful of Guamanian immediate post-war college graduates, while Sabino was the former head administrative assistant at the Island Provost Marshal’s office.
His second marriage to Rosario Untalan Flores on 18 January 1936 ended tragically as well when on 7 September 1937, she died of childbirth complications. Flores married his third wife Serafina Leon Guerrero Untalan two years later on 30 December 1939 at Hagåtña.
## Begins career as educator
Plagued by marital misfortune and mixed professional success, Flores resigned his position as deputy land surveyor to embark upon a new career—education. Public education in Guam in the early 1920s was riddled with problems: there was a lack of schools and competent English teachers; continued high illiteracy rates in English among the local populace; the 1907 formal introduction of school laws that allowed two separate military schools to open; and Congressional disinterest to increase the operating budget of the Naval government.
## Guam Institute
Rather than opt for public education service, Flores founded and opened (he also served as the school’s principal) the Guam Institute in 1922, a private elementary school located in two houses belonging to Castro de la Cruz of Hagåtña. Five years later, in March 1927, the first nine students of the Guam Institute graduated. In 1928, Flores moved the Guam Institute across the street to the [Jose P. Lujan House](https://www.guampedia.com/lujan-house/), where the school flourished until December 1941.
The Guam Institute was considered the only successful private school in pre-war Guam, and by 1936, included all 12 grades. Day and evening classes were offered and special tutoring was given to public school children as well. Enrollment averaged between 150 and 200 students in those days who paid $1—and later $1.50—per month for tuition. The school’s enrollment increases year after year were partially attributed to Naval government regulations. The school had monthly visits and examinations by Naval officials and was characterized as being on par with \[American\] public schools.
The Institute was also successful for another reason. It offered both vocational and academic course loads to students. In the early 1930s, [Governor Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) issued moderate reforms to the public school system curricula, including “a renewed emphasis on practical vocational guidance.” To cater to the increased enrollment, Flores had a team of 14 educators—evenly divided between academic and industrial arts—who taught some of the island’s most notable future leaders, including [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), [Archbishop Felixberto Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/archbishop-felixberto-c-flores/), Judge Cristobal Duenas, and Judge Joaquin Perez.
On 10 December 1941, Japanese Imperial Army troops landed in Guam and forced the surrender of the Naval government. For two and a-half years, [Guam was occupied by the Japanese](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/) as the horrors of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) engulfed Europe, Asia, and the Pacific. Of the many changes experienced in Guam, one affected the Guam Institute—it was closed down, never to reopen.
Flores survived the war and returned to teaching following the lifting of martial law in Guam in 1946 at George Washington High School in Mongmong. He taught mathematics, and in his spare time, devoted himself to civic organizations, including the Holy Name Society, Agana Scout Committee, and the Filipino Club of Guam as president.
Flores died 7 June 1949 at the age of 59 of “cardiac decompensation” at his home in Julale, Hagåtña, and was survived by his wife Serafina, two sons, and numerous relatives, including attorney Leon D. Flores and Archbishop Felixberto Flores.
Three months later in September, the Guam Public Library was officially renamed the Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library through a proclamation signed by [Governor Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/). In 1949, Norbert Tabery, the director of education, recommended the name change and the library board of directors unanimously voted to approve the change.
[***By Bruce L. Campbell, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/bruce-campbell/)
## For further reading
Caldwell, Mary Sue. “A History of the Guam Public Library System, 1947-1975.” EdD diss., Western Michigan University, 1977.
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: Liberation, 1944*. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1984.
“Flores, a 1985 Phi Delta Kappa Hall of Fame recipient.” n.p. Mimeograph. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, n.d.
“Nieves N. \[sic\] Flores GWHS Instructor Dies at Agana.” *Guam News*, 8 June 1949.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Ronck, Ronn. “Notes on Micronesia.” *Islander*, *Pacific Sunday News*, 22 May 1977.
Underwood, Robert A. “American Education and the Acculturation of the Chamorros of Guam.” EdD diss., University of Southern California, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education
**Tags:** Nieves M. Flores
---
### [Filipinos on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/filipinos-on-guam/)
**Published:** October 2, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** As of 2006, Filipinos on Guam numbered 46,968 naturalized US citizens and permanent residents, as well as 1,339 temporary residents, most of them under temporary labor and investor contracts.
**Content:**
# Filipinos on Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Demographics
As of 2006, Filipinos on Guam numbered 46,968 naturalized US citizens and permanent residents, as well as 1,339 temporary residents, most of them under temporary labor and investor contracts. Comprising nearly one-third of the island’s population, Filipino doctors, educators, nurses, engineers, and business people, as well as construction workers, farmers, plumbers, electricians, chefs, – are a vital part of the island’s infrastructure.
Historically, Filipinos have been on Guam from Spanish colonization in the 17th century. Besides exiling Filipino rebels, Spain brought Filipino soldiers and missionaries to the island. In the years following the Spanish American War of 1898, Americans contracted Filipino engineers and construction workers to help rebuild the island and its economy after the Second World War and several destructive typhoons.
Today, Filipinos in the medical, educational, and religious fields, continue to serve the island’s needs. Since historically many Filipinos who came to Guam decided to stay and settle on island, many CHamorus/Chamorros can claim to have a Filipino ancestor or relative.
## Immigration history on Guam
Together with other Pacific islanders, Filipinos and CHamorus share indigenous cultural and linguistic and colonial histories. Thousands of years before [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) accidentally landed on Guam, their common ancestors most probably lived in mainland Asia. Sailors, farmers and fishermen, they spoke a common mother tongue or related languages.
But for reasons only imagined, perhaps famine, warfare, or illness, or a combination of these reasons, they migrated south to Taiwan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and New Guinea, and sailed east to the Mariana Islands and other islands in the Pacific Ocean. Separated by natural boundaries and time, their once common language and culture became distinct. And yet, cultural and linguistic similarities remain that point to a common Austronesian / Malayo Polynesian ancestry in spite of the absence of written records of contact and trade prior to the accidental arrival of Magellan in 1521.
## Shared colonial history
Current era contact between Filipinos and CHamorus started with the advent of Western colonization. From 1668 to 1898, Spain colonized the Marianas and the Philippines.
Guam was a stopover for the annual [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/european-exploration-trade-and-scientific-studies/galleons/) between Mexico and the Philippines. Manned by Filipino and Mexican sailors with a few Spanish bosses, these galleons brought not only goods for trade and other supplies, but also Filipino soldiers, missionaries, lay assistants, administrators, and even political exiles and convicts, to Guam.
When Mexico won its independence from Spain in September of 1810, the Marianas were governed and administered through the Spanish-established administrative government in the Philippines. After the Mariana’s populace was nearly decimated by warfare and disease, intermarriage with Mexicans, Filipinos, Chinese and Spaniards brought about new cultural designs while the language and ties to the ancient CHamorus were maintained.
After the defeat of Spain in the Spanish-American War of 1898, Guam and the Philippines fell under American rule. Americans continued Spain’s practice of exiling Filipinos to Guam, and started transporting Guam’s lepers to the Philippines’ [Culion Island Leper Colony](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/) in 1912. From 1941 to 1944-5, Japan occupied both the Philippines and Guam. However, their shared colonial histories ended when the United States gave the Philippines commonwealth status in 1935 and independence on 4 July 1946. Guam continues to be an unincorporated territory of the US.
## Spanish Era
Records of Filipinos on Guam during Spanish rule are spotty at best. It is said that when [Father Diego Luís de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) arrived on Guam around 1668, his lay assistant was a Filipino Cebuano named Pedro Calungsor. When San Vitores was martyred, Calungsor was killed along with him. Today, the Catholic Church has accorded both San Vitores and Calungsor “blessed” status, which is the first step towards canonization. In 1690, records show that a company of soldiers on Guam were Filipino Kapampangans.
In 1700, Governor Francisco Medrano of the Marianas proposed that thousands of CHamorus be resettled in the Philippines because the Spanish governors of the Philippines felt the Marianas was a drain on the Spanish treasury. [Jesuit priests](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) nixed this proposal.
Intermarriage made it difficult to keep separate records of Filipinos on Guam. In 1783, Spanish and Filipinos on Guam were recorded separately for the first time, with 818 Spaniards and their descendants and 648 Filipinos and their descendants. In 1819, Filipinos and their descendants reached 1,774, while the number of Spaniards decreased to 965.
The Philippines has always been a source of labor for Guam. In 1851, 65 Filipino convicts pardoned from death sentences were sent to Guam as farm laborers. After one month, they formed a conspiracy to overthrow Spanish authorities. Consequently, they were sent back to Manila. In 1861, 100 convicts were sent to the Marianas as conscript laborer-farmers who were promised money as well as a parcel of land if they were to finish serving their sentences.
The seminaries and universities that Spain established in Manila from the 17th century, as well as the relative proximity of Guam to the Philippines, made it convenient to send not only Filipino laborers to Guam, but also priests. This proximity also made it more convenient to govern Guam from the Philippines especially after Mexico won its independence from Spain. By 1817, records claim that the parish priests of Guam and Rota were sometimes Tagalogs.
## American Era
In 1899, three groups of Filipinos inhabited Guam. One group was composed of political exiles sent to Guam; another group was composed of ex-convicts sent to Guam as laborers, and the third was made up of adventurous Filipinos who came to Guam as paid workers. When the Americans took over Guam and the Philippines in 1898, Jose Sisto, a Spanish-Filipino, became the acting governor/administrator for a short time.
Americans continued Spain’s practice of exiling unwanted and undesirable Filipinos to Guam and using them as conscript farm laborers. These included political prisoners and exiles who rebelled against American rule. The most famous Filipino political exile sent to Guam was the revolutionary writer/lawyer/hero and paraplegic Apolinario Mabini whom Americans labeled as insurrectionist. Exiled on Guam from 1901 to 1903, Americans allowed him to return to the Philippines only after he agreed to take the oath of allegiance to the United States. Others in his group stayed, most notably Pancrasio Palting who in 1912 became Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals.
American administrators did not keep track of Filipinos on island until 1927, when 49 Filipino convicts and political prisoners were exiled to Guam. Records show that in 1940, there were 32 Filipinos on Guam with 175 CHamoru-Filipino children. In 1930, there were 120 Filipino farmers and service personnel with a sprinkling of skilled and unskilled laborers.
The influx of a larger number of Filipinos started after the Second World War because Guam had to be rebuilt after the devastation of the war. Additionally, the military decided to make much larger bases on Guam.
Construction companies with military contracts were allowed to bring Filipino workers to the island. As construction workers, longshoremen, service workers, many of them elected to stay on island after their contracts expired. After protests from local groups as well as the decline of construction work, the influx of foreign workers was reduced.
Before the war, there were only a few hundred Filipinos on island. The Census of 1940 showed that Guam’s population of 22,290 included 90.5 percent CHamoru, 2.6 percent Filipino and 3.5 percent Caucasian. This changed after the war. By 1950, as a result of immigration and importation of Filipino labor, Filipino population increased to 7,258, or 12.2 percent of the total local population of 27,124.
In 1953, the 7,009 male Filipinos far outnumbered the island’s 249 female Filipino workers. By the mid 1950s, CHamorus felt that foreign workers had unfair advantage over them because of the foreign workers’ lower salaries. After protests from local groups, the influx of foreign workers was stemmed. Less contract workers were allowed to enter Guam. Many of those whose contracts expired were sent back to the Philippines. By 1959, the number of Filipinos decreased to 5,000. A few thousand of them became naturalized US citizens and remained on island.
The ebb and flow of Filipinos on island have been influenced by natural and man made disasters, as well as changes in US immigration laws. Particularly changes were made in 1965 which started a new system of immigration into the US and dramatically increased the numbers from Asian countries.
Besides the war, devastating typhoons have ravaged the island, leaving in their wake loss of lives and homes, as well as the destruction of the island’s infrastructure. Consequently, the need for reconstruction and rebuilding brought Filipinos and Koreans to the island after super typhoons such as Karen in 1962; Pamela in 1976; Omar in 1992; Paka in 1997; and Pongsona in 2002. By 1975, there were 10,000 people recorded as having permanent resident status on Guam. Seventy percent of these residents were Filipinos. The number of Filipinos on island has increased to nearly 50,000 today.
## Notable Filipinos on Guam
It would be a monumental task to list all Filipinos who have made Guam their home and contributed in significant ways to the island’s cultural, economic and social development. It is clear that the Filipino presense in Guam is strong and multifaceted.
The number of civic and ethnic organizations within the structure of the umbrella Filipino Community of Guam numbers over seventy. They make their contributions to island life while they continue to be of some assistance to the places they left behind in the Philippines. The technical fields, the construction trades, the professions and the rhythm of social life on Guam has been strengthened by the contributions of Filipinos who have settled on Guam and made their mark.
Ties between the island and the Philippines remain strong. Filipino priests continue to serve in Guam’s parishes. Skilled contract workers continue to come as the military continues to beef up its bases. Due to the island’s proximity to the Philippines, many Filipinos like living and working on Guam and elect to stay.
[***By Clarisa G. Quan, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/clarisa-quan/)
## For further reading
Achútegui, Pedro S. de, and Miguel Bernad. *Religious Revolution in the Philippines: The Life and Church of Gregorio Aglipay, 1860-1960*. Vol. 2. Manila: Ateneo de Manila, 1960.
Alkire, William H. *An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia*. 2nd ed. Menlo Park: Cummings Publishing Co., 1977.
Campbell, Bruce L. “The Filipino Community of Guam (1945-1975).” MA thesis, University of Hawai’i, 1987.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Mariana Islands*. 2nd ed. Translated by Elfriede Craddock and edited by Scott Russell. Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 1. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. *From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Marianas 1690-1740*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1989.
Ibañez y Garcia, Luis de. *The History of the Marianas, with Navigational Data, and of the Caroline and Palau Islands: From the Time of their Discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the Present*. Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. MARC Educational Series no. 12. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Johnston, Emilie G., ed. *Father San Vitores: His Life, Times, and Martyrdom*. MARC Publications Series 6. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Jorgensen, Marilyn Anne. “Expressive Manifestations of Santa Marian Camalin as Key Symbol in Guamanian Culture.” PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1984.
Mayo, Larry W. “Occupations and Chamorro Social Status: A Study of Urbanization in Guam.” PhD diss., University of California-Berkeley, 1984.
Risco, Alberto, SJ. *The Apostle of the Marianas: The Life, Labors, and Martyrdom of Ven. Diego Luis de San Vitores, 1627-1672*. Translated by Juan M.H. Ledesma, SJ and edited by Msgr. Oscar L. Calvo. Hagåtña: Diocese of Agana, 1970.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Non-CHamoru Ethnicity
**Tags:** Filipinos on Guam
---
### [Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan (1911-1997) was an educator, political pioneer and cultural advocate. Born and raised in Guam, Untalan was at the vanguard of bilingual education and will always be remembered for translating the Guam Hymn into the Chamorro language. She was also one of the first Chamorro women to be elected to the Guam Legislature. Untalan volunteered extensively with community groups, including service as President for the Guam Women’s Club from 1957-1958. She also was involved with the various activities of her church and parish.
**Content:**
# Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan
View more photos for the Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157633423010105).
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## Vanguard in bilingual education
Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan (1911 – 1997) was an educator, political pioneer and cultural advocate. Born and raised in Guam, Untalan was at the vanguard of bilingual education and will always be remembered for translating the [Guam Hymn](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/) into the CHamoru/Chamorro language. She was also one of the first Chamorro women to be elected to the [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). Untalan volunteered extensively with community groups, including service as President for the [Guam Women’s Club](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-womens-club/) from 1957-1958. She also was involved with the various activities of her church and parish.
Lagrimas Pereira Leon Guerrero was born in 1911 to Mariana P. and Francisco B. Leon Guerrero in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam. She was the youngest girl of seven sisters and one brother. The Leon Guerrero household, like many during this period, included grandparents Tomasa and Antonio Leon Guerrero and other close relatives.
The Leon Guerrero sisters were very close, fun-loving and known to frequently play pranks on each other. The girls remained close throughout their lives. It was her sisters who encouraged Lagrimas to become an educator.
Lagrimas Leon Guerrero married [Luis Palomo Untalan](http://www.guampedia.com/namesake-school-l-p-untalan-middle/), another prominent educator in 1950. The couple had a son named Ramon who died as an infant. Later, they adopted and raised two children, Ana Maria and Eric Joseph. The couple also opened their home to family and friends, much like the home in which she was raised. They were respected for their cultural knowledge and often took in children to teach them the Chamorro language, music, Spanish crafts and traditional ways of cooking.
Untalan was an accomplished pianist and taught not only piano but also embroidery, knitting and sewing. Her husband Luis taught cooking. An active member of the church, Untalan played the piano and sang during the morning mass of San Vicente Church in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/). Many of the floral arrangements at the church were from her backyard garden. Belta Perez, who lived with the family for four years during her high school years, learned all she could from them. She recalled, “Auntie Ama \[Lagrimas\] was an extraordinary woman. She was intelligent and an accomplished pianist, and an incredible seamstress. I learned a lot from her. She even sewed my dress for the Miss Guam pageant.”
## Dynamic educator
Starting her career directly after graduation from high school, Untalan became a member of a young and dynamic cadre of educators that provided intellectual stimulation for postwar Guam. As a teacher and an active participant in the young government, she brought a sense of respect and analytical thought to all she did. Untalan not only served the people of Guam, she also traveled to Fiji to help the educational system there with curriculum development.
Untalan became a political pioneer when in 1954 she, along with [Cynthia Johnston Torres](), became the first women elected to the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) (3rd Guam Legislature). Untalan was one of eight [Popular Party](http://www.guampedia.com/democratic-party-of-guam/) senators who split off from the party just before the 1956 election and formed the [Territorial Party](http://www.guampedia.com/territorial-party-of-guam/) of Guam, the precursor to the [Republican Party](http://www.guampedia.com/republican-party-of-guam/) of Guam.
## Translated Guam Hymn to Fanoge Chamorro
Untalan also distinguished herself by translating the Guam Hymn, “Stand Ye Guamanians,” into Chamorro. The Chamorro version, “Fanoge Chamorro” is now widely used in schools and civic organizations. Her effort to promote the Chamorro language impacted future Guam leaders. Former Congressman [Robert A. Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/), current President of the University of Guam, stated in his tribute to Untalan before Congress:
> She was tireless in her quest to advance the teaching of the Chamorro language in Guam schools, and her innovation as an educator had a significant impact on my own commitment to the Chamorro language.
>
> She was a wonderful educator whose contributions to her homeland will be remembered every time we sing ‘Fanohge Chamorro.’ Her brilliance will continue to shine in the voices of our school children throughout Guam’s schools every day.
Although Untalan retired in 1970 at the age of 59, she continued to work for her community and was active in church activities until her death in 1997.
***[By Jillette Leon-Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
*[Tribute to the Honorable Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan](https://www.congress.gov/congressional-record/1997/09/25/extensions-of-remarks-section/article/E1863-2)*. 105th Congress, 1st Session, *Congressional Record* 143, no. 130: E1863.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Music, Creative Expressions, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Language, Modern Guam Rises, Music, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan
---
### [Niyok: Coconut](https://www.guampedia.com/niyok/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The coconut, called niyok in Chamorro/CHamoru and cocos nucifera scientifically, is undoubtedly one of the most important native plant foods in the Mariana Islands. Chief among other plants of primary importance to the original CHamoru people including taro, breadfruit, yams, sugarcane, bananas, mangoes, and lemons, coconuts are a staple of ancient, colonial, and contemporary CHamoru horticulture.
**Content:**
# Niyok: Coconut
#### Table of Contents
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## Most used of plants
The coconut, called *niyok* in CHamoru/Chamorro and *Cocos nucifera* scientifically, is undoubtedly one of the most important native plant foods in the Mariana Islands. Chief among other plants of primary importance to the original CHamoru people including taro, breadfruit, yams, sugarcane, bananas, mangoes, and lemons, coconuts are a staple of ancient, colonial, and contemporary CHamoru horticulture.
The coconut tree is the most used of all plants native to the Mariana Islands. CHamorus have learned to make use of every part of this tree and have been doing so for approximately 3,500 years. Requiring little to no effort, the coconut tree existed in rich abundance and the island’s first inhabitants took advantage of this.
The various parts of this plant are used in a myriad ways. The meat and juice of the coconut are used to meet nutritional needs. Coconut milk, squeezed from its grated fruit, is a popular ingredient in much of CHamoru cooking. From this can be made butter and oil, which can be either consumed or used as body and hair oil. Coconut juice, often drank directly from the coconut, is similarly popular. Fermented coconut juice, or *tuba*, is also popular among CHamorus and is sold especially in the southern village of [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/). In addition, this juice can also be boiled to make molasses. Further, this can be spun to make palm sugar.
The meat of the coconut is eaten either just as it is or grated by means of a coconut grater known as a *kåmyo* and is used in a wide variety of CHamoru food dishes. Grated coconut is often used in [*kelaguen* ](https://www.guampedia.com/kelaguen-meat-chicken-or-seafood-with-lemon/)dishes, a CHamoru specialty made with shrimp or chicken, grated coconut, and lemon. It is also used to make coconut candy which is popular with children. The sweet coconut desert known as [*åhu* ](https://www.guampedia.com/ahu-sweet-coconut-porridge/)is popular at various social functions such as rosaries and parties.
The sap from the tree can be used to make *tuba*, an alcoholic drink, or *tuba* vinegar.
In addition to this, the coconut itself has become part of various children’s games, the most popular being the coconut relay, in which children in a line pass it under their legs down the line, trying to outpace the opposing team.
Coconuts are also common feed for local livestock. Old and hollowed coconut shells are used for many things including serving as a kind of cup or bowl and holding liquid. They are also fashioned as utensils such as spoons, cups, and handicrafts. The shells can also be used for starting and maintaining fires.
Further, they have been used as dance implements in post-contact CHamoru performance art. Coconut fiber is commonly used to suspend objects such as shells, pendants, and beads. The shells are often used as bra cups.
The husk of the coconut can be used to decorate a centerpiece, polish a floor, or keep a fire burning. The wood and trunk of the coconut tree is used in hut construction.
Coconut leaves, young and old, are used in a variety of ways as well. New leaves can be used as wrappings for food such as rice or rice cakes. Older leaves can be used to make brooms. Leaves were woven in the past to serve as the roofs of houses. Beyond thatching, coconut trees were often used to build houses.
Young leaves are still commonly used to make everything from hats, baskets, and fans to decorations and handicrafts. Young, yellowish leaves are also used in traditional CHamoru ceremonies. Importantly, the coconut tree and all its parts are still used today in all of these ways by contemporary CHamorus.
Each year, in the contemporary life of Guam’s people, coconut plants are harvested, from nuts to leaves, as students of CHamoru culture celebrate “CHamoru month.” At this time, students across the island sharpen their focus on the ways of past generations and engage in more traditional activities, such as building and thatching huts and learning to weave arts and crafts.
Like CHamorus of old, such activities build community which serve to benefit the movement to perpetuate traditional knowledge in Guam. The coconut is central to the collective life of the CHamoru people, then and now.
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Gomoll, Larry E., ed. *Plants of Guam*. Mangilao: College of Agriculture and Life, Sciences, University of Guam, 1979.
Stone, Benjamin C. “The Flora of Guam. A Manual for the Identification of the Vascular Plants of the Island.” *Micronesica* 6, no. 1/2 (1970): 1-659.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Symbolism
**Tags:** Niyok: Coconut
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Use of Human Bones](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorros-use-of-human-bones/)
**Published:** February 9, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Archeological studies have revealed that during the Latte Period ancient CHamorus retrieved bones from deceased bodies after tissue had deteriorated, and used the bones for use as tools or weapons.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Use of Human Bones
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Used to make tools and weapons
Archeological studies have revealed that during the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/) ancient CHamorus/Chamorros retrieved bones from deceased bodies after tissue had deteriorated, and used the bones for use as tools or weapons.
Father Peter Coomans, a Jesuit missionary in the 1670s, described how leg bones were retrieved:
> To make the former, they despoil corpses of their leg bones, and the longer ones are the most desirable ones. For instance, should they want to get their hands on longer leg bones, they bury the corpses of the dead at a suite, so that the earth would hardly cover the legs from the hips down to the heels, to which they tie small cords, so that, when the ligaments have already putrefied, they pull them \[i.e., the leg bones\] out and intact from the rest of the body.
Presumably, skulls were retrieved in a similar way.
The long bones then could be fashioned into effective weapons by creating a sharp tip, and then adding a double or triple row of barb-like teeth, so that the spear tip would enter the body easily but be difficult to extract, or break off leaving a barb inside the victim’s flesh. Some of the best examples of human bone spear tips have been retrieved from excavations in Saipan. Usually, it was the long bones of enemy corpses that were used to make spear points and other tools, so great care was taken to bury loved ones near their homes in order to prevent rivals from retrieving their skeletal remains.
## Ancestor veneration
The removal of skulls from burials, however, served a more spiritual purpose for the CHamorus. One of the earliest written historical accounts of CHamorus is from Catholic missionary [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/), who, in 1602, jumped ship off the shores of Rota, an island north of Guam, and lived there for several months. He wrote that CHamorus held the skulls of their ancestors, especially of parents and grandparents, in high regard.
These skulls were “kept in a high place inside their houses and, toward them, they make a kind of bowing gesture, thereby showing them a degree of respect.” Fray Pobre further described how the skulls were used as tokens of good luck, especially for fishing. Offerings of fresh fish or turtle caught during fishing expeditions would be placed before the oldest skulls in a special ceremony, inviting the dead ancestors to eat with them.
The ancestral skulls were also used by the *makahnas*―the traditional healers or shamans―for special prayers and ceremonies. According to Spanish accounts, the CHamorus believed that the spirit of the dead ancestor ([aniti](http://www.guampedia.com/aniti-2/) or plural *maknganiti*) resided in the skull. The skulls were kept in little baskets in the house of the *makahna*, who could communicate with the *maknganiti* and invoke favors from them for fishing or other daily activities, for healing, rainfall, or to seek protection from harm. The *makahna* also used the skulls to predict the future―a practice the Catholic priests strongly rejected. These practices were linked with the CHamoru belief in the immortality of the soul and the afterlife.
According to Catholic missionary [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), the [CHamorus believed](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-world-view/) that the souls of individuals who died a peaceful death would go to a paradise beneath the earth, where there was an abundance of bananas, coconuts, sugar cane and other fruits. Individuals who died violently, on the other hand, ended up in *[Sasalaguan](http://www.guampedia.com/chaife-folktale/)*, a place similar to the Christian notion of hell.
More importantly, the CHamorus believed the souls of individuals could return to earth and visit with relatives. At the time of death, a basket would be placed near the individual’s head as an invitation for the deceased to return for a visit. At other times, an individual’s corpse, anointed with fragrant oils, would be taken from house to house of different relatives to offer the *aniti* a place to remain among the living. Thus, the skull retrieved from a burial represented the tangible presence of the ancestral spirit, and therefore was given a special place in the home.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino)***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Religion, Burial Practices and Beliefs, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Early Historic Accounts, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Religion
---
### [Filmmaking](https://www.guampedia.com/filmmaking/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Though it is still relatively small, filmmaking is growing on Guam as both an art form and an industry. On an island that values story-telling, community, and preserving history and traditions, film is a natural fit as an arts medium and technology is only expected to help it continue to flourish.
**Content:**
# Filmmaking
#### Table of Contents
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## Telling Guam's stories
Though it is still relatively small, filmmaking is growing on Guam as both an art form and an industry. On an island that values story-telling, community, and preserving history and traditions, film is a natural fit as an arts medium, and technology is only expected to help it continue to flourish.
The seeds of filming images of Guam began to take root in the [US Naval Era of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). There is footage of US Navy Captain Richard Leary and his family riding on a horse-drawn carriage in front of the Governor’s Palace. Although this early footage may not be considered a film, it was the first time that the technology to capture moving images came to Guam. In a sense, it may be considered the first attempt to tell a story through film in Guam. The Baptist Church also filmed scenes of Guam in the 1930s in order to raise funds in the United States to build churches in the island.
## Post World War II
Filmmaking became more important on Guam in the aftermath of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), as the military and others attempted to document the military presence in the island, and tell the stories of the island’s re-growth to stateside audiences.
In addition to news footage, the wartime saw the production of military films such as *Marines at Tarawa-Return to Guam*, an official US Marine Corps picture that won the 1944 Academy Award for best short-form documentary. The two-reel film, alternately titled *With the Marines at Tarawa*, followed the marines as they took control of the islands of Tarawa (part of the Republic of Kiribati) and Guam after Japanese occupation during the war. The film was shot by combat photographers in the field, and is noted for being one of the most graphic portrayals of wartime casualties of its time.
One of the island’s first involvements in a commercial film was in the 1971 feature *Noon Sunday,* directed by Terry Bourke and produced by Bourke and local resident Gordon Mailloux. Portions of the film, an action feature following two mercenaries on a “South Sea” island as noted in promotional materials, were filmed in Guam with others filmed in the Philippines. The film starred Mark Lenard, John Russell, Linda Avery, and Keye Luke.
The 1967, Japanese monster movie *Son of Godzilla* (*Kaijûtô no kessen: Gojira no musuko*) also shot much of its footage in Guam to take advantage of low costs and beautiful scenery. Apart from Godzilla, most of Guam’s films would draw from the war for material for the next few decades.
On the 50th anniversary of Guam’s liberation in 1994, *Guam’s Liberation: The Story of Guam’s People in the Years Surrounding WWII*, produced by local resident Annette Donner, was released. The picture documents the prewar experience, Japanese invasion and occupation, and the island’s liberation through interviews and archival footage.
Seventeen years earlier, *Yokoi and His Twenty-Eight Years of Secret Life on Guam* (*Yokoi shoichi: Guamu-to 28 nen no nazo o ou*), was released, a Japanese documentary by Nagisa Oshima about the Japanese soldier [Shōichi Yokoi](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-sgt-shoichi-yokoi-last-straggler-on-guam/) who hid out in a [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) cave for 28 years following the end of the war.
## Feature films
One of the first feature productions shot by local filmmakers was *Guam: Paradise Island*, which was shot on video and presented on television in 1984. Produced and directed by Herman Crisostomo and written by Jillette Leon-Guerrero, the feature used local actors, models, and music to portray some of the island’s history and its stories.
Other local filmmakers, including Carlos Barretto, Tony Sanchez, Kathy Coulehan, Vince Diaz, Jillette Leon-Guerrero, Carmen Kasperbaurer, [Rita Nauta](https://www.guampedia.com/rita-nauta/), and [Baltazar Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/baltazar-aguon/) have produced projects on island documenting its unique history and culture such as *History of Guam Through Song* and [*I Tinituhon: Puntan yan Fu’una*](https://www.guampedia.com/i-tinituhon/).
Kathy Coulehan made significant contributions to documenting CHamoru/Chamorro stories. Her work, done in the 1990s, is still aired today. In some cases, it is the only video document on the subject. Carlos Barretto continues to produce videos profiling Guam’s notable businessmen/women and the contributions they made to Guam, noting the significant events that led to the creation and/or development of Guam’s commercial-business industry.
### Pacific Islanders in Communication
Seeking to develop the talents of Pacific Islander filmmakers, the Honolulu-based non-profit organization Pacific Islanders in Communications (PIC) was formed in 1991 with two Chamorros, Catherine Cruz and Carol Ibanez, as founding members. The group seeks to support and encourage the development of PBS quality media in Hawaiʻi, Guam, and other Pacific Islands, and has held numerous producers’ academies and workshops in Guam to build the island’s filmmaking industry.
PIC aims to seek out these stories and filmmakers, and provides funding and distribution of the finished projects. PIC is one of five minority consortiums established by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, created to give Pacific Islanders greater opportunities to have their films and stories aired for national audiences via PBS. Some of the films about Guam that PIC has financed are *Sacred Vessels*, *Chamorro Dreams*, *The Insular Empire: America in the Mariana Islands*, and *Tano y Chamorro* (a working title).
Still, as Chamorros make their mark on the filmmaking scene, the island government has faltered in its attempts to become involved in filmmaking. In 2003, Hollywood director Albert Pyun contacted the Guam Economic Development Administration about shooting the action flick *Max Havoc: Curse of the Dragon* on the island. Seeking the publicity and exposure that a large-scale feature would give to Guam, the government put up $800,000 to guarantee a bank loan on which Max Havoc’s makers later defaulted. The *Los Angeles Times* describes the straight-to-video release that resulted from the controversy in the June 13, 2007 article “Camera, legal action.”
In the resulting 90 minutes of cinematic chop sockey, Swiss-born Mickey Hardt stars as a champion kickboxer-turned-sports-photographer drawn into a web of intrigue on Guam. The plot revolves around women in bikinis, clashes with Japanese assassins, a coveted jade dragon filled with cremated remains, and a sinister “grand master” played by David Carradine. Carmen Electra has a blink-and-you’ll-miss-it cameo as a beach vendor.
## Cultural connection
Local filmmaking began to thrive in the 1980s and 1990s as Guam filmmakers began to take advantage of film’s ability and people’s interest to document the island’s wide range of histories and traditions. Beyond just telling the stories of the island, these films attempted to explore how the stories contributed to making the island and its people what they are today.
The sentiments during this time were based upon the island’s push for political status, and documenting the hardships and suffering that the Chamorro people endured during World War II was an important part of the political status argument. The Chamorro people were not US citizens and had very limited political rights at the time.
As a result, Guam saw more and more of its history re-created in film, and it was only a matter of time before filmmakers capitalized on that interest by producing more films about Guam, the culture, the stories, and history.
One of the first films to tackle the local identity was *Chamoru Dreams* by Eric Tydingco in 1996. The short film, fully shot on Guam, follows the filmmaker as he interviews locals and explores the island to discover what it means to be Chamorro in the modern day. Pacific Islanders in Communications produced the film as part of the Pacific Diaries series.
Another film was *Pattera: Midwives of Guam,* a video documentary by Karen A. Fury Cruz in 2001. This film documented the personal stories of trained Chamorro midwives in the beginning of the 20th century, and traced how their lives reflected the island’s shifting culture of the time.
Like *Chamoru Dreams, Pattera,* and many others, contemporary local films have tapped into the island’s rich oral traditions. For centuries, Guam’s stories and other information were passed on by word of mouth, and filmmaking is a natural extension of that tradition. Local writer and producer Baltazar Aguon, who has worked on several local films, explained that in the past, stories were just told. In film, filmmakers can create a scene and show what people are doing, thinking and feeling. Viewers can almost live in that period. Because this is a new medium for Guam, many more stories are expected on film.
The expansion of film also has the potential to democratize education and the flow of information. In the island’s past, many traditional skills–such as making crafts and tools, dancing, singing, and other arts–were only able to be learned on a one-to-one basis and then only by a select few. They were lost to those who were not able to experience and learn them in person. Once these skills are documented on film, they become accessible, conceivably, to anyone who chooses to pursue them.
Aguon points to a local film in the works documenting Project Proa, a local initiative to build and launch Chamorro Proa canoes using traditional materials and techniques. By documenting this process, it makes these traditions accessible to anyone who watches the film.
## Future of film in Guam
As technology becomes more accessible, so does filmmaking, and many see this contributing to a blossoming of filmmaking as an arts medium in Guam.
While filmmaking got its start in Guam with emphasis on documentaries, it has since moved into the commercial world. Distinctions are now apparent between the styles of films produced in Guam and the people involved in each of those styles of filmmaking. With more filmmakers given the opportunity to work on projects that fit a certain genre and style, there are choices now for filmmakers to crew or produce.
In the early 1980s and 1990s, the scarcity of projects meant few crew to call upon, and those that were called did so because that was probably the only project available to work. The lack of work translated to a film industry virtually non-existent.
Today however, it’s a different story. With choices of projects to work on and various genres of films being produced, the industry is slowing developing. While still not enough to leave a day job, there are a growing number of filmmakers making a living doing film work.
With the advent of digital mediums and the growing number of graphic artists, together with the ever-improving talents of those in the film, the explosion of their art come together on television in the commercial world.
Guam television stations like KUAM, Sorenson Pacific, and MCV, to name a few, are always seeking local programming. Independent producers such as Therese Arroyo-Matanane, Nathan Denight, Marissa Borja, and Brian and Peter Duenas are developing shows and providing them for broadcast. They are not affiliated with a broadcast station but provide local programming to them.
A search for “Guam” or “Chamorro” on the video-sharing web site Youtube.com results in thousands of videos, from news clips and family movies to short films complete with soundtracks. With putting out a film now within reach to anyone with a computer and digital camera, Guam is making its mark in filmmaking like never before. The availability of technology is allowing local filmmakers to experiment with new techniques, styles and methods of distribution.
In 2005, a Los Angeles filmmaker with Chamorro roots, Alex Munoz, made a film with Baltazar Aguon, Therese Arroyo-Matanane, and Bert Sardoma, Jr. called “Måtto Sainata as Hurao: The Return of the Elder Hurao,” a short vignette about the ancient Chamorro leader [Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/) who called islanders to unite against the Spanish invasion. The film, distributed on the Internet, is entirely in the Chamorro language with English subtitles. Munoz is currently working on a longer feature film.
In 2008, Chamorro filmmakers and brothers Kel and Don Muna completed production on *Shiro’s Head – The Legend*, a feature-length film they wrote and directed which was shot entirely in Guam using local actors. *Shiro’s Head* was shown on Guam in October 2008.
The Muna brothers took the additional step of documenting their progress on video, and posting those videos on the Internet for another glimpse of filmmaking in Guam.
[***By Connor Murphy***](https://www.guampedia.com/connor-murphy/)
## Videos
Video features:
1. *Pattera*, Karen Fury Cruz (video clip)
2. *Guam Paradise Island*, Herman Crisostomo (video clip)
3. *Måtto Sainata as Hurao: The Return of the Elder Hurao*, Alex Munoz
4. *Noon Sunday*, Terry Bourke (image linked to IMDb)
5. *Shiro’s Head*, Kel and Don Muna (trailer)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0087-KC-01-Pattera.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Guam-Paradise-Island_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/Hurao.webp)
[
](https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0073464/)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0117-SH-01-Dion-Lizama-copy.webp)
## For further reading
Crisostomo, Herman, dir. *Guam: Paradise Island.* Guam: Herman Crisostomo Productions, 1984. VHS.
Cruz, Karen A. Fury, dir. *Pattera: Midwives of Guam.* Guam: Guam Humanities Council. Pattera Video Project, 2001. VHS.
Donner, Annette, dir. *Guam’s Liberation: The Story of Guam’s People in the Years Surrounding WWII.* Guam: Donner Video Productions, 1994. VHS.
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
*IMDb*. “[Son of Godzilla (1967)](https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0061856/).”
*–––*. “[Noon Sunday (1970)](https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0073464/).”
–––. “[Dokyumento: Jinsei no gekijô” Yokoi Shôichi: Guamu-tô 28 nen no nazo o ou (TV Episode 1977)](https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0076940/).”
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
*Pacific Islanders in Communications*. “[Home](http://www.piccom.org/).”
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Filmmaking
---
### [Herman Crisostomo](https://www.guampedia.com/herman-crisostomo/)
**Published:** August 29, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Herman A. Crisostomo is a photographer and filmmaker known for his stylish television commercials and photographs of beautiful women. Born in Sinajana to Herman Aguon Crisostomo and Marie Rosario Crisostomo, he is one of nine children. Crisostomo owns Pacific Pictures Film & Video, and Pictures, Inc.
**Content:**
# Herman Crisostomo
#### Table of Contents
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## Image creator
Herman A. Crisostomo is a [photographer](http://www.guampedia.com/photography/) and [filmmaker](http://www.guampedia.com/filmmaking/) known for his stylish television commercials and photographs of beautiful women. Born in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/ "Sinajana (Sinahånña)") to Herman Aguon Crisostomo and Marie Rosario Crisostomo, he is one of nine children. Crisostomo owns Pacific Pictures Film & Video, and Pictures, Inc.
Crisostomo began his education at the University of Guam studying art in the 1970s. Frustrated with creating images freestyle, he took a class in commercial art where he had to learn to use a camera. While he had rejected the camera earlier as too complicated, once he understood the device he fell in love with it. After earning a BA in art at UOG, Crisostomo left Guam to attend Brooks Institute of Photography in Santa Barbara, California, in 1977, graduating with a BA and BS in 1980 in Illustrative Photography. Nearly five years later he went to the Art Center, College of Design in Los Angeles to pursue another dream of becoming a filmmaker, and earned an MFA in Film in 1988.
People on Guam know a Herman Crisostomo photograph or television commercial when they see one, as Crisostomo’s work always has a certain sense of style and lighting that is highly recognizable – which Crisostomo explains is a result of a mixture of art and commercialism.
Crisostomo describes his photography as a multilevel form of communication. He creates images that can be viewed as art or as a marketing component. The photographer, Crisostomo says, must imagine or see the image in his own mind and also understand how the camera will translate the message he wants to communicate to his audience. Making that connection is where the creative process comes in.
While people comment most on his exquisite lighting, Crisostomo said that there is much more to creating beautiful images – lighting is just one element. The photographer also has to factor in styling, visual composition, location or set environment and subject appeal. Everything in the photograph is communicating something, including choice of colors or no colors, facial and body expressions and so on.
A picture is built with layers of visual nuances. How a photographer combines and arranges these elements determines the strength of the visual message. Once the photographer has composed all these elements, the picture must also elicit some emotion in the viewer. Without that emotional connection the photo, whether it’s art or commercial, lacks the real power of the photograph.
With the advent of digital technology the final form is often in post production, the editing work that is done in the computer after the shot is taken. In print advertising and television commercials photographers and cinematographers use these layers of communication to invent desire for a particular product, service or concept.
Commercial art is all about controlling the elements. Crisostomo can take the same model and create film noir, a glamour magazine style, or more of an artsy style, depending on what it is meant for, by working with the lighting, styling, and finally, in production. The client works with the photographer to decide whether this image is going to be something that will be hung on a wall in a home or whether it will be a billboard or a TV commercial, and it is up to the photographer to effectively render the image.
Lighting, though, is an important aspect to photography and is controlled by the photographer. The important thing, Crisostomo explained, is to see how you want the photograph to be lighted and then work to make that happen. For example, the light can come in from a window, or it can be reflected off a wall. How the light affects the subject is also important.
Crisostomo loves photographing people. Because of his background in advertising photography his favorite subjects tend to have some particular characteristics and/or beautiful faces. He creates visual concepts which connects people and products, using models and talent mostly as visual attention devices. An advertising photo or a TV commercial must first get the viewers attention before it can sell anything. In the advertising world, the more widely used visual elements are typically beautiful faces and bodies, simply because of their power to create attention whether it’s fashion, glamour or other product association. Other powerful images that people easily respond to are children and animals.
Most of Crisostomo’s work is in advertising with emphasis on fashion and glamour. Because of this he tends to look for certain qualities in his models – lines and proportions that he considers pleasing to the eye. He is interested, though, not just in classic facial beauty but also uniqueness. Not all attractive people are photogenic, Crisostomo notes.
He has learned to distinguish which faces are easier to photograph. There are actual mathematical formulas for determining if a face is photogenic such as measurements, size relations and symmetry within a face. The fuss over this technicality, however, is probably more relevant in modeling agencies or cosmetic surgery clinics. Most photographers rely on their visual instincts and when in doubt will perform test shots to determine a model’s actual photogenic potential. A perfectly proportioned face is one thing but without the model’s personal intrinsic personality, it’s just another face. An image is only as powerful as the emotion it elicits, he says.
As a filmmaker Crisostomo noted that making television commercials is quite similar to commercial photography. The cinematographer is using the same elements of styling, lighting, timing, composition and emotion triggers, and adding two more dimensions – sound and motion. Those two elements, he says, exponentially escalates the power of photographic imagery.
Crisostomo considers TV commercials to be mini films. Unfortunately, many of them can be annoying and invasive especially the commercials that want to deliver their sales pitch like a hammer to the head. These commercials only insult your intelligence and irritate your senses, Crisostomo says, making one glad the remote control was invented. The commercials that people love to hate can actually create a negative impact on the company as well as product it is trying to sell and can be a waste of advertising dollars.
Although there’s a myriad of TV commercial styles, Crisostomo tends to adopt the “Positive Emotion Association” method. He subscribes to the idea of entertaining the audience first and in the process, elicit some positive emotion, and then associate that feeling with the product. When emotion is added to the equation the viewer has better recall and is thus more likely to remember the product. When that recall is colored with positive perception, the audience is also more likely to buy a product.
Besides taking photographs and creating television commercials, Crisostomo made two video specials about Guam: *Guam Paradise Island* in 1984 (a docudrama) and *Discover Guam* (a tourism promotional video) in 1994. He was also the video editor for *Pattera*, a documentary by Karen Cruz, and *Sacred Vessels*, a documentary by Dr. Vince Diaz. He also was either the producer, director, cinematographer and/or editor for the following: “Tumon Sands Plaza,” “GPO,” “Mega Models of Asia,” “The Magic of Rick Thomas,” “Pacific International Corporation,” and various television commercials.
Crisostomo wrote, directed, photographed and produced most of the Gibson’s (the predecessor of GPO in Tamuning) television commercials from the mid-1980s through the 1990s, as well as its successor, Guam Premier Outlets. Other notable commercials he is associated with are those for Mid Pac’s Miller Lite, Continental Airlines, GPO Fashion, FlipFlops Shop and Miss Guam World.
***[By Shannon J. Murphy](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)***
## Video
## For further reading
Leon-Guerrero, Jillette. *Seeing Guam Through Our Eyes.* Agana Heights: Guamology Publishing, 2010.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Photography
**Tags:** Herman Crisostomo
---
### [Fino' Gualåfon: Moonlight Talk](https://www.guampedia.com/fino-gualafon-moonlight-talk/)
**Published:** December 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fino' gualåfon was a style of language developed and used by young bachelors in ancient CHamoru society. The term fino' gualåfon translates as follows: “fino'” is language and “gualåfon” is the full phase of the moon, or specifically, full moon language or language of the full moon.
**Content:**
# Fino' Gualåfon: Moonlight Talk
#### Table of Contents
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## Language of bachelors
*Fino’ gualåfon* was a style of language developed and used by young bachelors in ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society. The term *fino’ gualåfon* translates as follows: “*fino’*” is language and “*gualåfon*” is the full phase of the moon, or specifically, full moon language or language of the full moon.
Young CHamoru bachelors were referred to as [*uritao*](http://www.guampedia.com/uritao/). The *uritao* lived together in one of the largest houses in the village called the [*guma’ uritao*](http://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/) or house of bachelors. In the *guma’ uritao*, young men would learn the trades and skills required to become a man. The *uritao* were also schooled in the oral traditions of singing, chanting, dancing, storytelling, sexual practices, poetry, and debate.
*Fino’ gualåfon* was considered a mysterious language by early visitors to the Marianas. The language was created by the *uritao* and was used primarily in speaking with each other. In the *guma’ uritao* the young men would confide in each other and establish life long bonds. *Fino’ gualåfon* may have developed as a result of how close the *uritao* were to one another.
*Fino’ gualåfon* was used primarily in love songs. The *uritao* were instructed how to sing and were often responsible for creating new songs. The *fino’ gualåfon* was a result of their learning and was their creative addition to their abilities as performers.
[Jesuits](https://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) missionaries brought Christianity to the Marianas in 1668 and by the time the CHamoru-Spanish wars ended in 1695 the tradition of *fino’ gualåfon* was lost. As Christianity gained influence with the CHamoru people, the Jesuits were able to get rid of the *guma’ uritao* which they considered undesirable. The *uritao*, without a place to learn or create songs, did not continue the mysterious language of *fino’ gualåfon*.
[***By Nathalie Pereda***](http://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
–––. “Pre-Christian Chamorro Courtship and Marriage Practices Clash with Jesuit Teaching.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume Two. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Men's Roles, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Fino' Gualåfon: Moonlight Talk
---
### [First Holy Communion and Confirmation](https://www.guampedia.com/first-holy-communion-and-confirmation/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Church rites. Primera Kumuñon (First Holy Communion) and Komfetmasion (Confirmation) are church rites that have become CHamoru traditions among Catholics.
**Content:**
# First Holy Communion and Confirmation
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## Church rites
*Primera Kumuñon* (First Holy Communion) and *Komfetmasion* (Confirmation) are church rites that have become CHamoru/Chamorro traditions among Catholics. The celebrative nature of these occasions is not as elaborate as the [*baotismo*](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/). The first formal activity commences with the *kumuñon* (Holy Communion) and followed with the *komfetmasion*.
The baptismal godparents are the principal witnesses in the Holy Communion ceremony; however, only one godparent with the same sex as the child is selected for the *komfetmasion*. Customarily, the parents select the Confirmation godparent, usually an associate at work or friend. However, in some families, the child gets to select his or her godparent. Both occasions begin with a Mass and are followed by a small breakfast or dinner consisting mainly of the nuclear family and the godparents. The *Amotsan Kumuñon* (Communion breakfast) is served either at home or restaurant depending on the finances of the parents. *Chenchule’* in the form of money or gifts is given to the child.
A small dinner party after the church ceremony for Confirmation may be held at the parents home or at a restaurant depending on the parents’ finances. *[Chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)* is also given at Confirmation–money or the Confirmation apparel.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from ”Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Birth and Childhood Practices, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** First Holy Communion and Confirmation
---
### [Sea Stars, Sea Urchins and Other Echinoderms Of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/sea-stars-sea-urchins-and-other-echinoderms-of-guam/)
**Published:** December 11, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Echinoderms are members of a phylum (i.e., a major group) of common, often large and colorful shallow-water invertebrates seen on the reefs around Guam. The phylum is comprised of five classes: sea stars, sea urchins, sea cucumbers, brittle stars and sea lilies. The first three classes need little introduction and have been recognized since ancient times.
**Content:**
# Sea Stars, Sea Urchins and Other Echinoderms Of Guam
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## Rich reef life
Echinoderms are members of a phylum (i.e., a major group) of common, often large and colorful shallow-water invertebrates seen on the reefs around Guam. The phylum is comprised of five classes: sea stars, sea urchins, sea cucumbers, brittle stars and sea lilies. The first three classes need little introduction and have been recognized since ancient times.
Brittle stars resemble starfish, but their arms are thin and can writhe independently. Deepwater sea lilies resemble their namesake, stalked with their petal-like arms spread into the current. The shallow-water cousins of the sea lilies are stalkless, and often go by the name of feather stars and may be seen by divers at night perched atop coral heads. These five classes are united under the phylum Echinodermata (from the Greek for “spiny-skinned ones”) by the presence of hydraulically powered tube-feet, an internal skeleton of crystalline chalk, and the unique ability to change their skin from leather hard to gelatinous ooze at will.
## Cultural history
Throughout Micronesia, sea urchins are collected and their gonads eaten. Their skeletons, called tests, are known from the refuse middens of prehistoric CHamorus/Chamorros, suggesting that the animals were also eaten in the Marianas. Sea cucumbers are also eaten on other Micronesian islands today, but there is no evidence of these animals from archaeological deposits, though it is doubtful that anyone has thought to look.
The other three classes of echinoderms have too little flesh to be eaten. CHamorus call the sea stars and brittle stars *puti’on tåsi*, which means “star of the sea.” Sea urchins go by *lå’on*, while sea cucumbers are called [*balåti*](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-balate/). Neither of these terms are translatable. No CHamoru names for sea lilies or feather stars has been identified, perhaps because in Guam waters, the animals are uncommon, nocturnal and restricted to deeper reef slopes.
Economically, sea cucumbers are the most important echinoderms. They are a gourmet food item in northern Asia and several commercially valuable species were exported from Guam by the Chinese during the [Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and [American](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) administrations of the island in the 19th and early 20th centuries. A red secretion from the skin of a common black species *Holothuria atra* is still used on Guam to evict octopus from their holes. Another species, *Bohadschia argus,* releases sticky, white collagen tubules (“bubblegum *balåti*”) when disturbed that are placed over coral cuts to stem bleeding.
## Diversity and systematics
There are more than 200 species of echinoderms known to inhabit the shallow waters around Guam. There are about 36 species of sea stars, 53 sea urchins, 47 sea cucumbers, 47 brittle stars and 21 sea lilies. While echinoderms are relatively well known for invertebrates, new species, even large, plentiful ones, are constantly being discovered on coral reefs, including those around Guam.
Currently, there are at least a dozen species that have been found recently around Guam that cannot be identified to species and may be new to science.
While new species of echinoderms have been discovered around Guam, very few, if any, are likely to be restricted to the island or the Mariana Archipelago, as nearly all species have potentially widely dispersed eggs and larvae. The most common family of tropical sea stars, the Ophidiasteridae, have 15 representatives on Guam, including the distinctive large, blue *Linckia laevigata*, often seen while wading.
## Reproduction and development
Most animals inhabiting tropical oceanic islands are broadcast spawners. These species, including most echinoderms on Guam, spawn annually or biannually en masse at night. Eggs and sperm are released into the water, where the eggs are fertilized. The larvae will stay in the water column, drifting amongst the other plankton, feeding and growing, until metamorphosis into a miniature adult form and settlement onto the reef. Each class of echinoderm has a distinctive larval form. Developmental times may be longer than a month among broadcast spawning species or as short as a few days for those, like the sea lilies, that have forsaken a feeding Odyssean larvae.
## Ecology
Guam echinoderms have distinctive distributions around the island. Some species are restricted to the shallow reef flats, where they may be particularly abundant. These species must be able to tolerate the harsh conditions there, where water temperatures may reach over 40°C (104°F) during spring low tides or where salinity may drop to only 25 percent of that of ambient seawater because of rain runoff.
Common reef-flat species include the large blue sea star *Linckia laevigata*, the black, long-spined sea urchin, *Diadema setosum*, and the black, sand-covered sea cucumber *Holothuria atra*. This latter species sometimes reaches densities of 20/m² on some protected, west-facing reef flats. Some species like the white-mottled chestnut sea cucumber *Actinopyga mauritiana* or the plated sea urchin *Colobocentrotus mertensi* prefer the wave-battered outer reef margin.
Other species, such as many of the sea lilies, are restricted to the deeper forereef slope and may only be seen at night with the aid of SCUBA. Occasional large waves from severe storms and typhoons may also account for the fewer large echinoderms seen on shallow, east-facing windward shores.
***[By Alexander M. Kerr](http://www.guampedia.com/alexander-m-kerr/)***
## For further reading
Allen, Gerald R., and Roger Steene. *Indo-Pacific Coral Reef Guide*. Singapore: Tropical Reef Research, 1996.
Burdick, David. “other seastars.” *Guam Reef Life*. Last modified 21 April 2020.
Colin, Patrick L., and Charles Arneson. *Tropical Pacific Invertebrates*. Beverly Hills: Coral Reef Press, 1995.
Cunningham, Lawrence J., and Janice J. Beaty. *Guam: A Natural History*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
Gosliner, Terrence M., David W. Behrens, and Gary C. Williams. *Coral Reef Animals of The Indo-Pacific: Animal Life from Africa to Hawaii Exclusive of the Vertebrates*. Monterrey: Sea Challengers, 1996.
Guam Department of Agriculture Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources. *Fish & Wildlife Fact Sheets*. Mangilao: DAWR, 2002.
Kerr, Alexander M. “Holothuroidea. Sea Cucumbers.” *Tree of Life Web Project*, 2000.
*NOAA Photo Library*. “The Coral Kingdom.” National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Photo Library Collections.
**Categories:** Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Sea Stars, Sea Urchins and Other Echinoderms Of Guam
---
### [Fort Santa Agueda](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort Santa Agueda, the only surviving Spanish fort in Hagåtña, sits atop Apugan Hill on the western coast of Guam. The fort, now commonly called Fort Apugan, provides a commanding view of the capital village of Hagåtña, the Philippine Sea, and the sheer northern clifflines of Oka Point and Urunao Point.
**Content:**
# Fort Santa Agueda
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## At Apugan Hill, overlooking Hagåtña
Fort Santa Agueda, the only surviving Spanish fort in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), sits atop Apugan Hill on the western coast of Guam. The fort, now commonly called Fort Apugan, provides a commanding view of the capital village of Hagåtña, the Philippine Sea, and the sheer northern clifflines of Oka Point and Urunao Point. The fort is also in a prime location to study the northern topography of the island with its raised limestone plateau. During the [Spanish era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), however, the site was developed for tactical purposes.
## Built in 1800 using mampostería
The fort was built during the administration of Governor Manuel Muro (1794 – 1802). Construction of the fort was spurred by orders from Spain for all governors to reinforce the defensive capabilities of the empire against Britain. The fort was completed in 1800 and is named in honor of Muro’s wife, María Agueda del Camino. The fort was constructed from stone rubble, known as [*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/), which is a CHamoru/Chamorro construct of Spanish origin. The terreplein, a level space behind the parapet or wall, was created with a mixture of loose gravel and sandy soil. The parapet, approximately five feet tall, was built on the raised terreplein.
The fort was equipped with embrasures for 10 small cannons, which were faced toward the Hagåtña Bay channel. Muro selected Apugan Hill as a fortification site to protect the low lying Governor’s Palace and Fort San Rafael, which were prone to hillside assaults. [Spanish governors](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-biographies/spanish-governors-of-guam/) were concerned with the possibility of English privateers pillaging the colony or capturing vessels involved with the lucrative [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/).
One of the earliest historical references to the fort was written by William Haswell in 1802. Haswell, a Spanish-speaking first officer aboard the chartered American whaler, Lydia, reported seeing seven cannons and 10 men stationed at the fort. Shots were fired from the fort as a salute when Vicente Blanco, the Spanish governor who replaced Muro, first entered the church in Hagåtña.
## Forts not needed after Galleon trade falls off
Throughout the 19th century, Spanish governors had a difficult time maintaining Guam’s fortifications. The end of the galleon trade about 1815–due primarily to the Mexican Revolution–brought economic hardships to Guam as supplies and finances became scarce. Spain was no longer benefiting from Mexico’s silver and the nation had incurred a tremendous war debt.
In 1817, Russian commander Otto von Kotzebue, aboard the Rurik, reported that Santa Agueda had only a few guns with no powder. In 1853, Governor Felipe de la Corte reported that the fort had the capacity to house 50 pieces of artillery, but was scarcely protected except for a nine-foot railing. In 1871, Governor Louís de Ibáñez y García judged the fort to be useless and in 1887, Governor Francisco Olive y García also questioned the fort’s effectiveness.
## Americans use as a signal station
During the early [American era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), the fort was used as a signal station for ships. In 1933 the area was cleared, a road was constructed and it was proclaimed a naval government park. In 1942, during the [Second World War](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the Japanese recognized the strategic location of the fort and built a gun emplacement on the site. Japanese characters can still be observed embedded in the concrete.
Currently the site belongs to the government of Guam and is maintained by the Department of Parks and Recreation. All that remains of the fort is a raised viewing platform, but the site is one of the most frequently visited parks by tourists given its unobstructed view of Guam’s scenic western coast.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Beaty, Janice J. *Discovering Guam: A Guide to its Towns, Trails and Tenants*. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1967.
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
*Guam’s Natural, Cultural, and Historic Sites Guidebook.* Tumon: Guam Visitors Bureau, 2005.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort Santa Agueda
---
### [Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna-heritage-walking-trail/)
**Published:** May 10, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In Guam's capital city of Hagåtña sightseers can take a memorable walk through Guam’s history. The Heritage Walking Trail, developed by the Hagåtña Foundation in partnership with the Government of Guam and the US Department of Interior, connects a pathway through seventeen historical sites and brings to life the resilient and vibrant history of the Chamorro people.
**Content:**
# Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail
View more image for the Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157624278719682).
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## Walk through Guam's historic capital city
In Guam’s capital city of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) sightseers can take a memorable walk through Guam’s history. The Heritage Walking Trail, developed by the Hagåtña Foundation in partnership with the Government of Guam and the US Department of Interior, connects a pathway through seventeen historical sites and brings to life the resilient and vibrant history of the CHamoru/Chamorro people.
From the scenic cliff line view at the Spanish [Fort Santa Agueda](http://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/), visitors can gaze down below to Hagåtña and see the entire length of the Heritage Walking Trail that covers a distance of 1.6 miles. With the first steps through [Guam’s Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) period (1668-1898) at the Fort, which was built in 1800, visitors can walk past Government House and into the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) (900 AD to 1700 AD) at the Angel Santos Memorial Park. Here, visitors will find eight *[latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/)* stones used as strong foundations by the ancient Chamorros to support their wood and thatch homes. Nearby, under the cool shade of the Monkey Pod trees, visitors will see the Japanese fortifications built into the Hagåtña cliff line by the hands of Chamorros, who were forced into hard labor during the [Japanese Occupation of World War II](http://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/) (1941-1944).
As visitors walk along the trail they will enter the spacious grounds of the Plaza de España. The Plåza once housed the Spanish Palace and served as the center of the Spanish government in the oldest colonized city in the Pacific region: [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). The majestic limestone arches and columns are remnants of the framed entrance way to the old Spanish Almacen that stored munitions for Spanish soldiers. From there, trekkers can go into the Chocolate House, where previous governors and their families enjoyed their “*meriendas*,” drank chocolate and savored their morning and afternoon meals. Visitors can then take the stairway that leads to the Azotea, where the privileged families of the past and their honored guests relaxed in conversation and enjoyed the fresh open air. The Kiosko, located at the center of the Plaza, is a pleasant spot where visitors can rest or marvel at the burst of color from the aptly named flame trees. Visitors may want to close their eyes and listen very carefully to hear the music of the US Naval Bands that performed during the [Naval Government Administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) (1898-1941). At the edge of the Plaza grounds is the prominent Insular Guard Monument that was built to honor the brave Chamorro men who defended the Plaza during the Japanese invasion of Guam.
Past the vivid orange colors of the flame trees is the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica, the site of the very first Roman Catholic Mission that was established in 1669. Visitors may peer into the doors of the Cathedral to see a beautiful statue of the Patron Saint of the Marianas, [Santa Marian Kamalen](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/). Legend has it that island fishermen from the southern coastal village of [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) recovered the statue as it was held above the water on the backs of crabs with brightly lit candles.
In the middle of the main street known as Chalan Santo Papa, the statue of [Pope John Paul II](https://www.guampedia.com/pope-john-paul-iis-historic-visit-to-guam/) stands, built on the very spot where he celebrated Mass with thousands of devoted Catholics during his visit to Guam in 1981. Crossing the street from the Plaza de España, walkers will enter Skinner Plaza, named after Governor Carlton F. Skinner, the first civilian Governor of Guam. Skinner was appointed by President Harry S. Truman in 1949. Here, visitors will find a number of significant monuments within the Plaza dedicated to the valiant sacrifices and patriotic spirit of Veterans from World War II, the Korean War, and the [Vietnam War](https://www.bitiranu.org/).
Continuing along the historic trail visitors will see the arched top of the [San Antonio Bridge](http://www.guampedia.com/de-silleria/). The stone bridge, known as Tollai Acho’, was built in the 1800s and spanned above the prewar Agana River. The bridge connected the Hagåtña barrios or neighborhoods of Bilibik and San Ignacio. The river that used to flow freely below was rerouted with the reconstruction of Hagåtña after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
From the San Antonio Bridge and across Marine Corps Drive, the modern day Chamorro Village (or i Sensong Chamorro) can be seen. Chamorro Village houses quaint little shops with handicrafts, tasty food and a festive atmosphere. Visitors can have a cool drink and savor local cuisine, or they can move toward the Agana Boat Basin and view the marina and the channel leading boats to and from the docks. Located on the shore is a Japanese Pillbox that served as a coastal defense fortification during the Japanese Occupation. A stroll around the Paseo De Susanna, built from the rubble of World War II, and the Paseo baseball stadium, leads to a piece of Guam’s American heritage – a replica of the Statue of Liberty that was donated to the people of Guam in 1950 by the Boy Scouts of America. The statue looks out to the west toward the Philippine Sea.
By walking along the shoreline, the trail will eventually take visitors to the prominent statue of Chamorro Chief [Maga’låhi Kepuha](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/), adorned with his shell *sinahi*. Kepuha was a leader from Hagåtña, who in 1668, gave Jesuit priest Father Diego Luis de San Vitores permission to build the first Roman Catholic Mission. He was also the first Chamorro noble to be baptized into the Catholic faith. Continuing along the shoreline, visitors will cross the rerouted Agana River, and walk up to Padre Palomo Park, named in honor of [Father Jose Palomo](http://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), the first ordained Catholic priest of Chamorro ancestry.
Also located in the park site in the early 1900s was the Padre Palomo School. As visitors get closer to the end of the historical trail they will enter the gates of the old US Naval Cemetery. In addition to the graves of Navy servicemen, the cemetery also contains a monument and the buried remains of thirteen German sailors who died tragically when their coal burning ship, the [Cormoran](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-role-in-world-war-i/), was scuttled off the west coast of Guam in 1917 by its German captain and crew. This was done to prevent the ship from being taken over by the Americans during World War I. It is here that the historical walk trail ends and your memories of Hagåtña’s rich history begins.
***By Joanne Salas Brown***
## Frequently asked questions
**1. What is the Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail?**
The Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail is a trail through the capital village of Hagåtña. The project links 17 historic sites, parks and places of interest. The project will highlight new pathways, lighting, landscaping, signage, and site furnishings.
**2. Whose idea was the trail?**
The Hagåtña Heritage began as a collaborative effort in 2004 between the Hagåtña Foundation and the Camacho Administration. There have been many entities involved in the project to include Duenas, Camacho and Associates; the Guam Legislature; the Department of Interior, the Department of Public Works, and the Department of Parks and Recreation who spearheaded the execution of the project.
**3. What 17 sites are included in the Guam Heritage Walking Trail?**
1. Fort Santa Agueda
2. Government House
3. Senator Angel Santos Memorial Latte Stone Park
4. Hagåtña Japanese Fortification
5. Plaza de España
6. Cathedral-Basilica
7. Insular Guard Monument
8. Pope John Paul II Monument
9. Guam Legislature Building
10. Skinner Plaza
11. San Antonio Bridge
12. Chamorro Village
13. Paseo de Susana
14. Chief Kepuha Park
15. Padre Palomo Park
16. US Cemetery Fortification
17. Cormoran Monument
**4. Why these sights?**
These sites commemorate Guam history and who we are as a people today. Nine of the sites are listed on the Guam Register of Historic Places and six on the US National Register of Historic Places.
**5. How long is the trail?**
The trail runs nearly two miles from Fort Santa Agueda down Government House hill, across the Plaza de España and Skinner Plaza, over to the Spanish Bridge (Sirena Park), around the perimeter coast line of the Paseo, across Chief Kepuha Park, and ending at Padre Palomo Park.
**6. How is the trail marked?**
The trail is marked by red brick pavers and concrete stain, keeping visitors on the trail. There is signage narrating points of interest, and areas designed for photo opportunities.
**7. How much did this project cost and where did the funds come from?**
The project cost $1.4 million. The Department of the Interior provided a grant for the project at the request of Governor Felix P. Camacho.
**8. How long was this project in the works?**
The grant was awarded in 2005 and the design was completed by Duenas Camacho and Associates in 2008.
**9. When did construction begin and when did the trail open?**
Construction began on 5 May 2009, and the trail opened on 29 April 2010.
**10. What is special about this project and how does it enhance tourism on Guam?**
It revitalizes the capital district of Hagåtña, and embraces Chamorro heritage at a time when unprecedented change is on the horizon. It is an outdoor museum of Guam history for residents and visitors. There has been much talk for the past several years about the need to enhance Guam as a destination by providing more cultural and historic attractions. The Hagåtña Heritage Walking Trail is a step in this direction.
For more information about the Heritage Walking Trail contact Parks and Recreation at (671) 475-6296/7.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** guam, Hagatna, historic sites, villages
---
### [Fort Santiago](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santiago/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort Santiago was the second of three Spanish forts built to defend the anchorage at Apra Harbor. The fort was constructed at the tip of Orote Peninsula on the southwestern coastline of Guam. Its location, atop a sheer cliffline overlooking the entrance to the harbor, made it a formidable defensive force.
**Content:**
# Fort Santiago
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## Building Guam's defenses
Fort Santiago was the second of three Spanish forts built to defend the anchorage at [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/). The fort was constructed at the tip of Orote Peninsula on the southwestern coastline of Guam. Its location, atop a sheer cliffline overlooking the entrance to the harbor, made it a formidable defensive force.
Despite mixed reactions to the importance of the Marianas in the early 1700s, Spain’s Council of the Indies believed that Guam was an important asset. The defense of the island was considered essential in order to deny occupying forces from taking the Marianas and thereby threatening Spain’s [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) with the Philippines, as well as its Christian missions in the Pacific. Concerned by the increasing presence of enemy ships in the Pacific and troubled by the 1721 English privateer attack of a Cavite supply ship anchored at [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), Spain issued orders to strengthen Guam’s defenses.
In 1734, under the administration of Governor Francisco de Cárdenas Pacheco (1734 – 1740), a new anchorage was opened in Apra Harbor and by the 1740s most ships, including the wintering Cavite ships, anchored in the harbor. This anchorage offered better protection from inclement weather and it was easier to defend ships from enemy attack. [Fort San Luis](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-san-luis/), built in 1737, was the first fortification constructed to protect the new anchorage. Fort Santiago, the second fortification constructed at the site, was built at a later and yet to be determined date in the 1700s. One account suggests that the fort may have been under construction in 1721. The third fort at Apra Harbor was Fort Santa Cruz built in 1801.
## Fort design
Fort Santiago, situated atop Orote Peninsula, was large enough to house six cannons. Its *esplanade* was surrounded by a parapet of [*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/), stone and mortar, in which the guns were designed to fire over its top and not through embrasures. The fort also included troop quarters and munitions storage. The face of the fort was well-defended by a sheer cliffline, and because of the fort’s elevation, the cannons could fire at point-blank range without taking return fire. The rear, however, was exposed to attack from troops landing at other sites. Its location also required that it be well-staffed because reinforcements were not nearby .
As with other Spanish fortifications on Guam, Fort Santiago gradually deteriorated. By 1853, Governor Felipe de la Corte reported that the three cannons mounted at the fort were unusable. By 1884, Governor Francisco Olive y Garcia stated that the fort was only useful as an observation post. The location of the fort, however, also proved useful to other occupying forces as both the Americans and Japanese installed gun emplacements at the site in the 20th century.
Currently, the remains of the fort sit on United States Naval Station property and special arrangements must be made in order to access the site.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort Santiago
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Music](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-music-2/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Contemporary CHamoru music is a ubiquitous part of life on Guam at the beginning of the 21st century and a key element of modern CHamoru culture. CHamoru music encompasses a wide variety of styles that reflect the wide variety of musical influences that have gained popularity through various historical eras.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Music
View more images for the Chamorro Music entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622573915656/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## CHamoru music a key element in modern day Guam
Contemporary CHamoru/Chamorro music is a ubiquitous part of life on Guam at the beginning of the 21st century and a key element of modern CHamoru culture. CHamoru music encompasses a wide variety of styles that reflect the wide variety of musical influences that have gained popularity through various historical eras.
The sounds of modern CHamoru music are diverse ranging from older style *batsu*, jitterbug and cha cha to country and western, disco, rock and roll and island-style reggae. Most recently, a new form of CHamoru music is being created to accompany the modern versions of ancient CHamoru dances that are gaining popularity on the island. In addition to its entertainment value, CHamoru music has become one of the primary vehicles for the perpetuation of CHamoru language in the now English-language dominated popular culture of Guam.
## CHamoru music today
Guam has two local radio stations which focus almost exclusively on CHamoru music and there is another in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). The genre has also developed a substantial market in the mainland United States wherever CHamorus from Guam and the Northern Marianas have settled.
An active community of musicians perpetuates the genre by continually producing new albums and playing live at CHamoru dance clubs and parties as well as such contemporary institutions as the twice weekly “Night Market” at The CHamoru Village complex in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). It has also been adopted by hotels and many of Guam’s commercial outlets providing both locals and tourists an ambiance that reflects the island’s unique cultural identity.
Although most CHamoru music today is influenced by outside cultural influences that have come to Guam in the post-World War II era, contemporary CHamoru musicians perpetuate a cultural practice with a lineage that goes back to ancient times.
## Ancient CHamoru music
Music has been an important cultural element in the lives of the indigenous peoples of the Marianas since the islands were first settled about 3,500 years ago. While much of the information about these years has been lost, the first European visitors during the 16th and 17th centuries made note of the importance of music in various cultural practices on the island.
Various sources mention a call-and-response type of singing that took the form of poetic debate which has come to be known as *Chamorrita* or *[Kantan Chamorrita](https://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/)*. This is a competitive form of singing in which one chanter wins when the other can no longer come up with a response. The use of this art form ranged from playful teasing to the instigation of war. It is not clear today what these melodies sounded like but it is likely that the “Gumupu si Paluma” melody which is used in contemporary *Kantan Chamorrita* evolved from one of these ancient melodies.
There were also other forms of [chants](https://www.guampedia.com/chant/), and like most Pacific cultures, chants and songs were used both to tell stories and to preserve important knowledge.
## Music of Kustumbren CHamoru
*Kustumbren C*Hamoru is the name for syncretic indigenous culture that developed in the Marianas through over 200 years of Spanish colonial rule. The Spanish era was a time when CHamorus converted to Roman Catholicism and incorporated its rituals into their daily lives. It was also a time when CHamorus were influenced by the Filipinos, Mexicans, Spanish and others who came to the island for various reasons and sometimes married into the local population.
All of these influences shaped the music of the islands. In addition to foreign rhythms and melodies introduced by missionaries, settlers and visitors, new musical instruments such as the guitars, pianos, violins and harmonicas undoubtedly changed the tonal values of CHamoru songs. During these years many of the earlier forms of music were lost or transformed, but new music introduced from outside influences was embraced and transformed by CHamoru musicians.
There were various forms of music on Guam during these years. Perhaps the most dominant in everyday life was music associated with the practice of Catholicism as found in the Catholic Mass, novenas, and rituals surrounding the Catholic sacraments of baptism, marriage and death. Many of these religious songs are still sung today by CHamoru speakers.
There were also many folk songs that told of daily life on Guam, of hardships, of love, and whatever else came to the minds of songwriters. Others songs were simply adaptations of popular western songs. One of the most popular songs in pre-WWII Guam was “Hagu i Flores,” a CHamoru version of “You Are My Sunshine.”
Many such songs went hand-in-hand with dance and so conformed to the rhythms of the two most popular Spanish dance styles: the Spanish Waltz (*batsu*) and the polka (*so’tis*), dances that maintained their popularity into the early American period. The cha cha and the jitterbug would later become popular with the first post-WWII generation.
Although the culture of the Marianas changed considerably over the years, the ancient practice of *Kantan Chamorrita* continued to be perpetuated by skilled practitioners throughout the island’s Spanish Era (1668-1898) and Naval Era (1899-1941).
Ethnomusicologist Kim Bailey defined *Kantan Chamorita* as:
> Ancient folk songs, arranged in quatrains of two octosyllabic couplets, which, according to some writers, are composed on a single melody, the variations depending on the individual style of performance. The distinctive features are spontaneous improvisation and a dialogue performance between two or more people, depending on the occasion or function.
*Kantan Chamorita* was used as a way to make monotonous labor enjoyable, but also played a role in festive occasions. For example, *tuberos* (a person who taps a coconut tree for the sap to make tuba, a coconut liquer) would often “throw” *Chamorritas* as they passed their time up working in coconut trees. Another common setting for *Chamorritas* was roof thatching parties where two or even three-way *Chamorritas* could be heard. *Kantan Chamorrita* also played a role in wedding celebrations.
Another popular form of CHamoru music was the *serenada* (seranade). Men would sing these songs to their love interests as a form of courtship. *Seranadas* were also commonplace at family gatherings as they were the perfect settings for relatives to get together and sing. This custom can possibly be traced to Spanish times but soon died out after WWII.
## Music during World War II
Through almost three years of Japanese administration during [WWII](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), many CHamorus were forced into a more “traditional” lifestyle as they moved to their ranches in hopes of limiting contact with Japanese soldiers.
The CHamoru language, whether through song or simply spoken, served the people as a language of resistance since it could not be understood by the Japanese. Popular songs such as “Ramon San,” “Senindan” and the English language song “Sam, Sam, My Dear Old Uncle Sam” kept CHamoru spirits alive at this difficult time in history.
## Music after World War II
In the mid and late-1940s CHamoru lives were radically altered by resettlement in new villages as the island transformed into a massive military fortress as WWII raged on in Asia. The next three decades would see CHamorus reduced from over 90 percent of the island’s population to the brink of minority status. While the CHamoru language was still used in most CHamoru homes in the 1950s and 1960s, it became less likely to be heard in public places and many new settlers to Guam had no knowledge of the language.
For older CHamoru musicians less common use of the CHamoru language didn’t mean that they stopped playing the songs they already knew. However, for the younger generation that was coming of age in the post-war world, there was greater motivation to embrace the new cultural influences that were coming through the airwaves of Armed Forces Radio and later KGTF, Guam’s public broadcasting television station. Musicians during these years also had new opportunities for employment since military clubs needed bands, but opportunities in this case were for playing popular American music sung in English.
Still there were many CHamoru songs written during these years and like the folk songs of earlier eras, these songs reflected the interests and concerns of CHamorus of the time. For example, well known songwriter Roque Mantanona wrote his song *“*Bai Hanao Pa’i Gera” (I Am Going to the War) in Hawai’i as a he prepared to participate in the Korean War.
It was not, however, until the 1960s that CHamoru music began to once again gain a wide following on the island. Among the groups that began to gain popularity in the early 1960s were the Charfauros Brothers, the Delgado Brothers, amongst many others. CHamoru musicians began playing at fiestas, political rallies and on talent shows such as Alan Sekt’s “Talent on Parade” which aired on KUAM television.
Singing in CHamoru during these years took on the added purpose of cultural activism which is best represented in Jesus Charfauros’ *“*Munga Yo’ Ma’Fino Engles” (Don’t Speak to Me in English) which was performed by popular local recording artist [Johnny Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/johnny-sablan/).
It was not until 1968 when the CHamoru music recording industry really began with the release of Johnny Sablan’s *Dalai Nene,* the first CHamoru LP. Sablan’s early albums were many cases exercises in historical and cultural preservation since he made an effort to revive songs from pre-war Guam and put them on record.
Sablan also played an important role in promoting local talent with the production of the *Kasamiento* album in 1973. This album included the first recordings of future stars Flora Baza, The Charfauros Brothers, Mike Laguana, Terry Rojas and Frankie Sanchez.
During the early 1970s Jesus and Tommy Charfauros took over the “CHamoru Hour” show on KUAM 610 AM which would come to be known as “Programma Chamorrita.” A problem at the time was that there was not enough CHamoru music to fill the airwaves so they, along with younger brother, Ike, took it upon themselves to record local artists on reel-to-reel tape for their program. They would go on to open their own recording studio in 1977 and produce some of the most popular artists of the time including [JD Crutch](https://www.guampedia.com/joseph-j-d-crutch-duenas/), Mike Laguana, Flora Baza, The Reyes Brothers and George Cruz. They also recorded the Saipanese group Tropicsette which had become popular on Guam playing at Joe and Flo’s in Asan, one of the first clubs on the Guam to feature CHamoru music.
Tropicsette was important because it was the beginning of renewed connections between CHamorus of the Marianas who had been isolated by the travel restrictions of the Trust Territory days. Members Candy Taman and Frank “Bokkongo” Pangelinan remain among the most well known CHamoru musicians today.
During the 1980s lowered production cost for cassette-tape recordings resulted in a dramatic increase in the production of CHamoru music. Stars of the 1980s included JD Crutch, Gus and Doll, Alexandro Sablan, The Guam Sirenas, Frank Magellan Santos and KC DeLeon Guerrero. Since that time many new artists have emerged.
Today, CHamoru musicians continue to perform and maintain a strong fan base. Some popular artists include KC DeLeon Guerrero’s brother Daniel DeLeon Guerrero, Ruby Aquiningoc Santos and Jesse Bais, among several others.
There is, however, concern that the CHamoru music industry is threatened by the proliferation of digital formats which make piracy easier than ever. Nevertheless artists continue to produce new albums not so much to make money as to promote the indigenous culture of the island.
## Neo-traditional CHamoru music
During the 1980s a new type of CHamoru music emerged, this time to accompany the revival of traditional CHamoru dancing. This began with a production entitled “Guahu Taotao Tano” which was developed as an entry for the 1984 South Pacific Arts Festival in New Caledonia. The musical production was directed by the late Silas “Ed” Gould.
Although the production did not make it to New Caledonia, it made a big impression on those on Guam who experienced it and helped awaken awareness of the ancient CHamoru identity. It was eventually showcased in Tahiti in 1985.
“Guahu Taotao Tano” was then taken to the South Pacific Arts Festival in Townsville, Australia in 1988. Today there are several successful dance groups that perform to this new type of traditional music and compete in inter-island dance competitions.
[Coltilde Castro Gould](https://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/), an excellent storyteller, also composed many CHamoru songs during this time. Gould composed songs such as *“*Man Biha na Tiempo,” “Piknik,” “Si Rose” and “Inapinicara.” Most of these songs were recorded instrumentally by Jack De Mello from Hawai’i on the LP *Legends of Guam*.
[***By Michael R. Clement, Jr.***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/)
## Videos
Video features:
1. Kåntan Chamorrita
2. “Sirena,” Johnny Sablan
3. “Puti Tainobiu,” Flora Baza
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/CAHA-MB11-Kantan_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Johnny-Sablan_V2104.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Flora-Baza-Quan.webp)
## For further reading
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Furukawa, Jan. “An Evolution of Sound: Chamorro Music Jammin.” *Guahan Magazine* 1, no. 1 (July 2003): 28-31.
McClain, Ernest G., and Robert W. Clopton. “Guamanian Songs: Collection of Songs Commonly Sung on Guam and Not Hitherto Notated.” *Journal of American Folklore* 62, no. 245 (July-September 1949): 217-229.
San Nicolas-Perez, Colleen. “Puti Tai Nobio and Other Hits.” *Guam Business*, January 2000.
Santos, Carmen Iglesias. “Guam’s Folklore.” In *Umatac by the Sea: A Village in Transition*. Edited by Rebecca Stephenson and Hiro Kuroshina. MARC Educational Series no. 3. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1989.
Underwood, Robert. “Guahu Taotao Tano.” *Glimpses* 25, 1985.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Music, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Music, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Music
---
### [American-Style Colonialism](https://www.guampedia.com/american-style-colonialism/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Colonialism is a process of usurping an existing order or orders of meaning for a territory or a people, and replacing them with a new order which is defined by the colonizer at that order’s apex. The intended result is that the colonizer will from then on be understood as the source of the colonial world’s order, and the source of any potential progress.
**Content:**
# American-Style Colonialism
View more images for the American-Style Colonialism entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622414716891).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: Colonialism - then and now
Colonialism is a process of usurping an existing order or orders of meaning for a territory or a people, and replacing them with a new order which is defined by the colonizer at that order’s apex. The intended result is that the colonizer will from then on be understood as the source of the colonial world’s order, and the source of any potential progress. Upon entering these spheres of influence CHamorus/Chamorros would find a place already waiting for them, an identity, a place in the world that defined them through racist assumptions.
The cost of entering these spheres and making use of them was quite high. It meant enduring a constant ideological barrage, instructions, lessons, declarations made by the naval government and its representatives, and that CHamorus were dirty, backwards, primitive, unable to take care of themselves, and needed America to save them.
Guam has been a colony of the United States since 1898. At different times, the everyday presence of the colonizer has varied, from being almost invisible to being omnipresent. In Guam today, it is often easy to forget that the island remains a colony. Anyone born in Guam is an American citizen. Guam residents have American movies and television, and learn about all aspects of American culture, history, philosophy, politics, economics and more in Guam schools. Guam is called “America in Asia,” “Where America’s Day Begins,” and even the “Tip of America’s Spear.”
We live in a time where the colonial status of Guam is very difficult to perceive and much easier to overlook or ignore. On the surface it appears as if CHamorus are as American as apple pie. But in a far more fundamental way, Guam is still a colony, subject to the rule of the US and its military, without any reciprocal representation.
The genesis of Guam’s political status is in a time when American colonialism was at its most explicit and unapologetic. The US and its representatives in Guam, the Navy, made no pretense about Guam being part of America. Instead the US treated Guam and its indigenous people, CHamorus, as objects owned by the US.
This period of Guam’s history is known as the[ US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) or the American colonial period from 1898-1941. A second American colonial period was just after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/.), 1944, up until the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was signed in 1950. And whereas now the island seems comfortable as an American colony, Americanization during this period was something regularly forced into the lives, mouths and minds of CHamorus.
## Material improvements, identity attacks
Although the historical record differs regarding what type of impact this period had on CHamorus, there is clear agreement that it represented a huge shift in lives, for better or for worse. During this period, Guam was run as if it were a military base, or more aptly a US Naval base. The executive officer was a [US Naval governor](https://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-governors-of-guam/) appointed by the US Navy, and he was given *carte blanche* over the island. CHamorus were not US citizens, rather US nationals. They did not have representatives in the US Congress or any votes for president. They did not have the right to jury trials or to any judicial appeals process.
Older historical writings glorify this period as one of incredible advancement and progress, with America benevolently teaching CHamorus. Through the American control over Guam and the programs that it instituted on the island, CHamorus are brought into the modern world and bestowed the gifts of that world. Paul Carano and [Pedro Sanchez’s](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/) text, *A Complete History of Guam* characterized this period as one in which:
> …giant strides were made in terms of economic and political development. By 1940, substantial improvements had been made in Guam’s economic life, its health and sanitary conditions, its judicial and educational systems, and in various other departments and agencies of government.
More recent histories such as *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941*, by CHamoru scholar [Anne Perez Hattori, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/), however, provide a much more nuanced and less stellar account of American colonialism. Hattori and other historians of the modern day mark this period as one of incredible racism and often irrational control of CHamoru lives. CHamorus were wards of the US Navy, devoid of any political protections or inherent rights and simply something to be molded by the United States. Not since the postwar period of the Spanish-CHamoru wars were CHamorus the victims of such sustained attacks on their language, culture and identity.
## Why America came to Guam
The colonial nature of this time in Guam’s history has everything to do with why Guam was taken by the US in the first place. This period of America’s history represents its expansion into a global power. After subjugating the indigenous people and their lands within what is now the contiguous US, there was a growing desire in the US, especially among its political and economic elites, that America had a “destiny” to expand its power and share its style of government across the oceans, across the world.
Incursions in Asia, Latin America and the Pacific throughout the nineteenth century were all prelude for the largest and most explicit imperial acquisition of the US during this era, the Spanish American War. Guam, along with Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines were all taken as spoils of this war in 1898.
Whereas acquiring large island groups such as the Philippines was due to the economic potential involved, Guam was taken for purely [strategic](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-strategic-value/) reasons and as a nautical link, a transit site through which American economic and military power could be linked to emerging Asian possibilities. Guam was taken because it offered the largest deep-water port in the Western Pacific. And so Guam, along with other American controlled islands such as American Samoa, Midway and Hawai’i that stretched across the Pacific, guaranteed the US a smooth route of commerce and military resources from America to Asia.
This military value of Guam as a strategic geopolitical location in order to build its power base in the Asia-Pacific region is crucial to understanding US policy to the island and its indigenous people, first during this period, but even up until today. During the pre-war period, as Guam was just a transit site, American policy and investment to the island was minimal, it was a site to be controlled and held but nothing more. Guam would thus become the ”*USS Guam*” with naval officers and governors at the helm and CHamorus forced along for the ride, and treated like an afterthought on their own island.
## America’s colonial rhetoric
This military strategic claim to Guam was downplayed in the rhetoric that the US Navy would use in its colonization. In US President William McKinley’s 1898 directive “Instructions for the Military Commander of the Island of Guam,” which authorized the seizure of Guam this was made clear when he extolled the first and future military commanders of Guam:
> …to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends…win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of the Island of Guam … by proving to them that the mission of the US is one of benevolent assimilation.
Guam’s first US naval governor, Captain Richard Leary, further articulated the colonization of Guam as part of an effort to protect and maintain:
> the well-earned reputation of the American Navy as champions in succoring the needy, aiding the distressed and protecting the honor and virtue of women.
Thus efforts would be made to rapidly introduce American ideas and principles into Guam to help elevate the status of the CHamoru people. It should be noted that this sort of rhetoric is customary in the cases of all modern colonizers. The taking over of another’s land, and the re-directing and dictating of their future are acts that require some justification in order to disguise what might otherwise be racist or violent interventions of control as necessary or benevolent acts.
This typical civilizing rhetoric in colonialism, whitewashes the crass and sometimes cruel interests of the colonizer, and makes it appear as if the colonized are the ones who need and who will truly benefit from the colonization of their lands. So, in the case of Guam, the purpose of the US in being there has nothing to do with controlling the island by turning it into a key military outpost. The colonizing rhetoric masks the underlying racist, militaristic and imperial intentions, instead insinuating that the US is in Guam to help the CHamoru people. It is there to lift them out of the squalor of their ignorance and backwards ways, to clean them up and make them modern, and of course to teach them the glories of American democracy and the American way of life.
This rhetoric masks the self-interest of the colonizer at different levels as it masks their purpose in being in the colonies. But it also masks some of the other reasons for colonization and that is to relieve what Hattori refers to as “colonial dis-ease.” As early Guam Naval Governor George Dyer put it, the civilizing of the natives was first and foremost a project of American “self-interest” in Guam. “Civilizing” the natives was something that the US Navy had to do to protect itself, from the various threats that the CHamoru posed in corrupting the American presence in Guam to include the diseases in Guam jungles, in CHamorus themselves and the primitive ways of their culture. All of these things represents sources of “dis-ease” for the naval presence, and the civilizing of the CHamorus was at its core about relieving this fear.
As in all colonial situations, the gap between the rhetoric and the reality can be incredibly stark, and this period is no exception. The lofty rhetoric of societal improvement and advancement was realized in some ways in Guam, but at a more fundamental level, this period was one of control, discipline and hypocrisy, with CHamorus trapped between the promises of American democracy and liberty and the incessant demands of American military and national security interests.
## Changing of the colonial guard
CHamorus engaged with their new colonizer in suspicious and cautious ways, for a number of reasons. The transfer of power between the US and Spain was a non-violent one, primarily because of the relative unimportance of the island to the Spanish.
So although there was no outright violence, CHamorus still had much uncertainty about what to expect from their new colonizer. Among the more privileged sectors of CHamoru society, this changing of the guard was particularly upsetting. There were CHamoru families who enjoyed great power or advantage under the Spanish and so the arrival of the Americans potentially meant a loss of status for them, or loss of a colonizer that they had build a deep affinity with. In their minds, the Spanish with their roots in Europe were far more sophisticated than the vulgar Americans. Some families shed tears when the Americans took over, and some even left the island for the neighboring Mariana island of Saipan or even Spain.
There was still much concern and fear even among the non-elite of Guam. According to Jose Garrido who was a 16-year old member of the Spanish Garrison in 1898, many families upon hearing that the US had taken over the island fled into the jungles. According to Garrido:
> Were the people scared? I should say so. I learned of an expectant woman who gave birth right then and there. Lt. Lorenzo Franquez fainted while the soldiers were being disarmed.
>
> Jose Garrido
## First response to America
The majority of CHamorus in Guam lived not in fear of the military might of America, but rather its tradition of depraved behavior on the island. By 1898, the bulk of CHamoru interactions with Americans had been through *bayeneru* (whalers) who made port in Guam. In the minds of CHamorus, Americans were most closely associated with the immorality, drunkenness, aggression and sexual promiscuity of these whalers. According to anthropologist Laura Thompson, prior to 1898, CHamorus closed their houses up tightly, with all the women secured safely inside whenever Americans (whalers) arrived on island. Their behavior was so notorious on island that many CHamoru mothers would frighten children with stories that Americans would “get them” if they were naughty.
CHamorus suspicions, while inaccurate, proved to be appropriate. Despite the flowery rhetoric of improving CHamoru lives and partnering with them as friends and not conquerors, the true basis for American colonization was made very clear in the orders given to the island’s first Naval Governor Richard Leary:
> The needs and desires of the (US) military in Guam take precedence over all matters in the administration of the island.
Naval interests superseded any guarantees that US citizens received under the Constitutions—but then again, CHamoru rights, such as the right to religion, were never enacted in Guam – as exemplified by the banning of church bell ringing, processions, and feast days by naval administrators.
## CHamorus sign petition
Groups of CHamorus were quick to respond to the establishment of this autocratic regime, with [a petition signed on 17 December 1901](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/) calling for an end to military rule in Guam and the establishment of a civilian government. The more than two dozen signatories of this petition came from the wealthiest and most educated sectors of Guam society, individuals who had been privileged under the Spanish and had the resources to be very successful under the Americans as well. The tone of their petition is respectful, but firm in noting the hypocritical nature of American rule in Guam:
> A military government at best is distasteful and highly repugnant to the fundamental principles of civilized government, and peculiarly so to those on which is based the American government.
>
> It is not an exaggeration to say that fewer permanent guarantees of liberty and property rights exist now then when under Spanish domain. The governor of the island exercises supreme power in the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, with absolutely no limitations to his actions, the people of Guam having no voice whatsoever in the formulation of any law of the naming of a single official.
This petition was transmitted to the US Congress and the US Department of the Navy, but ultimately fell on deaf ears and nothing was done to change the governance of Guam for several more decades. The importance of this document however is that it provides the foundation for how we can understand the ways in which CHamorus understood their relationship to the US during this period, and, more importantly, how they understood themselves in relation to its colonizing efforts on the island and its rhetoric of benevolence. It helps us realize that CHamorus of this period were neither “dupes,” nor uncivilized children, but rather intelligent beings who saw America for what it was, a colonizer.
According to Penelope Bordallo Hofschneider in her text “Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam: 1899-1950”:
> The document \[petition\] is also interesting because it suggests that the native people viewed their political relationship with the United States as essentially a colonial one…There is no doubt that so far as the CHamoru people were concerned, the Americans simply filled in a position established and held by the Spanish for 250 years…America simply represented a new and perhaps, a more liberal ‘Mother Country.’
This petition was the first of many more throughout this period that were sent to the US military and US Federal Government with hopes of bringing about a change in Guam’s governance to something more democratic or equitable. Each of these petitions would be denied or ignored, generally on the understanding that political rights for CHamorus would jeopardize the US Navy’s ability to perform its military mission in Asia.
## Haphazard colonialism
When it came to the actual governance of Guam by the US during this period, to call it “haphazard” would be a very generous qualifier. The rhetoric of Guam’s colonization laid out lofty goals for improving Guam and the lives of CHamorus, but the implementation of these goals required financial support and leadership. All of these conditions varied wildly during this era, in particular during the first two decades of naval rule.
## Guam's resources
Although Guam was important to the US as a key nautical link, this value at the beginning of the 20th century was still unappreciated, reflected in the Navy’s inability to secure funds or resources for Guam’s militarization. In contrast to the strategic importance of Guam today, the island was, prior to World War II, a site to be “possessed” and little more. Thus any plans that the Navy might have had for improving the lives of CHamorus were severely hampered by what they could afford.
Part of the Navy’s insistence that CHamorus become savvier and more mature capitalists was due to these financial limits. The hope was not that CHamorus would progress and grow economically for their own sakes, but rather they expand economically in order to provide a tax base to help support the naval government’s operations, and establish an agricultural workforce to feed their colonizers as well. The Navy’s presence in Guam was so financially inept in its early years, that *pesos* (Spanish currency) were still the official currency of Guam until 1907.
Even in the 1920s when it was clear that Japan and the US would eventually come to blows over their shared presence in Micronesia and the Asia Pacific region, and that Guam would be caught up in any conflict, the island was deemed indefensible and no extra funds were given to the island to build up its defenses.
## Leadership's quality varied
In the minds of most members of the US military, especially high ranking officers, the prospect of being transferred to Guam, or being appointed as the island’s governor was not a good one. In fact, it was considered an isolated and boring post, which symbolized the end of what could have been any promising upwardly mobile career. Thus the incentive to govern Guam was minimal, since it could have been the island itself that killed your career. Furthermore, the tours of duty for Naval governors were incredibly short, some lasting a few months or as much as two years. The naval presence would disappear and replace itself regularly, leaving the government of Guam constantly in a transition phase as new officers and governors came in, replacing those that had left, each new entrant knowing as little about the island as its replacement. Thus while the rhetoric may have always been consistently flowery and self-aggrandizing, the realities of Guam’s colonization and what actually happened or was enacted, depended almost entirely on the personality of naval governors and whether they “felt” like governing the island or not.
Scanning the list of 28 [Naval governors](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-governors-contributions-and-controversies/) during this period, we can find examples across the spectrum of action and inaction. While the majority of Naval governors did little to distinguish themselves in the minds of both CHamorus and history books, there are a few names which stand out above the rest in terms of their engagement with the governing of Guam, and two in particular represent the “bad” and “good” faces of naval governance during this period, William Gilmer and [Willis Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/). Gilmer was known as the governor who was “*mashanghai*,” or yanked out of office after embarrassing the Navy with his regular abuses of power. CHamorus lauded Bradley for his efforts at getting CHamorus American citizenship. When he was rebuffed, he created for CHamorus a “Guam Citizenship,” which was later revoked by the US Naval Department as well.
## Colonial abuses
Despite the benevolent and altruistic rhetoric, the recognition of America as a colonizer by CHamorus was made easier by the daily incursions and invasions that America would take into their lives and homes over the next 40 years. The autocratic government, established by the Navy, gave its governor absolute control over the lives of CHamorus, and this power sometimes made life precarious for CHamorus.
First and foremost on the list of colonial tasks was the eradication of the CHamoru language. The refusal by CHamorus to give up their language was considered to the bane of each and every naval governor. It was something that was tasked to them from the first moments of American governance, as the key to properly civilizing the CHamorus. The main weapon by which this task was thought to be accomplished was through mandatory public education in the English language, with the usage of the CHamoru language banned from all government facilities, including schools and offices. The Navy at one point went so far as to burn books written in the CHamoru language, even one that was produced by US Navy Paymaster Edward von Preissig and printed by the Navy.
This was most difficult on CHamoru children, who found themselves trapped between worlds. The language that they entered school with, the one that they had learned from their families, was prohibited. And for merely speaking CHamoru they could be punished or fined. In the early years of naval rule, the teachers were primarily white military personnel or their dependents, and so these anti-CHamoru policies were easier to comprehend.
But as the American education system in Guam became more formalized and more CHamoru teachers were trained, it became CHamoru teachers who were spanking CHamoru students or washing out the mouths of CHamoru students with soap.
Despite the Navy’s claims to come to Guam and protect the virtue of women, the Navy’s policies towards CHamoru women were far from benign. The morality of Guam’s laws at the time was something determined by the moral compass of each naval governor. One naval governor was infamous for publicly humiliating a woman for her “immoral behavior” by calling the village out to watch her head be shaven. One naval governor made plans to keep women who gave birth to illegitimate children in the “leper” colony in Tumon; fortunately, his plan was never carried out.
In 1919, the naval government decided it sufficiently important enough that they uproot centuries of tradition by making it official policy that CHamoru culture be a patriarchy. According to CHamoru scholar [Laura Souder,PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-t-souder/), “Matrilineage was outlawed…CHamorus were forced to abide by patriarchal notions of descent.”
For thousands of years, lineage and land ownership had been passed down through the mother, but now the father would be considered the head of the household and the head of any family. Without any political protections or any access to the power of the governing of their island, some almost ludicrous policies were enacted.
Perhaps most infamous among these were two of the many naval ordinances imposed by Governor Gilmer. The first outlawed whistling in Hagåtña, an offense for which at least one known CHamoru, Gaily Kaminga was imprisoned. The second, required that each able-bodied CHamoru male bring in five dead rats a month to the government or else face a stiff fine.
## Spheres of Naval influence
Due to the limitations of the naval government in terms of resources, manpower and will, the colonization of Guam would extend to the whole island in theory only, but in practice be limited in scope. The colonization of Guam would be concentrated into particular “spheres of influence” determined by geography and occupation/institution. These would be the sites of the American colonization of CHamorus, concentrated in the villages of Hagåtña and Sumai, which housed the majority of the American military presence, and centered on institutions such as education, health care, politics and economy.
Upon entrance into these spheres, CHamorus would be forced to engage with and either accept or defend themselves from the new colonial order that was being asserted. This order implicitly and explicitly argued that CHamorus were nothing, other than an obstruction, an obstacle that stubbornly prevented the progress that America was working to bring to the island. Therefore, as the Navy positioned itself as a civilizing teacher to CHamorus, it crammed its spheres of influences with “lessons” on American greatness and CHamoru inferiority.
In some ways these limitations in America’s colonial project meant that CHamorus would be for the most part left alone or be allowed to negotiate with these new American lessons being forced up them, and decide what to choose and what to refuse. Laws and ordinances would be passed by the naval government covering everything from the composition of people’s yards to the length of girl’s dresses to the prohibition of *aguåyente* (coconut liquor). The implementation of these laws would require more than just their passing. It would require more manpower than the Navy readily had to patrol all the villages and lanchos of Guam. It would also require that CHamorus begin to see the naval government as a legitimate ruler or authority over their lives.
## Government vs. Catholic Church
During this period, one could call the real government of Guam the Catholic Church. At the start of the 20th century, it had far more power over the lives and minds of CHamorus than the Spanish government on island did, or the US Navy. The Catholic Church set the rhythm of CHamoru life and its regular calendar of events and rituals provided CHamorus with a vibrant social life as well as a means for maintaining their kinship ties across the island.
Prior to US colonization of Guam, the Church played the central role in educating CHamorus. However, when the naval government established a public education system, which prohibited any sort of religious instruction and was also riddled with anti-CHamoru language policies, the Catholic Church’s role in CHamoru life was invigorated, particularly in relation to maintaining the CHamoru language. While CHamorus speaking their language found themselves under attack, the Catholic Church provided a sanctuary, much like in their homes or *lanchos* (ranches), where they could continue to speak CHamoru.
From the earliest moments of American rule, the naval government and Catholic Church were at odds, and CHamorus would often be caught up in their antagonism, and this sometimes built up ill will towards the new regime. The Catholic priests in Guam were not just spiritual leaders of CHamorus, but community leaders and given great influence and power by CHamorus.
At both the beginning and the end of this period, American deportation of Spanish Catholic priests hurt and offended CHamorus. Months before World War II hit Guam in December 1941, all the Spanish priests on island save for the archbishop were removed by the US Navy and replaced with American Catholic priests the CHamorus reacted with sadness and ire. The removal of one priest in particular, Father [Roman de Vera](https://www.guampedia.com/father-roman-de-vera-2/), provoked CHamorus, and some foretold that Guam and the US would be punished. In the early days of the Japanese occupation, some CHamorus blamed the US for their horrible plight, and believed that it had been caused by their disrespectfulness towards the Spanish priests.
The Naval government’s relationship to the Catholic Church largely depended on who was Naval governor and whether or not he was Protestant or Catholic. To the governor, the Catholic Church was a clear enemy and rival for the minds of CHamorus. The main weapon that Naval governors used against the Church was support informal or formal, given to the fledgling [Protestant missions](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-the-chamorro-protestant-congregation-on-guam/) that were being established in Guam.
## Colonial improvements
Despite the racist nature of the American colonization of Guam, it did result in some improvements in the lives of CHamorus. Following the formalization of Guam’s educational system in 1922, Guam had a far more comprehensive and far more organized educational system than ever before, albeit in a colonial form. Modern health care had been brought to Guam with the establishment of a free public hospital, and CHamorus did receive regular instruction in school and in newspapers on how to continue to “clean themselves up.”
The Navy’s interest in building up Guam’s infrastructure did result in significant improvements in Guam’s utilities. By the end of this period, coconut oil street lamps were replaced with electric ones, and Guam’s sewage and water systems, at least in the large villages, were all vastly improved. The island’s traditional transportation system, made up of numerous bull cart trails, had slowly been paved over. By 1941, Guam boasted 85 miles of *cascajo* or limestone roads, and one asphalt road that connected Hagåtña to Sumai. These infrastructure and utility improvements were all made primarily for the naval government’s needs, but CHamorus benefited from them as well.
Although the Naval government of Guam was far from vibrant or energetic, it was nonetheless much more active at times than the Spanish government had been. The Navy provided the means through which a CHamoru middle class could be formed and a prewar CHamoru entrepreneurial spirit could be nurtured. CHamoru Navy retirees and CHamorus working for the Civil Service did not make enough money to become rich in Guam but were able to start small businesses and live comfortably, and did not need to rely on subsistence farming to support themselves.
## The cost of colonization
The primary intent of the spheres of Naval influence, or of the civilizing programs that the Navy instituted were not to help CHamorus, to nurture them, or try to get them to reach their full potential as CHamorus. The deeper purpose of these spheres of influence were two fold; one pro-American and the other anti-CHamoru. And it is in these two dimensions that we can see the cost of this era of colonization for CHamorus.
Firstly, the purpose of these programs was to display to both the colonizer and the colonized the extraordinary capability and promise of the United States. These were meant to be colonial spectacles justifying to all that America was great and has a right, no, rather a mission to be in Guam to help the CHamoru people by sharing its greatness. In this way, these programs were explicitly and unabashedly pro-American.
The other dimension of these programs was that they were sometimes explicitly and sometimes implicitly anti-CHamoru. They did not just dispense democracy, health care or education, but also colonial ideology as well. Each time CHamorus participated in these programs they were not just proselytized about America’s greatness, but also instructed in CHamoru inferiority, dependence, or even non-existence as a people.
While the Navy offered material improvements, the cost was great, both mentally and culturally. It meant not only giving up your identity, language and culture, but accepting that what you are in this world is nothing. That you didn’t have anything to offer, except that which you gave up in order to follow the American way. This non-existent and offensive place offered to CHamorus by the naval regime was enough to give the majority of them pause in terms of whether or not to accept American rule over their everyday lives.
For instance, while free health care was offered to all CHamorus, its existence was predicated on the need to civilize the native, and eradicate its their backwards traditions and blind them with the glory of modern American medicine and altruism.
Similarly, through compulsory public schools, CHamorus were instructed in the greatness of their colonizer and taught the wonders of its history, government, culture. CHamoru traditions and history were all intentionally kept out of these spheres, or openly attacked as being backwards or something which would hold CHamorus back.
This denigration of the CHamoru people led to resistance. Just as they had perceived the hypocritical and colonial character of American rule over their lives in 1901, the majority of CHamorus interpreted these programs in the same way, with caution and suspicion.
For example, when the 1st Guam Congress was created by the Governor Roy Smith in 1917, the Naval government celebrated this as a huge shift, an event worthy of celebration as an instance of American democracy being passed on to the CHamoru people. These members of the Guam Congress were appointed by the naval governor, and the intent of the new legislative body was- according to the governor- to “make \[CHamorus\] feel they are taking part in their own government.”
The use of the word “feel” in most instances could be excused, but in this case it pointed straight to the inconsistency of the situation. The first Guam Congress did not represent CHamorus taking part in their own government, as it was only an advisory body and not even democratically elected. It had no power except to make recommendations to the naval governor.
CHamorus quickly recognized the non-place for them in this sphere of influence, they recognized their position as being useless, and not engendering any respect or improvement for themselves. CHamorus quickly lost any interest in this body and it was eventually dissolved. Another attempt to create a similar advisory Guam Congress more than a decade later found similar results, even though in that instance CHamorus were allowed to vote for candidates. According to a Naval history for the period:
> The next surprise to the naval administration, so optimistic over its experiment in democracy, came at the general election of 1933. Only about half the 1931 electorate bothered to register. The apathy was so reflected in the candidates that twelve congressional seats were not contested and had to be filled by appointment.
## CHamoru responses to American colonialism
CHamorus generally responded to America’s colonization of their island in three ways: assimilation, active resistance and passive resistance. These generalizations aren’t mutually exclusive, and so it is not that each CHamoru adopted only one of these strategies in dealing with American colonialism and never diverted. Rather these were three approaches that CHamorus could choose from, and at different moments they may have moved between them in relation to a particular colonizing effect, or they may have felt the need to assimilate in some ways, but passively resist in others.
**Assimilation:** CHamorus who chose assimilation accepted the new colonial order. They embraced the rhetoric of the CHamoru denigration and thus saw the purpose of the CHamoru during this era was to do whatever the US asked of them and to find whatever ways they could follow America’s example.
CHamorus who assimilated often times ended up taking up the cause of the colonizer in Guam and sometimes became formal or informal representatives for the naval government. These CHamorus were often promoted in the naval government because of their willingness to write or speak out against the use of the CHamoru language or CHamoru customs.
These CHamorus accepted what the Navy offered them in the new colonial Guam. They further accepted that being a CHamoru offered them no future, and that they would never be allowed to progress so long as they did things “the CHamoru way.”
**Resistance Active:** This term should not imply that CHamorus were in the streets fighting the US Navy, but rather that their response to the colonization of Guam was an active and critical one, whereby CHamorus organized or publicly made their critiques about their status known and in some cases fought for change.
Those who actively critiqued the US military presence and its rhetoric did so through demands made to the Navy in Guam and the US Congress particularly that CHamorus be given political protections and rights. Three generations of CHamorus signed and disseminated petitions for these protections, but in each instance they were rebuffed.
Two prominent CHamorus, B.J. Bordallo and F.B. Leon Guerrero, journeyed to Washington, DC in 1937 to lobby for a shift in treatment of CHamorus in Guam. They were able to convince US Congress to hold hearings on the issue, at which they testified. They were even able to arrange a meeting with US President Franklin Roosevelt who, much to their chagrin, was far more interested in talking about the fishing in Guam, as opposed to its political status.
**Resistance Passive:** Rather than make these open critiques, the majority of CHamorus resisted the colonization of Guam in more passive and subtle ways. This resistance was not about open confrontation, but quiet negotiation and avoidance. These CHamorus recognized that the programs of the Navy were antagonistic to them and racist. They knew that the lessons the Navy was trying to teach them painted their people as backwards, but they also knew that the Navy couldn’t simply be ignored or rejected.
Thus these CHamorus would develop strategies for how to navigate the racism of the Navy in its hospitals, government offices, courts and schools, and only do a modicum of what was required of them by the Navy, until they could leave these oppressive spaces and return to their homes.
Just as following the Spanish colonization of Guam, family lands or *lanchos* (ranches) became bastions in CHamoru resistance and maintenance of their identity and culture, this too held true in the American period. Despite the regular bombardment of colonial ideology, through their homes, their ranches and even at times their religious spaces, CHamorus were able to maintain their language and culture.
## Conclusion
The scorecard for the Naval government during this period is an average one in their given tasks to Americanize the island, get people to speak English rather than CHamoru, and radically re-shape CHamoru culture and the landscape of CHamoru life. While they made inroads in their colonization of Guam, molding CHamorus into obedient colonial subjects was far from successful.
The US clearly had an impact during this period. CHamorus integrated much of the new technology and media that came to Guam into their lives. CHamoru, however, was still the primary language of communication for CHamorus young and old, even though English was far more pervasive in 1941 than it was in 1898, as thousands of CHamoru children had gone through the island’s public school system.
But the true measure of colonialism’s success, the reworking of CHamoru identity, had yet to happen in the era before World War II. Despite the haphazard efforts of the US Navy, CHamorus did not truly accept the rhetoric that they were dependent upon the US or that they merely existed to give up everything and follow America. As Robert A. Underwood, Ed.D., (University of Guam professor emeritus and former Guam delegate to US Congress) notes in his speech “Teaching Guam History in Guam High Schools”:
> The CHamoru people were not Americans, did not see themselves as Americans-in-waiting, and probably did not care much about being Americans.
>
> Robert A. Underwood
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## Videos
Video features:
1. Bradley Park
2. School Drills and Parades
3. Guam Proclamation
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0085-DF-071b-Bradley-Field-Game.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-4769-School-Children_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/GC-42-48-Bill-of-Rights_1100.webp)
## For further reading
Aguon, Katherine B. “The Guam Dilemma: The Need for a Pacific Island Education Perspective.” In *Hinasso’: Tinige’ Put Chamorro–Insights: The Chamorro Identity.* Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1997.
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “‘These may or may not be Americans…’: The Patriotic Myth and the Hijacking of Chamorro History on Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2004.
Bordallo, Baltazar J. “The Awakening.” *Pacific Profile* 3, no. 8 (October-December 1965): 34-39, 42; no. 9: 10-13, 25, 37; no.10 24-27, 31, 35-36, 39, 41.
DeLisle, Christine Taitano. “Delivering the Body: Narratives of Family, Childbirth and Prewar Pattera.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2000.
Diaz, Vicente M. “Simply Chamorro: Tales of Survival and Demise in Guam.” In *Voyaging Through the Contemporary Pacific*. Edited by David Hanlon and Geoffrey M. White. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Sacrifice, 1919-1943*. Saipan: Micronesian Productions, 1991.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
Nelson, Evelyn. “Dictatorship American Style!” Unpublished article, 1934. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
“Petition Relating to Permanent Government for the Island of Guam. House Document No. 419, 1902.” In *I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Women Organizers of Guam*. MARC Monograph Series 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Areas Research Center, University of Guam, 1987.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Underwood, Robert A. “The Colonial Era: Manning the Helm of the U.S.S. Guam.” *Islander (Pacific Daily News)*, 22 May 1977.
–––. “Teaching Guam History in Guam High Schools.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume One. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** American-Style Colonialism
---
### [Early American Period has Profound Implications](https://www.guampedia.com/early-american-period-has-profound-implications/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Captain Henry Glass’ bloodless seizure of Guam on 20-21 June 1898, his quick departure without establishing an American take-over government, and even the tears of the last Spanish governor – Juan Marina – who was overwhelmed with the kindness of Lieutenant William Braunersreuther for not looking at the letter Marina penned to his wife as he and other Spanish officers were taken away to Glass’ ship in a sudden downpour, are all part of the complex historical and contemporary consequences following this commencement of the early American period of Guam history.
**Content:**
# Early American Period has Profound Implications
View more images for the Early American Period has Profound Implications entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622478449604/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Interpretive essay: Rich historical heritage
Captain Henry Glass’ bloodless seizure of Guam on 20-21 June 1898, his quick departure without establishing an American take-over government, and even the tears of the last Spanish governor – Juan Marina – who was overwhelmed with the kindness of Lieutenant William Braunersreuther for not looking at the letter Marina penned to his wife as he and other Spanish officers were taken away to Glass’ ship in a sudden downpour, are all part of the complex historical and contemporary consequences following this commencement of the early American period of Guam history.
Each event, and certainly much more from that moment of Glass’ arrival at Apra Harbor, constitute the historical heritage of this period which has particularly profound implications for the CHamoru/Chamorro people. The perceived largeness or smallness of each event and detail is riveted in a process of historical interpretation, remembrance, or the lack thereof based on equally complex processes of acculturation, indigenous appropriations of outside sources in a communal context, and the expression and assertion of contemporary cultural identity and self-determination.
By the time Japanese forces invaded Guam in the pre-dawn hours of 10 December 1941, seized the historical Plaza de España in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) that was defended for a short time by vastly outnumbered Marines and a small Guam Insular Force (which remains a source of pride for the CHamoru people), committed atrocious acts of violence against the CHamorus during their occupation of Guam, and were finally defeated by invading American forces in July 1944, the CHamoru people had experienced many changes and challenges.
Influential CHamoru priest [Father José Bernardo Palomo y Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/) (Spanish Governor Luís Santos complained that no government order was obeyed until the CHamoru people had consulted with Father Palomo) helped CHamorus cross the bridge from Spanish to American control of their island. Father Palomo, with his multiple languages and devotion to his parishioners, would remain an important source of advice for the all-powerful Naval governors.
Despite their reliance on Father Palomo, early American governors nevertheless sent forth proclamations to forbid the ringing of church bells (“after the issuance of this order, Lieutenant \[William E.\] Safford saw numerous natives who possessed no clocks huddled before the church door between 2 and 3 a.m. so as not to miss the 4 o’clock Mass”, whistling in Hagåtña streets, land sales without the governor’s permission, public Catholic processions, and raised taxes on land that often led to its loss. Father Palomo defiantly began ringing the church bells at irregular hours.
And in a different time, but still within the American period, a courageous [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/) would defy Japanese officers on Guam, refusing to allow the church altar to be used for Japanese propaganda and criticizing the actions of state-sponsored Japanese Catholic priests. He openly criticized the cruel treatment of CHamorus by Japanese troops until he was imprisoned, tortured, and killed days before American forces landed to fight bloody battles to seize Guam and use it in a final push toward Japan itself. At the same time, Private First Class Radioman [George Tweed](https://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), the only surviving American hiding on Guam during the 10 December 1941 – 21 July 1944 Japanese occupation was being picked up by an American ship – his survival completely dependent upon the sacrifices, beatings, and deaths of the CHamoru people who protected him.
The beginning of this US Naval Era with these inklings of history (and much more) is often portrayed in comical terms, given the fact that no one on Guam – CHamoru or Spanish or anyone else – was aware that Spain and America were at war with each other. In 1898, communication was slow and news traveled on the graces of ship captains who irregularly reached Guam from the Philippines. Commonly cited is the firing upon the abandoned Fort Santa Cruz by canons of the *USS Charleston*. The only recorded reaction was by two fishermen who frantically paddled away in dugout canoes although a group of Spanish officials conducting inspections of foreign ships sent for two small canons to be brought from the capital of Hagåtña to return what they thought were salutes from Charleston’s crew. The American crew were mainly rural young men who days before had been treated to picnics and outings in Hawai’i and, having practiced shooting the cruiser’s guns on their way to Guam, were prepared to battle thousands of nonexistent Spanish troops on Guam where they thought death was probably inevitable.
A small boat of prominent Guam residents rowed out to the *USS Charleston*. They became the first people on Guam to learn of the Spanish American War. Although they could not have known it, the commencement of an American presence would have a profound impact on Guam for 100 years and counting – an impact that is not only open to historical questions of degree, form, and substance, but also open to questions of loss or, rather, the controlled appropriation of American forms of influence back into the fold of CHamoru society. Left behind by Captain Glass were prominent citizens who grappled for government control against the remaining Spanish Treasurer, Jose Rodrigo Sixto.
After at least 230 years of Spanish control (the last Spanish battle with CHamoru resisters is typically designated as the one on Aguijan in 1695), CHamorus momentarily seized the opportunity for self-governance that was forced to change every few months as a chance Commander arrived at Guam before the first American Naval governor Richard Phillips Leary finally arrived a year and a half later. On 1 January 1899 several pro-American leaders, including Father Palomo, dismissed Sixto and replaced him with Venancio Roberto as acting governor.
It was a short-lived tenure for Roberto – not quite as long as it took to walk across the Plaza de España with a plan to eject Sixto when bells announced the arrival of an American vessel whose captain, Vincendon L. Cottman, reappointed Sixto. Sixto had however already nearly drained the treasury, advancing himself and a few others 18 months advance pay. Barren P. Dubois, assistant paymaster of the Bennington commanded by Captain Edward D. Taussig, eventually dismissed Sixto upon discovering his usurping of the treasury.
Dubois appointed three CHamoru men in the only (albeit brief) allowance by US authorities for CHamorus to govern their own island until the one year appointment of publisher [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/) in 1960. (An elected governor would not appear until 1971 when [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/) became the island’s first elected governor in at least 300 years.) They were Hagåtña *gobernadorcillio* Joaquín Pérez y Cruz, Vicente Herrero as head of the island’s finances, and Vicente Pérez as secretary. They were backed by an advisory junta of several other CHamorus.
The next unknowable arrival of an American commander upon the horizon was Lieutenant Louis A. Kaiser who lived for a short time in Hagåtña, repeatedly repelling requests from passing Spanish ships to collect Spanish medical supplies and arms as per the recently signed Treaty of Paris. When Acting Governor Pérez finally allowed Spaniards to take their supplies, Kaiser dismissed Pérez and replaced him with Samoan-American William P. Coe whose governorship lasted a little over two weeks. In response, the CHamoru leaders created the island’s first legislature with an upper and lower house that Kaiser promptly rejected.
Not until after several decades of typically two-year period American Naval governors, each with their own sense of colonial governance along with a purely advisory Guam Congress, would Guam have entirely elected executive and legislative branches of government. Meanwhile American hegemony in many forms throughout this history – some racist and some more subtle but all resident in historical documents – would seemingly lead to the Americanization of Guam.
School children marched in military form, early public health officials walked through CHamoru villages with the authority to fine violators of “sanitation,” compulsory (and very distasteful) hookworm treatments for children became routine, “[lepers](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/)” were confined to a beach area in Ypao now used by swimmers, joggers, and barbeque gatherings and, in 1912, were marched all the way to Apra Harbor through the capital city of Hagåtña to permanent exile in the Philippines. Most were never heard from again. (“It made one think either of a circus parade or a big funeral,” Governor Robert E. Coontz would later write in his memoirs.)
The exile of the “lepers” underlined conflicting notions of colonial and indigenous concepts of family and caring as relatives continuously violated restrictions to gain access to kin in the camp. According to historian [Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/), the CHamoru word for the disease – atektok – could be translated to mean “to hug each other”. Naval officials dreaded the disease and, pushing the fear of Americans being infected by leprosy, successfully obtained Congressional funding for the confinement and “treatment” of “lepers” although most of the money actually went for other unrelated government projects and purposes.
[Governor Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/), Jr. (1929-1931) would be the only Naval officer to attempt to push civil rights for the CHamoru people through a Bill of Rights that was ignored by federal officials although some elements were incorporated into revised 1933 Guam law codes.
In an apparent attempt to assuage local feelings of exclusion, Governor Roy C. Smith established the Guam Congress in 1917 although it had no authority and was wholly advisory. However, when its first session was called to order by Governor Smith on 3 February 1917, the first representative to speak, Tomas Calvo Anderson, immediately criticized the [Naval government](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) for espousing the ideals of democracy without practicing it among the Guam populace.
Thereafter, the Guam Congress, remaining only an advisory body throughout its history – even after the devastation following the 21 July 1944 US invasion and the ensuing bloody battles with Japanese forces – became a representative body that subsequent Naval governors could listen to or ignore at a whim. Work done by the [Institute of Ethnic Affairs](https://www.guampedia.com/national-attention-on-guams-postwar-campaign-for-citizenship/) in Washington DC led by John Collier, the husband of anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) who had done extensive prewar field work on Guam, a degree of sympathy from elements of American society, and the 1949 walkout by frustrated members of the Guam Congress finally influenced the Congressional passage of the 1950 [Guam Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) that granted the island a civilian government and a semblance of self-governance supplemented later by the Guam [Elective Governor Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) in 1968. The Guam Organic Act continues to structure the government of Guam today.
Probably shortly after the two fishermen frantically paddled away but certainly while Glass’ men were demanding the Spanish surrender of the island as eager young fighting men waited on the Charleston, Spanish Augustinian priests, according to Hattori, indicated that “the entire populace became very alarmed and their great distress was very evident…
A large number of devout families flocked to the church, fervently and tearfully beseeching God to put an end to this calamity.” But instead, using (perhaps unconsciously) contemporary measures and means of communication that, lacking in 1898, left an island in the dark about a world stage event that directly affected it, historians commonly prefer to point out the comical side to the beginning of a historical era on Guam that continues today.
Eventually American patriotism and loyalty (particularly evident during the Japanese occupation of Guam) would also become factors of historical interpretation. Patriotism as the result of American hegemony (that included at one point, financial punishment for speaking the CHamoru language), as the result of intermarriages, as the result of things Americans or/and the result of gratitude for the sacrifices of American soldiers as they liberated the island from Japanese control and many other historical events – all have their place in how lives lived in this “American period” have come to absorb this concept.
At least in terms of how history attempts to shape how American patriotism or loyalty exists among a large section of the island’s population and doesn’t exist among a smaller one. But like other societies that have appropriated outside forces and sources on their own terms, Guam’s culture and society merits an understanding on the basis of unboxed notions of how history and historical factors and events have influenced this island’s contemporary society. And there are many of these factors in Guam’s rich historical heritage, each with its unique standing of importance for individuals, including even the tears of Juan Marina.
[***By Nicholas J. Goetzfridt, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-goetzfridt/)
## Videos
Video features:
1. Bradley Park
2. School Drills and Parades
3. Guam Proclamation
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0085-DF-071b-Bradley-Field-Game.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-4769-School-Children_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/GC-42-48-Bill-of-Rights_1100.webp)
## For further reading
Cogan, Doloris Coulter. *We Fought the Navy and Won: Guam’s Quest for Democracy.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
–––. “The Politics of Preservation: Historical Memory and the Division of the Marianas Islands.” *Micronesian Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences* 5, no.1/2 (2006): 1-4.
US Navy Department Office of Records Administration. *American Naval Occupation and Government of Guam, 1898-1902*. By Henry P. Beers. Washington, DC: DONRA, 1944.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Early American Period has Profound Implications
---
### [Governor Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** United States Naval Captain Willis W. Bradley (1884 - 1954), governor of Guam from 1929 to 1931, attempted to make a series of changes in the way the island was governed. Upon arriving in Guam he used the 1929 Annual Report from the previous Naval governor to recommend to US Congress that CHamorus be granted US citizenship.
**Content:**
# Governor Willis W. Bradley
View more images for the Governor Willis W. Bradley entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622565823018/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Bill of Rights
United States Naval Captain Willis W. Bradley (1884 – 1954), governor of Guam from 1929 to 1931, attempted to make a series of changes in the way the island was governed. Upon arriving in Guam he used the 1929 Annual Report from the previous Naval governor to recommend to US Congress that CHamorus/Chamorros be granted US citizenship. Both the Guam Congress and the Guam Chamber of Commerce wholeheartedly endorsed his recommendation.
When he didn’t hear back from American officials in Washington DC he proclaimed the people of Guam to be citizens of Guam. He also created a [Bill of Rights for Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/bill-of-rights-for-guam-1930/) on 4 December 1930 modeled after the first Ten Amendments to the US Constitution. The bill also included the right of *writ of habeas corpus* and the privilege of voting in local elections regardless of race or sex. The *writ of habeas corpus* is an important instrument for the safeguarding of individual freedom against arbitrary state action.
To celebrate CHamorus put together a parade that ended in a public demonstration in the Plaza de España in the capital of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to thank Bradley. James Underwood, postmaster of Guam and the president of the Chamber of Commerce, led the speeches of appreciation.
This Bill of Rights never went into effect, however, because the Secretary of the Navy informed the governor it did not meet with the approval of the US Navy Department. But when the law codes were revised in 1933 many of the provisions of the Bill of Rights were incorporated into them. The codes, though, could be wiped out by whomever was governor of Guam at the time.
Bradley was the only Naval officer to attempt to push civil rights for the CHamoru people.
## General election
The following year, in 1931, Bradley also held a general election for the first time in the [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). People voted directly for representatives to the Guam Congress, an advisory body to the governors, and for municipal commissioners (mayors) and their deputies.
He dissolved the First Guam Congress which he didn’t believe was functioning as a representative body and then issued a proclamation that established a Second Guam Congress. As laid out by Bradley, this body consisted of a House of Assembly, with 27 members elected for two-year terms, and the House of Council, with 15 members elected for four-year terms. The first election was held in March 1931 and Bradley opened the first session 4 April.
The people also elected village commissioners for two-year terms.
## Repercussions for Bradley
Besides these reforms Bradley used his time in Guam seeking improvements in education and infrastructure. He also gave commissary privileges to the priests due to their service to US military personnel.
The Navy was not happy with Bradley’s actions and threatened to remove him as governor of Guam. Bradley wrote:
> I have no particular desire to leave Guam this year, nor do I desire to ruin my Naval career by argument with my superiors, and it seems that one or the other is in sight unless I am content to do as most of my predecessors have done, that is, simply let things drift along in the easiest channel without making any progress to speak of. Unfortunately, I am not built that way. When I see and understand the crying needs of Guam I shall fight for them as long as I am governor, even if it wrecks my future naval life. The result is that Guam has made more progress in the last year than in any two years – but that I seem to be constantly in hot water.
>
> Gov. Willis Bradley
The Navy let Bradley be for a time but did recall him in 1931. US Congress passed a resolution, however, praising him for a his administration. The CHamoru people passed a resolution as well, asking if Bradley could represent them in the United States. This appeal was ignored and Bradley was passed over for a promotion.
The next governor of Guam, Captain Edmund S. Root, ignored Bradley’s plans for the advancement of Guam. The Depression was in full swing at that time, and funds for improvement projects were not readily available.
## Personal background
Bradley, born in Ransomville, New York on 28 June 1884, called himself a Progressive Republican and a civil libertarian, He was the most liberal of any of the Naval governors assigned to Guam.
He graduated first in his class at Annapolis and won the Congressional Medal of Honor in World War I.
Bradley knew Guam well as he was in command of the USS *Gold Star,* a 4,500-ton cargo-passenger carrier, from 1924 to 1926 which was stationed in Guam. The *Goldie Maru*, as it was called in Guam, was the island’s station ship from 1924 until 1941.
He continued to serve in the Navy until his retirement in 1946 when he moved to California. He was elected to serve for one term as a California representative to Congress in 1947. He died in Santa Barbara, California on 27 August 1954.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy)
## Videos
Video features:
1. Bradley Park
2. School Drills and Parades
3. Guam Proclamation
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0085-DF-071b-Bradley-Field-Game.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/2-4769-School-Children_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/GC-42-48-Bill-of-Rights_1100.webp)
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam. The Sacrifice, 1919 – 1943*. Micronesian Productions: San Jose, Tinian, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, 1991.
Hanlon, David. “Patterns of Colonial Rule in Micronesia.” In *Tides of History: The Pacific Islands in the Twentieth Century*. Edited by K.R. Howe, Robert C. Kiste, and Brij V. Lal. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
James, Roy E. “The Guam Congress.” *Public Affairs* 19, no. 4 (1946): 408-413.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Governor Willis W. Bradley
---
### [Belembaotuyan](https://www.guampedia.com/belembaotuyan-2/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The belembaotuyan is a long single-stringed musical instrument historically found on Guam. It is classified as a stick zither, which is an instrument with no neck or yoke. The string is stretched between the two ends of the body and has an attached resonator.
**Content:**
# Belembaotuyan
View more images for the Belembaotuyan entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622581972230).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Single-stringed instrument
The *belembaotuyan* is a long single-stringed musical instrument historically found on Guam. It is classified as a stick zither, which is an instrument with no neck or yoke. The string is stretched between the two ends of the body and has an attached resonator.
The *belembaotuyan* consists of a long flat stick with one string that is almost equal to the length of the stick with a resonating gourd. The string is attached to each end of the long board. Soft wire or sturdy string is used to hold the gourd in place as well as divide the sound of the string into high and low. The gourd is positioned where the sound divides near the center. Moon shaped seashells are used at each end of the instrument to help give the string a clearer sound. Aluminum pieces are used at each end to keep the string from cutting into the wood.
The *belembaotuyan* used to be heard during weddings or other special occasions on Guam. More recently it has become part of CHamoru/Chamorro Month celebrations at Guam’s schools. Today it is heard rarely as only a few people know how to play or construct the ancient instrument.
The meaning of *belembao* in Chamorro means “swaying of the trees” and *tuyan* means “stomach.” Essentially, *belembaotuyan* means either a “one-stringed belly echo” or “vibrations of the belly.” The gourd resonates with the help of the stomach cavity and the player can create a vibrato by moving the gourd back and forth off the stomach.
The instrument was, at times, historically spelled *belumbaotuyan, belenbaotuchan*, and *belimbau-tuyan*.
The instrument may share roots with Brazilian instrument called the *berimbau*. Because of shipping and constant trade between Asia and South America, a *belembaotuyan* player most likely stopped on Guam and introduced the instrument to the Chamorro people more than 150 years ago.
## Origin theories
There is a Brazilian instrument called the *berimbau*, described as a five-foot pole with a metal wire strung on it like a bow and a gourd attached about a fourth of the way to the top. It was played alongside other Brazilian instruments in a ceremony called *Macumba*, which originated in Africa.
Brazil, Africa, and Portugal all have cities named Belem, which are all near a body of water. Belem, Brazil can be found at the mouth of the Amazon River. Belem in Mozambique, Africa, can be found near the Indian Ocean and Belem in Portugal is found near the Atlantic Ocean.
It is possible that African slaves from Mozambique with knowledge of the instrument were transported to Portugal, which has been greatly influenced by African culture. The knowledge moved along with the people from Portugal to Brazil.
## Making a belembaotuyan
The length of the stick or the size of the gourd on a Chamorro *belembaotuyan* may vary. The dimensions of the *belembaotuyan* stick can be between four and nine feet long.
The tools needed to make a *belembaotuyan* are a machete, a saw, and a knife. Because heavy wire was hard to come by on Guam in the past, *belembaotuyan* makers took wire from radial tires. The rubber was cut until the wire was visible and then the rubber was sliced away from the wire.
The wood or stick comes from the *banalu* tree (Pacific Rosewood or *Thespisia populnea*) or the *pago* tree (hibiscus tree or *Hibiscus tiliaceus*). Both trees, which look alike, can be found in the jungles of Guam almost anywhere on the island. It is best to use the young tree because it is more flexible and easy to bend. The tree should be cut 6 to 7 1/2 feet long, skinned with the machete, and then split in half or chipped carefully with the machete. A narrow stick does not make as much sound as a wider stick.
The gourd used for the *belembaotuyan* is grown mainly for the medicinal value of the leaves and is not edible. Coconut shells and gourds (*tagua*) can be used as resonators but each produces a different sound. The coconut shell is much smaller, harder, and can easily crack. Although constructing the resonator from coconut shell may be a fairly simple process, it yields less resonance. The gourd is preferred because of its various shapes and sizes. The larger the *tagua*, the more the sound will resonate.
The cat’s eye shell or moon shell (operculum), which is used at each end of the instrument, can be found on the beaches or in the ocean.
Aluminum strips or pieces of a tinplate are used to reinforce each end of the stick in order to prevent the wire from cutting into the wood.
The bridge in the middle of the *belembaotuyan* is made of soft wire or sturdy string, and is used to hold the gourd in place and to divide the sounding pitches of the instrument into high and low.
The hitting stick, or the plectrum, is made out of bamboo. The stick must be thin and about a foot long.
To assemble a *belembaotuyan* split the wood in half lengthwise and skin it with the machete. Place a nail or a screw at each end of the stick to wind the wire around. Before the wire is placed on the stick, place the aluminum plate strips at each end during the placement of the wire. The wire is placed on the stick the same as a string on a bow, but not too tightly. Allow the stick to dry for a day or two. After the stick dries place the cat’s eye shell or at each end of the stick.
Next, take a gourd, saw it in half to obtain two bowl shapes. Clean the gourd out and then cut a hole at the top of each half and rest one half of the gourd inside the other. Place these rested gourds under the board. Get a short stick, or a small jar lid to hold the soft wire in place. This forms the bridge, and also joins the two gourd halves.
Adjusting the bridge is probably the difficult part because you have to know where the sound divides. The lowest tone is usually found on the right side of the *belembaotuyan* string while the left side is four tones higher. The string should sound the dominant tone (V, Sol) on the right, while the left half of the string sounds the tonic tone (I, Do).
Materials used to make the instrument have changed over the years because of access and availability. For example, the string used on the instrument today differs greatly from the wild pineapple fiber that was available in the past. The string made out of fiber produced a softer and quieter sound. Wire, as found in radial tires, produces a brighter, louder, and more vigorous sound.
## Playing a belembaotuyan
When tuning the *belembaotuyan*, the gourd is carefully moved off center in order to get the right division of sound from the wire. The bridge and the gourd will not be exactly dead center. In fact, the left half of the string will be somewhat shorter. If the bridge gets loosened from the gourd you can turn the gourd in order to tighten and give the instrument a much clearer sound.
Originally, the performing position was a reclining position. Today, however, the *belembaotuyan* is usually played in a seated position, the gourd resonator resting against the abdomen.
The stick is held between the thumb and the index finger. The middle finger bounces the plectrum on the wire string, while the remaining fingers are curled and relaxed. Students practice holding the hitting stick and making it bounce naturally.
In holding the instrument, the fingers of the left hand are placed under the string and moved up and down to obtain different pitches. The left hand does not press down on the string as in guitar playing, but rather the first joint of each finger lightly pushes up the string. The right hand holds the hitting stick and plays the tune by letting the stick bounce from one side to the other, over the bridge. The rhythm of the right hand is the actual tune of the songs being played.
Left-handed players can play this instrument too because there is only one string to play. The process is simply reversed, thus the right hand presses under the string while the left hand bounces the hitting stick.
The solo pieces played on the *belembaotuyan* have dynamics that are neither soft nor loud but moderate. Dynamic expression is not an important feature of *belembaotuyan* music. The meter of the pieces are usually duple (2/4) or (4/4). The rhythm of the plectrum is usually that of the melody. Pieces played on the *belembaotuyan* are usually moderate in tempo.
The *belembaotuyan* can be accompanied by a guitar tuned to it. There is no music written specifically for the *belembaotuyan* and much of the repertoire is based on song melodies.
***By Therese Q. Crisostomo Pangelinan***
## Videos
Video features:
1. The Origins of the Belembaotuyan
2. Making the Belembaotuyan
3. Manuel Quichocho
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Belembautuyan_1100.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/belembaotuyan.webp)
[ Play
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Belembautuyan_1100.webp)
## For further reading
Babauta, Shannon. “Belembautuyan Still Treasured.” *Pacific Daily News*, 10 February 1983.
Baines, Anthony, ed. *Musical Instruments Through the Ages*. Baltimore: Penguin Books Ltd., 1961.
“Belembautuyan.” *Guam Recorder*, (January 1934).
*Belenbaotuyan – Direct Wire to the Past*. Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library file. NA: 1967.
“Belumbaotuyan Brings Security Benefits.” *Guam Times Weekly*, 11 September 1965.
Handler, Elaine. “Faith and Frenzy”. *Maryknoll*, (January 1972).
Higgins, Margaret M. “Guam – Perch of the China Clippers.” *National Geographic Magazine* 74, no. 1 (July 1938): 99-122.
“Music Week.” *Guam Recorder* 6, no. 2 (May 1929): 23, 33.
*To Entertain*. Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library file. NA: 1960-1965.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Music, Spanish Era, Traditional Music
**Tags:** Belembaotuyan
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Proverbs](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-proverbs/)
**Published:** December 4, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Proverbs are popular sayings, phrases of wisdom, or simply a piece of advice. Proverbs express a people’s basic beliefs and values. CHamoru proverbs are often based on core values and practices of respect, generosity and honesty.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Proverbs
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Expression of values
Proverbs are popular sayings, phrases of wisdom, or simply a piece of advice. Proverbs express a people’s basic beliefs and values. CHamoru/Chamorro proverbs are often based on core values and practices of respect, generosity and honesty.
In the 1930s pre-war Guam, anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) documented some single verse proverbs which were later published in her book *Guam and Its People*:
## Single-verse proverbs
ProverbTranslation*Mañga mamuha ni ti gigaomu*Don’t take the catch from another’s trap.*Mientras mas megai libidtaña, mas megai babaña.*The more liberty, the more license.*Facho’cho ja un cho’chu.*Work and you will eat.*Un nota na tentashion nahoñg rason.*A very little temptation is enough.*Maulegña mangagao ja ti manae, ki maniae ja ti ma agradesi.*It is better to ask for something and be refused it, than to give and not have it appreciated.*An megai sinañganmo megai dinagimu.*The more you talk the more you lie.*Chagi ja muñga madagi.*Try it lest you be fooled.*Guse’ña un gaca un dakun ki un koho.*It is easier to catch a liar than a cripple.*Muñga mañaluda nu I ti tihoñg-mu.*Don’t salute with a hat that doesn’t belong to you.
## Multiple-verse proverbs
Proverbs can also be found in multiple verses called [*Kantan CHamorita*](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/), which is a traditional CHamoru form of an impromptu call-and-response song. A stanza is composed of four lines with the fourth line being the call for the opponent and has to be included into the response. *Kantan Chamorita* has a single musical composition in which impromptu verses are composed. It was performed in competition between clans or during family gatherings when work was being done.
*Kantan Chamorita* is a unique form of artistic expression by the CHamoru people. The poetry of the stanzas reflects CHamoru cultural beliefs and practices. Words or phrases took on clever and witty new meanings in regards to the singer’s rival.
Historian [Lawrence Cunningham](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/) provides examples of *Kantan Chamorita* proverbs in his book *Ancient Chamorro Society*:
VersesTranslation*Desde pa’go para mo’na u sen makkata,*From now on life will be more difficult, *lina’la’ sa’ taigui I ante ni’,*Lacking the one who,*Muna’fanggagai sastansia todu.*Was the life of all. *An humanao hao tumalaya,*When you go net-fishing,*Chuchule’I talaya-mu,*Take along your net,*Yan kontodu I guagua’-mu,*And also your basket,*Ya un sisini I kinenne’-mu.*And fill it with the catch. *An numa’ piniti hao taotao,*When you hurt somebody,*Nangga ma na’ piniti-mu;*Be expecting to be in pain;*Maseha apmamam na tiempo,*For even if it takes time,*Un apasi sa’ dibi-mu*.Surely you’ll pay for the pain you caused. *Gaige I poniten nana,*What sweet pain my mother must have had,*Anai hu chochochop sisu’ña:*To feel me sucking at her breast:*Siempre guahu u pinitiyi,*Surely she should feel for me,*Sa’ guahu finañagu-ña.*Because she gave birth to me. *No hai muettu sin achaki.*There is no death without an illness.*Taya’ mina’lak sin hinemhum.*There is no brightness without darkness.*Taya’ tatautau sin anining.*There is no body without its shadow.*Taya’ finatai sin sina’pit.*There is no death without suffering.*Taya’ aksion sin rason.*There is no action without a reason.
***[By Nathalie Pereda](http://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/)***
## Videos
[ Play
Chamorro Proverbs with Tony Palomo
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Tony-Palomo-Proverbs-Video-Thumb2.webp)
[ Play
Chamorro Proverbs with Tony Palomo
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Tony-Palomo-Proverbs-Video-Thumb2.webp)
[ Play
Fino i Mañaina-ta, Toni "Malia" Ramirez Video Thumbnail.
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/VOE-Fino-i-Manaina-ta_1024.webp)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flores, Judy. “[Kantan Chamorita](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 12 May, 2021.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Indigenous Lenses, Our Heritage, Symbolism
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Proverbs
---
### [Sumai (Sumay)](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/)
**Published:** April 8, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Sumai/Sumay’s history dates before the Spanish colonial period, although not much is known about its pre-contact history. Findings in a cave complex in the old village site suggest that ancient Chamorros dwelled in them long before the Spanish first arrived.
**Content:**
# Sumai (Sumay)
To view more images please visit our [Sumai Gallery](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623419928551) in Flickr or the entries [Back to Sumai Event](https://www.guampedia.com/back-to-sumay-event-gallery/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Ancient Chamorro settlement
Sumai/Sumay’s history dates before the Spanish colonial period, although not much is known about its pre-contact history. Findings in a cave complex in the old village site suggest that ancient CHamorus/Chamorros dwelled in them long before the Spanish first arrived. When the Spanish proclaimed Guam as theirs, Sumai’s chieftain was said to be among those who held strong opposition to the Spanish colonizers, although the Spanish government eventually gained control. Sumai, like other villages, became centered around the Catholic church.
The Spaniards kept a settlement at Sumai, and its easy access to San Luis de Apra Harbor made it a favorite anchorage town for whalers and other sailors. Sumai grew into a thriving little port town in the 1800s. The Spaniards fortified the high cliffs behind the village and other points to protect the harbor. The guns were in disrepair, however, when the Americans sailed into Apra to capture Guam without resistance during the Spanish-American War in 1898.
The Americans also fortified the same cliff line after World War I and stationed a Marine Corps Aircraft Squadron in the area because of suspicions of Japan, which had gained the Northern Marianas after the war. However, the US dismantled the fortifications in Guam in the early 1920s.
Much of the Naval shipping operations were situated along this coastal village when the American government took over. The Trans-Pacific Cable Company anchored its station at Sumai in 1903, linking Guam with both Asia and the United States. Pan American Airways landed its China Clipper at Sumai in 1935, and built Guam’s first hotel there.
A seawall that surrounded the coastline was constructed to protect it from the pounding waves, and many of the residents enjoyed fishing and swimming along the coast every day. The Maxwell School was also constructed in the early 1930s, a small building that educated most of the children of the area. As of the 1920 census, the population of Sumai was 1,209, the second-highest population after[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). In 1923, the village became the site of Guam’s first golf course, the Sumai Golf Links, with 18 holes.
Sumai’s well-known representative in the Guam House of Assembly was [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), a schoolteacher whose family was from the village. Won Pat became speaker of the House of Assembly in 1948 and would go on to become the first speaker of the new Guam Legislature in 1951 and Guam’s first delegate to US Congress in the 1960s – and the island’s most influential politician for several decades. Won Pat’s successor as Guam delegate to the US Congress, [Gen. Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/), was also from Sumai.
## People flee the Japanese
Because military shipping and communications centered around Sumai, it was one of the first areas to be bombed when the Japanese attacked on 8 December 1941. The people of Sumai fled and scattered inland to their small ranches in the jungles, with many families becoming separated. The entire population of Sumai was promptly evicted by the Japanese in the first few days of occupation to make room for a Japanese garrison, and five Chamorro girls were raped by Japanese troops in the takeover. The residents were eventually moved from camp to camp by the Japanese, some as far as [Malesso’ ](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)and [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/) hills in Yona.
## Navy takes village for base
After World War II was over the Navy did not allow the Sumai residents to reclaim their homes, saying they needed the property for US Naval Base, Guam. The former Sumai residents were eventually relocated to the newly created village of Sånta Rita-Sumai. All that remains of Sumai Village is a cross from the Catholic Church, the cemetery and remains of a few of the structures.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
 *sumai, guahan*. By Kerri Ann Borja.
## For further reading
*National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers*. “Guam | NCSHPO.” Directory.
## e-Publications
Fanhasso I Taotao Sumay (Sumai)
Sumay Park
Fanhasso I Taotao Sumay (Sumai)
**Fanhasso I Taotao Sumay: Displacement, Dispossession and Survival in Guam**
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/)***
**Editor’s note:** Following is a masters thesis written by James Perez Viernes from University of Hawai’i in 2008. It is a comprehensive history of the village of Sumai with accounts by former Sumai residents. To cite as a reference please use: Viernes, James Perez. “Fanhasso I Taotao Sumay: Displacement, Dispossession and Survival in Guam.” Master’s Thesis, University of Hawai’i, 2008.
Sumay Park
## Videos
[ Play
Taotao Sumay
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Taotao-Sumay_Thumb_1024.webp)
[ Play
Hasso' Taotao Sumay
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/1-Hasso-Taotao-Sumay-Video-Thumbnail_1024.webp)
[ Play
Hasso' Atan Tano' Video Thumbnail
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/Hass-Atan-Tano-Video-Thumbnail_1024.webp)
## Timeline: Sumai to Sånta Rita-Sumai
**I Hinanao Taotao Sumai**
- **1819**-Map from Freycinet expedition describes Apra as a village and Sumai (“Soumaye”) as a “farm.” Additionally, Sumai is referred to as a barrio or neighborhood of Hågat. Sumai farmer Luis de Torres, a mestizo informant for Freycinet, offers this area as a base station for scientific research.
- **1831**-Population of Sumai and Hågat: 222.
- **1853**-Spanish Captain of the Port establishes his station at Sumai.
- **1856**-Smallpox epidemic kills over half of Guam’s population, and the Catholic mission in Pago is relocated to Sumai. A statue of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, believed to have been brought to Guam by San Vitores in 1668, is presented to the residents who adopt the Virgin of Guadalupe as their patroness.
- **1870**-School for boys and girls built in Sumai.
- **1886**-Guam population: 1,878; Sumai: 471.
- **1897**-Population of Sumai and Hågat: 1,325.
- **1898**-US Captain Henry Glass raises the US flag at Fort Santa Cruz during Spanish-American War, claiming Guam for the United States. The American Administration of Guam falls under the authority of the US Navy.
- **1901**-US map of Sumai and Orote peninsula shows residential blocks with about 50 houses, seven streets and inland coconut groves. Two roads connect Sumai with Orote point and Dadi Beach. Aside from Hagåtña, most American colonists lived in Sumai. The Sumai-Hagåtña road connecting the two villages is the first asphalt road on the island.
- **1903**-US-based Pacific Commercial Cable Company begins construction of cable station, connecting Guam to Midway, Yap, the Philippines and Yokohama.
- **1912**-The Sumai cut off road is built to shorten the distance between the cable station and naval facilities, as well as to make travel to and through Sumai easier. Apra Harbor is closed to most foreign commercial vessels in the interest of US security.
- **1914**-A Marine detachment for island defense arrives and moves into tents in Sumai village.
- **1921**-US Marine Barracks construction is completed on the plateau above Sumai; work begins on a hangar, sea ramps and a shop building.
- **1922**-Dredged materials from Apra Harbor are placed along the coastline of Sumai. The village no longer occupies the shoreline.
- **1923**-First golf course in Guam is opened at Sumai.
- **1931**-US Marine presence reduced to 10 officers and 121 enlisted men.
- **1935**-Pan American Airways Clipper service acquires rights to use former Marine Aviation facilities at Sumai. Sumai becomes not only a home to the US Marine Barracks, but also boasts a floating dry dock, the seawall, the Standard Oil Company’s storage tanks, and the Maxwell School for elite boys and girls.
- **1936**-Pan American Airways builds a 20-room hotel in Sumai called Skyways Inn to accommodate world travelers.
- **1941**-Sumai population: 1,997. It is the second most populated village in Guam, next to Hagåtña.
- **8 December 1941** Sumai is the first village in Guam to be bombed by Japanese invading forces. The people of Sumai take refuge in nearby ranches, primarily in Apla (near present-day Navy Exchange and Commissary.
- **1942-1944**-Japanese forces remove Sumai residents for the construction of an airfield on Orote; US Marine barracks and village residences are used as housing for Japanese soldiers. The people of Sumai are forbidden to return to their village without permission. Santa Marian Guadalupe Church is converted to an auditorium and meetinghouse.
- **28 July 1944**-US Marines destroy Japanese defenses on Orote. Much of Sumai is reduced to rubble.
- **July 1944**-The people of Sumai living in Apla are forced to march to the Manenggon Valley concentration camp in anticipation of the American recapture of Guam. Thirty-four people from Sumai and Hågat are herded into caves at Fena and killed with grenades by the Japanese.
- **21 July 1944**-American military forces recapture Guam from the Japanese. Shortly after, the people of Sumai are transferred from Manenggon to a camp at Hågat.
- While Sumai remains off limits to its residents, the residents eventually make their way back to Apla, building make-shift homes as they await permission to return to their village.
- The US military secures Sumai as a base to coordinate attacks against Japan. Admiral Chester W. Nimitz requests 75,700 acres, or 55% of the island’s land for military use. Sumai in its entirety is included in this request.
- **1945**-Sumai residents living in Apla are given two resettlement options by the US military: move to Hågat, or move to a temporary refugee camp. The people of Sumai chose the second option.
- **1945-1946**-The people of Sumai slowly begin moving from Apla to the “temporary refugee camp of Sånta Rita.” The area is undeveloped with no roads, running water, or electricity. Farming is almost impossible because of the hilly terrain, and the inland location makes fishing difficult.
- **1946**-US Congress passes Public Law 594: The Guam Acquisition of Lands Act authorizing the US Navy to acquire any and all land necessary for use by the United States.
- **1948**-Civil Case No. 5-49 is filed in the Superior Court of Guam. Known as the “Declaration of Taking,” the case declares that Sumai in its entirety, as well as parts of Piti and Hågat, would be seized by the US military. In total, 2,471 acres of land is acquired from Chamorro landowners, with little or no compensation. In Sumai, a total of 345 privately and commercially owned lots of land are taken; hundreds of villagers are permanently exiled from their village.
- **1952**-Fr. Mel McCormack and the people of Sånta Rita complete construction of the Sånta Rita church. The people of Sånta Rita dedicate the new church to the former patroness of Sumai, Our Lady of Guadalupe, while Sånta Rita is adopted as a co-patroness of the village.
- **1961**-Former Sumai residents are allowed to return to the Sumai Cemetery on All Souls’ Day after twenty years of being forbidden to celebrate the holiday there.
- **1972**-The Guam Legislature adopts a resolution recognizing the suffering of the people of Sumai during World War II and its aftermath. Construction of a 200-acre housing subdivision in Sånta Rita to be called “New Sumai” begins to help the people of Sumai develop their new community. This area presently is referred to as the Santa Rosa Subdivision, or Hyundai.
- **1983**-Sumai Memorial Park is dedicated at the site of the former Santa Marian Guadalupe Catholic Church in Sumai.
- **1988**-Sånta Rita-Sumai Peace Memorial monument is constructed in the center of the village across the street from the church to commemorate the people of Sumai and their establishment of a new community in Sånta Rita-Sumai.
**Categories:** Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII
**Tags:** Sumai (Sumay)
---
### [Ritidian (Litekyan)](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/)
**Published:** February 11, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Located on the northernmost tip of Guam, Ritidian is one of the most spectacular and culturally rich places on island. Formerly a restricted military area, Ritidian is now accessible to the public who wish to take in the unspoiled, natural beauty of the ocean and beaches. Because of its relative isolation, it is a fairly popular site for fishing, swimming and picnicking.
**Content:**
# Ritidian (Litekyan)
## Village map
View photos for the Ritidian (Litekyan) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157625857983070).
#### Table of Contents
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## Former CHamoru/Chamorro village is now a wildlife refuge
Located on the northernmost tip of Guam, Ritidian is one of the most spectacular and culturally rich places on island. Formerly a restricted military area, Ritidian is now accessible to the public who wish to take in the unspoiled, natural beauty of the ocean and beaches. Because of its relative isolation, it is a fairly popular site for fishing, swimming and picnicking.
Ritidian is also a wildlife preserve unit of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge (GNWR), covering 371 acres of coral reefs and 832 acres of terrestrial habitats including limestone forests. The refuge is home to native tree snails and small lizards, the endangered Marianas fruit bat, the Mariana crow, as well as to hawksbill and green sea turtles. In addition, the Fish and Wildlife’s Nature Center, located in the GNWR office building at Ritidian, provides a wealth of information about local wildlife and the geological significance of the area.
Ritidian is also archeologically important and contains an abundance of cultural resources, including [*latte*](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) sets, water wells, limestone mortars, cave drawings, pottery and shell artifacts. The land and seascapes provide evidence of changing climates and sea levels which impacted the settlement and use of this area by the earliest inhabitants of the island. Archeological research has revealed that the area was the site of a thriving CHamoru/Chamorro village that predates the arrival of the Spanish in 1521 by over 600 years. Recent work has also uncovered a 3,300 year old fishing camp.
The name Ritidian is possibly derived from the CHamoru word “Litekyan” which means, to stir, or a stirring place, and is probably a reference to the rapidly stirring or churning waters off Ritidian. On a clear day, one can see in the distance the island of Luta (Rota), some 47 miles north-northeast of Guam, the closest of the Northern Mariana Islands to Guam.
## Archeological fieldwork at Ritidian
Archeological research at the Ritidian Unit of Guam National Wildlife Refuge (GNWR) has been making significant discoveries and advances in knowledge over the last few years, made possible by US Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) partnering with Guam Preservation Trust (GPT), the Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) at University of Guam, and the Anthropology Department at the University of Hawai’i. New archeological studies have included surveys to identify and record details of *latte* stone sites, pottery and other artifacts visible on the surface, rock art in caves, remains of an old Spanish-era building, and locations where ancient CHamoru sites are buried deeply beneath the ground today.
Students from Guam, Hawai’i, continental US, Canada, and elsewhere have been enrolling in archeology field training courses to acquire hands-on skills of real-life archeology, learn about CHamoru *latte* sites, and contribute to cutting-edge and growing scientific knowledge about the many archeological sites at Ritidian.
At two *latte* sets preserved in the dense forest of the Refuge, archeologists have been studying the hard evidence of artifacts and food remains and how they were distributed in patterns around the *latte* stones. Patterns are evident in relation to different types of activities, such as tool-manufacturing, food-preparation, water-storage and food-storage in large pots, and discard of food remains.
Archeologists found pieces of metal, imported Chinese porcelains, and imported European glass beads, all indicating that CHamoru people using this *latte* site had access to outside materials during the early Spanish occupation period, probably in the 1670s to 1680s when a Jesuit mission was active at Ritidian.
Also relating to the early Spanish period, some archeological “detective work” has found the remains of an old Spanish building, said to have been built and used at Ritidian in the 1670s through 1680s. The ruins of the structure, called a *casa real*, had been documented in the 1950s, but later the area had been bulldozed, leaving no trace of what once had been there. Old maps and notes pointed to the general vicinity of the old building, and archeological test pits verified traces of the old building foundation and other remnants.
## Ritidian Caves yield cave art
In some of the many cave sites at Ritidian, abundant red, white, and black drawings are visible as reminders of the ancient Chamorro past. Unfortunately, these resources are fragile and threatened by mold growth, creation of mud-dauber nests, naturally high humidity, and even unintentionally by visitors. New efforts have begun for precise digital mapping of the caves, matched with high-resolution photography that can be fitted over the three-dimensional mapping surface. The goal is a product that can be accessible through the internet, on display outside the caves, or at the Nature Center in the Refuge, so that people can appreciate the sites, the natural cave formations, and their amazing artwork without causing any unfortunate effects.
## Ancient fishing camps
In the broad sandy plain seen today between the limestone cliff and the ocean at Ritidian, archeologists have found the remains of a 3,000-year-old fishing camp buried about three to four feet beneath the sand. Deeper beneath that, about nine feet, they found the remains of an even older fishing camp, about 3,300 years old according to radiocarbon dating.
The oldest known fishing camp at Ritidian, around 3,300 years ago, occurred directly over the ancient coral reef that is now deeply buried beneath the broad sandy beach that we see today. These results fit perfectly with the geological history of the area, relating to a time when the sea level was higher than today. At that time, the ancient fishing camp was along a shallow reef that had formed along the base of the limestone cliff of northern Guam, and an unknown number of small spots and berms (mounds) of sand that were scattered throughout the Ritidian area.
Comparable to these latest discoveries at Ritidian, the oldest confirmed archeological sites in the Marianas have been dated by radiocarbon as being about 3,500 years old, including several sites in Guam, Saipan, and Tinian. The ancient fishing camp at Ritidian now is counted among one of the earliest known sites in the region.
## 3,000 to 3,500 years of history
The broad sandy beach that we see today developed over a few thousand years, and CHamoru people were quick to use the newly available land as these opportunities presented themselves over time. The archeological record reveals how people responded to these changing circumstances, in terms of the kinds of foods they harvested, the kinds of tools they made to cope with the challenges they faced, and generally how their lives were part of a rich natural and cultural habitat that changed in some ways but remained stable in other ways over several centuries.
Archeological research will continue at Ritidian, but already a fascinating picture is taking shape about the last 3,000 to 3,500 years of the natural and cultural history of the Refuge area. As more definitive and robust scientific data become available, we can build our knowledge base at the Refuge and enhance the experience of visitors appreciating some of the uniqueness of this remarkable place.
***[By Mike Carson, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/mike-t-carson)***
## Videos
[ Play
3D Rendering of Litekyan Guma Latte
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Litekyan-3D-Guma-Latte_1100.webp)
[ Play
Litekyan, Malia
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Litekyan-Malia_Video-Thumbnail_1024.webp)
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, HASSO’: Remembering Guam’s Ancient Heritage Sites, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Ritidian (Litekyan)
---
### [Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan, Living the Guam Brand](https://www.guampedia.com/nalala-i-kostumbren-guahan-living-the-guam-brand/)
**Published:** July 26, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan, Living the Guam Brand. Guam Visitors Bureau Conference. April 7 - 8, 2011 Hyatt Regency, Tumon Guam.
**Content:**
# Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan, Living the Guam Brand
View more photos from the Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan, Living the Guam Brand conference [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72177720298152034).
#### Table of Contents
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## Guam Visitors Bureau Conference Report
***Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan
Ta na’fandanña’ i bisitå-ta yan i kotturå-ta***
**Living the Guam Brand
Bringing together our culture and our visitors**
April 7 – 8, 2011
Hyatt Regency, Tumon Guam
**Setbison Bisitan Guåhan, CHaCO**
Guam Visitors Bureau, CHaCO
Funding for this e-publication provided by:
**Inangokkon Inadahi Guahan**
Guam Preservation Trust
## Videos
[ Play
Language and Culture: Our Language is Our Culture Part 1. Living the Guam Brand video thumbnail.
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/1_LGB-Miget-Video-Thumbnail_1024.webp)
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Language and Culture: Our Language is Our Culture Part 2. Living the Guam Brand video thumbnail.
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[ Play
Living the Guam Brand: Chamorro Language in the Workplace, by Ann Marie Blas Arceo. Living the Guam Brand video thumbnail.
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[ Play
Living the Guam Brand Frank Rabon Performances Part 1. Living the Guam Brand video thumbnail.
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[ Play
Living the Guam Brand Frank Rabon Performances Part 2.
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**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Economics, e-Publications, Economics and Commercial Development, Guampedia Resources, Multimedia
**Tags:** Living the Guam Brand, Na’lå’la’ i Kostumbren Guåhan
---
### [Nasion Chamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/nasion-chamoru/)
**Published:** August 29, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Tinituhun. On 21 July 1991 at Latte Stone Memorial Park in Hagåtña, a small group of Chamorro men and women gathered to form a new organization. This organization would be comprised of a number of different grassroots and family-based groups, who were all connected through a commitment to the Chamorro people and to the protection of their lands, their culture and their rights.
**Content:**
# Nasion Chamoru
#### Table of Contents
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## Tinituhun
On 21 July 1991 at Latte Stone Memorial Park in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), a small group of CHamoru/Chamorro men and women gathered to form a new organization. This organization would be comprised of a number of different grassroots and family-based groups, who were all connected through a commitment to the Chamorro people and to the protection of their lands, their culture and their rights. This organization would be known as the United Chamoru Chelus for Independence, and would be the basis for the formation of a larger coalition, known as Nasion Chamoru or Chamorro Nation.
The leader of this new group, [Angel Leon Guerrero Santos](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18629) called the 20 people that had gathered into the middle of the eight large *[latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/)* stones in the park.
> Stay within the *latte*, this is where the power of our ancestors, the spirit of our [ancestors](http://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/) lives and it is important that we share this with them.
Santos read a declaration asserting the right of the Chamorro to exist as a nation and called on the Chamorros present to sign this declaration. Those who signed were members of this Chamorro Nation but also committed to its independence. Another declaration was made for non-Chamorros. Those who signed it acknowledged that they were supporters and witnesses.
This humble, spiritual moment led to the birth of one of the most well-known Chamorro organizations in recent memory. The actions of Nasion Chamoru in their struggle for [land return](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18570), decolonization and Chamorro rights shocked the consciousness of Guam, challenging many of the perceptions people held about the island’s history, Chamorro culture and the relationship of Guam to the United States. Although in their early years Nasion Chamoru was known as a group of troublemakers and radicals, they nonetheless had a significant effect on the consciousness of Chamorros today and on the ways different people on Guam understand issues such as land, liberation and decolonization.
## Activism before Nasion
Local activist groups and Chamorro activists groups already existed prior to Nasion Chamoru’s emergence in the 1990s. Indeed, Nasion Chamoru was not the first group to organize public protests or acts of non-violent civil disobedience. It was not the first group to hand out leaflets, petitions and lobby in the name of human rights. What made Nasion Chamoru different was the way it represented a variety of grassroots critiques to the problems of Guam’s 20th century colonial experience. The [Organization of People for Indigenous Rights (OPI-R)](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18752) came to prominence a decade earlier than Nasion Chamoru and had many of the same messages. A key difference between the groups, though, is that OPI-R was made up primarily of Chamorros who were educated or came from prominent families. They had strong ties to the economic, educational and political systems on island and could hardly be considered voiceless or powerless.
Nasion Chamoru represented itself in a very different way. They believed they did not have the educated polish of OPI-R. They claimed to fill their ranks with the masses of Chamorros who did not have access to those same circles of power. Chamorros who were landless, who did not have college degrees, who were low-income—these were the people from which Nasion Chamoru derived its symbolic strength.
## Veteran discontent
Nasion Chamoru also was different from other groups in the way it attracted Chamorros who were formerly in the US military to its causes. This was particularly so for [veterans](https://www.bitiranu.org/) from the Vietnam War. Core members of Nasion Chamoru had experienced racism from fellow soldiers and commanding officers due to the color of their skin or their Pacific-Asian features. They also began to question the rhetoric of the war in Vietnam and the US in general through the violence in which they participated. As they were ridiculed or discriminated against by their comrades in arms because of their race, they underwent an identity crisis in terms of their place in the US.
Joe Ulloa Garrido, a former Maga’låhi (leader) of Nasion Chamoru, served in the military during the Vietnam era but quickly became disillusioned when he felt the freedom that he was supposed to defend did not truly exist on Guam. He and many other veterans began to question how right it was that people from Guam were being drafted to fight in wars for a country that had taken their lands after World War II and did not allow them to participate fully in American democracy.
This critique that Nasion Chamoru members offered was important, especially when they challenged many assumptions the Guam public held about the US military. Nasion Chamoru would try to portray the US military as an occupier—as a force that had taken Chamorro lands, had buried toxic poisons on Guam, and as a result, was indirectly a threat to the Chamorro people. Members of Nasion Chamoru challenged the primarily positive perception of the US military held by many Chamorros, especially as a World War II liberator. Nasion Chamoru insisted that the negative impacts of the US military on the environment and the people also be made clear.
Part of the growing discontent with the military stemmed from Angel Santos’ personal experiences. Santos, the first spokesperson and Maga’låhi of Nasion Chamoru had served in the US Air Force. While he was stationed at Andersen Air Force Base and living there with his family, his young daughter Francine became gravely ill and died within a year. While looking for answers as to how he could have lost his young daughter so soon, he came across a formerly classified report that indicated that US military facilities, including Andersen Air Force Base, had high levels of toxic chemicals in the drinking water. Instead of informing those living on these bases, the US military had decided to keep it secret. Santos became so enraged at the callousness of the US military and the possible role they may have played in his daughter’s death, it pushed him to find others who felt a similar discontent.
## Tano’
Chamorro scholar [Dr. Robert Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) once wrote that the issue of *[tano’](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18570)* or land is the one thing that can turn any Chamorro from any background into an activist. The issue of land (and it being taken or lost) was the one thing that could turn a Chamorro nurse, a servicemen, a teacher—anyone—into a radical.
Prior to World War II, from [1898 to 1941](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-early-american-historical-overview/), Guam hosted a small US Navy base but received little attention from the US. The US military presence on Guam was minor and centralized in small areas in Hagåtña and [Sumai](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/). This would change dramatically after World War II. As the US became a military superpower, Guam became central in the establishing the Pacific Ocean as the “American Lake”—a buffer zone to protect against potential threats from Asia. Guam would change from a sleepy hamlet, to a modern fortress. As a result, 61 percent of the entire island was condemned and taken from Chamorros in order to build bases around the island. Much of the land was returned to the local government in recent years, however. As of 2013 the Department of Defense held about 28 percent of the island.
Many Chamorros, just after World War II, were willing to give up their land in exchange for being saved from [Japanese oppression](http://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/). Most people gave up their land willingly, believing that after the war was over the land would be returned. However, some of these lands were not only being taken for strategic military purposes, but also as recreational areas for American servicemen. Despite the fact that many of the lands the military already had taken were not even being used, they still were taking more. The compensation for these land takings was paltry and undervalued.
For many Chamorro families the trauma of this land loss continues today. Their lack of resources, their struggles to get by were tied to the loss of their land—their potential livelihood, they believed, had been stolen from them. Most members of Nasion Chamoru had personal land stories—some piece of property that their family had been forced to give up, or that they had received little compensation for, or that they were hoping to have returned to them.
Nasion Chamoru grew significant grassroots support by taking up the cause of many Chamorros with various types of land claims. They protested for those who were seeking compensation for or the return of their lands. In the case of the landowners at Jinapsan, [Ritidian](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-ritidian-litekyan-2/) and Urunao, Nasion Chamoru protested the military’s authority to restrict access to these privately owned lands. This area in northwestern Guam is “landlocked” and the only access is through areas owned by the Department of Defense.
Many Chamorros who were angry and upset over the taking of their lands after World War II felt marginalized on an island which was openly supportive of the military and whose residents tended not to challenge the US military presence. Nasion Chamoru provided the perfect vehicle for expressing such discontent. They began to network with others who had similar stories of trauma and injustice from military actions on Guam.
## Cultural loss
Nasion Chamoru was also forged through a general feeling of cultural loss. According to Angel Santos,
> We have been taught that we are not Chamoru. That there are no Chamorus anymore—they’re all dead—and that we are Americans. In 1922, Naval Governor Dorn imposed the California school system, he wanted to make Guam a loyal possession of the US. I can see how they set out to do that. At the age of five or six, when we entered school, we were immediately taught to memorize the pledge of allegiance to the US; we were taught to identify the four seasons (which we don’t have on Guam); we were taught American history. The US methodically set out to destroy our culture, our language, our identity.
This was another ideological intervention of Nasion Chamoru. They worked to shift the perception of the US and its influence in Guam, from something necessarily positive or beneficial, to something more negative and damaging. Just as they argued that the US and its policies had been detrimental to the Chamorro people in terms of depriving them of land, they also argued that its cultural influences were helping to dilute and weaken the Chamorro culture.
In postwar Guam there was great emphasis on Americanization and leaving behind the [Chamorro language](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/), among other things, in order to become proper Americans. Prior to World War II many of these cultural and linguistic changes were forced on Chamorros through [education](http://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/) and [public laws](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/), but Chamorros generally resisted these interventions. The Chamorro language was banned in schools and children were punished or fined for speaking it. The US Navy implemented this policy in order to “civilize” the Chamorro people. In the postwar years it seemed Guam Chamorros were beginning to willingly assimilate themselves.
After World War II a local, civilian Department of Education was created. Although Chamorros in the government were making local laws, the Chamorro language was still banned until the early 1970s. The lessons in civilizing by the US Navy proved very effective, even after they were no longer in charge of education. Members of Nasion Chamoru often cited their own pre- and postwar experiences of being punished for speaking the Chamorro language in a Chamorro homeland.
Nasion Chamoru extended this argument over loss of culture into the realm of land and harvesting of Guam’s aquatic resources. Chamorros had sustained themselves for hundreds and perhaps thousands of years through subsistence [agriculture](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-agricultural-practices/). With the incredible amount of land dispossession in the late 1940s Chamorros were forced to move away from that lifestyle and join the modern wage economy that was growing on Guam. While there was a [physical displacement](http://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/) from the land, the group argued these policies had led to a spiritual one as well. Members also argued that the local and federal policies of closing off large portions of the ocean as military bases, for tourist recreation and for preserves actually inhibited Chamorro culture. With limited access to the sea that had nurtured them for millennia Chamorros once again were denied their cultural rights, or their ability to fish in order to support themselves.
## The six elements of a Nation
The philosophy of Nasion Chamoru was based on the idea that every people, Chamorros included, were created belonging to a particular part of the earth. That was their homeland, and it was a place for which they were responsible. According to their 1991 declaration:
> In the beginning God created man in his own image. He created a universal home for his people. He scattered them throughout the world and gave each of them a language of their own. He gave them land and enough natural resources for them to live on. He created Koreans and gave them a home in Korea. Then he made Japanese and gave them a home in Japan. Then he created Chamorus and gave them a home in the Marianas.
In this philosophy, every nation of people is supported and sustained by six elements: land, air, sea, culture, language and spirituality. These elements give them the ability to survive and perpetuate themselves in physical terms, by giving them lands and waters to drink and harvest from. But these elements also give them the ability to develop their own unique identities and ways of living. Further, just as these elements sustain a people, those same people also have a right to protect and preserve their natural resources and ways of life.
As a colony for centuries the members of Nasion Chamoru believed that the Chamorro people had been deprived of the power to protect these elements. They were marginalized in the land that they had been created to enjoy and defend. Nasion Chamoru, while taking on various political projects was ultimately about empowering Chamorros to fight for their rights and fight for the land, resources, language and culture with which they had been blessed.
## Decolonization and Liberation
Politically, Nasion Chamoru had a broad commitment to decolonization. They saw this primarily as Guam becoming an independent country, an independent Chamorro Nation. This was the best way they felt the Chamorro people could protect those core six elements of every nation.
## A new Liberation Day
The date for the proclamation of this new Chamoru Nasion was not accidental. July 21st is most commonly known on Guam as “Liberation Day.” It is a day in which the island and its residents celebrate “freedom” and “liberty” in a historical and contemporary context. Japanese forces occupied Guam for 32 months in World War II, and 21 July 1944 was the day the American re-invasion began. The Liberation Day holiday every year commemorates this event and is usually filled with platitudes about the US military and its defense of democracy and freedom in the world. It also serves as a reminder of the great debt and the sense of loyalty the people of Guam have toward the United States.
However, after the re-invasion of American forces on Guam the island returned to its status as a colony. Even after the signing of the [Organic Act](http://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/), which gave congressional US citizenship to Chamorros and allowed the island to have a civilian government, Guam remains a possession of the US and residents do not have full rights guaranteed by the US Constitution. For members of Nasion Chamoru, Liberation Day was a giant monument to the hypocrisy of the United States and how it had treated Guam and Chamorros. It was something that in their first year of existence they protested and argued should be renamed “Reoccupation Day.”
While group members recognized that Chamorros had received some privileges through their relationship to the US the cost had been their sovereignty, as well as part of their culture and language. The benefits they received from the US were not long term, but short term, and kept Chamorros in a comfortable but subjugated state. Nasion Chamoru believed that American control over Guam was an impediment, and that true liberation and freedom lay outside of the United States.
## Ancient connections
Apart from their explicit political agenda, Nasion Chamoru soon became well known visually because of the way they proudly displayed their connections to their ancient ancestors, *i manmofo’na*. Centuries of Spanish colonization and acceptance of Roman Catholicism, had led the Chamorros to become alienated from their ancient ancestors. They became detached from cultural icons such as the *latte*, the use of shell jewelry and the nakedness that ancient Chamorros had accepted as normal. The term [*taotaomo’na* ](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)was created in order to cover over and explain this rift. Chamorros prior to Spanish colonization were the *taotaomo’na* or the “before people,” and were fundamentally different from them. As such, for hundreds of years Chamorros lived in respectful distance from the artifacts of their ancient ancestors.
Members of Nasion Chamoru, as well as other artists and cultural practitioners, however, began to incorporate interpretations of ancient culture into their daily lives and rituals. Although most members remained Catholic in their religion, they also began to speak openly of respect and reverence for the spirits of their ancestors and the land. Members of Nasion Chamoru would travel to *latte* sites in the jungle and pray to the ancestors there and ask for guidance. The *latte* taken from an area known as Mepo (in[ Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/)) and moved to Latte Stone Park in Hagåtña were a favorite site for members of Nasion Chamoru to gather and reflect.
Nasion Chamoru members also attempted to take on the proud warrior-like identity of ancient Maga’låhi, or male leaders. They cut their hair in what is known as the “Kepuha” haircut, where all the hair on the head is shaven, save for a long topknot ponytail. They would also make regular use of the *kulo’* (a large conch shell horn) when holding special meetings or ceremonies, as a way of starting the proceedings. The men would also sometimes dress in loincloths without shirts, a fashion reminiscent of ancient Chamorros. This was just an homage because in truth, ancient Chamorro men and women generally did not wear loincloths.
The *sinahi* necklace was also an ancient symbol that Nasion Chamoru helped to popularize. Members had found *sinahi* artifacts in ancient sites and began to wear them in public. These necklaces made from *hima* or giant clam shell in the shape of a half or crescent moon were considered controversial when first seen in public. They now have become a common item for purchase at craft fairs or the Chamorro Village in Hagåtña.
For inspiration Nasion Chamoru also turned to ancient sources. They celebrated as heroes ancient chiefs such as [Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/) or [Mata’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/), who had fought against the Spanish Catholic invasions of the late 17th century in hopes of defending the culture and beliefs of their people. In the centuries since, [Maga’låhi Kepuha](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/) in particular had been historically elevated to hero status because of his support for the Spanish missionaries when they first arrived. Nasion Chamoru helped to promote alternative role models whose names had long been forgotten or maligned by biased histories because they were not welcoming of the Spanish.
Many accused Nasion Chamoru members of being “purists” because of their attempts to reconnect to their ancient past. They mocked Nasion Chamoru as living in a fantasy world because canonical history books about Guam seemed to indicate that there were “no more pure Chamorros.” In truth, this accusation had little to do with the actual philosophical position of Nasion Chamoru. As an organization the group operated under a very broad definition of what made someone Chamorro. They did not believe in judging Chamorros based on purity or the amount of Chamorro blood in their veins. In their framework anyone with any amount of Chamorro blood in them were to be considered Chamorros. According to Angel Santos,
> Who is a Chamoru? A Chamoru is a direct descendant of the original inhabitants of Guam regardless of variations in lineage. A Chamoru is not determined in degrees or fractions. A person who is one-fourth, one-half or three-fourth is still a human being. All humans have a God-given right to claim their identity based on the argument that there is no nationality in the world that is pure. Why must Chamorus be subjected to all the insults and alienation? Why must we justify our identities? God knows who we are and that is all that matters.
## Confronting a non-confrontational culture
Chamorros have long perceived themselves in relation to their colonizers as being non-confrontational. Although Chamorros were treated in denigrating ways under the Spanish, the Japanese and the United States, they rarely openly resisted such treatment, choosing quiet or passive resistance over direct or politically motivated confrontations. However, there have been times when Chamorros organized protests and sometimes resorted to violence against their colonizers.
Nasion Chamoru challenged the perceptions both non-Chamorros and Chamorros had about what was the proper way for a Chamorro to act. Nasion Chamoru articulated a set of injustices that had taken place in recent Guam history and continued today. They wanted to right those wrongs and took up acts of protest and civil disobedience. They were not popular, especially in their early years. Chamorros have often articulated the proper nature of a Chamorro to be *gaimamahlao*, or to have shame. It means to know one’s place and to not act out in such a way to draw too much attention to yourself or to shame your family. Most Chamorros accepted this to mean a Chamorro could not challenge authority—to just accept things the way they are and not cause trouble. Nasion Chamoru was seen as *taimamahlao*, as being without shame, impolite.
Their tactics were all non-violent forms of civil disobedience, but the targets that they chose and the rhetoric they employed made their protests very uncomfortable for many island residents. They held signs at Liberation Day parades challenging whether or not it was a “real” liberation. They held up signs in Tumon, the district for Japanese tourists, which were written in Japanese reminding them of the atrocities their country committed against Chamorros in World War II. Their signs also reminded the Japanese that Chamorros were still awaiting war reparations. They produced flyers and materials outlining their plans for an independent Guam and how the immigration of Guam should be controlled to protect the Chamorro people.
Nasion Chamoru also did not shy away from direct action interventions in their attempts to assert their agenda. They squatted on properties that were once owned by Chamorros but had been taken by the US military after World War II. They held demonstrations outside US military facilities, even going so far as to block access. They held sit-ins at the Legislature and in front of the government offices at Adelup.
In an initial attempt to raise the island’s consciousness of the the issues they were fighting for, they held a series of public meetings in every village on Guam. Many of these meetings were sparsely attended, and on more than one occasion the only attendees were those who were there to mock the Nasion Chamoru as crazy activists. The members of Nasion Chamoru did their best to articulate their understanding of Guam’s colonial situation, and tried to get the audience engaged to the point where they could see the need for dramatic change or action. One metaphor that Angel Santos would use dealt with an old commercial for Rolaids. According to Ed Benavente,
> *Si Anghet fumaisen, “Kao en hasso nai manestaba famagu’on hit ya ta egga’ i telebishon ya guaha ayu commercial put Rolands?” Pues todu ma sangan, hunggan, hunggan in hasso*. Well Anghet would ask *i manmatto*, “How do you spell relief?” *Ya todu ma oppoe*, “R-O-L-A-I-D-S.” And then we’d tell them, no, you spell relief, R-E-L-I-E-F. This is how we have been brainwashed by America, and why we don’t see things the way they are.
The purpose of the metaphor was to help people understand that the truth was always right in front of them, but they had been conditioned over time to not recognize it. Nasion Chamoru was dedicated to helping people see the real impacts of colonialism on a people.
## Maga’låhi and Maga’håga
Angel Santos was known initially as the tribal spokesperson for the group, following the example of Native Americans. But as part of their attempts to reconnect to ancient Chamorros, the male leaders of Nasion Chamoru were often referred to as “Maga’låhi” which means literally, “the highest son.” Santos was followed by [Ed Benavente](https://www.guampedia.com/eddie-l-g-benavente/), Jose Garrido, Vicente Garrido and Danny H. Jackson. Although these figures were often the most visible in representing the group, Nasion Chamoru also had female leaders or “Maga’håga,” meaning “eldest or highest daughter.” Maga’håga of Nasion have been Debbie Quinata and currently, Cathy Flores McCollum.
In ancient times, clans and villages would have two leaders, one male and one female. They would most commonly be brother and sister, but could also be cousins. Their duties were divided in terms of managing the affairs of the clan or the village. Men were in charge of warfare and navigation. Women would be in charge of the home and the land. The Maga’låhi was not above the Maga’håga.
Some conflicts over the roles of women in the group emerged, as different individuals offered different interpretations. Was the Maga’håga equal to the Maga’låhi, and therefore, they could each veto one another? Did each of them have absolute authority, but in different domains? Were they not to interfere with each other’s tasks? These disagreements led to problems in the group in terms of identifying itself. While the general public saw them primarily through their strong Maga’låhi figures, the women in the group were essential in the group’s successes, even if their work was often uncelebrated or unrecognized.
## Fa’taotao v. Fa’gaga
There were numerous aspects of Guam’s relationship to the United States that Nasion Chamoru protested and sought to change. One aspect is Guam’s lack of a direct relationship with the US federal government, like those who live in the fifty States. Instead Guam falls under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior, the government agency that is also in charge of parks, endangered species and Native Americans.
This political reality is intriguing because of the way it matches Chamorro interpretations of how they have been marginalized and treated wrongly by the US. In Chamorro to treat someone well and with respect is to *fa’taotao* them, or to treat them as if they are a human being. To treat someone poorly and in a condescending and duplicitous manner is to *fa’gaga’*, or to treat them as if they are an animal. The fact that the Chamorro metaphor for mistreatment matches the political relationship is one of the interesting accidents of Guam’s history.
This metaphor found real traction in the way in which some Chamorros felt the federal and local governments were prioritizing the needs of Guam’s endangered species over the needs of its native people. The primary source for this tension was the area of Ritidian. Nasion Chamoru took up the cause of the original landowners who claimed they were not properly compensated for the land and were seeking its return. Local and federal regulatory agencies sought to have the land turned into a critical habitat area in order to help protect Guam’s endangered species, such as the *ko’ko’* and *fanihi*.
During protests in 1992, Angel Santos made clear the possible hypocrisy of this position:
> We are living in a sick society who has determined that the need to protect Guam’s endangered species is more important than the value of human life. Who is more important—the *fanihi* or the Chamoru people? Who will be the endangered species by the year 2010—the *fanihi* or the Chamoru people?
The argument of Nasion Chamoru was that the needs of people, especially Guam’s native people, should be placed before its animals, even its native species. The area of Ritidian made up more than 20,000 acres and could support many families, not just those who were original landowners.
Nasion Chamoru would regularly protest and speak out against this designation. Even in 2007 when a Nature Center was opened at the US National Wildlife Refuge at Ritidian, Nasion Chamoru continued to protest the taking of their lands and the lack of just compensation.
## Racism
Guam is regularly referred to in the media and by residents as a “melting pot” because of the many cultures that have made the island home. Guam is also referred to as a “model UN” or a “multicultural haven” because of the mixing of different cultures from the US, Asia and Micronesia on the island. For some residents, this multiculturalism is what makes Guam unique and special. For Nasion Chamoru multiculturalism came with a price and at the expense of the native people, who were being reduced to just one ethnic group amongst many, instead of being recognized as the indigenous people of Guam.
Nasion Chamoru was not a hate group and did not target any ethnic group as being “evil.” They were a group that was asserting a particular ethnic existence, and saw the island not as a neutral multicultural paradise, but as an island filled with different ethnicities who may be advancing while Chamorros are becoming increasingly marginalized. In the rhetoric aimed at certain ethnicities, the target was always government policies, primarily those of the federal government, but also the local Government of Guam.
From its earliest days Nasion Chamoru was critical of US immigration policies that had allowed many people to settle in Guam in order to obtain US citizenship or access to the US. Rather than move on to the US, many had stayed in Guam. This increase in the non-Chamorro population, combined with the out-migration of Chamorros to the US for better economic opportunities, had changed the demographics to the point where Chamorros were no longer the majority on the island. Nasion Chamoru expressed fears that should these policies continue they would lead to Chamorros losing economic, cultural and political power, alienating them even further in their own homeland. In 1991 Angel Santos wrote that, “American Indians are now one-third of one percent of the United States because of US immigration laws. What will happen to Chamorros?”
Nasion Chamoru also was openly critical of the compacts of free association that had been signed between the US and the newly decolonized Micronesian islands of the former Trust Territory. These compacts allowed the peoples of the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and Palau to travel freely within the US and its territories, where they would be eligible for some government programs. In the early years of Nasion Chamoru their members were very vocal that the people from the other Micronesian islands not be allowed to turn Guam into a welfare state. In subsequent years their rhetoric changed to focus on the need for the US federal government to pay Guam what it is owed in Compact Impact funds.
For Nasion Chamoru both of these issues were directly related to Guam’s colonial status and how an issue of central importance to the island, namely its borders and its immigration rules, was not controlled locally. This was part of the argument for Guam’s independence. As a small island, control over its immigration was essential in order to protect the native people, but also to manage the economy.
## Anti-American v. Pro-Chamorro
In March 1992, at a meeting of the local Commission on Self-Determination and a federal Inter-agency Task Force on territorial issues, David Lujan Sablan, a member of Nasion Chamoru, renounced his US citizenship. His reason for this action was that he did not want to belong to a country that treats Chamorros like “slaves.” With tears in his eyes he returned a medal that he had received for his service in the Vietnam War, noting that he could look at it endlessly, but it would never be equal to justice for his people. Over the years several other members of Nasion Chamoru would take a similar symbolic action in separating themselves from the US and its policies.
In 1993 Nasion Chamoru organized a demonstration at Naval Air Station (NAS) in Tiyan in response to training flights that they felt were flying too low over populated areas in central Guam. Angel Santos, Ed Benavente, as well as several others were arrested for scaling the NAS fence in protest. While being arrested Santos and another individual spat on their captors who were handling them with excessive, hurtful force.
Because of these actions and others, people in Guam began to commonly refer to Nasion Chamoru as being “anti-American.” In order to explain their critiques of contemporary Guam, people interpreted them as possessing an irrational and crazy hatred against the US and for Americans.
While Nasion Chamoru members felt as if they had been wronged by the US, as a group there was no anti-American agenda. The protests and demonstrations of Nasion Chamoru, while controversial, were primarily aimed at the policies of the US federal government and the US military. In crafting their philosophy and statement of existence, they drew inspiration from the Declaration of Independence of the US, and their imagining of a tribal nation was very much influenced by Native American peoples. Some of the ideals that the US claims to defend, such as freedom and democracy, were the very things that Nasion Chamoru wanted for Chamorros and for Guam. The problem was that as a colony, Guam was excluded from certain basic human rights. The solution to these problems, therefore, was not more influence from the US, but instead to empower Chamorros and move beyond the limiting the colonizing control of the US.
As Angel Santos stated, “We’re not racist. We’re nationalists and there is a big difference. We are not anti-Filipino or anti-Korean or anti-American. We’re pro-Chamorus, and there is a big difference.”
## Legacies
For a group that started off small, with only 20 initial members, the accomplishments of Nasion Chamoru are very significant. Although at first the community responded to them as isolated, alienated radicals who did not represent anyone except themselves, these narrow interpretations could not limit or constrict their influence. Within a few years Nasion Chamoru claimed to directly represent at least five thousand Chamorros, who over the course of their public meetings, protests and demonstrations had offered their support and words of encouragement.
Despite the fact that the media sometimes portrayed them as outside of polite society and sometimes crazy, they had an effect on the government and the laws that existed, on the landscape, and on the political consciousness of Chamorros in general.
The greatest achievement of Nasion Chamoru in terms of legislation or governance was their help in getting the Chamorro Land Trust organized and implemented. In 1974 the Guam Legislature passed the Chamorro Land Trust Act based on the Hawaiian Homestead Act, which would provide land leases to landless Chamorros. For close to 20 years this law was not implemented due to fears from successive administrations that it was unconstitutional because it was based on using racial preferences for the distribution of government assets.
Accomplishing this was not easy. It took a court case, hunger strikes, protests, as well as two camp outs each lasting more than a month on the front lawn of Adelup until the Chamorro Land Trust Commission was a functioning party of the Government of Guam.
As land was a central organizing principle in the creation of Nasion Chamoru, it is natural that it be the site of many of their most lasting victories. In addition to helping the lives of those who could receive $1 a year for 99-year leases, Nasion Chamoru also took up the cause of any Chamorro family that was seeking to have their land returned or be compensated for its appropriation after World War II. The Government of Guam had been working on the issue of excess military land return long before Nasion Chamoru existed, but the actions of Nasion Chamoru pushed it to the forefront of public consciousness. It was no longer something that local politicians worked on in private or families who had lost land kept silent about since they did not want to appear anti-American.
## From Ritidian to Pågat
Nasion Chamoru helped carve out a public space through which people who were upset about the landtakings in postwar Guam and the dispossession that it had created for thousands of families, could now speak openly about their trauma. With the protest acts of Nasion Chamoru creating the ideological extreme, many Chamorros felt comfortable simply speaking out and articulating their anger, frustration or concerns. This ideological shift helped lead Chamorros to see the military bases in a fundamentally different way. After World War II the bases were idealized as sources of security, stability and prosperity. While still perceived this way by some today there also is now a perception that the military controls too much of the island.
For example, protests in the early 1970s over the possible use of Sella Bay for a Navy Ammunition Wharf were more transformative. The issue was not new lands that the Navy was planning to take, but rather, protesting and attempting to secure the return of lands the Navy already possessed. In another example, Chamorros had first responded to the military fences surrounding the bases in postwar Guam as a barrier that held the benefits of modernity and Americanization on the other side. Chamorros felt encouraged to join the military and be respectful of the military in order to access those wonders. However, Nasion Chamoru helped shift the relationship to those resources. By the 1990s, Chamorros saw the bases through the names of old places such as Fena, Sumai, Orote, Haputo and Tarague, to which they no longer had access. They began to see the bases as hoarding away Chamorro lands and keeping people from what should rightfully be theirs.
Although in immediate postwar Guam the US federal government held far more land than it does today, the 27 percent of Guam that belongs to the US military and other federal agencies still represents one of the largest per capita concentrations of military facilities in the world. Nasion Chamoru built upon these discussions and effectively changed the commonsensical ways that people understood Guam’s political status. People can publicly state and feel that the military has too much land on Guam and does not need more. In 2010 when [Pågat](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/) in northeastern Guam was identified as a possible site for the construction of five Marine Corps firing ranges and the Navy announced that they may need to acquire more than 1,000 new acres of land, people began to ideologically resist the buildup, because of this new way that people interpreted land and its relationship to the US military.
## Decolonization Now
Nasion Chamoru was not the first contemporary organization to assert Chamorros as an indigenous people with human rights. It did, however, take a conversation which was largely conducted amongst educated circles on island to a greater grassroots level where even Chamorros who had not attended college or even graduated from high school could use the trope of indigeneity in order to express themselves, their trauma and what they felt their place in the world should be. Chamorros had been slowly reconstructing their identity since the 1970s and moving away from the Catholic Hispanic identities that they had been proud of since the era of Spanish colonization. Following the examples of the Maga’låhis of Nasion Chamoru who proudly walk around barechested in loincloths, Nasion Chamoru helped people embrace more ancient aspects of their culture.
Finally Nasion Chamoru did not start the discussion on decolonization but it helped bring the topic to a more general level. Earlier activist organizations such as OPI-R had taken up the issue of decolonization and had their own successes. Nasion Chamoru built upon these discussions and effectively changed the ways that people understand Guam’s political status. In the two decades after World War II, conversations about Guam’s political status and its possible decolonization were close to nonexistent. It was not a topic that any elected leader felt comfortable dealing with and most of the general public was not sure how to approach it. The normal in this ideological context was the status quo, namely that Guam remain a colony of the United States.
This began to change by the 1970s, when the islands around Guam began to undergo their own processes of decolonization and Chamorros began to push for their own political and cultural rights. Actions of community groups, academics and governmental leaders all worked to force political status to become a normal and substantive topic of daily discussion. Nasion Chamoru with their demonstrations and protests helped people to engage with this ideological evolution in Guam. By the mid-1990s the topic of decolonization was something that could be discussed openly in public, and that discussion could include critiques of the United States and its treatment of Chamorros. Finally, it also helped cement the idea that sustains decolonization discussions, namely that Guam deserves more than what it has today. According to Roland Stade in his book *Pacific Passages: World Culture and Local Politics in Guam*,
> …the direct actions of the Nasion Chamoru have changed the public debate about the issue of Guam’s sovereignty. As of the late 1990s, not a single politician on the island will abstain from promoting either a higher level (“commonwealth”) or the highest level (”independence”) of political sovereignty for Guam. What was once an outrageous form of radical activism and anti-Americanism has become more or less mainstream.
Public discourse in postwar Guam was often paralyzed by the assumption that Chamorros could not ask for more, but should be grateful for what they have been given by the United States. This precluded the idea that they should demand more or assert their rights for what they felt was owed to them. Although this was challenged regularly by the 1970s, Nasion Chamoru continued this evolution by helping to make it acceptable for Chamorros to not just recognize that they had rights, but to fight for them as well.
***[By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)***
## Videos
A clip from the film *Let Freedom Ring*, The Chamorro Search for Sovereignty by the Cabazon Band Of Mission Indians in 1997. [*Let Freedom Ring*, Clips 1-8](https://vimeo.com/album/2490049) from [Guampedia](http://vimeo.com/guampedia) on [Vimeo](https://vimeo.com).
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 1
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-1-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 2
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-2-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 3
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-3-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 4
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-4-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 5
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-5-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 6
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-6-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 7
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-7-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 8
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-8-768.webp)
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Island Life, People and Places, Politics and Government, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Nasion Chamoru
---
### [United Nations Role in Guam’s Decolonization](https://www.guampedia.com/united-nations-role-in-guams-decolonization/)
**Published:** August 7, 2017
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** UN Charter for self-determination of all peoples. After World War II in 1945 leaders from 51 countries met in San Francisco, Calif. to form the United Nations, committing to maintain international peace and security, develop friendly relations among nations and promote social progress, better living standards and human rights.
**Content:**
# United Nations Role in Guam’s Decolonization
View more images for the United Nations Role in Guam’s Decolonization entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157686113592430/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## UN Charter for self-determination of all peoples
After World War II in 1945 leaders from 51 countries met in San Francisco, California to form the United Nations, committing to maintain international peace and security, develop friendly relations among nations and promote social progress, better living standards and human rights.
Within the UN Charter is a set of principles that include respect for self-determinations of all peoples. At the time the UN Charter was created 750 million people – nearly a third of the world’s population – lived in territories that were non-self-governing, dependent on larger, colonial powers.
Since then more than 80 former colonies have gained their independence. Today, fewer than 2 million people live in colonies. There are 17 non-self-governing territories in the world today. Guam is one of them.
The UN monitors progress toward self-determination of these remaining territories. In 1960, the UN General Assembly adopted a Declaration on Decolonization, stating that all people have a right to self-determination. It proclaimed that colonialism should be brought to a speedy and unconditional end.
In 1962, the General Assembly established the Special Committee on Decolonization to monitor implementation of the Declaration and to make recommendations on its application. In 1990, the General Assembly proclaimed 1990-2000 as the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism and adopted a Plan of Action. In 2001, the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism was proclaimed. In 2011, the General Assembly proclaimed 2011-2020 as the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism.
## Committee of 24
According to information on the UN website the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, known as the Special Committee on Decolonization or C-24, is mandated to promote the full implementation of the General Assembly’s 1960 Declaration on decolonization.
To that end, on a case-by-case basis and in accordance with the relevant UN resolutions on decolonization, the Special Committee:
- Keeps the political, economic and social situation in Non-Self-Governing Territories under review
- Provides information on territorial developments
- Facilitates Territory-specific decolonization processes underway
- Offers advice on the decolonization options under the Declaration
- Conducts annual regional seminars for face-to-face discussion with territorial and civil society representatives as well as experts
- Dispatches fact-finding and advisory visiting missions to Territories
The UN has also set three acceptable political status outcomes to achieve self-determination: Statehood, Free Association and Independence.
## CHamorus speak up
Every year since 1946 the US submits a report to the UN Committee on progress being made toward [CHamoru/Chamorro self-determination](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/chamorro-quest-for-self-determination/). [Dr. Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) is a firm believer that if someone is talking about you, you should be at the table and speak for yourself. So in 1982 he and two others went to New York to provide their own report about Guam.
The idea for CHamorus to appeal to the UN directly came about after the second [Constitutional Convention (ConCon)](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) held on Guam in 1977. This ConCon was convened on 1 July 1977 to create a constitution for Guam that would redefine the island’s relationship with the US rather than merely modifying the existing relationship.
The ConCon met periodically through 31 October 1977 and drafted a constitution to govern Guam as an unincorporated territory of the United States. The proposed constitution incorporated social, economic, cultural, political, and administrative reforms. This departed significantly from the US-written and imposed [Organic Act of Guam of 1950](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/).
The US invited UN representatives to Guam to witness the vote. This invitation, the first of its kind, alerted Underwood and others that ratifying the constitution could be seen as achieving decolonization for Guam.
[Para Pada](https://www.guampedia.com/para-pada/) was created to advocate that the Constitution not be passed. After much heated debate the Constitution was defeated. As a result, the 15th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) commissioned the first in-depth assessment of all possible status options for Guam in 1979. The assessment included integration with the Northern Mariana Islands and annexation to the state of Hawai’i as a county.
In 1982, after some community fundraising and the formal organization of a new group called [OPI-R (Organization of People for Indigenous Rights)](https://www.guampedia.com/opi-r-organization-of-people-for-indigenous-rights/) representatives Underwood, Chris Perez Howard and Ron Teehan went to the UN and petitioned on Guam’s behalf. At the time some believed that to speak out about Guam’s unsatisfactory political status was un-American. Some even believed it to be illegal and possibly traitorous. There was concern that Underwood may be arrested for speaking out for the CHamoru people but that didn’t happen.
Underwood said speaking up is important because it puts more pressure on the US and the UN and gives voice to the indigenous people of Guam. Since then dozens of others have followed suit.
Political leaders of Guam, too, have invited the UN to Guam to observe and advise the CHamoru people on how to proceed. In August 2017, [Gov. Eddie Calvo ](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/)approved a letter addressed to the UN requesting a visiting mission, before a Fourth Committee meeting in October 2017. No response has been received to date.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/ "Shannon J. Murphy")
## Guam's Testimonies before the United Nations
### General Assembly
**Date****Speaker/Publication**1982 August[Robert A. Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/1982-UN-Robert-Underwood.pdf)2006 October[*Hita Guåhan*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/hita-2006.pdf).“The Gravity of Militarization,” by Julian Aguon.“Breaking the Cycle of Colonialism,” by Fanai Castro.“Chamoru Self-Determination På’go,” by Hope Cristobal.“The Sacred Center,” by Tiffany Naputi Lacsasdo.“The Legacies of War,” by Victoria Leon Guerrero.“The Poisons of Powerlessness,” by Sabina Flores Perez.2008 October[*Hita Guåhan*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/hita-2008.pdf)“Storm of US Militarization,” by Julian Aguon.“Protect: land, water, air, spirituality, language, culture & human rights,” by Victoria Leon Guerrero.“From the Soul and Spirit of Our Ancestors,” by Vicente Cabrera Pangelinan and read by Ailene Quan.“Contamination of the Pacific,” by Craig Santos Perez.“Transforming Our Island,” by Sabina Flores Perez.“A long History of Exclusion,” by Michael Anthony Tuncap.
### Pacific Regional Seminars
**Date****Speaker****Download**28 – 30 November 2006Cristobal, Hope Alvarez. Yanuca, Fiji.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/2006-HOPE-CRISTOBAL-Edit.pdf)14 – 16 May 2008Cristobal, Hope Alvarez. Bandung, Indonesia.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/2008-HOPE-CRISTOBAL-Edit-Prt.pdf)18 – 20 May 2010Cristobal, Hope Alvarez. Nouméa, New Caledonia.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2010-HOPE-CRISTOBAL-Edit-Pft.pdf)30 May – 1 June 2012Alvarez, Edward. Quito, Ecuador.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2012-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)Natividad, LisaLinda.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2012-LISALINDA-NATIVIDAD-Edit-Pft.pdf)21 – 23 May 2014Alvarez, Edward. Denarau, Nadi, Fiji.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2014-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)31 May – 2 June 2016Alvarez, Edward. Managua, Nicaragua.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2016-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)Bevacqua, Michael Lujan.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2016-MICHAEL-BEVACQUA-Edit-Pft.pdf)
### Caribbean Regional Seminars
**Date****Speaker****Download**31 May – 2 June 2011Alvarez, Edward. Kingstown, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2011-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)McNinch-Su, Ronald.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2011-RONALD-MCNINCH-SU-Edit-Pft.pdf)28 – 30 May 2013Alvarez, Edward. Quito, Ecuador.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2013-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)Bevacqua, Michael Lujan.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2013-MICHAEL-BEVACQUA-Edit-Pft.pdf)19 – 21 May 2015Alvarez, Edward. Managua, Nicaragua.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2015-ED-ALVAREZ-Edit-Pft.pdf)Bevacqua, Michael Lujan.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2015-MICHAEL-BEVACQUA-Edit-Pft.pdf)2017Blas, Amanda. Kingstown, Saint Vicente and the Grenadines.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2017-AMANDA-BLAS-Edit-Pft.pdf)Bevacqua, Michael Lujan.[PDF](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2017-MICHAEL-BEVACQUA-Edit-Pft.pdf)
## Hita Guåhan
These booklets are a collection of testimonies given to the United Nations Special Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee) on 4 October 2006 and 7 October 2008. These testimonies were given by CHamoru members of human rights organizations and local leaders before the Fourth Committee on behalf of the people of Guam on issues concerning the military build-up and the right to self-determination.
- 2006 – *Hita Guåhan*. In *[Issuu](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/hita_2006)* or [Download](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/hita-2006.pdf).
- 2008 – *Hita Guåhan*. In *Issuu* or Download.
## Videos
[*Let Freedom Ring*](https://vimeo.com/album/2490049). The Chamorro Search for Sovereignty, 1997. Courtesy of the Cabazon Band Of Mission Indians.
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 1
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-1-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 2
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-2-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 3
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-3-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 4
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-4-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 5
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-5-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 6
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-6-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 7
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-7-768.webp)
[ Play
Let Freedom Ring, Part 8
](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Cabazon-Let-Freedom-Ring-Part-8-768.webp)
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** United Nations Role in Guam’s Decolonization
---
### [5th Marianas History Conference](https://www.guampedia.com/5th-marianas-history-conference/)
**Published:** October 26, 2021
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Held February 2021 and themed “Navigating 500 Years of Cross Cultural Contact”
**Content:**
# 5th Marianas History Conference
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## More on the Marianas History Conference
- [The Marianas History Conference Overview](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=22983)
- [2012 1st Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/2012-conference-papers/)
- [2013 2nd Conference Papers](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=19609)
- [2016 3rd Marianas History e-Publication](http://www.guampedia.com/mhc3/)
- [2017 3rd Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/3rd-marianas-history-conference-2017/)
- [2019 4th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/4th-marianas-history-conference/)
- [2021 5th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/5th-marianas-history-conference/)
- [2023 6th Conference Papers](https://www.guampedia.com/6th-marianas-history-conference/ "6th Marianas History Conference")
## Navigating 500 Years of Cross Cultural Contact
The 5th Marianas History Conference, held in February 2021, was themed “Navigating 500 Years of Cross Cultural Contact” to reflect the commemoration of the 500 year anniversary of the first contact between the CHamoru/Chamorro people and European explorers in March 1521.
This conference was unlike that of any of the earlier Marianas History Conferences. To ensure overall safety and comply with the restrictions on travel and social gatherings as a result of the COVID 19 pandemic, presenters and attendees experienced the entire conference in front of their screens. Conference attendees heard the latest research not only from Guam and the Northern Marianas, but also from Hawai’i, Yap, the US mainland, Germany, Spain, Japan, Korea, and Australia.
Some 644 conference participants logged on from Afghanistan, Aland Islands, Australia, Austria, Canada, Greenland, Guam, Italy, Japan, Micronesia (FSM), New Zealand, Northern Mariana Islands, Spain, Taiwan, and the United States.
The sponsors were Guampedia, Guam Preservation Trust, Humanities Guåhan, Micronesian Area Research Center, Northern Marianas Humanities Council, Northern Marianas College, and University of Guam.
Amidst this change, the conference organizers made the most of the online platform. Whereas the conference would normally be held over the course of a single weekend, the 5th Marianas History Conference unfolded over the course of nine days, from Friday, 19 February through Sunday, 28 February with two panels presented each day.
The conference began with welcoming remarks from Dr. Carlos Madrid, Director of Research at the Micronesia Area Research Center (MARC) at the University of Guam and LaVonne Guerrero-Meno, Administrative Officer of MARC as conference co-chairs; Dr. Thomas Krise, President of the University of Guam; and Lourdes Leon Guerrero, Governor of Guam.
The opening keynote was given by Anthony “Malia” Ramirez, Guam’s Territorial Historian, titled “History, Memory, and Lineage.” In the following nine days, 66 presentations were given within the 22 panels. Due to the extended time frame, each presentation was given consecutively which allowed attendees to hear from each presenter, followed by discussion.
The conference concluded with a short film: “Revitalization of Traditional Sailing and Maritime Culture in the CNMI” funded by the Northern Marianas Humanities Council and closing keynote by Dr. Theresa Arriola, the Board Chair of the Northern Marianas Humanities Council at the time, titled “The World(s) We Navigate: Re-imagining Magellan through the Lens of the Marianas.”
Guampedia produced the Marianas History Conference e-publication, set forth in four booklets which contain a total of 56 presentations – with papers, videos, and/or audiovisual exhibits from this conference presenters and guest speakers. Not all of the presenters at the conference, however, submitted for this e-publication.
## [Overview](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_overview)
### History, Memory, and Lineage
Keynote Address
*By Malia A. Ramirez*
Historian and Cultural Preservationist
Department of Parks and Recreation
**Zoom Recording**
### Navigating Cultures; Seafaring Returns to the CNMI
Audiovisual presentation
*By the Northern Marianas Humanities Council*
After centuries of absence, traditional seafaring is finding its way back to the CNMI. This movement is fueled by a cultural collaboration between Chamorro and Refaluwasch sailors and boat builders. While distinct, the seafarers of these groups have shared sea lanes since ancient times, and today maintain a passion for perpetuating the knowledge of their ancestors with the next generation of Pacific peoples.
**Zoom Recording**
### Navigating Our World(s)
**Navigating Our World(s): Re-Imagining Magellan through the Lens of the Marianas**
Endnote address
*By Dr. Therese “Isa” Arriola*
Assistant Professor
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Concordia University
**Zoom Recording**
## Day 1: Friday, 19 February 2021
### Solidarity Foods
**Solidarity Foods: Cross Cultural Visions for a Decolonized and Food Sovereign Guahan**
*By Kristin Oberiano*
Historically, Indigenous CHamoru political self-determination on Guåhan has been challenged by the United States, Filipino, and other non-CHamoru ethnic groups, especially in regard to the political status plebiscite. Yet, there is an increasing number of Filipino and non-CHamoru people who acknowledge that the plebiscite is solely the right of the CHamoru people. In addition to standing in solidarity with the CHamoru plebiscite, I ask how can Filipinos and non-CHamorus actively participate and contribute to the decolonization of Guåhan in ways that do not detract from CHamoru voices, perspectives, and self-determination. What would it mean to envision Filipino and non-CHamoru solidarity beyond the question of political status? What can Filipinos offer to decrease the island’s reliance on imperial structures? Through an intersection of Filipino migration stories and CHamoru decolonization movements, I demonstrate how Filipinos and other non-CHamorus can contribute to CHamoru decolonization by participating in the food sovereignty movement to decolonize our islands’ food, diets, and food systems.The food sovereignty movement decolonizes Guåhan by fostering cross-cultural relationalities, supporting local farms and agriculture, increasing food security, and contributing to the greater independence of Guåhan. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/9)***.
### Fatto Famalao’an
**Fatto Famalao’an: Reimagining Chamoru Womanhood In The Decolonization Of Guahan**
*By Ha’åni San Nicolas*
In 2018, the slogan “The Future is *Famalao’an*” became popularized as Guåhan welcomed its first elected *maga’håga* and celebrated the first legislative woman majority in the history of the United States. Though *famalao’an* are an undoubtedly primary pillar of *kostumbren* Chamoru, their lived experiences remain largely hidden in history and scholarly works. The decolonization movement has been organized and continues to be spearheaded by many powerful women leaders, yet discussions of a *famalao’an* future, particularly what it necessitates and entails, are too often neglected. This paper looks at how the contemporary conception of Chamoru womanhood, though empowering to many, has coalesced with colonialism in a manner that denies womanhood outside a heteronormative and catholic performance of motherhood. It explores alternative *famalao’an* futures through analyses of Kåntan Chamorrita and contemporary Chamoru poetry as a way to reimagine womanhood. Most significantly, this paper invites all *famalao’an* to join in cultivating possibilities for our liberation. What happens when *famalao’an* refuse to uphold the strict heteronormative and colonial introductions of women as mothers, something so deeply embedded within our culture? What space will we claim in a decolonized Guåhan, and what will that look like, act like, and mean? View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/15)***.
### Pakaka i Pachot-mu! CHamoru Yu’! A Mestisa Rhetoric Analysis of Guam’s Chamaole Narratives
*By Arielle Lowe*
In this project, I investigate identity formations of a specific Mestisa/Mestisu group from Guam, known as Chamaole. Chamaoles are defined locally as descendants of both native Chamorros and White Americans. This research analyzes Chamaole individuals’ encounters with identity ambiguity in Guam and the United States. This research deconstructs the published poetry of Chamaole authors: Jessica Perez-Jackson, Lehua M. Taitano, and Corey Santos. These poets primarily discuss racial, cultural, ancestral, linguistic, and political ambiguities. Interviews conducted with these poets provide additional data. Interpreting data from layered accounts, this study analyzes strategies Chamaoles use to navigate and overcome race-based conflicts and nurture a sense of belonging. In the context of Marianas history, I problematize race-based prejudice and institutional racism as an imported cultural worldview, which can be healed through observing our indigenous Chamoru values of family, kinship, and community. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/17)***.
## Day 2: Saturday, 20 February 2021
### Pacific Ocean: A 500 Year-old Word
*By Dr. Rafael Rodriguez-Ponga*
The word Pacific (“Pacific Sea”) was used for the first time in the 16th century. We can read it in the chronicle written by the Italian Antonio Pigafetta, member of the Magellan & Elcano expedition, and in the last will of Elcano himself. The geographical names Pacific sea and Pacific Ocean have been used together with South Sea and South Seas.
The word Pacific was adapted by languages all over the world, even in the Pacific Ocean, such as Chamorro, Hawaiian, Samoan or Tagalog. It became not only the name of the sea or the ocean, but also the general name for the region: Pacific islands, Pacific languages, Asia-Pacific…
Pacific means ‘peaceful’, and comes from Latin pacificus, from pax, pacis ‘peace’.
In the Magellan & Elcano expedition, some other geographical names were created, such as Strait of Magellan and Ladrone Islands. This last name was referred to the Mariana Islands, but their inhabitants were called Chamorros with the meaning of ‘friends’, in the 16th century. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/21)***.
### Places without Names and Names without Places? On the Blank Maps of the Gani-islands
*By Dr. Thomas Stolz, Nataliya Levkovych, and Ingo H. Warnke*
This talk raises the issue of the unexpectedly absent place names on the extant maps of the Gani Islands in the Northern Marianas. It is known that at different times during the last 360 years of documentation these islands have been inhabited on and off and that their present desertion is of recent origin. This gives rise to the question why there are hardly any toponomastic pieces of evidence for the previous human presence on the islands. It is argued that a number of place names – colonial or other – have not made it onto the official maps although they are mentioned unsystematically in documents referring to the Mariana Islands. Therefore, the conclusions sketch a future project dedicated to recovering the supposedly forgotten place names and make them visible in a revised atlas of the islands under review. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/33)***.
### Exploring Latte in the Marianas: Pågan Island 2020
*By Leila Staffler*
This presentation will consist of a short 15 minute documentary about Latte in the Marianas, with a focus on Pågan *latte*. I made this documentary to share the beauty and wonder of our Marianas chain, in particular, the cultural significance of *Latte* throughout the chain. I know in our history books and records, it is said that there are *Latte* on every island, but often what people don’t see, they don’t know exists. The purpose of this documentary is to show that there are multiple, culturally significant sites that have yet to be studied in our Marianas chain. There are untold stories of our ancestors, buried in the detritus of the land, waiting for someone to unearth them and share their wonder. With the ongoing threat of military expansion in the Marianas, losing these stories and our history forever, is a very real possibility. This documentary is intended to spark interest to help protect us from and possibly stave off military occupation in Pågan and all of Gåni. View documentary ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/63)***.
### Valuing our Ancestral Knowledge in the Seafaring System
*By Larry Raigetal*
In light of the present physical challenges brought upon our own desire and by natural process, we are faced by constant choices to make. Such choices will ultimately bear consequences on our lives. While for the most part, and perhaps by our cultural susceptibility, these changes are more often accepted as they come, it can be said that the “old ways” our ancestral knowledge, cultural values and practices of the past have come to a threshold. From the simplest socially acceptable behaviors within our societies to the more sophisticated cultural technologies handed down from generation to generation i.e. tradition navigation system, we must ask some fundamental questions. Are they still relevant or should they take their destiny and fade away over the horizon belonging only to ancestral past? This panel will consist of elders and knowledge holders in seafaring who will speak to current efforts to promote indigenous knowledge and cultural values by ensuring the future generation is not left to wonder who they are. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/65)***.
### Interpreting an Authentic Chamorro Sakman from the Historic Record
*By Pete Perez*
This paper looks at the development of replicas of the Chamorro Flying Proa over two hundred and fifty years after its suppression by Spanish colonials in the Mariana Islands. It provides an in-depth analysis of the historic record that informed three organizations’ efforts to build authentic Chamorro sailing canoes using both wood and fiberglass – Sakman Chamorro, Inc. and 500 Sails, both based in Saipan, and Chelu, Inc. in San Diego, California. While the historic record included drawings and first- person descriptions of the canoes and how they were sailed, the record was incomplete and the construction of an accurate replica required analysis and interpretation of a wide range of factors in order to fill in the blanks. The author, who was intimately involved in all three organization’s efforts to build an authentic Chamorro sailing canoe, describes that process and explains what was behind specific decisions that affected the outcome in both the design and operation of the resulting canoes. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/73)***.
### Sea-lanes of Antiquity
**Sea-lanes of Antiquity: Canoe Voyaging in the Mariana Islands**
*By Dr. Eric Metzgar*
This paper examines the ethnohistorical evidence of canoe voyaging in the Marianas archipelago by Chamorros and Carolinians. Information regarding pre-contact as well as Spanish era voyaging events between the islands are drawn from both historical records and ethnographic data. The evidence supports the view that Chamorros were capable of voyaging throughout the Marianas chain and that Carolinians were voyaging in the Mariana Islands before the Spanish colonization of Guam. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/75)***.
### Of Songs of Birds and Whales, How Much Must We Lose?
*By Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano and Hon. Sheila Babauta*
Whales have long been a part of the ecosystems in the Mariana Islands and part of the lifeways of the ancestors of these lands. Yet in modern times we know so little about their very existence in our waters while globally, so much about them remains unknown. Which of us know that there are over 20 species of whales in our waters, or of our area’s significance to their very survival? This presentation explores the relationship between *i mambayena siha yan taotao tano’* (whales and the people of the land) and the impact of whales in our lives over time. We are now at a crossroads. Once Navy active sonar was introduced to our region, for the first time in recorded history, beaked whales began washing up dead on our shores, with an unknown number perishing in the ocean. What steps are island leaders taking to protect these precious parts of our community resources? Will our whales suffer the same fate as our birds? Will we lose them before we even fully understand their significance to us? View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/103)***.
### The History of Understanding Whales in Our Waters
*By Dr. Brent Tibbatts*
While whales have existed in the ocean surrounding the Mariana Islands for centuries if not millennia, scientists are just now collecting enough data to start determining that our waters hold significance for over twenty species of dolphins and whales, five of which are endangered. These marine mammals range from the commonly known and sighted spinner dolphins to false killer whales and humpback whales. For them, our waters are important resting, feeding, breeding, and birthing grounds. The history and breadth of their presence and our knowledge about them are an important part of understanding our islands, our ecosystems, and why they are worth protecting. View presentation [here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/105).
### If Magellan had Balutan… An Exploration on History Single use Plastics in the Marianas
*By Moñeka De Oro*
If Magellan had used any Styrofoam or polymer blend products that are common in our modern day fiesta culture, remnants of that trash may still be degrading in our shores, five centuries later. This presentation explores our island’s consumption habits and our heavy reliance on imported goods. The introduction of single use plastics is fairly recent for our islands (PostWW2 era), yet it has transformed our lives in innumerable ways. So much of our food and goods are packaged in ways that are wasteful and take a lot of space in our landfills. The island of Guam alone on average creates over 30 tons of trash a day, with our lands so small and finite, its is imperative that we curb our wasteful habits and this history presentation raises community consciousness around this issue. It also will be capturing the behavior changes that are needed, so that more people will adopt more sustainable lifestyles. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/115)***.
### Jesuit Presence in the Mariana Islands
**Jesuit Presence in the Mariana Islands: A Historiographic Overview (1668-1769)**
*By Alexandre Coello de la Rosa*
Dedicated to Marjorie G. Driver (†2019)
My contribution is a historiographic overview of the scholarly research about the conquest and evangelization of the Mariana Islands (XVII-XVIII centuries) in the 21st century. Since the pioneering work of renowned scholars of Micronesian history, such as Marjorie G. Driver and Francis X. Hezel, historians, archaeologists and anthropologists have analyzed Jesuit missions not only as a complement to colonial power dynamics in the Asia-Pacific, but also as a privileged field for analyzing cross-cultural encounters. Faced with essentialist approaches that question the “aboriginal” character of the current CHamoru of the Marianas, other studies reject their supposed disappearance, and appeal to their cultural continuity in historical time. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/211)***.
### Governor Jose Ganga Herrero
**Governor Jose Ganga Herrero: Triumphs and Tribulations**
*By Roque Eustaquio*
During the Spanish colonial period more than 40 governors administered the Marianas ranging from a few months to over 10 years. At best, the current literature of Spanish governors is limited and at worst non-existent. However, numerous translations of archival documents have offered new research opportunities. This paper has profited by utilizing Rodrique Levesque’s History of Micronesia volumes twenty-one and twenty-two. The presentation will examine the triumphs and tribulations of Governor Jose Ganga Herrero. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/247)***.
### Marianas on Display
**Marianas on Display: A Glimpse of the Marianas in Exhibitions in Madrid in the Late 19th Century**
*By Clark Limtiaco*
This presentation examines the representation of The Marianas through the numerous contributed objects which made the long voyage to be put on display at cultural and scientific exhibitions held in the Spanish capital city of Madrid. These exhibitions include the “*Exposición General de Filipinas* (General Exhibition of The Philippines)” in 1887, and the “*Exposición Histórico-Americana* (Historical American Exhibition)” in 1892. The exhibitions featured objects and artifacts relating to commerce, gastronomy, agriculture, architecture, geology, botany, anthropology, dress, manual arts, and language. And their written descriptions offer us a partial look into the lives of the Chamorro people during the period prior to the Spanish-American War of 1898. Over a century after Spain’s defeat and subsequent loss of the archipelago, The Marianas seems to have been erased from consciousness of the Spanish people. Creating a new dialogue between The Marianas and Spain may facilitate new academic and cultural exchanges, as well as collaborations for future exhibitions. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/249)***.
### The Dawn of America’s Pacific Empire
**The Dawn of America’s Pacific Empire: The Capture of Guam on June 21, 1898**
*By Anthony Camacho, Esq.*
America’s capture of Guam on June 21, 1898 during the Spanish-American War was a cross-cultural contact that profoundly influenced four important political developments in the Western Pacific region during and after the war. First, America’s need for a coaling station to project its military forces across the Pacific resulted in the capture of Guam and Spain’s most humiliating territorial loss during the war. Second, Guam was one of the American victories that encouraged the McKinley Administration to alter its foreign policy from non-annexation to the annexation of Spanish Pacific territories occupied by American forces during the war. Third, Juan Marina, the last Spanish Governor of the Marianas Islands, made a token resistance to American military forces by limiting his surrender to Guam and by not surrendering the entire Marianas Archipelago, he began their political division which exists to this day. Fourth, Guam’s capture represents the dawn of America’s Pacific Empire because it was closely followed by the US annexation of Hawaii after the passage of the Newlands Resolution on July 4, 1898, and by the US acquisition of the Philippines after the Spanish surrender of Manila to American military forces on August 13, 1898. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/279)***.
## Day 3: Sunday, 21 February 2021
### The Chamorro Village of Guam after Resettlement
**The Chamorro Village of Guam after Resettlement: The New and the Old**
*By Fr. Francis Hezel and Dr. David Atienza*
In pre-contact times, the Chamoru population lived in modest sized settlements scattered throughout the island. Spanish resettlement began in 1680 as an attempt to gather people into a few larger villages so that they could live within easy reach of the church. The presentation, after reviewing the main villages on each island, offers a contrast between the new village and the old. It also suggests that there were certain zones that were free from foreign influence even at that time. It will also focus on ways in which the village layout might have changed, how the life of the people was altered, and the manner in which the new church may have unconsciously adopted cultural practices, thus helping preserve them. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/142)***.
### Reporting on the Marianas and Their Inhabitants in Early 18th-century Germany
**Reporting on the Marianas and Their Inhabitants in Early 18th-century Germany: The Jesuit ‘Neue Welt-bott’ (New World Messenger) As a Source of Knowledge and Colonial Fantasy**
*By Dr. Ulrike Strasser*
Although very few Germans in the early 18th century knew much if anything at all about the Marianas, reports from the Pacific islands on the other side of the world came to fill the front pages of Germany’s most important serial missionary publication. Launched by the Jesuit Joseph Stoecklein in 1726, “Der Neue Welt-Bott” (New World Messenger) appeared in forty issues and targeted a broad educated audience. The massive collection featured information from all around the world, from missionary letters and travel reports to maps and various types of cultural commentary. Given the careful assemblage of the materials presented in “Der Neue Welt-Bott”, the editor obviously made a conscious choice to open the first (and subsequent issues) with reports about the Marianas and their inhabitants. What prompted Joseph Stoecklein to give the Marianas such centrality in his publication? What knowledge about and what image of the islands and their inhabitants did the chosen texts convey to German readers? And what, if any, information can we glean from these European reports about island society under Spanish and Jesuit rule? This paper discusses the prominence, function, and content of the Marianas reports in “Der Neue Welt-Bott”, including a 1684 map of the islands. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/171)***.
### A History of 17th Century Manila Galleon Shipwrecks Santa Margarita and Nuestra Señora De La Concepción
*By Aleck Tan*
In the late 16th century, Spain established the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade network connecting Asia to the Americas and Europe, which opened global trade and expanded Spain’s empire. Manila galleons stopped for provisions in the Mariana Islands as part of this trade route and helped to facilitate the Spanish colonization process. In the early 17th century, two Manila galleons, Santa Margarita and Nuestra Señora de la Concepción, wrecked in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Using literature and archival documents, this paper explores the history of Santa Margarita and Concepción and examines the post-wrecking events related to the two sites. The research reveals themes about the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade network and Indigenous interactions with the Spanish in the early 17th century. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/179)***.
### Fortifications as Geometric Machines
**Fortifications as Geometric Machines: Marianas During the Early Modern Period**
*By Dr. Pedro Luengo*
Previous studies has addressed the building process of fortifications in Guam during the early modern period, from the first attempts in 1671, reaching a significative number of structures before the early 19th century, located in Umatac/Humåtak (Nuestra Señora del Carmen, Fort Santo Angel, Fort San Jose, Nuestra Señora de la Soledad), Hagåtña (Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe and San Fernando/San Rafael), Orote (Fort Santiago, Fort San Luis, Fort Santa Cruz) and a battery in Merizo/Malesso’. While much archival work has been done, including plans from Spanish archives in Madrid and Seville, a formal comparison with contemporary cases in Southeast Asia and America is still required. From the recent publications on the topic, this paper aims to provide a new interpretation of these projects entangled with other territories. At the same time, other aspects will be included in the discussion such as gunnery availability, their probable shot range and the general design considering the geographical context, especially reefs and water depths. As a result, the historical interpretation will explain the relationship of these islands with the global flows of the time. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3/181)***.
## Day 4: Monday, 22 February 2021
### Expanding Micronesia’s Literary Canon through Community-based Publishing
*By Victoria-Lola M. Leon Guerrero*
Since its revival in 2015, the University of Guam Press has greatly expanded the number and types of books in the literary canon about the Mariana Islands. The Press has an open call for manuscripts and all submissions are reviewed by a panel of subject and genre specific experts. The Press also partners with academic programs, other institutions and community organizations on book projects and seeks out grant funding for publications that directly meet expressed community needs. At the heart of these efforts is a mission to advance regional scholarship, develop cultural literacy, and increase accessibility to knowledge about the region by providing high-quality publishing services. As a result, the Press continues to publish successful books while also supporting a growing writing community through writing workshops and other services aimed at helping local authors achieve their publishing goals. This presentation will examine the value of these types of community-driven publishing efforts and the critical need to make books written about the Mariana Islands available to the peoples of the Mariana Islands. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/9)***.
### From Coaling Station to the Tip of the Spear
**From Coaling Station to the Tip of the Spear: The United States Militarization of the Mariana Islands**
*By Dave Lotz*
The increasing military presence in the Mariana Islands by the United States continues to dominate the people of the Mariana Islands. This presentation provides a chronology of the events and resulting United States military use and development of the islands from 1898 to today with pre-World War II on Guam, World War II base developments, Cold War, Post-Cold War downsizing, and continuing to today’s military buildup including proposal that never occurred, were abandoned, and might occur in the future. This presentation provides a cumulative framework for continuing discussion on the consequences on our island’s environment, economy, sustainability, dependency, and especially the people of the Mariana Islands and the broader trend of militarization of the islands into the future. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/23)***.
## Day 5: Tuesday, 23 February 2021
### The History of Fino’ Haya and the Evolution of Guam’s Chamoru Orthography
*By Dr. Robert Underwood*
The story of Fino’ Haya (the language of the island) is a rich story encompassing not only the origins of the people who speak it, but the story of their experiences throughout the centuries. The CHamoru language is the clearest evidence that the people of the Marianas are Pacific Islanders, but it is so much more. In its vocabulary, in its rich constructions, in its adaptation to changing times, we bear witness to the strength and resiliency of a great people. I am sure that I can have a conversation with Hurao in spite of 340 years of time. But I am also sure that we could teach each other a lot. The use of CHamoru and its maintenance is the single greatest contribution to the continuity of the people of the Marianas. Dancing, navigating, eating and history books pale in significance to the single revolutionary act of producing a meaningful sentence in CHamoru. This presentation reviews the historical changes to CHamoru and the urgency of supporting a CHamoru-speaking community. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/67)***.
### I Minatayan and Other Signature Projects
*By Hope Cristobal*
Within four short years, the Kumision i Fino’ CHamoru has pressed forward the fulfillment of its mandate guided by its Strategic Plan and updated functions with assistance from oversight chairwoman, Senator Kelly Marsh-Taitano and partnerships with NGOs. We proudly share our accomplishments: the publication of “Ineyak Fino’ CHamoru para Famagu’on” and its 2020 Updated 2nd Edition; “Guahan – Utugrafihan CHamoru”; the I Minatåyan (virtual lessons of CHamoru Orthography) with PBS-Guam; the daily CHamoru language lessons posted in Guam Post; the installation of the “I Gima’ Finamta’ CHamoru”, the Language Revitalization Center; the Archival Research Lab and the emplacement of the Guam Place Name Commission. We’ve conducted a language revitalization study; and are currently producing a cultural resource book entitled, Ginen i Matan i Mañaina-ta: Rinikohen Tiningo’ yan Sinangan Siha and a Listan Palåbra booklet to aid in spelling. Others include: Cultural videos and the printing of “CHamoru” stickers and Signs. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/69)***.
### The Kumision’s Nation-building Mission and Vision
*By Dr. Laura Souder*
One of the pillars of any indigenous nation-building effort is the continuity of peoplehood through the preservation of cultural sovereignty. Language as the umbilical cord to culture, connects First Peoples to the knowledge, traditions, beliefs, and skills of their ancestors. It is singularly, the most successful, time-tested vehicle for assuring the transfer of their unique way of knowing, communicating and being to future generations. The Kumisión, is at the forefront of this commitment to cultivate, ensure, and promote Guam’s Fino’ Håya and *på’an taotao tano’* through the CHamoru Revitalization Center and its other programs and services. Our nation-building mission is decolonizing and inspires a vision which moves us closer to our inalienable right to self-determination as a People. The Kumision’s Vision will be the focus of this segment of the panel. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/71)***.
### I Hineggen Chamorro
**I Hineggen Chamorro: Peoples of the Marianas and their Colonial Records**
*By Carlos Madrid and Melissa Taitano*
The perceived absence of native Chamorro voices in historical records created during the Spanish colonial administration (1668-1899) erroneously implies the absence of direct or indirect native agency in records’ creation resulting in a singular, dominant narrative. The documentary heritage of the Mariana Islands began in the context of hegemonic power relations that privileged written accounts over oral traditions, pursuing religious and nation-building aspirations to the obstruction of native lifeways and ways of knowing. A critical use of the colonial records may yield historical narratives in which native voices and perspectives are not absent, but instead retain a quality of functional silence to be treated as subjects worthy of scholarly inquiry. This article explores the direct and indirect role of native Chamorros in records’ creation during the Spanish colonial period in the Mariana Islands. The archival silence(s), or perceived absence of native voices is addressed to advocate more robust, culturally competent, pluralistic narratives about the historical experience of native Chamorro peoples of the Mariana Islands. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/73)***.
## Day 6: Wednesday, 24 February 2021
### Community Preservation – Preserving CHamoru Culture with Historic Sites
**Community Preservation – Preserving CHamoru Culture with Historic Sites: Ekungok i Estoria-ta**
*By Andrew Tenorio*
Ekungok i Estoria-ta (Listen to our stories) is a Guam Preservation Trust project in partnership with GDOE CHamoru Studies & Special Projects Division and funded by a grant from the Richard and Julia Moe Family Fund of the National Trust for Historic Preservation, a first for Guam and for the National Trust. Many historic sites have treasured stories about them. In Guam, there is a need to use the CHamoru language as a means to perpetuate and preserve the telling of these stories using innovative ways. To do this, CHamoru language teachers received training in history methods allowing them to conduct research on a historic site in Guam and discern the most effective way to teach the lesson in their classrooms and also aligning it with CHamoru language curriculum standards. Next, local musicians used the teachers’ researched narratives to create original songs and melodies. Finally, the songs were returned to the CHamoru teachers to implement in their classrooms. This community driven project now can be used as a public resource and increase the capacity for CHamoru language teachers and learners to teach, speak, and enjoy learning about Guam history in the CHamoru language. The completed outcomes are available at pacificpreservation.org/eie. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/97)***.
### Mo’na: Finding Our Way
**Mo’na: Finding Our Way: Indigenous Women’s Resistance and Organization**
*By Terilyn Francisco and Monaeka Flores*
I Hagan Famalao’an Guåhan (IHFG), Incorporated is the indigenous CHamoru Women’s Association of Guåhan and is founded on the collective mission to enhance, promote, protect and foster the social, economic, cultural, spiritual and political well-being of CHamoru women, girls and gender- diverse people within the overall Guåhan community. IHFG honors the CHamoru women of Guåhan as the link of their *mangåffa* and the predecessors of *todu i nanan-måmi* (our mothers). IHFG is sustained by the *kåhna* (spirit force) of our ancestors and our sacred connection to our lands and waters. IHFG pushes back against the conventional notion that CHamoru women’s voices do not need amplification and that carving out a sovereign space is problematic. Rather, IHFG centers, honors, and uplifts CHamoru women’s voices while also examining, analyzing and interpreting historical roles of CHamoru women in the Marianas in the webinar series, “Mo’na: Finding Our Way.” This presentation will discuss the history of CHamoru women’s resistance and fight for self- determination, and the many ways CHamoru women have dedicated their lives and resources to this fight. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/101)***.
### Elementary Teacher in Guam
**Elementary Teacher in Guam: A Pandemic Reflection**
*By Marian Grace Huavas*
This presentation is a reflection of a first year teacher, teaching in Guam during Covid-19 pandemic school year 2020-2021. This presentation focuses on the daily hardships, strife, issues and problems that are magnified and intensified during the beginning and the ongoing school year. The presentation tackles the gravity of teaching responsibilities during the pandemic and the creative solutions that teacher’s employed to reach out and provide the students of Guam the education they need. This is a story of emotional hardship, educational perseverance, and dedication to learning. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/111)***.
### Statehood for Guam
*By John Dewey Huffer*
Statehood should be considered one of the best options for our social, political and economic future. As a state, the people of Guam would enjoy all the liberties and benefits that they have become accustomed to over the last century. Being a state, allows the people more control over their island and resources. The future is uncertain. With statehood, comes more certainty, fluidity and peace of mind. A stronger relationship with the United States grants more stability, protection and opportunities to grow alongside our American brethren. We can not allow fear of the unknown to cripple our ability to advance society into the future. A French author wrote, “One does not discover new lands without consenting to lose sight of the shore for a very long time.” – Andre Gide. Let us continue in the spirit of our ancestors and work to create a better home for our children. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/119)***.
### Free Association Guam
*By Adrian Cruz*
Free Association for Guam is a status option in the upcoming Plebiscite to be voted on by the Native Inhabitants Guam, those persons made US Citizens by virtue of the Organic Act of August 1,1950 and their descendants. This vote would like to give voice to us, the Native Inhabitants and express our fundamental Human Right to determine our Political Destiny. As our Political Destiny is being shaped, the Native Inhabitants will be alive, the many voices of our experience in what is it be a Native Inhabitant in the 21st century. Truly a hallmark of our times and a bold statement that we are here and vibrant, and that we can shape our own destiny with all the tools that the modern world can offer in order to bring about consciousness within our own community, so long held and drugged with the notions that what is ours needs supplementation or is just not plain ‘good enough’. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/129)***.
### Independence is the Natural Way to Be
**Independence is the Natural Way to Be: A History of Guam’s Resistance to Colonization and Desire for Sovereignty**
*By Victoria-Lola Leon Guerrero and Dr. Michael Lujan Bevacqua*
Independence is the natural way to be. In Guam’s history, every period of colonization has been met with resistance from CHamorus with a desire for independence and sovereignty. In this presentation, the co-chairpersons for the Independence for Guam Task Force will provide a brief history of this resistance to colonization and the desire and need for decolonization that persists. They will also illustrate how independence is the next logical step in Guam’s political evolution. Independence is the most equitable way to engage with other nations without being made subservient to them or prioritizing their needs over our own. This presentation will share how achieving sovereignty will allow the people of Guam to join our *mañe’lu* across the Pacific, and the world, as an independent nation. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6/137)***.
## Day 7: Thursday, 25 February 2021
### Burego’ Joyful Christmas Celebration
*By Mrs. Cheryl and Dr. Lawrence Cunningham*
Burego’ was a joyful custom of masquerading during the Christmas season. This custom was introduced during Spanish colonial times and was practiced until the early 1960s in southern Guahan. Like Christmas customs the world over it incorporated indigenous practices. A description of this Joyful Burego’ Celebration is based on the personal experiences of Dr. Judy S. Flores and the interviews of Pale’ Eric Forbes and Dr. Lawrence J. Cunningham. In addition a photograph from Luta and an illustration from Inalahan will be presented. Colonial cultural appropriation and abandonment will also be discussed. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/9)***.
### Celebrating 340 Years
**Celebrating 340 Years: The History of Saint Joseph Parish of Inalahan**
*By Dr. Judith S. Flores*
This narrative is inspired by oral histories that have been passed from generation to generation since 1680, held by the people of Inalahan and recorded by William (Bill) Meno Paulino. Among the youngest of 19 children, Bill lived with his aging parents well into adulthood, absorbing the stories they told – and writing them in his journal. His writing reflects idioms and philosophies as expressed by elders of the early 1900s. By the 1970s this combination of deep CHamoru linguistic knowledge together with oral histories was rare; and the stories were quickly slipping away with the passing of Inalahan elders. The presentation will show the collaborative efforts of the Researcher and the Oral Historian to place events into historical context, examining particular oral histories including that of the people of Fu’una who were relocated to Inalahan; and of the arrival of the statue of Saint Joseph by Spanish military boat. Their collaboration will provide the historical content of a commemorative book that celebrates 2020 as the 340th Jubilee Year of Saint Joseph’s Church in Inalahan. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/17)***.
### Slinging Stones and Fanoghe Chamoru
**Slinging Stones and Fanoghe Chamoru: Past Present and Future**
*By Roman Dela Cruz*
This will be a segmented discussion on the stone slinging among ancestral Chamorros and its evolution today. We will discuss the 1521 centennial commemoration from the perspective of our slinging community and how this has motivated a re-ignition with slinging and a prosperous connection with sport slinging of the Balearic Islands. We will conclude with some long discussed ideas on how the Mariana Islands and Chamorros around the world can optimize and capitalize from a cultural embrace and the strategic development of our slinging persona. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/45)***.
### Long Term Effects of Colonization on Music
**Long Term Effects of Colonization on Music: Transformation and Adaptation**
*By Lynne Jessup Michael*
As with other aspects of culture, music of the Chamorro people has been transformed by colonial influences. Vestiges of influences can still be found in the vocal music of Chamorros, although even the traditional vocal music is disappearing. Using old written documents and recordings, evidence of specific musical elements is still apparent. Scale structure, vocal ornamentation, song forms and even lyrics all provide evidence of connections to the main colonial occupations. Children’s games dating back to the Spanish era, the pentatonic scale structure used in Japanese music, the American pop melodies and lyrics of the 1950’s, all have left their imprint on the vocal music of the Chamorro culture. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/47)***.
### The Matua’s Song
**The Matua’s Song: A Musico-linguistic Approach To Decolonizing Chamorro Music History**
*By Michael Clement, Sr.*
Having been the first Pacific Island that Magellan set foot on in 1521, and being the only island stopover for the Manila Galleons, Guam has benefited from early documented impressions of its ancient music. Spanish colonization/missionization began in 1668. One pre-contact ceremonial song was observed and was notated by the Jesuits. It’s pre-Chamorro origins have remained unknown until now. When played on indigenous instruments, the melody gives a general Indonesian feeling. The lyrics are in the Chamorro language. Ethnomusicology articles on Java and Sumatran music customs give some relevant word meanings. Further research into Indonesian verb formations revealed one word that connects Chamorro and Indonesian betel nut traditions; it confirms the ceremonial nature of the Chamorro song and connects the Chamorro song to Indonesian origins, c. 700-1000 CE. This conclusion is supported by current Chamorro DNA results and migration, the archeology of the Chamorro latte stone, Indonesian rice, Chamorro linguistics, herbal medicine and ancient social custom. It provides a factual basis for ancient Chamorro music history and for further research in authentic music and dance. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/55)***.
### Refaluwasch and Chamorro Children’s Songs
**Refaluwasch and Chamorro Children’s Songs: Music of Resilience, Adaptation, and Identity**
*By Melanie Hangca*
The importance of an indigenous musical oeuvre in shaping cultural identity is undisputed. However, an informed understanding of our musical history is hampered by both a dearth of surviving pre-war music and by the devastating effects of colonial influence. Researchers have tried to address this problem by preserving what history endures. Much work has been devoted to documenting local music. We lack representation in formal education, both at home and abroad. We also lack public awareness of indigenous stylistic markers. I conducted interviews, obtaining chants, songs, their lyrics, translations to analyze and transcribe, limiting scope to WWII-era children’s songs. I created a multicultural music unit. I found that much music employs adapted melodies, 18th century western European choral tradition, and instruments. I also found that our unique indigenous musical contributions include, lyric improvisation, witty humor, syncopation over duple and triple meter. I presented my findings and shared the unit with various school districts across the country and locally. A second, general public online presentation was received positively, with over a thousand views in 2 days. Overall, I conclude that there is still much work to be done to bridge the knowledge gap about our cultural identity through our musical heritage. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/57)***.
## Day 8: Friday, 26 February 2021
### Camp Chulu
**Camp Chulu: From Tragedy to Triumph**
*By Don Farrell*
Tinian was captured from Japan by US forces in July 1944. Of the 17,000 Japanese and Koreans who had been living in Tinian in 1943, 11,500 were put in “protective custody.” A Civil Patrol established by the 18th Naval Construction Battalion was responsible for their immediate care during the invasion. The refugees were in shock, half-naked, thirsty, starving and infected with a variety of diseases after surviving six weeks of air and naval bombardment. Camp Chulu was officially established on July 30, 1944, in the pre-war farming village of Chulu. The Seabees continued to improve the camp with many of the refugees helping, while Military Government Civil Affairs personnel oversaw all phases of camp development and operations. The civilians were repatriatriated by July 1946 in healthy condition, including the many infants born in the camp. Supported by original documents from Seabee, US Marine Corps, and US Military Government Civil Affairs files, this essay tells the story of the Camp’s evolution from a barbed-wire stockade with Marine Corps guards to a self-sustaining civilian community with an internal economy and an elected government. It is a story of a tragedy of war transformed into a triumph of human resilience, through good will and common sense. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/61)***.
### Colonial Narratives
**Colonial Narratives: Military Secrets During the Occupation of Guam**
*By Seyoung Choung*
It’s oft-repeated that the military remains neutral from politics, but in Marianas history, transparency was never a priority. The armed forces were unaccountable to the Chamoru people whose land they occupied. The author intends to submit a paper covering the secrecy of the military throughout 20th- century Guam history to address such issues. The topic of the paper is a challenge to prevailing pro-military historiography surrounding Guam’s history. Despite a strong consensus among Marianas scholars that the political machinations of the military were conducted forcefully and without the approval of the Chamoru people, this understanding has not been fully translated into primary school curriculums due to flaws in the American educational system. Indigenous voices remain esoteric compared to an over-glorified portrayal of the United States military in simplified narratives. The paper aims to shed light on the unreliability of many military sources in the retelling of the history of the Marianas. To do so, the author compares military sources (primarily naval) with indigenous testimonies, civilian recordings, statistical findings, and scientific papers. The contradictions that arise from examining Guam’s history from different angles will be examined at length to reveal the truth about military arrogance during the decades long occupation of Guam. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/85)***.
### Operation New Life
**Operation New Life: Vietnamese Refugees and US Settler Militarism in Guam**
*By Dr. Evyn Lê Espiritu Gandhi*
Drawing from archival research conducted at the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) and the Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library, as well as oral histories conducted between 2016-18, this presentation will detail the processing of Vietnamese refugees in Guam during Operation New Life. From April to November 1975, the US military in Guam processed over 112,000 refugees from Vietnam. I argue that the humanitarian rhetoric that newspapers and politicians used to describe Operation New Life in 1975 retroactively justified the US military’s presence in Guam, and by extension, positioned Vietnamese refugees in a structurally antagonistic relationship to Chamorro decolonization struggles that challenge what Juliet Nebolon calls “settler militarism.” In this presentation I will emphasize moments of cross-racial encounter and refugee refusal, highlighting the stories of Chamorros who played key roles during Operation New Life as well as Vietnamese refugees who expressed agency in the camps. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/105)***.
### From Tourists to Asylees
**From Tourists to Asylees: Russian Citizens in Guam**
*By Dr. Christopher Rasmussen*
When the US Department of Homeland Security decided to admit Russian visitors to Guam without a visa in 2012, it seemed to be a happy convergence of US foreign policy and the desires of local political and tourist industry leaders. The policy added to the Obama administration’s “Russia reset” and paroled relatively free-spending Russian tourists for 45-day visits. Two years later, however, events in Russia led to a sharp decline of overseas travel and a rise in political repression. As one of the few places Russian citizens could travel without a visa, Guam became a lifeline to hundreds of Russian asylum seekers. The plight of these migrants reveals the cruelty of federal immigration policies, the extent to which Guam is subject to the vagaries of US foreign policy, and how Guam has welcomed these new arrivals and how they have adapted. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/123)***.
## Day 9: Saturday, 27 February 2021
### Matter of Time
**Matter of Time: Outlining the Order of Time Periods in Marianas Archaeology and Ancient History**
*By Dr. Mike Carson*
Any study of archaeology and ancient history needs to begin with a basic chronological order of time periods, and a suitable outline for the Mariana Islands involves several such time periods over the last few millennia. In terms of the archaeological evidence, these periods cover the entire sequence of cultural history, from the first instance of people living in the islands and continuing all the way through the timing of written history. With the use of written historical documents, the later time periods have been much more refined, for example in windows of a few decades or even single years. The more ancient periods of archaeological evidence, however, can be defined only within the limits of radiocarbon dating and other surviving material evidence, often in blocks of some centuries. How are those time periods identified? How are the dates measured? What was different from one time period to the next? These questions are addressed in the current presentation. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/135)***.
### Gendered Households and Ceramic Assemblage Formation in the Mariana Islands, Western Pacific
*By Jacy Miller, Darlene R. Moore, and James M. Bayman*
The archaeological investigation of gendered labor is vital for interpreting households in the Mariana Islands because Spanish documentary accounts are largely silent regarding their spatial organization. Preliminary analyses of excavated materials from a household on the island of Guam revealed that it consisted of two adjacent buildings (*latte*) that were economically integrated and within which craft activities by women and men were spatially segregated. More detailed analyses of ceramic assemblages confirm that household labor was gendered in other respects. Women prepared and stored food in large ceramic vessels at the building where they also conducted craftwork, whereas men consumed food from smaller serving vessels at the adjacent building where they crafted. This household arrangement illustrates gender complementarity in a matrilineal society that also exhibited aspects of a gender hierarchy wherein women had significant power during the Late Latte and early Spanish Contact periods (ca. AD 1500-1700). Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/141)***.
### Origins of the People of the Mariana Islands
**Origins of the People of the Mariana Islands: Ancient DNA Research and Archaeological Context**
*By Dr. Rosalind Hunter-Anderson and Joanne Eakin*
Our team of archaeologists and geneticists is collaborating on three studies about the origins of the people of the Mariana Islands and their social and biological relationships with other groups across the western Pacific and Island Southeast Asia (ISEA). To date, we have recovered ancient DNA (aDNA) samples from Late Unai and Latte period individuals on Guam and from Latte period individuals on Saipan. The Late Unai samples are from ~2500-year-old burials, the oldest discovered in Micronesia. In this paper we present preliminary results of our research and show how Marianas archaeological context and aDNA results interrelate, challenging a failing narrative of CHamoru population origins in the Philippines c. 3500 before present. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/165)***.
### Guam 1668-1769
**Guam 1668-1769: Cultural Change and Cultural Continuity in the Jesuit Mission**
*By Dr. Sandra Montón-Subías*
In this paper, I will present the theoretical background of the archaeological project Aberigua (Archaeologies of Cultural Contact and Colonialism in Guam). This project investigates processes of cultural change and continuity associated to the incorporation of Guam and the Mariana islands by the colonial network of the Spanish empire. Although focus is on Jesuit missions, the project embraces previous and posterior chronologies to understand colonial impacts in their full magnitude. Stress is placed on gender construction and maintenance activities, a concept born in Spanish feminist archaeology to highlight the foregrounding nature of a set of recurrent daily practices — such as care-giving, food-processing, textile manufacture, hygiene, health and healing, the socialization of children, or the arrangement of living spaces — that are essential to social stability, continuity and wellbeing. Maintenance activities were clearly endeavoured by Jesuit policies to colonize indigenous lifeways and subjectivities, but they also worked as reservoirs of traditional knowledge. I will use textile manufacture and bodily habits as a case example. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/175)***.
### Japanese Archival Records and Archaeological Sites from the Pre-WWII Okinawan Diaspora On Tinian, CNMI
*By Dr. Boyd Dixon, Alexandra Garrigue, and Robert Jones*
This study looks at archival records and photographs from the pre-WWII Okinawan diaspora to Japanese sugarcane plantations in the Northern Mariana Islands to provide cultural context for interpreting recently recorded archaeological sites on the island of Tinian. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/185)***.
### Fishing Weirs at the Edge of the Parian
**Fishing Weirs at the Edge of the Parian: Colonial Impacts on the Native Settlement of Cebu City, Cebu, Philippines**
*By John A. Peterson*
Cebu City was settled in 1565 after a brief and calamitous visit by Magellan 44 years earlier. Within a few decades the Spanish administration invited Chinese traders to settle in the Parian District at the northwestern fringe of the settlement. They filled and drained a marsh and built over what had been a native village at the edge of the marsh. In 1730 the Jesuit order built over the reclaimed land. The Jesuit House is currently being renovated and used as a museum. Archaeological excavations in support of the renovation have exposed the Spanish contact and pre-contact landscape that includes what may have been a pre-colonial fishing weir built in the marsh. We compare these fishing structures with stone weirs from Guam and Yap and fishing practices in the Micronesian region. We examine the ethnohistory and current practice of brush fishing corrals in use in the ancient and contemporary Philippines, as well as Visayan life ways in Cebu in the early modern era at contact with the Spanish colonial empire. Read paper [here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/201).
### A History and Archaeology of the Pre-war Tuna Fishing Industry in Micronesia
*By Dr. William Jeffery*
When the Japanese took control of Micronesia, they were aware of the extensive range of marine species that could be exploited, and they quickly set about creating a tuna fishing industry. Historical documents from the pre-World War II period provide evidence on how this was implemented, and how Okinawan migration helped to drive the tuna fishing industry throughout Micronesia, which included Saipan, Palau, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and the Marshall Islands. During World War II, many fishing boats were converted and used by the Japanese military in a variety of activities, and some were sunk during the war. Following World War II, the United States of America attempted to revive the tuna fishing industry in association with local people, and while they had limited success, today, tuna is the Federated States of Micronesia’s top export. This paper provides information on the important steps in this history. It also considers the archaeological remains, primarily the fishing boat wrecks located in Chuuk and the Marshall Islands. An aim of the paper is to raise awareness about this overlooked heritage, a heritage that is arguably as relevant to local people as are the World War II shipwrecks. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/225)***.
## Day 10: Sunday, 28 February 2021
### I Hinanao-ta, 500 Aňos
**I Hinanao-ta, 500 Aňos (Our Journey, 500 Years)**
*By Manuel Cruz, Artemia Perez, Lazaro Quinata, Juan San Nicolas*
The challenge of reading history is most heavily felt by those whose stories were written for them. Magellan’s circumnavigation was the beginning of documented histories of the people of the Mariana Islands. For generations, those words dictated the perception of not only how the world knew the CHamoru people, but how the people of the Marianas learned of their ancestors as well. On the 500th commemoration of Magellan’s circumnavigation, the people of the Marianas are eager to share with the world a holistic picture of our history by engaging the written history with indigenous stories and sources of knowledge. We live in an exciting time where learners aren’t satisfied with simply “reading between the lines.” Now more than ever, the desire to engage with a history that represents us is pushing us to complete the narrative. I Hinanao-ta Our Journey, is a testament to the power of perspective. It is a step towards the world knowing who CHamorus are from CHamorus themselves. Read paper ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/243)***.
### Ginen i Gualo’
**Ginen i Gualo’: Histories of Farming and Agriculture on Guåhan (Fy2019 Community Grant)**
*By Kristin Oberiano*
In Ginen I Gualo’, Guåhan Sustainable Culture conducted archival research, oral history, and interviewed local farmers to highlight traditions of agriculture and farming on Guåhan. The online resource hopes to educate and reconnect the public to those growing our local foods and to envision food sovereignty for our island community. In addition to playing a short video of one of our farmer interviews, this presentation will take a behind-the-scenes look into how our project came into fruition, including content creation for archival research, farmer interviews, and website design. The Ginen I Gualo’ website can be found at gusustainable.org/ginenigualo. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/273)***.
### Tådong Marianas
**Tådong Marianas: Storytelling Across the Marianas**
*By Samantha Barnett and Andrew Gumataotao*
Tåhdong Marianas (FY2020)—a collective of young CHamoru scholars, artists, activists, and filmmakers—was awarded $10,000 from Humanities Guåhan to produce and screen a media project that gathers the oral histories of musicians and cultural practitioners from across the Marianas archipelago. Tåhdong Marianas aims to foster deeper connections between communities throughout the Marianas, and our project compiles life narratives from musicians and cultural practitioners in the Marianas. Our media project aims to produce a nuanced understanding of contemporary Marianas identity, covering issues of cultural reclamations, land-based connections, and Indigenous storytelling and performance practices. In this session, project directors Andrew Gumataotao and Samantha Marley Barnett will discuss their experiences traveling and storytelling across the Marianas, and share key themes and issues that have been articulated in their interviews with cultural practitioners throughout the archipelago. View presentation ***[here](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10/287)***.
## Conference e-publications in Issuu
- [Overview](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_overview)
- [Day 1 – 3](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_1-3)
- [Day 4 – 6](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_4-6)
- [Day 7 – 10](https://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/mhc5_day_7-10)
**Categories:** e-Publications, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Home - Lead, Marianas History Conference
**Tags:** 5th Marianas History Conference
---
### [Speaker Joaquin C. Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-c-arriola/)
**Published:** February 23, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Postwar leader. Joaquin “Kin” C. Arriola (1925 - 2022) was a prominent figure at the forefront of Guam’s legal history. Arriola was one of Guam’s leaders who took part in making the island what it is today. Guam’s current form of limited self-government took decades of vision, calls for justice, and tenacity by local leaders such as Arriola.
**Content:**
# Speaker Joaquin C. Arriola
View more images from the Arriola collection [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157720115405967).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Postwar leader
Joaquin “Kin” C. Arriola (1925 – 2022) was a prominent figure at the forefront of Guam’s legal history. Arriola was one of Guam’s leaders who took part in making the island what it is today. Guam’s current form of limited self-government took decades of vision, calls for justice, and tenacity by local leaders such as Arriola.
These leaders caused the transformative social, political, economic, and other changes of the 1950s, 60s, and beyond that led us to where we are today. They pushed for increased civil rights for the people of Guam, for ending a single-branch form of military government that, as described by Arriola, ruled the island with an iron fist, and for overcoming Navy interference when striving for greater local self-government. The people of Guam owe much to these leaders who often had to fight Congress’s heavy-handed vision of what Guam’s government should be.
Arriola not only lived through transformative times, he was one of a handful who led the way through them. His path started fairly early on in his life. After high school, he sought more than the limited education offered on island in the 1940s, braving the snows of Minnesota to attain a college education and to tie with[ Carlos P. Taitano ](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/ "Carlos Pangelinan Taitano")to be the second CHamoru/Chamorro to ever earn a law degree. Returning home to Guam, Arriola was the top vote-getter in three elections and served for two terms as Speaker of the[ Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). At the time, the Speaker was Guam’s highest elected official as island governors were appointed by the US President (1950-1970).
## Champion of Guam’s civil rights
As an elected leader, Arriola regularly championed civil rights for the people of Guam when testifying before the United States (US) Congress and when at home. He was pivotal in ending 20 years of Guam’s governors being appointed by the President and in pushing for the creation of a Guam delegate in Congress. Arriola ran in the island’s very first gubernatorial race, vying to serve as the first governor elected by the people of Guam; it was a time when the island was swept away with “election fever.” Arriola and his colleagues, surrounded by self-determination efforts in our region, saw real potential in changing Guam’s political status and fought hard to make it happen. He and others envisioned and worked tirelessly toward a unified Marianas to reconnect with brothers and sisters of the Northern Mariana Islands as well as a means to attain fuller self-government by having strength in numbers.
Arriola (*Familian Arrot*) was born to Maria Soledad Camacho and Vicente Fernandez Arriola in 1925, a time when the people of Guam had no citizenship nor civil rights. He was the eldest of his seven. Much of Arriola’s life has centered around [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"). He grew up there, attended school there, and worked nearly his entire career there as a Congressman (what those serving in the Guam Legislature were called in the early days), a two-term Speaker of the Guam Legislature, as Guam Legislature legal counsel and parliamentarian, as an attorney of law, and as an Associate Justice for Guam’s Supreme Court (1996-1999).
## Education was a priority
Joaquin, along with one brother and two sisters, graduated from college, at a time when having one child with a college degree was a rare accomplishment. The island, according to Arriola, was quiet in those years with not a lot of opportunity. For example, at the time, CHamorus and locals who joined the US Navy were, along with other non-white service members, relegated to serving as mess attendants without any real chance to advance. Arriola finished his college education in record time, just three years, graduating with honors, *cum laude*. That was quite a triumph, especially given that his high school education was interrupted by World War II (WWII) and lacked substance when it resumed after the war.
Arriola’s children have followed in his footsteps, graduating from universities such as Vassar, Smith, and Rutgers, two of whom became attorneys and became part of the law firm he founded.
Arriola saw the importance of building up Guam’s higher education. He served as Chairman of the Board of Regents for the College of Guam (1963-1966), predecessor to the University of Guam. While some, such as Guam’s first appointed District Court Judge, Paul D. Shriver of Colorado, pointed out to Arriola that the amount of money being spent on building up the College of Guam was enough to send island youth to the mainland instead, Arriola saw that the people of Guam needed some level of independence, something of their own to be proud of, and an institution that would produce good teachers locally instead of contracting them year after year from the mainland at great expense.
## The difficult war years
Arriola had been the tender age of 16 when Guam was invaded and conquered by enemy [Japanese forces](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/ "Japanese Occupation of Guam") (1941-1944). While much of the wartime occupation did not change life too much for many, as time went on, it became a harsher and harsher existence. Before the end of the war, Arriola lost his mother. Along with hundreds of others, he worked in a coral pit in Anigua and helped build airstrips in Orote and Tiyan, receiving just a handful of rice and a slice of *daigo* for sustenance. Fortunately, people shared food with one another and his grandfather had a sizable farm in Tiyan. He considers himself lucky to not have had to look too hard for food, an important consideration given the increasing scarcity of nourishment during the occupation.
Shortly before the US recaptured Guam, the Japanese ordered people in his area to march to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat"). While Arriola had not heard of the atrocities occurring in Germany and elsewhere, he had a feeling that nothing good was going to happen at Manenggon so, without telling anyone, he chose not join his family on the march but instead took off with a machete.
He survived by keeping out of sight but did go to bring his family food and visit them on occasion. The last time he arrived at Manenggon, there was no one there that he could see. He found a Japanese rifle and a squad of the 77th Infantry Division of the US Army carrying out a cleanup operation. Arriola ended up serving as a guide for them. This stint was short-lived however, as he was hit by shrapnel from a hand grenade that flew out from a bunker they passed. From there, he was taken to the hospital where he met a well-known figure on Guam, [Beatrice Flores ](https://www.guampedia.com/beatrice-perez-emsley/ "Beatrice Flores Emsley")(later Emsley), who the Japanese had tried to behead and had buried alive.
After Arriola was released from the hospital months later, but before the island was cleared of the dangers of Japanese snipers and others who were roaming the island by the thousands, Arriola stayed in a shack in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/ "Mangilao") rather than being confined at a refugee camp. For over a year, soldiers, the Guam Combat Patrol, and everyday people of Guam, worked to make the island safe for everyone from the stragglers. Along these lines, while in Mangilao, he sent a Japanese officer and soldier who came across him to, as Arriola stated, “meet their ancestors.”
Numerous decades later, a feeling of bitterness continued for Arriola and many others on the island. The US gave away the people of Guam’s right to make war reparation claims against Japan while at the same time, never fully lived up to its obligation of providing war reparations to the people of Guam, despite the fact that the US has done so for all other populations so affected. War reparations, according to Arriola, have been “so little, so late,” with the great majority of the wartime survivors having passed away before their sufferings were addressed.
## Returned to a changed island
Arriola diligently pursued his college education and did not return until his education was completed in 1953, even when his father passed away during his first year of law school. It was too costly to return home. Having left prior to the passage of the [Organic Act of Guam ](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/ "Organic Act of Guam")which replaced the military government with a civilian government, provided the people of Guam Congressional US citizenship, and established a democratically elected Guam Legislature, Arriola returned to an island that was changed.
Arriola described it as having increased “freedom of sorts.” However, the island, which had been closed prior to WWII, was still to be closed for nearly another 10 years after his return in 1953, which held back economic development and other progress for the island.
## Talo'fo'fo Five!
Arriola is also a musician, playing the church organ when he was younger, and the piano. His musical talent helped him earn the money to pay for his higher education in Minnesota. After the occupation, he played in a band called Talo’fo’fo Five. Laughingly Arriola stated that it was a great name which caught people’s attention despite, or perhaps to some degree because, there were only four members of the band, none of whom were from [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/ "Talo’fo’fo (Talofofo)").
## Arriola Law Firm established
There were not many lawyers on the island at the time of his return, so Arriola soon found himself busy taking cases and established what is now known as the Arriola Law Firm, Guam’s oldest law office. Over time, he became a member of the American, International, Minnesota, Guam, and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands bar associations and was admitted to practice before the Supreme Court of the State of Minnesota, the US District Court of Guam, the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit Court, the US Supreme Court, the US District Court of the Northern Mariana Islands as well as their Supreme Court and Superior Court.
Additionally, Arriola was also recognized by the High Court of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands while it existed. Many of Arriola’s accomplishments were firsts for CHamorus and Guam. For example, he was the first CHamoru to achieve being duly admitted and qualified as an Attorney and Counselor in the highest court in the nation (the US Supreme Court).
Arriola captured the attention of the community pretty quickly upon his return home by litigating some high profile cases such as those in which a Hawaiian businessman was charged with embezzlement, a Filipino actor who resided on Guam was charged with adultery as a felony, and a person charged with first degree murder.
## Served as a Senator
Before too long, Arriola was asked to run for elected office. Arriola served in the 3rd and 4th Guam Legislatures as a Kongresista (Congressman) as they were so termed at the time, as well as in the 5th through the 7th Legislatures as the legislative legal counsel and parliamentarian, and as legal counsel for the Minority in the 8th legislature. Arriola was then, once again, asked to run for office, having been the top vote-getter in the 4th legislature. Being a top vote getter for the 9th and 10th legislatures, he also was selected to serve as Speaker.
Arriola attributes some of his popularity to people’s appreciation for representing them in the disturbing land cases of the time, in which massive tracts of prime, locally-owned, family land had been condemned by the military-run government in order to rebuild the war-torn island in a manner that often pushed CHamorus and others aside to meet the Navy’s perceived needs.
Guam is an indigenous homeland, and is a place where land has deep meaning and familial ties. During this time, the military condemned as much as 63 percent of the island. Some who had their land seized never cashed the paltry checks they received as compensation. Many were angered by these land takings, anger which lingers decades later as much of the land has yet to be returned. Arriola was able to get his clients more favorable compensation for their land although it was difficult to do so since the island was closed, meaning that there was no real market value for the land to hold the government to. To his credit, Arriola handled more of these land cases than any other lawyer.
The early legislators had many injustices to resolve—having an island governor with extraordinarily broad authority be appointed by the US President, having the legislature’s authority to override a governor’s veto be curtailed by having their override be sent to the US President who could then overrule their override, and being a territory which is not meant to be a permanent political status.
## Fought for more self-governance
Several times during his terms as Speaker, Arriola represented the people of Guam by testifying before the US Congress. Arriola provided powerful statements arguing for the importance of having a democratically elected governor but against a federal comptroller to oversee the government of Guam. He and others believed in accountability and transparency, offering time and again to be audited by the Government Accountability Office but rightly saw that the executive and legislative branches of Guam’s governmental authority would be curtailed by having a federal comptroller. Arriola led the opposition to this proposal, calling it in his testimony to Congress, “a definite step backward in Guam’s political development.” As he further testified, other than the territory of the US Virgin Islands, “no state or other territory or possession is saddled with this ‘fourth branch of government.’”
Under Arriola’s leadership, the Guam Legislature passed a resolution supporting this position and took out full page ads in the New York Times and the Washington Post to try to make their opposition widely known. The case was hard fought, meeting with US Congressmen when and where they could, a testament to Arriola and others’ commitment to the people and government of Guam.
## Two big issues: Elected governor for Guam, reunification of the Marianas
As Speaker, Arriola had two main agendas—attaining an elected governor for the people of Guam, which was successful, and the [reunification of the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-efforts-to-reunify-the-mariana-islands/ "History of Efforts to Reunify the Mariana Islands"), which was not. He and others worked with the Northern Mariana Islands for years when they, as former Micronesian possessions of Japan, were determining their political status within the UN Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, a strategic trust administered by the United States.
Arriola and other leaders created the Pacific Conference of Legislators and the Mariana Islands District Legislature to promote discussions between the different governmental bodies, including discussions about common political status goals. While much progress was made in the Northern Mariana Islands, Arriola reflected that perhaps not enough time had been spent campaigning and educating people on Guam as to how the islands could achieve fuller self-government, perhaps statehood, if they were a larger, stronger, unified archipelago.
Several elements may have been working against this larger vision, including bitter feelings by the people of Guam toward the Saipanese and other men from the northern islands who had been part of the harsh Japanese wartime administration on Guam. Another is said to have been a “whisper campaign” in which people were already aligning themselves for the first gubernatorial race stating that a vote for reunification was a vote for Arriola versus other gubernatorial hopefuls. While people in the Northern Mariana Islands voted to reunify, at the end of the day, the people of Guam did not. Arriola and other leaders had been caught off guard by Guam’s rejection of reintegration after working so long and hard toward that goal and after having perceived that the hearings on Guam were positively received.
## Gubernatorial runs
Arriola ran for governor in both the first and second gubernatorial races in 1970 and 1974 respectively. The campaigns in these early years were very active. In his first run, his slogan was, “JCA is the ONLY way!” He ran with retired judge and senator, Vicente Bamba, who balanced Arriola’s youthful vigor by being a bit older and having years of experience as a judge. Since most of campaigning in those days was about meeting people, Arriola-Bamba canvassed houses and held district meetings. Groups were formed like Young Citizens for Arriola-Bamba (YCAB) and Ladies for Arriola-Bamba. Rallies at their campaign headquarters, immediately adjacent to the Guam Legislature building, or at one of their homes could go late into the evening, being entertained by bands and their campaign cheerleading squad.
While Arriola-Bamba gave it a good run, and had been considered to have had a strong chance being two very popular candidates, what perhaps worked most against them was their late declaration to tackle immigration, or what was termed, the “alien issue.” Although Arriola-Bamba were vocalizing very real worries and concerns that existed within the community about CHamoru loss of control of their homeland due to the large, rapid shifts in island demographics that were happening at the time, the media and some within the community pushed back against the issue. In the end, Arriola’s bids for governorship were unsuccessful though people have stated that they thought he would have made a fine governor.
## Marriage and family
In 1954, Arriola married [Elizabeth Perez Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/elizabeth-perez-arriola/ "Elizabeth Perez Arriola") and together they had eight children–three daughters (Jacqueline, Anita, Lisa) and five sons (Vincent, Franklin, Michael, Joaquin Jr., and Anthony). Elizabeth followed in her husband’s footsteps becoming a six-term Guam senator making them one of the few couples on Guam to have both served as senators in the Guam Legislature.
Arriola litigated hundreds of cases, civil and criminal, on Guam and abroad, including for the US District Court of Guam, the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit Court, the US Supreme Court, the US District Court of the Northern Mariana Islands as well as their Supreme Court and Superior Court.
## Community service
All the while, Arriola continued to hold numerous leadership positions within the community at a level which few attain. He served as President of the Guam Bar Association. He was Chairman of the Territorial Planning Commission, the Guam Housing and Urban Renewal Authority (GHURA), the Board of Regents, the Popular Party and, later, the Democratic Party, as well as was Executive Committee Chairman for the Pacific Conference of Legislators among other such positions. He has often been a keynote speaker at events and has won numerous awards and recognition such as the Guam Judiciary Husticia Award and the Judge Cristobal C. Duenas Excellence Award, as well as was conferred a Doctor of Laws (Honoris Causa) by the University of Guam.
When Arriola retired in 2021, alongside other accolades, both Governor Lou Leon Guerrero and the Speaker Therese Terlaje recognized him with a Governor’s Award and Legislative Resolution, both of which noted the Honorable Joaquin C. Arriola as having been “at the forefront of Guam’s legal history as a highly respected lawyer in the Guam and CNMI courts for 67 years.”
Arriola held numerous other important roles as well, at times dealing with multi-million dollar transactions. For many years he served as Board Member, Secretary, and Counsel for Guam Savings & Loan Association (BankPacific), local counsel for Bank of America, and even helped form and organize the Bank of Guam which he then served as its general counsel. He was local counsel for off-island corporation such as ESSO Eastern (Exxon) and AT&T, he organized and formed domestic corporations like Hotels of the Marianas, Inc (Hilton Hotel), and represented individuals and corporations in various locations around the world.
## Life's highlights
Over the years, Arriola met with the likes of US Senator Ted Kennedy, famous actress Tita Duran, and more. He saw his island change from a military government to a civil one with, although limited, more self-government than it had ever had in modern times. Arriola played no small part in achieving many of those gains. He has testified before the US Congress as the highest elected official of the people of Guam. He fought for the best interests of Guam’s people against development of an ammunition wharf at Sella Bay and, known for making bold statements, said, “Hell no,” to nerve gas being stored on Guam. He lived through the US civil rights movement, national conflicts and wars, the assassination of a president, the landing of the first man on the moon, the coming and going of UN missions in our region, the rise of the Brown Power movement in the states and in Guam, an attempt at commonwealth for Guam, and the attainment of commonwealth and independence for neighboring islands.
Arriola stated that he has had a great life in which he “has seen it all, good and bad.” Given the weight of his responsibilities over his lifetime and how busy his positions kept him, Arriola expressed wishing that he had spent more time with his children when they were younger but noted that he worked to make up for that later in life by spending time with them and his grandchildren.
Arriola’s legacy will continue through the impact he has made in his numerous leadership positions, his lifelong advocacy and struggle for increased civil rights for the people of Guam and improved self-government, the laws that he passed that helped shape and strengthen the Judiciary as well as the many causes that he championed.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## e-Publication featuring Speaker Arriola
## Videos: Interview with Speaker Arriola
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## For further reading
*A Bill to Provide for the Popular Election of the Governor of Guam, and for other Purposes*. HR 7329. 90th Congress, 2nd Session, 45-111 (1968) (testimonies by Joaquin C. Arriola, Speaker of the Guam Legislature; Manuel FL Guerrero, Governor of Guam; and Antonio B. Won Pat, Guam Congressman).
Arriola, Joaquin C. “Oral Interview of Mr. Joaquin C. Arriola.” Interview by Lolita C. Toves. *District Court of Guam*, 20 January 2006.
–––. “Joaquin C. Arriola.” Interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 22 February 2021.
*Guam Commonwealth Act*. HR 98. 101st Congress, 1st Session, Part II 36-46 (1989) (testimony by Joaquin C. Arriola, Speaker of the Guam Legislature).
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Justice, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Speaker Joaquin C. Arriola
---
### [Restoring Guam’s Coral Reefs](https://www.guampedia.com/restoring-guams-coral-reefs/)
**Published:** September 13, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam’s coral reefs and their decline. Coral reefs are among the most productive ecosystems on the planet. They contribute greatly to cultural identity, education and tourism, and support millions of people as major food sources.
**Content:**
# Restoring Guam’s Coral Reefs
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Guam’s coral reefs and their decline
Coral reefs are among the most productive ecosystems on the planet.
They contribute greatly to cultural identity, education and tourism, and support millions of people as major food sources.
Coral reefs sustain the people of Guam in a variety of ways, from providing fish for fiestas to a beautiful snorkel spot on a hot day. The total economic value of Guam’s reefs is estimated at $127 million per year, based on their contributions to tourism, coastline protection, and food security. However, the value of Guam’s reefs depends on the coral’s health, and on its ability to provide the structure and habitat for all other species that make up the coral reef ecosystem.
Tourism and commercial fishing, although economically important for many island nations, have caused reductions in coral cover, fish abundance, and diversity of reef species all over the world.
Over the past few decades, a variety of causes have led to the decline of Guam’s reefs.
According to one study, Guam’s small-scale reef fishery catch has declined 86 percent since 1950, due to overfishing and a loss of coral habitat. Swimmers and people using small water craft damage fragile corals. Also, our growing population strains our sewage treatment facilities and storm-water system. This means more sediment (from rainwater runoff) and nutrients (from sewage) are swept onto reef flats, killing corals by smothering them and by promoting abundant growth of algae (Figure 1).
Poor land use practices, such as off-roading and burning grassland for hunting, lead to upland erosion, which clogs Guam’s reefs with more sediment.
In recent years, warming seawater temperatures have significantly harmed Guam’s corals as well. When seawater temperatures are elevated, corals reject the algae living in symbiosis with them. The algae live inside the coral tissues and provide 95 percent of the coral’s energy. When the coral ejects the algae, the process is called “bleaching,” because it causes the coral to appear pale or entirely white. In 2013, 85 percent of all species around Guam showed signs of bleaching (Figure 2).
Typhoons also can have a devastating effect on the reef by breaking and killing corals, often reducing them to rubble fields.
Lastly, periodic outbreaks of crown-of-thorns (the predatory seastar, *Acanthaster planci*) have also contributed to Guam’s reef decline. The crown-of-thorns directly feed on corals (Figure 3).
While most coral growth forms are at risk from these combined stressors, fast-growing branching species are declining most rapidly.
## Coral conservation and restoration
Because reef are increasingly under threat, more must be done to manage and preserve Guam’s coral reefs.
Coral restoration, as an example, aims to preserve vulnerable coral species and rehabilitate damaged reefs. Various coral restoration techniques are being tested and developed here on Guam to help reefs recover. Coral restoration is similar to planting trees to help forests recover, in that different methods are used to reproduce, grow and plant specific types of coral.
Coral restoration is a much newer practice than forest restoration, and there is still a lot to learn; but Guam’s local reef scientists continue developing practices that are suited to Guam’s environment and corals.
It isn’t always possible to eliminate the stressors driving coral decline, but we can attempt to protect specific species that are very important to the reefs. And corals that survive bleaching events are potentially more resilient and can be used to stock damaged areas.
Here are three strategies currently being used on Guam to culture and preserve Guam’s corals:
## Microfragmentation
Microfragmentation is the act of cutting a piece of coral into several minute coral fragments to trigger rapid coral growth and minimize how much coral needs to be removed from a donor parent colony (Figure 4). A part of one parent colony can produce multiple microfragments that are genetically identical to the original colony, which can then be reintroduced to the parent colony’s location or another suitable area. The healthy tissue on the top of the coral will grow down the exposed coral skeleton and onto the substrate that it is attached to (Figure 5 and 6). If the microfragments come from the same parent colony, they can fuse back together to form a larger juvenile colony. After it grows large enough, the coral can become sexually mature and continue to grow the reef.
## Coral nurseries
When an area is affected by coral bleaching or other environmental stressors, a coral nursery can be established to grow healthy, resilient coral to plant back in the affected areas.
In 2013, the University of Guam Marine Laboratory, Underwater World Guam, and SECORE International established an ocean coral nursery in Guam’s [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/) Bomb Holes Marine Preserve. The nursery cultures both sexual recruits and fragmented corals for rehabilitation and replanting.
In 2019, a second nursery was established in Cocos Lagoon: the [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) coral nursery.
There are currently three restoration structures used in the Piti Nursery: *coral tables*, *A-frames*, and *coral trees*. Each method has its strengths for growing corals. The *A-frames* provide a stable substrate in sandy areas and are sunk into the sand. Fragments are then tied onto them and allowed to grow. Once the corals reach a certain size, they become sexually mature and will produce eggs and sperm, which will fertilize in the water and settle down to produce a coral “recruit.”
Because it takes a long time for corals to reach sexual maturity, restoration scientists can act as “speed-dating matchmakers” by placing *A-frame*s with sexually mature corals near each other to increase the likelihood for fertilization (Figure 7).
*Coral tables* provide large and stable surfaces above and below the table (Figure 8). While some corals grow well upright on the top of the table, other corals grow better hanging below because they can grow in all directions. A key function of this technique is its ability to withstand Guam’s high wave energy during bad weather and tropical disturbances.
*Coral trees* can be compared to Christmas trees, built from PVC or fiberglass, with the tethered corals acting as the ornaments hanging off the branches (Figure 9). Many corals can be hung to the outlying branches, and they’re easy to remove for planting onto the reef. The coral trees are useful because they tend to be easier and cheaper to build than coral tables.
While each technique has its strengths, Guam’s coral nurseries are showing overall great success as places to grow small fragments into larger ones that can be pruned and planted where corals are needed and can survive (in a process known as *outplanting*).
Outplanting requires careful selection of sites that provide the environmental requirements corals need to survive. Restoration scientists look for the best light, water flow, substrate, depth, protection from damage and predators, and low sediment, to promote success for the corals.
## Assisting coral reproduction
Roughly one week after the full moon in July, the mood is right and it is time for many of the corals of Guam to begin the spawning process. In the early evening, the coral will release sperm and eggs that float to the ocean surface for fertilization. Once the sperm fertilizes the egg, the new coral larvae can settle onto hard, clean substrates where the coral will continue to grow for the rest of its life.
In the wild, the larvae settle on rocks, limestone, or other solid surfaces; even the support columns for the Fish Eye Park in Piti, Guam.
The coral spawning can be quite beautiful, sometimes looking like countless tiny pearls are being released into, and floating up through, the water.
During the spawning, researchers can also collect eggs and sperm from specific colonies to be fertilized in the University of Guam Marine Lab. In the lab, the sperm and eggs can be mixed in the proper ratio and settled onto different settlement tiles. After proper settlement, restoration scientists can care for the corals in the lab by establishing the proper water flow, light, and low-sediment conditions. When the corals are big enough to be at less risk of being eaten or smothered, a suitable outplanting site is found and the corals are attached to the reef where the larvae will grow and, hopefully, one day they will spawn and continue to grow the reefs.
## About the authors
Justin Berg was pursuing a master’s degree at the University of Guam Marine Lab. He was studying the coral microbiome affected by increased sedimentation due to river runoff in Fouha Bay, Guam. His major research interests are microbial biodiversity and their functions, coral reef restoration, and environmental effects on coral physiology.
Colin Lock was a biology master’s candidate at University of Guam Marine Lab. His research was focused on coral fragmentation stress. The research includes coral cultivation, gene expression, and coral reef ecology.
**Editor’s note:** This authors were beginning graduate students in 2019 taking a course in scientific writing at the University of Guam. This article was assigned to provide the students with practice in communicating science to non-scientists. The students chose the topic which is related either to their thesis project or work experience. The instructor in the course is Dr. Laurie Raymundo, a UOG Marine Laboratory faculty member.
## For further reading
Burdick, David. “[Guam Reef Life Home Page](https://www.guamreeflife.com/).” *Guam Reef Life*, 2017.
*Coral Restoration Foundation*. “[Welcome to the Biggest Coral Reef Restoration Effort on the Planet](https://www.coralrestoration.org/).”
*SECORE International*. “[Home-Giving Coral Reefs a Future](http://www.secore.org/site/home.html).” Last modified 25 June 2020.
*Underwater World*. “[A Guam Aquarium Experience](https://uwwguam.com/).”
US Department of Commerce National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Coral Reef Conservation Program. [*Coral Reef Resilience to Climate Change in Guam in 2016*](https://www.coris.noaa.gov/activities/guam_coral_resilience/). By Jeffrey Maynard, Steven Johnson, David R. Burdick, Andrew Jarrett, Jordan Gault, Jacques Idechong, Roxanna Miller, Gareth J. Williams, Scott F. Heron, and Laurie J. Raymundo. NOAA Technical Memorandum CRCP 29. Silver Spring: CoRIS, 2016.
Zeller, Dirk, Shawn Booth, Gerald Davis, and Daniel Pauly. “Re-estimation of Small-scale Fishery Catches for US Flag-associated Island Areas in the Western Pacific: The Last 50 Years.” *Fishery Bulletin* 105, no. 2 (2007): 266-277.
**Categories:** Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Restoring Guam’s Coral Reefs
---
### [Commission on Self-Determination](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-self-determination/)
**Published:** August 28, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the 1980s and 1990s, the Government of Guam created the Commission on Self-Determination (CSD) to continue the quest for a change in Guam's political status as an unincorporated territory of the United States. There were two commissions mandated by law: the first was organized in 1980, and the second in 1984.
**Content:**
# Commission on Self-Determination
View more images for the Commission on Self-Determination [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157634239213963).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** A provocative presentation on the issue of self-determination is provided to Guampedia in an interpretive essay by CHamoru scholar and activist, [Ed LG Benavente](https://www.guampedia.com/eddie-l-g-benavente/), and can be accessed [here](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18917). A legal analysis of Chamorro and Hawaiian rights to self-determination can be accessed [here](http://www.guampedia.com/self-determination-for-chamorros-and-hawaiians/).
In the 1980s and 1990s, the Government of Guam created the Commission on Self-Determination (CSD) to continue the quest for a change in Guam’s [political status](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=830) as an unincorporated territory of the United States. There were two commissions mandated by law: the first was organized in 1980, and the second in 1984.
Guam’s political status and relationship with the United States government has been an issue ever since the island became a territory of the US in [1898](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1487). Ruled by [naval governors](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=6781) appointed by the Department of the Navy for the first half of the 20th century, Guam leaders [petitioned](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18207) the US Congress for greater autonomy and civil rights which they believed were possible with a more clearly defined political status and the granting of US citizenship for the people of Guam. When the end of [World War II](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1799) brought no significant change in the administration of the island, Guam leaders once again took on the challenge to call for civilian government and American citizenship from the US government.
Although the [Organic Act of 1950](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18214) finally organized a civilian government for Guam and granted US citizenship, there were still modifications island leaders thought were necessary to achieve greater self-government and representation in the nation’s capital. The congressional laws that allowed the people of Guam to elect their own [governor](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18228), lieutenant governor, and eventually, a non-voting [Congressional Delegate](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18232), led many on Guam to believe that great strides had been made toward self-government for the island. However, in the larger context of world events, Guam’s status as an unincorporated territory or colonial possession of the US pointed out the great disparity between the democratic principles espoused by most American citizens and the lived reality on the island of Guam.
The 1960s and 1970s saw Guam leaders wanting to examine ways in which to address questions of self-determination and decolonization, as they had seen happening in other parts of the world. Motivated by the United Nations’ Charter and Resolution 1514 (XV) which declared the inherent right of peoples in non-self-governing territories to determine their political future, island leaders sought to understand what a change in Guam’s political status would mean for the people of Guam, especially in light of the long-standing relationship the island had with the United States.
The two legislatively mandated [Political Status Commissions](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18691) of 1973 and 1975 had been created to assess Guam’s economic, environmental, social, cultural and political situation, as well as to gauge the needs and desires of the island’s residents. The second Political Status Commission had also organized a plebiscite (although without formal recognition by the federal government, it was nothing more than an opinion poll) to see where island voters stood on the various forms of political status options available. Additionally, two Constitutional Conventions (one in 1969 and another in 1978) had discussed the drafting of a constitution for Guam as an alternate approach to outlining the political present and future of the island. The Northern Mariana Islands had successfully negotiated their Commonwealth Agreement, and the different Micronesian islands of the US Trust Territory (TTPI) were also negotiating their compact agreements with the US government. Different facets of the island community emerged to discuss the possibilities of a changed political status with the United States.
In this air of activity and discussion, by the 1980s, island leaders felt that the failed effort to produce a constitution and the apparent lack of understanding on the various political status options by the general population warranted the formation of another body to move the effort for self-determination forward.
## The first Commission on Self-Determination, 1980-1982
The confusion over the different political status options was apparent in the results of a survey conducted by the Legislature in March 1980, where none of the five options—status quo, statehood, independence, commonwealth or free association received more than half of the votes. Although status quo received 39% of the vote, 8 more than 14% of the voters said they were “unsure.” The survey did reiterate the desire on the part of many residents that Guam have greater control over immigration and economic opportunities. They also wanted the return of lands taken by the federal government. Opposition to change Guam’s political status was often expressed in terms of Guam’s important [strategic location](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1562) for the US military’s interest in the geopolitics of the region.
Nevertheless, by May 1980, [Governor Paul M. Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1556) signed legislative Bill 417 into Public Law 15-128, creating the first Commission on Self-Determination (CSD) for the People of Guam. Similar to the Political Status Commissions of the 1970s, the Commission on Self-Determination was tasked with gauging the desire of the people of Guam as to their future relationship with the United States. The commission then had to organize a task force for each political status option and conduct a public education campaign on the advantages and disadvantages of each status. After the campaign was completed, the commission was to conduct a plebiscite to establish the people’s choice. The plebiscite initially was scheduled for 12 September 1981, but was later changed to 30 January 1982. There were seven available options for consideration, including: Statehood; Independence; Free Association; Territorial Status with the United States; Commonwealth Status with the United States; Status Quo; and Other (for writing in other options not listed).
The Commission was comprised of eleven members, with the Governor of Guam serving as Chair. Five of the members were appointed by the Governor; the Legislative Speaker appointed three and the Commissioners’ (Mayors’) Council appointed two. A later law added two more appointees each for the governor and speaker.
With the formation of the commission, significant questions of debate arose: Who is CHamoru/Chamorro and how are they identified? Who is the “self” in “self-determination?” Does the right to self-determination only apply to the Chamorro people? Should non-Chamorro residents be considered in this process? Much of the debate became heated as opposing sides emerged. Activist organizations and other pro-Chamorro supporters advocated that Chamorros should be the primary participants in any effort at self-determination. Meanwhile, vocal non-Chamorro US citizens opposed this notion and felt the vote should include everyone.
After much discussion the Commission agreed to define a Chamorro as “all those born on Guam before August 1, 1950 \[the date of the Organic Act’s passage\] and their descendants.” Some people, however, felt this date should go back to 1898 when Guam was ceded to the United States, while others, particularly Chamorro activists, felt this definition denied the existence of the Chamorro people as a distinct ethnic and cultural group and the indigenous people of Guam.
The Commission’s efforts to educate the public were challenging as well. Members could only speak about the different status options in general terms, while the public wanted more specific details of what a change in political status might mean for the island. The task force papers describing the different options were published and circulated through the local media.
The question of who is the “self” in “self-determination” was most problematic for the Commission. Commission member and former senator [Richard F. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18369) believed that defining this term was important. He had wanted the definition to include those people who had descended from the Chamorro people that were colonized by Spain and then the United States. When he saw that the Commission was not willing to speak to this issue, Taitano walked out and never returned.
As the Commission made some progress in their work, the question of [Chamorro self-determination](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18917) continued to be a major issue. Chamorro activist groups who had opposed the draft Guam Constitution in the late 1970s came out to vocally support Chamorro self-determination and Guam’s decolonization from the US. Opponents to Chamorro self-determination, meanwhile, believed this to be racially biased and discriminatory. The more the Commission debated this issue, however, the more they realized that indigenous rights would be a part of any effort to changing Guam’s colonial status, and they recommended to the Legislature in November 1981 that they recognize the indigenous right to self-determination.
Around this time, the Organization of People for Indigenous Rights ([OPI-R](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18752)) emerged and began to work together with existing organizations the People’s Alliance for Responsible Alternatives ([PARA](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18635)) and the Guam Land Owners movement to advocate for indigenous Chamorro rights. OPI-R set up their own educational campaign and opposed the plebiscite unless it recognized the Chamorro right to self-determination.
Although the Legislature did not recognize the Chamorro right to self-determination, OPI-R continued to lobby support from the UN and the Special Committee on Decolonization. OPI-R, however, unsuccessfully tried to stop the plebiscite from happening with a court lawsuit shortly before the plebiscite took place in January 1982.
The results of the plebiscite showed overwhelming support for commonwealth status, with statehood in second place although only a small minority of eligible voters actually participated. A runoff was conducted between the two options in September 1982 when there was greater voter turnout during the primary elections and again, the commonwealth option received the most votes.
With the decision made, the Commission put together a draft [Commonwealth Act](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18493) and submitted it to the newly elected governor of Guam, [Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1559), who was serving his second (nonconsecutive) term as governor. Bordallo, along with Congressional Delegate [Antonio Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512), tried to work with federal officials on the draft Commonwealth Act, but was met with no response from the Reagan administration. Island leaders then turned to the US Congress for support and assistance. In 1983, at a meeting in Albuquerque, New Mexico, Governor Bordallo and Delegate Won Pat met with Congressmen Manuel Lujan and Morris Udall to discuss how to bring the draft Commonwealth Act to Congress. Despite the meeting’s positive outcome, it became apparent in the next few months that the US Congress was not willing to have Guam proceed with their quest for commonwealth without the involvement of the US government in exercising their control over the terms of the act.
## The second Commission on Self-Determination, 1984-1986
In January 1984, the 17th Guam Legislature passed Public Law 17-42 establishing the second Commission on Self-Determination. The Commission was tasked with producing a single document to be submitted to Washington, DC and that a vote on the commonwealth draft would be held before it was submitted to Congress.
In the new commission, the governor maintained his role as chair. The Legislature’s minority party would have one representative, while the majority had two. The Presiding Judge of the Superior Court or his designee would be another member. The Commissioners’ Council representative, as well as three at-large members were included in the Commission.
The CSD debated on whether to use an approach supported by Governor Bordallo involving Congress directly in the process. However, two commission members, Senator Francisco Santos and [Marilyn Manibusan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=15880) opposed this direction and wanted instead to negotiate an agreement with the White House. They believed this would lead to a more sovereign Guam and a better chance for the commonwealth status to be enacted. OPI-R voiced the opinion again that any document submitted to Washington should recognize the right of the Chamorro people for self-determination.
The Commission produced four working drafts of the Commonwealth Act but working Draft No. 4 was the one submitted to Congress in 1985. Major revisions were proposed that would result in continued federal oversight and less control by Guam leaders in matters involving military bases, congressional legislation affecting Guam, duty-free restrictions and other issues. OPI-R pushed for other changes to the draft, demanding the inclusion of Chamorro self-determination and controls on immigration. Other proposed revisions involved issues of land and access rights to federally-held properties.
By 1986 and 1987, the local elections brought some changes to the commission membership. [Governor Joseph Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=16882) took over as chair and some CSD members were replaced. The group decided to move forward with the draft and scheduled a plebiscite for August 1987. A lawsuit was filed by a local attorney in Superior Court to delay the plebiscite, but the suit was dismissed and the plebiscite continued as scheduled. Only 39% of Guam voters participated and the Commission decided to rewrite some of the articles that had been rejected, including one that involved Chamorro self-determination and another involving immigration control. A special election was held in November with a 57% voter turnout. The document was approved in its entirety and the Commission submitted the draft Commonwealth Act to Congress in February 1988.
The Commonwealth Act, however, was not well received by members of Congress as well as the White House. Objections focused on the perception that certain provisions of the Act were unconstitutional. Still, the Commission managed to get some members of Congress to support it. Commission Chair Joseph Ada also managed to get the draft act to President Ronald Reagan at a White House reception for the different state and territorial governors.
Over the next few years the draft Commonwealth Act was submitted continually to the US Congress during the tenures of [Delegate Ben Blaz](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1528) (1985-1992) and [Delegate Robert Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) (1993-2002), but languished during the administrations under President George H. W. Bush and President Bill Clinton. The Commonwealth Act remained at a standstill in 1997. The major objections again had to do with Chamorro self-determination, immigration and labor control.
In 1997, the work of the Commission on Self-Determination was transferred to the newly organized Commission on Decolonization by the 24th Guam Legislature. With the Guam Commonwealth Act off the table, the new body was tasked with determining the needs and desires of the people of Guam and to design a public education campaign on the options of Independence, Free Association and Statehood. A decolonization registry was created to register voters who would participate in an upcoming plebiscite on Guam’s political status, which has yet to be scheduled. The Commission on Decolonization has had its own set of issues and challenges and their work is ongoing. Nevertheless, the experiences of the two Commissions on Self-Determination demonstrated the complexities of the decolonization process, complexities that run deep in places such as Guam with such a long colonial history.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=725)***
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Commission on Self-Determination
---
### [Pilar Cruz Lujan](https://www.guampedia.com/pilar-cruz-lujan/)
**Published:** November 28, 2024
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Pilar Cruz Lujan (1930 - 2022) was a CHamoru language advocate and leader, groundbreaking educator, and a six-term senator in the Guam Legislature.
**Content:**
# Pilar Cruz Lujan
#### Table of Contents
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## Senator and CHamoru/Chamorro language champion
Pilar Cruz Lujan (1930 – 2022) was a CHamoru/Chamorro language advocate and leader, groundbreaking educator, and a six-term senator in the [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). Lujan’s dedication to CHamoru language use and preservation led her to implement CHamoru language classes in the curriculum of public elementary schools. During her time at the Legislature, Lujan was responsible for re-establishing the [Supreme Court of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-the-guam-courts/), crafted legislation to protect children from abuse, and create rights for victims of crime.
Lujan married Senator Frank George Lujan in 1956. The couple shared four children: Monessa, Davina, Galen, and Rolenda, along with numerous grandchildren.
## Childhood and wartime experiences
Lujan was the second youngest out of nine children. In testimony before the Guam War Claims Review Commission held 9 December 2003, Lujan stated that she was 11 years old when Guam was invaded by the [Japanese during World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/ "Japanese Occupation of Guam"). She recalled coming out of Mass with her family at Santa Cruz Church in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"), and seeing planes flying overhead – which they didn’t know had come from bombing the village of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/ "Sumai (Sumay)").
Lujan was forced to labor under the Japanese occupation, and was tasked with collecting flies from the horses that the Japanese had brought to the island. She said that she became sickly from the working conditions, and that the children who underwent forced labor worked under extremely unsanitary conditions.
In her testimony before the War Claims Commission, Lujan articulated the lasting trauma of surviving the war:
“I for one, I’m 73 years old, but to date, although I know that the end result of the blasting of firecrackers may be pretty and sometimes spectacular, the sound of the blast makes me tremble with fear as if there were shelling from the ships and bombardment from the air. I am also terribly afraid of the rat-a-tat-tat sound even from toy machine guns. The flickering of light reminds me of incendiary bombs exploding around me as I try to dodge them. I’m even reluctant to watch violent movies. It doesn’t matter whether they were Academy Award winners or not.”
After the war, Lujan graduated from George Washington High School in 1951. She obtained a scholarship to study at Siena Heights College in Michigan, where she earned a degree in secondary education.
## Service as an educator
After completing her studies, Lujan returned to Guam in 1956 and dedicated many years to strengthening the Guam public school system. She met Frank G. Lujan, and the two were married on 7 July 1956. In 1957, they had their first child, Monessa – a future lawyer. In 1960, their daughter Davina, a future doctor, was born, and the couple had their son Galen, a future businessman, in 1962. After the birth of her third child, Lujan was promoted to assistant principal of East Barrigada, in Radio Barrigada, Guam.
Lujan and her husband, Frank, decided to continue pursuing their education to advance their careers and enrich their family. The couple enrolled at Indiana University, in Bloomington, Indiana. Pilar Lujan received a Master of Science in Elementary School Administration in 1966, while Frank Lujan received his Juris Doctorate Degree. Shortly after completing her Masters, Lujan gave birth to her youngest daughter, Rolena – a future government administrator. The family returned to Guam, new degrees in hand.
From 1967 to 1969, Lujan served as the principal of Wettengel Elementary School. Through her role as school principal, Lujan realized that she would be better equipped to handle the challenges and bureaucratic barriers that she encountered if she were able to serve as administrator. With her sights set on this goal, Lujan enrolled in the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and received an Educational Specialist degree in General School Administration in 1970.
Upon returning home to Guam, Lujan was appointed Assistant Superintendent of Curriculum and Instruction in 1970, and went on to serve as the Associate Superintendent of Curriculum and Instruction. She ultimately served in almost every level of the Guam Department of Education, from teacher to the highest position of Acting Director of Education in 1976.
Lujan was also passionate about passing on the CHamoru language to the island’s youth, and she worked to create the CHamoru language and culture curriculum, which she implemented in the elementary school system. After accomplishing her goals, Lujan opted for early retirement from the Department of Education.
She also worked as a licensed Educational Research Consultant from 1976 to 1982, and was elected Chairwoman of the first Guam Board of Education in 1977.
## CHamoru language advocacy
After leaving the public school system, Lujan continued her role as a community leader at the forefront of CHamoru language education and programming. From 1977 to 1979, she served as a CHamoru language instructor at the University of Guam and brought the language to the airwaves through her work as a CHamoru newscaster for KGTF in 1980.
In a statement on Lujan’s death, [Governor Lourdes Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/ "Governor Lourdes A. “Lou” Leon Guerrero") spoke to her legacy as a “…passionate educator who championed the institution of CHamoru language in public education.”
Lujan also served as the CHamoru translator for the Guam Constitution during the second [Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/ "Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon)").
## Six-term senator
To further guide and positively impact the Department of Education and other issues that she cared about, Lujan listened to the encouragement of her colleagues and decided to run for political office.
In 1983, Lujan was elected to the Guam Legislature. She served as a senator until 1994, for a total of six terms. Lujan chaired the Committee on Judiciary and Criminal Justice, Committee on Corrections, Committee on Economic Development, Housing and Community Development, Federal and Foreign Affairs, and the Committee on Health, Welfare and Ecology. She was also a member of the Commission on Self-Determination, Judicial Council, Board of Law Examiners, State Federal Assembly of Law and Justice, Assembly on the Legislatures, Economic Development and International Trade Committee, Western Legislative Conference, and the Executive Committee on Land and Energy.
She is responsible for crafting numerous pieces of legislation, including the Crime Victims Bill of Rights, the Child Protective Act, the Child Abuse and Neglect Reporting Act, and the Reactivation of Criminal Injuries Compensation Commission, among others.
In 1992, Lujan created legislation to re-establish the Supreme Court of Guam with Public Law 21-147. The law was named the “Frank G. Lujan Memorial Court Reorganization Act,” in honor of Lujan’s late husband who had established the previously short-lived Supreme Court while in office at the 12th Guam Legislature. While in office, Lujan also contributed to the growth of the judiciary through establishing a Judicial Building Fund to construct the Guam Judicial Center, and establishing Jury and Appointment Counsel Trust Funds. For her efforts, she was awarded the Judiciary’s prestigious Hustisia Award in 2015.
As a member of the Commission on Self-Determination, Lujan testified before the United States Subcommittee on Insular and International Affairs, and addressed the Committee on Natural Resources in 1993. In her testimony before the body, Lujan stressed the importance of decolonization, and stated:
“For Guam, nothing less than our liberty and sense of dignity as a people are at stake in assuring that we achieve self-determination through a process with ends of our second-class political status. We are in a new era of change.”
## Guam International Airport Authority
After retiring from the Government of Guam, Lujan served as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Guam International Airport Authority from 1995 to 2002. Under her leadership, the Airport underwent a $247 million expansion project, which was the largest capital improvement ever done at the time in Guam.
## Faith and community service
Lujan credited her Catholic faith for the many blessings and guidance that allowed her to help the community and navigate multiple career challenges. In 2002, Lujan was selected to serve as the Chairwoman of Catholic Daughters of America. Lujan was determined to initiate a reproduction of Guam’s patroness,[ Santa Marian Kamalen](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/ "Santa Marian Kamalen"), to be displayed at the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception in Washington, DC. On 21 September 2006, the project came to fruition and more than 100 pilgrims from Guam and around the US visited DC for the historic enshrinement.
Lujan was also dedicated to numerous social and civic organizations, including the Salvation Army, Soroptimist International of Guam, the Guam Women’s Issues Task Force, the International Women’s Club of Guam, and the Phi Delta Kappa Society. Her commitment to public service never wavered, even after retirement, as she joined the Guam Association of Retired Persons/Servicio Para I Manamko as the Chairwoman of the Board.
## Death and legacy
Lujan died on 12 June 2022 at the age of 91. Upon her passing, her legacy and many contributions to the island’s cultural, political, and educational institutions were praised by countless public officials and community leaders. Speaker Therese Terlaje stated that Lujan’s tireless advocacy and public service, and her ability to rise from the trauma that she experienced during the wartime occupation “exemplified how the greatest generation turned adversity into action.”
## For further reading
Daily Post Staff. “Pilar Diaz Cruz Lujan Obituary.” *The Guam Daily Post*, 16 June 2022.
Guam Legislature. “[Relative to recognizing and congratulating the Honorable Pilar C. Lujan…,](https://guamlegislature.com/COR_Res_33rd/R077-33%20(LS).pdf)” 28 April 2015.
*Guam War Survivor Story*. “[Lujan, Pilar Diaz Cruz](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/index.php/pilar-diaz-cruz-lujan).” Accessed 22 June 2023.
*Office of the Governor*. “[Statement on the Passing of Former Senator Pilar Cruz Lujan](https://governor.guam.gov/press_release/statement-on-the-passing-of-former-senator-pilar-cruz-lujan/).” 15 June 2022.
Pacific Daily News Staff. “[Former Sen. Pilar Cruz Lujan Dies](https://www.guampdn.com/news/former-sen-pilar-cruz-lujan-dies/article_062493fe-ea1f-11ec-8b5d-7ff02982d894.html).” *Pacific Daily News*, 12 June 2022.
*Prabook*. “[Pilar C. Lujan](https://prabook.com/web/pilar_c.lujan/71991).” Access 29 June 2023.
Taitano, Joe II. “[Leaders mourn the passing of former Sen. Pilar Lujan](https://www.guampdn.com/news/leaders-mourn-the-passing-of-former-sen-pilar-lujan/article_c66c7686-eae7-11ec-8535-9f1caa21ab2b.html).” *Pacific Daily News*, 13 June 2022.
*Independent Guåhan*. “[Honoring our Maga’taotao: Pilar Cruz Lujan](https://independentguahan.org/magataotao/).” 30 June 2022.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam: Politics, Education, Guamanian Era: Education, Language, Modern Guam Rises, People, Politics and Government, WWII Survivor Stories
**Tags:** Pilar Cruz Lujan
---
### [Governor Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/)
**Published:** August 1, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Governor Manuel Flores “Carson” Leon Guerrero (1914 - 1985) was Guam’s second Chamorro governor, the sixth civilian appointed governor, and the first appointed governor to serve more than four years in office. He had an extensive political career and was noted for helping to reconstruct Guam after the devastation of Typhoon Karen in November 1962, as well as reorganizing the Government of Guam (GovGuam) and facilitating the development of the island’s tourist economy.
**Content:**
# Governor Manuel FL Guerrero
View photos for the Governor Manuel FL Guerrero entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157630631632148).
#### Table of Contents
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## Governor of Guam 1963-1969
Governor Manuel Flores “Carson” Leon Guerrero (1914 – 1985) was Guam’s second CHamoru/Chamorro governor, the sixth civilian appointed governor, and the first appointed governor to serve more than four years in office. He had an extensive political career and was noted for helping to reconstruct Guam after the devastation of Typhoon Karen in November 1962, as well as reorganizing the Government of Guam (GovGuam) and facilitating the development of the island’s tourist economy.
## Early years
Manuel F. Leon Guerrero was born to Jose LG Leon Guerrero and Maria Lujan Flores of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) on 25 October 1914, and was the oldest of three children. His father, who passed away in 1926, was in the Navy and a musician in the Navy band. Many sources–even the governor himself–drop the “Leon” and refer to him simply as Manuel FL Guerrero. The rest of his family, however, use “Leon Guerrero” as their surname. The governor explained that he had shortened his name when he began working in government because it was easier for signing papers.
As a youth, Guerrero was a good student; he thrived on studying and was a voracious reader. He was only 17 in 1931 when he became a messenger for the [Naval government](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), delivering power bills and tax notices. He graduated from high school in 1934, ranking in the upper 20 percent of his class. That year he also married Delfina Tuncap of Hagåtña.
Guerrero became interested in learning accounting and so he took a La Salle Extension correspondence course. He became a bookkeeper for the government, earning $93 a month making up lists of vital statistics and as a collector of customs duties. He remained with the Department of Records and Accounts until December 1941, when [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) began. Guerrero’s role in the pre-war US Naval government, however, made him a target during the Japanese occupation of the island.
During the initial bombing and invasion of the island, Guerrero and his family escaped capture by the Japanese by hiding in the jungles of Guam. However, he was eventually interned by the Japanese military. Although he had burned his sensitive records, he was arrested and interrogated for two weeks about them. Because of his government experience, he was employed for several months as a labor statistician to work on a manpower study by the Japanese Military Government. Not wishing to be thought of as a collaborator with the Japanese, he convinced the government to release him from office duties. Until the end of World War II, Guerrero supported his family through farming on his land in [Maina](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/). For a time he was forced into labor camps with fellow Chamorros, carrying coral for the construction of airfields and offloading coal and cement from Japanese cargo ships.
After the Liberation of Guam in July 1944, the re-established US military government was looking for experienced administrators to go back into government service. Guerrero was employed as a clerk in the G-4 section (supply and evacuation) for the military government. With his security clearance, Guerrero was able to handle military pouches, classified materials and other top-secret documents. He was re-employed at Records and Accounts in 1945, and then transferred to the Supply and Finance Division where he was the head administrative assistant until 1948. He resigned from the government and began working in the private sector, even becoming elected as vice-president of the newly formed [Guam Chamber of Commerce](http://www.guamchamber.com.gu/).
In 1948, he left for San Francisco, California, to work as a purchasing agent for the Guam Commercial Corporation, a wholesale/retail department store. While there, he took evening classes in accounting, management and the humanities, as well as Navy courses in logistics, writing, composition and law. Guerrero returned to government service in 1949 as an administrative “trouble shooter,” and held various positions with the [Commercial Port](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1653), the Department of Agriculture, and even served as executive administrator at the [Guam Memorial Hospital](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=10295), and as a base development and military liaison on property condemnation.
## Political career
In addition to his dealings in the private sector, from 1948 to 1950, Guerrero served as a member of the Guam Congress as Chairman of the Finance Committee. In 1950 after the Organic Act was passed, he was elected to the First [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), where he became Chairman of the Rules Committee. He was a member of the Popular Party, which later became the [Democratic Party of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1515/”). Although a controversial figure in his first term, Guerrero was re-elected to a second term. However, he declined his seat, leaving the Second Legislature with only 20 members, instead of 21.
Guerrero’s other early public offices included Chairman of the Guam Land Transfer Board (1950), Special Assistant to the Governor of Guam (1951), and Acting Governor and Assistant Secretary of Guam from 1950-1956. Guerrero’s appointment as assistant secretary by then – [Governor Richard Barrett Lowe](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-richard-barrett-lowe/) in December 1956 was a major step towards including native Chamorros in higher level government positions. In 1962, President John F. Kennedy appointed him as Alternate Commissioner to the [South Pacific Commission](http://www.spc.int/) (now Secretariat of the Pacific Community) – the first Pacific Islander to be appointed to that body.
On 5 May 1961, President John F. Kennedy appointed Guerrero as Secretary of Guam for a four-year term, succeeding A.M. “Moku” Edwards, an Eisenhower appointee from the previous year. Guerrero, who was 47 at the time, was the staff director for the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). The salary for secretary was about $13,000. He worked under [Governor William P. Daniel](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=16874) (1961-1963) and was the first Chamorro to serve in the position.
In 1962, Daniel was off-island when Typhoon Karen hit Guam, causing nine deaths and millions of dollars in damage. Guerrero dealt with the aftermath and helped to reconstruct the island. Although Governor Daniel had wanted to return to Guam, he was discouraged from doing so, as Guerrero was effectively handling the situation. The US Congress and the President made $75 million of Rehabilitation Act funds available for the island’s recovery. It was through this demonstration of leadership that President Kennedy appointed Guerrero to be the governor of Guam in March 1963. In all, Guerrero had three politically appointed positions by President Kennedy.
## Governor of Guam
Guerrero was the governor of Guam from 1 March 1963 to July 1969. He had been already serving as Acting Governor when Governor Daniel resigned in September 1962. Daniel’s resignation, however, did not go into effect until January 1963. He was traveling around the world as a “goodwill ambassador” while still drawing his governor’s salary when Typhoon Karen hit Guam. The official reason for Daniel’s resignation was to make way for a Chamorro to replace him, and to further legislation that eventually would provide for an elected governor for the island.
Guerrero was inaugurated as governor on 9 March 1963 before a crowd of about 3,000 at the Plaza de España in Hagåtña. In his address he declared:
> I hope to mould together a common cause, all departments of the government, our civilian community, and, most certainly, our friends of the military and civilian Federal agencies who indeed are an integral part of Guam. I might say here that this policy already has borne fruit, because our people are informed partners in what we are trying to do, and I believe we have among us a unity which will produce major dividends as we move along the rough path of rehabilitation and development of an outstanding American community.
Guerrero’s time in office as governor represented a significant phase of growth and change for Guam and its people. He was respected as a stern leader but also for his open-mindedness and quiet “Chamorro-style” humor. According to historian [Pedro C. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), “Guerrero’s attitude toward the legislature was a model of moderation, understanding and cooperation…He preferred to pursue his legislative goals through consultation rather than confrontation, persuasion rather than argumentation.”
Guerrero streamlined government functions, consolidated services and formed the Department of Administration to handle personnel matters. With federal relief funds he rebuilt the island’s infrastructure and initiated other capital improvements. He set in motion programs for modernizing Guam’s economy based on tourism and changed the face of the island through urban renewal programs that addressed housing shortages by building modern residential subdivisions in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) and other areas. Although the urban renewal programs proposed by Guerrero were initially met with opposition by [Territorial Party](https://www.guampedia.com/territorial-party-of-guam/) members of the Legislature who were concerned that the program would force low income families into debt, by the mid-1960s, Guerrero secured funds and support to begin construction.
Guerrero’s term also saw changes in the College of Guam which became the University of Guam, a land grant institution, with a four-year baccalaureate program. Eventually degrees at the master’s level were added and full accreditation for the institution was obtained. In addition, the university’s physical facilities and other academic programs were upgraded.
In addition to dealing with the effect of Typhoon Karen, during his first term as governor, Guerrero created the Guam Tourist Commission in the fall of 1963, and hired Rex Willis, a tourism industry expert as a full-time consultant. The Commission was created in order to move Guam’s economy away from military dependence to one based on tourism. The lifting of the military security clearance for entry into Guam in 1963 helped facilitate Guam’s transition into a tourist destination and regional business center.
In March 1967, the Commission’s goals materialized when the new air terminal was completed and with the inauguration of Pan American World Airway’s service between Guam and Japan. The first plane arrived in Guam from Japan with 109 tourists. By the end of the fiscal year, the $1.6 million air terminal was handling 10 international flights a week and 14 flights with the US Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (US TTPI). There were more than 6,000 tourists that visited Guam that year, and more than 18,000 the following year. Investors began to take interest in potential hotel construction projects to capitalize on the predicted growing number of tourists.
In April 1967, Guerrero was reappointed for a second term as governor by President Lyndon B. Johnson. A White House reception was held in his honor, and he received a personal invitation by Johnson to accompany him on Air Force One from Washington, DC, to Guam. The President felt, however, that Guerrero should be the last appointed governor for Guam, and that the island’s population, now at about 77,000, was ready for their own elected leader.
Through his second term, Guerrero continued to make important changes to develop the island’s tourist industry. He initiated the separation of the Commercial Port from the Department of Commerce. A $10 million improvement program was set up at the Port and soon P&O Orient Lines increased its cruise arrival from one to two a year. Subsequently, the 1,300-passenger liner *Himalaya* made Guam a one day port-of-call.
Guerrero’s term also saw major investments in Guam as confidence grew in the island’s economic opportunities. Guam entered the bond market, and acquired much of the funding for the Guam Power Authority. It was also during Guerrero’s administration that the Guam Economic Development Authority or GEDA came into existence, as well as the Guam Telephone Authority and the Port Authority of Guam.
Guerrero’s administration also improved the island’s housing situation, addressing the shortage of homes by building 250 low-cost rental apartments by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and 120-medium income rental units by the Guam Housing Corporation.
In 1967, Guerrero’s administration saw the opening of area public health centers in different island villages, beginning with the construction of Hospit Haya in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/). The same year, the [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) was accredited.
In 1968, a Republican administration was elected in Washington. Although Guerrero had wanted to stay in office and complete his second term, he followed the precedent set by the previous governors who vacated their positions for new presidential appointees. To accommodate the new administration, Guerrero resigned his position in 1969, and the last appointed governor, [Carlos G. Camacho](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1554), replaced him.
In 1969, the [Elected Governor Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) was passed, amending the [Organic Act of 1950](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) and allowing for the election of the first governor of Guam. In 1970, Guerrero entered the gubernatorial race under the Democratic ticket with running mate [Dr. Antonio “Tony” Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-antonio-c-yamashita/). In the beginning of the year the Guerrero-Yamashita ticket was thought by most people to have the best chance of winning, particularly because of Guerrero’s experience as a long-term governor, Dr. Yamashita’s draw to younger voters as president of the University of Guam, and the expressed support by village commissioners. The Guerrero-Yamashita campaign proposed to make further improvements to Guam’s economy, education and health services, as well as to explore other political status relationships with the United States government and other regional governments in Micronesia. They were closely defeated, however, in the contentious primary by [Ricardo Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and [Richard Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/). It was the Republican [Carlos Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/) that won the general election and became Guam’s first freely elected governor. Kurt Moylan was Camacho’s running mate.
Guerrero unsuccessfully ran in the primaries for the Governor’s race again in 1974, losing to Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo. He was subsequently appointed as Executive Manager of the Guam Airport Authority in 1979 until his retirement in February 1982. Up to his death, he had the distinction of being Guam’s longest serving government employee under the American administration.
Although he had never pursued higher education, in 1968 Guerrero received an honorary Doctor of Law degree from the West Virginia Institute of Technology, and an honorary doctorate of humane letters in 1969 from Colorado State College. He received accolades for promoting the Pacific islands through his years of service, as well as being awarded “Honorary Seabee” for his “Can Do spirit” and his support of military programs on Guam.
Guerrero and his first wife, the former Delfina Tuncap, had seven children. The two divorced in the 1970s. Guerrero later married the former Antonia Rabon, and together, they had four children. The former governor died on 9 October 1985. The current Department of Administration building in the heart of Hagåtña bears his name.
***By [Jesi Lujan Bennett](http://www.guampedia.com/jesi-lujan-bennett/) and [Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
*National Governors Association*. “[Manuel Flores Guerrero](https://www.nga.org/governor/manuel-flores-guerrero/).”
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
US Department of Interior Office of Territories. *[Remarks by Assistant Secretary of the Interior John A. Carver, Jr., at Agana, Guam March 9, 1963 (March 8 in the United States) at the Inauguration of the Hon. Manuel F.L. Guerrero as Governor of the Territory of Guam](http://www.law.du.edu/documents/carver/1963/1963-03-09.pdf)*.
USS GUAM LPH 9 ASSOCIATION. “[Biography on the Governor of Guam, Manuel F.L. Guerrero](https://www.ussguam.org/commissioning/images/pg7.JPG).” *Commissioning of the USS Guam*, last modified 30 August 2012.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor Manuel FL Guerrero
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### [Franciscan Sisters](https://www.guampedia.com/franciscan-sisters/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, more commonly known as the Franciscan Sisters, are a consecrated community of religious women of the Catholic Church. The Franciscan Sisters are forever linked with their teaching apostolate at St. Jude School/Bishop Baumgartner Junior High School in Sinajana, and their health care work at the Catholic Medical Center in Hagåtña and Guam Memorial Hospital in Tamuning.
**Content:**
# Franciscan Sisters
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Teachers and health care workers
The Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, more commonly known as the Franciscan Sisters, are a consecrated community of religious women of the Catholic Church. The Franciscan Sisters are forever linked with their teaching apostolate at St. Jude School/Bishop Baumgartner Junior High School in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), and their health care work at the Catholic Medical Center in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and Guam Memorial Hospital in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
Soon after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and well into the 1960s, Sinajana was one of the most populated villages in Guam. In the early 1950s, Fr. Raymond Demers, OFM Cap, pastor of St. Jude Church, along with his parishioners, wanted to open a parochial school staffed by religious sisters. In 1954, the Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration from La Crosse, Wisconsin, answered the call.
In February 1955, the first two Franciscan Sisters arrived in Guam – Sisters Optata Fries and Genedine Melder. In April of that year Sisters Rosa Liu and Marda Tsai joined them in Guam. The last group in 1955 arrived that August and included Sisters Wilhelmine Brenner, Maxine Frank and Angela Marie Wiedemeyer. They lived in a temporary house on the school property until a convent was built.
In 1955 land was acquired for the parish school. A candle light procession and Living Rosary celebrated the clearing of the land for the construction project. While the classrooms for the new school in Sinajana were being built with the “happy labor” of many parish volunteers, some of the sisters busied themselves with catechetical work in the parish. Meanwhile other sisters, such as Sisters Genedine, Maxine, and Angela Marie, worked at the Catholic Medical Center in Hagåtña. Later, Sisters Dora Barcinas and Clarella Laverdiere also worked at the Catholic Medical Center.
Four classrooms, an office, and lavatories were built in time for the beginning of the new school year in the fall of 1955. St. Jude School officially opened that year with Sister Wilhelmine Brenner as its first principal. Sisters Optata, Rosa, and Marda made up the faculty. The school was able to take in students for the 7th and 8th grades. The following year, a 9th grade was added, and in 1957 a 10th grade was opened.
The sisters did not confine their health care ministry to the Catholic Medical Center. Some sisters also worked at the Guam Memorial Hospital. Sister Jean Marie Menke was Administrator of the Hospital from 1968 until 1973. Sisters Dora Barcinas, Leclare Beres, Josara Bielefeld, Dominica Chen, and Angela Marie Wiedemeyer also worked at [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/).
In 1971 St. Jude School underwent a major transformation. The 7th and 8th grades from Cathedral Grade School in Hagåtña were transferred to St. Jude School. The school was placed under direct diocesan supervision and was no longer a parish school. The name of the school was changed to [Bishop Baumgartner](https://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/) Junior High School.
The Franciscan Sisters worked at St. Jude School/Bishop Baumgartner Junior High School for 30 years. Over those three decades, 29 sisters taught in the school. Sister Wilhelmine, first principal, was succeeded in 1963 by Sister Mildred Tigges, and she was succeeded in 1969 by Sister Alice McMullin who was principal for 16 years until 1985. In 1985, the Franciscan Sisters were succeeded by the Religious Sisters of Mercy as administrators of the school.
A few Franciscan Sisters remained in Guam for a few years living in a rented home. When Sister Optata Fries, one of the two pioneer Franciscan Sisters in Guam, returned to La Crosse in 1990, Sister Gloria Aguon, a Chamorro sister, remained on island.
## Long list of legacies
The legacy of the Franciscan Sisters can be found not only in their educating thousands of students and in their work in health care but also in their many other activities in the archdiocese and in the community. Sister Jeanne Keating was director of the Guam Symphony Chorale and she directed the All Island Choir for the Mass celebrated by Pope John Paul II in Guam in 1982. Sister Bernadette Prochaska was Superintendent of Catholic Schools in the diocese. Sisters Alice McMullin and Gloria Aguon served on accreditation teams for both public and private schools. The sisters were active in several ministries of St. Jude Parish, such as working with the Sodality of Our Lady, supervising the altar servers, and coordinating as well as teaching catechism classes. In 1975, in the evenings and on weekends, some sisters assisted the Vietnamese refugees in Guam after the fall of Saigon.
***[By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=686)***
## For further reading
*Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration (FSPA)*. “[About The Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration](https://www.fspa.org/content/about).” Last modified 26 July 2016.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Religion
**Tags:** Franciscan Sisters
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### [CHamoru/Chamorro Nuns in Postwar Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-nuns-in-post-war-guam/)
**Published:** February 21, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Establishment of Religious Sisters in Guam. Religious sisters have been actively working and praying with Guam’s Catholic faith community since 1946. From the classroom to the hospital, the women’s shelter to the senior care home, religious sisters have had a significant presence in people’s lives here in Guam and hold an important place in the island’s history.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Nuns in Postwar Guam
View more images for the Chamorro Nuns in Postwar Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72177720296084629/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Establishment of Religious Sisters in Guam
Religious sisters have been actively working and praying with Guam’s Catholic faith community since 1946. From the classroom to the hospital, the women’s shelter to the senior care home, religious sisters have had a significant presence in people’s lives here in Guam and hold an important place in the island’s history. Many of us have grown up with family members who were religious sisters. At one time, religious sisters were fairly ubiquitous and their distinctive clothing made them easy to spot in a crowd. Though not as numerous as before—and perhaps, even less conspicuous in appearance—these women religious today still play important roles in the Catholic Church, our island and our region.
Although some may believe religious sisters have been around in Guam as long as the Catholic Church itself (more than 350 years!), the establishment of communities of religious women here actually is a 20th century phenomenon. It was not until the post-World War II era that, under American Bishop Apollinaris Baumgartner, the first orders of religious sisters successfully founded communities on the island. Although attempts had been made prior to the war, these efforts to bring in sisters from abroad were thwarted for one reason or another, usually by the US naval government of Guam, which administered the island from 1898-1941.
The Northern Mariana Islands, on the other hand, had welcomed the Mercedarian Sisters of Berriz, Spain, to Saipan during the 1920s under the Japanese administration.
By the mid-1950s, Guam had three different orders of religious sisters working among the faithful, and more orders arrived in the decades that followed. Young women entered the convent with hopes and aspirations of living as a religious sister, but in the face of great changes after the war, these women chose a life of service to the Church that both challenged expectations and provided new opportunities for women of Guam.
## What is a religious community?
The religious sisters and priests in Guam belong to religious orders of the Roman Catholic Church. A religious order refers to a community of individuals who have taken solemn vows to live a “consecrated life” dedicated to Jesus Christ and the Church. They model their lives based on the beliefs and practices of their specific devotion. The Franciscan Order, for example, follows the teachings and traditions instituted by its founder, St. Francis of Assisi. The Jesuit Order or the Society of Jesus was established by St. Ignatius of Loyola and six companions, including St. Francis Xavier. The Religious Sisters of Mercy are committed to carrying on the work of their founder, Mother Mary MacAuley.
There is much variation among these communities—how they live, where they work, what they do, how they dress—but they share a devotion to Christ and the Holy Church and a desire for a life of service, prayer and love. Individuals who choose religious life have varying reasons or compelling circumstances for doing so, but oftentimes, their decisions are embedded in a deep sense of calling or a vocation to serve Christ and humanity while living in community.
## CHamoru/Chamorro women in the Spanish Era church
Before religious orders of women arrived in Guam, women had always been active in the Catholic Church. They participated in the life of the Church through prayers, devotions, [*nobenas* ](https://www.guampedia.com/celebrating-chamoru-nobenas/ "Celebrating CHamoru Nobenas")and other rituals. Although they were not ordained like priests and there were no consecrated communities of religious sisters, certain women were *techa*, or traditional prayer leaders. These women would lead rosaries and other devotional prayers and were respected for their skill and the important role they had in the local Church. Women also participated in Catholic organizations like the Cofradia de Nuestra Señora de la Consolación, or simply, the Cofradia, a society for married women. Girls received religious education as did boys. Church leadership roles, however, were the realm of men. Perhaps because the Marianas were already strongly Catholic there was no push to bring in religious sisters as in the other islands of Micronesia.
In the 1880s, increased efforts to missionize the peoples of Micronesia (and the Pacific in general) led to various Christian groups setting up churches and schools to help carry out their work and spread their faith. Catholics and Protestants “competed for the souls” of native peoples. Women were instrumental in this work but were mostly wives of Protestant missionaries. However, there were religious sisters working in Micronesia, usually affiliated with the orders of priests that also worked in the region. The distance between the tiny islands scattered across open water and the increasing presence of Protestant missionaries made the priests realize they could only do so much on their own to keep the faith alive among their converts. They requested specifically for religious sisters to help them with running their missions and especially for the education of young girls.
## First religious sisters in Micronesia
The earliest mention of religious sisters working in Catholic missions in Micronesia were the French Missionary Sisters of the Sacred Heart (FDNSC) who worked in Kiribati and Nauru in the mid-1890s. The sisters used song and repetition of prayers to create a pleasant atmosphere at the schools and communicate the faith. They also used local i-Kiribati music and dances to liven up the learning process, in stark contrast to the drier presentations of their Protestant counterparts. The missions were exciting but filled with uncertainty and danger for religious sisters. There was much to adjust to living among the islanders; getting used to the nakedness of the people and the inability to communicate and keep people interested were difficult challenges to overcome.
In 1899, German Sacred Heart priests and brothers were sent to start a mission in the Marshall Islands, followed in 1902 with the first five Missionary Sisters of the Most Sacred Heart. The sisters worked in a mission boarding school on Jaluit Island. More sisters arrived to work in schools set up on Likieb and Arno. In Yap in the Caroline Islands, the Spanish Capuchin priests did their best to set up their missions and appealed to Spain to provide religious sisters to help them with their boarding school for girls, to no avail. Instead, several CHamoru/Chamorro women from Guam were brought in to work with the children. When Germany took over the care of the Caroline missions, they requested sisters from Strassburg to assist them, and in 1907, six religious sisters arrived, three of whom stayed in Yap, and the other three arrived in Pohnpei. Two years later, more Franciscan religious sisters arrived to work in Palau.
Overall it was a productive time for Catholic missionaries working in the German territories. There were no public schools and the American missionaries, unable to comply with the German language requirement, shut their schools down. The religious sisters were teaching German language, geography, arithmetic, religion, sewing, needlework, sanitation and other domestic duties to the girls. Eventually, the mission sisters wanted to expand their duties to include nursing. However, the German administration tired of the influence of the Catholic missions and set up public schools and limited the activities of the priests and sisters. World War I had the biggest impact on the German Catholic missions. The missionaries were cut off from the rest of the world and could no longer remain open. By 1919, the Japanese who had taken over the German Micronesian territories, had expelled them all.
The legacy of the religious sisters in Micronesia is embedded in the history of the mission schools in which they performed most of their work. Within the mission schools, the sisters educated as well as brought the Catholic faith to the island’s young people. The mission schools at a broader level, though, were still institutions of colonialism and foreign ideals. They were supported by both Spanish and German colonial administrations because they helped assert control over the native populations. It is likely the islanders they converted had mixed feelings about the missionaries as well. Curious about their appearance and teachings and interested in obtaining the benefits of western education and alliances with the missionaries, they, too, had to navigate and make sense of the new religion and rules of life under different colonizers. Except for the Northern Marianas, religious sisters would be largely absent from Guam and Micronesia until after World War II.
## Early efforts to bring religious sisters to the Marianas
Although, historically, missions and colonial governments often worked hand in hand to control native peoples, in the Marianas, the work of Catholic missionaries was limited by the American, German and Japanese administrations. Along with their geographical and political separation, the Mariana Islands were also separated ecclesiastically within the Catholic Church. Until the early 1900s, the mission in Guam was led by priests of the particular order assigned to work here.
Guam was an apostolic vicariate, a form of territorial jurisdiction for a mission that is not a diocese and has no bishop to lead it. In 1911, the Northern Marianas and Guam belonged to separate jurisdictions. The German government brought in German Capuchin missionaries to minister to the Catholics among their Micronesian territories including the northern Marianas, but Guam was placed under the care of the Spanish Capuchins from Catalonia, and the island’s first bishop was of this order.
The mission schools in Guam in the early 1900s already had a number of teachers on staff including priests and lay people, but in 1899, the American naval governor ordered the removal of all the Spanish Recollect priests, viewing them as an apparent hindrance to the Americanization of the island. The departure of the Recollect priests brought great concern to [Padre Jose Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), the first (and only, at the time) ordained Chamorro priest. Palomo was already 65 years old and barely able to accommodate the needs of the entire congregation. New laws instituted by the naval government placed restrictions on Catholic ritual practices that were customary for the Chamorro people such as ringing church bells or celebrating saints’ feast days. In addition, non-Catholic missionaries were starting to take an interest in this predominantly Catholic island.
As the only remaining priest left to minister to the population, Padre Palomo requested help from the Church of Rome, from the Vicariate headquarters in the Philippines, and from the German missions in the Northern Marianas and Pohnpei for priests or religious sisters. Cardinal James Gibbons in Baltimore, Maryland, responded and generated interest from the Mission Helpers of the Sacred Heart sisters of his city to open a mission in Guam. Three Catholic teaching sisters arrived in 1905—the first for the island—and opened a school. However, the sisters were pressured by the naval government to assist in the care of patients at the naval hospital. This proved to be overwhelming for the sisters who were also pressured by a lack of sufficient funding, and so they left Guam in 1908.
In 1914, the Guam mission was placed under the care of another Spanish province, Navarre, and Bishop Joaquín M. Oláiz was appointed as its titular head. Bishop Oláiz, seeking to bring religious sisters to Guam, appealed to the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary from Manila, and even got support from the Pope and the Superior General of the Community in Rome. In 1921 he began to prepare for the sisters’ arrival, scheduled for the following year. Bishop Oláiz received word that six missionary sisters were ready to come, but naval Governor Henry B. Price placed several obstacles in the way of the new mission.
First, knowing that the sisters were multinational, he decreed that they must all speak perfect English without a foreign accent. The Franciscan sisters humbly submitted to an examination conducted by the US Navy at Cavite, Philippines. Three of the sisters passed the exam, but the Mother Superior would not permit them to travel by themselves, as their rules required the presence of at least six nuns to found any new religious convents abroad. Bishop Oláiz then widened his search, looking for nuns with “Harvard accents.” However, Governor Price continued to impede entry to the island by any religious sister, this time with a last-minute strict but baseless immigration law.
The Spanish priests continued to work on the island without the assistance of religious sisters through the 1920s and 1930s. Instead, they introduced new religious organizations for women and girls, including the Third Order of St. Francis for laypeople, and Las Hijas de Maria, or the Daughters of Mary, for the young girls. They also continued *Eskuelan Pale’*, or the priests’ school, to educate young people in Catholic faith after regular school hours. Much of their work was in the face of naval opposition to Catholicism and the growth of a Protestant community in Guam. Padre Palomo passed away in 1921, but[ Father Jesus Duenas](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), who entered the seminary in Cebu, Philippines in 1926, was ordained in 1938, and Father Oscar Calvo was ordained in 1941.
The naval administration, though, wanted to replace the Spanish priests with Americans. Finally, by the late 1930s, American Capuchins from Pennsylvania and Detroit were assigned to Guam. They worked alongside the Spanish missionaries until the 1941 invasion of Guam by the Japanese, who would remove all of them except for the two recently ordained native priests, Pale’ Duenas and Pale’ Calvo.
In 1935, Capuchin Bishop Miguel Angel Olano de Urteaga became Bishop of Guam. Bishop Olano, like Bishop Oláiz before him, was interested in establishing an order of religious sisters on the island and for providing a place to generate native vocations. While a few Chamorro women had entered convents in the Philippines and the mainland United States, the Bishop ideally wanted to build an academy under the care of American sisters, since he knew the naval government wanted only English-speaking sisters. The Spanish Capuchins had tried to get the Navy’s permission to bring in the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary (FMM). The plan, however, never materialized, and the Guam mission had to continue without the help of religious sisters. However, several young women who had expressed a desire to enter the convent were sent by the Capuchins to the Philippines to join the FMM sisters there. One of the women, Maria Perez Franquez from Hagåtña, left Guam in 1933 and became Sister Margarita, FMM.
In the Northern Marianas at the turn of the 20th century, there were no religious sisters or convents established on any of the islands. German Capuchins had been assigned to minister to the mixed population of indigenous Chamorros and resident Carolinians on the islands of Saipan and Rota. Although the government was German and the priests were German, relations between them were sometimes less than harmonious. The mission schools on Saipan were eventually turned over to government teachers, and when a government public school was established the missionaries were not allowed to teach there or impart religious instruction.
When World War I began, the Japanese took over the northern Mariana Islands and eventually the rest of the German possessions in Micronesia. As they had done in the Carolines, they removed the German priests from Saipan as prisoners of war, except for one priest who remained on Rota. Before they left, a local Chamorro, Gregorio Sablan, was delegated with the authority to maintain the Church on Saipan by baptizing, assisting the sick and dying, and performing marriages while there were no priests. He continued this ministry until 1921. By then, a formal petition started by the women of the Marianas compelled the Japanese government to negotiate with the Church in Rome to bring missionaries to the islands. The Japanese government relented, but because there were too few Japanese priests available to serve in the missions, the government sought priests from a neutral nation. Soon, Spanish Jesuit priests from the Province of Andalusia were sent to the Marianas; they arrived in February 1921. Spanish Jesuits were also sent to the Carolines.
The return of priests to the islands created a new opportunity for religious sisters to return to Micronesia. The sisters that came this time were the Mercedarians, from Berriz, Spain. They would be the first order in Micronesia to establish convents that accepted native girls for vocations in the religious life. The sisters had originally planned to open convents in the Caroline Islands and Japan, but were diverted from the Carolines, and directed to Saipan instead.
## Mercedarians in the Marianas
As early as 1920, there had already been missionary interest for the Mercedarians in the Caroline Islands, largely developed through a relationship with the Spanish Jesuits there who asked for the sisters and their students in Berriz for prayers for their mission. By 1927, the Mercedarians announced plans to establish a mission in Pohnpei. In what was essentially an experimental apostolic missionary endeavor, four Spanish nuns, Maria Loreto Zubia, Maria Teresa Cortazar, Maria Pilar Lorenzo and Inocencia Urizar left Berriz for the Carolines. However, they were delayed in Tokyo awaiting their ship and were soon informed that they would be going to Saipan instead. They arrived in the Marianas on 4 March 1928, whereupon landing, “the sisters knelt and kissed the ground in an act of Thanksgiving to God for having called them to this land so far away.” Indeed, they were the first religious sisters to be seen on Saipan, and the welcome they received from the Chamorro people was both “warm and generous.”
The Japanese administration supported the Catholic missions and gave them a small subsidy to continue their apostolic works, in addition to providing medical facilities and education programs. However, the opening of a Catholic school was of major importance and a persistent desire of the Catholics of Saipan. For the Chamorros, the presence of the sisters would finally enable the establishment of a Catholic school on their island for their children. Fifteen days after they arrived on Saipan, the nuns opened their school with 12 Chamorro and 12 Carolinian girls, and by October, they opened a convent—the first in the Mariana Islands. One month later, the Mercedarians traveled to the Carolines and were finally able to establish their mission in Pohnpei.
## CHamoru/Chamorro women interested in becoming nuns
Since their first encounter with the Mercedarian nuns, several Chamorro women quickly became interested in becoming religious sisters themselves. Ursula Matsunaga and her family soon developed a close relationship with the sisters, and she entered as a postulant in March 1932. It was a day of great celebration on Saipan, as Matsunaga became the first Micronesian and first Chamorro to enter the Mercedarian Missionaries. Indeed, she would pioneer the way for other young women from Micronesia to enter the convent. Matsunaga was sent to Japan for her novitiate formation, and after professing her vows, she was sent with a new group of missionaries from Pohnpei and Saipan to found the first mission in Chuuk on the tiny island of Fefen. One of her companions, Concepcion Bernaola, joked about their lack of money, having spent their single yen on candy for the children. In August 1936, they opened a boarding school with 31 girls.
## Wartime misery
One of the most stirring accounts of the experience of World War II by the Chamorros in the Marianas can be found in the writings of a Mercedarian sister, Angélica Salaberría, who was working in Saipan during the war. In her words, it was a time of suffering, loss and agony for the people in Saipan. The Japanese had removed all the priests and although the sisters did not leave, they were looked upon with suspicion and suffered many hardships, as did the local people. Remedios Castro was a young Chamorro woman who helped the sisters during their forced isolation by the Japanese. Castro, indeed, was a Godsend for the nuns. Bringing them to her family’s farm, she helped them search for food and water and brought them great relief, and even dealt with the police for them. Castro herself entered the convent after the war.
Though they had lost virtually everything except for their soiled habits, passports and mission Constitution, the Mercedarians continued their work in the Marianas after the war, remaining primarily on Saipan. The American soldiers that took part in the liberation of the islands provided the sisters with a new building in the village of Chalan Kanoa, and with the help of American Catholic chaplains, Maryknoll missionaries from Hawai’i and the local population, the sisters began the rebuilding process.
## Skills needed after WWII
The postwar years brought calls for more nuns to help in the rebuilding of the island, but, as in Guam, the call was for American sisters. The Marianas had been placed under the control of the US. It became apparent that the Mercedarian sisters from Berriz would need to establish a motherhouse in the US in order for them to continue their work in the Marianas and Micronesia. So, with a promise and help from Fr. Arthur Tighe, the military chaplain who had helped rescue the Mercedarian sisters during the American invasion of Saipan, the order founded their first American motherhouse in Kansas.
The rebuilding of the Marianas after the war brought new activities and challenges for the sisters. The nuns expanded their school programs and developed a new catechism for the religious formation of youth. Classes were also given to Japanese residents who had married Chamorros and to the children of the American military families stationed on Saipan.
Also, during this time, the former Vicariate was divided, and Saipan became part of the Diocese of Guam (Saipan eventually would be separated from Guam and become the Diocese of Chalan Kanoa in 1985). In 1952, the sisters opened Mt. Carmel School in Chalan Kanoa, which later expanded to include a high school.
In spite of their trials during the war, or perhaps because of it, vocations to a life of prayer and service flourished in the Marianas and the Carolines. The sisters opened their Aspirancy and Novitiate in Pohnpei as young women were asking to enter the community. The first group of novitiates included Juliana Cruz, Remedios Castro, and Antonia Lizama from Saipan, Elene Ebud and Johanna Tellei from Palau, Perpetua Hallers and Magdalena Narruhn from Chuuk and Rita Amor from Pohnpei.
In 1946 on the way to one of their missions in Micronesia, the Mercedarian sisters passed through Guam. They stayed in the home of local resident Maria Artero because there were still no convents there at the time for the sisters to visit. Twenty years later, in 1966, knowing the sisters’ desire to open a school and a convent in Guam, Artero had willed them her house and property. Because by this time there were already Mercy and Notre Dame convents and schools, Bishop Baumgartner suggested the Mercedarians open a nursery school. Though the school and convent were destroyed by a typhoon in 1976, they were rebuilt and named for their benefactor, Maria Artero Catholic Preschool and Kindergarten.
The 1960s for the Mercedarians also was a time for expansion of their school programs in Saipan. The young native aspirants in their order represented different stages of vocational commitment and a cross-section of Micronesia. The first final profession of vows for the new MMB sisters was in February 1964. The sisters decided to increase the educational opportunities for girls from the other Micronesian islands, so they opened an international residence for girls in Chalan Kanoa. The new dormitory allowed students from Belau, Pohnpei, Chuuk, Yap, Ulithi and the Marshalls to reside and attend classes at Mt. Carmel School.
The next decades, though, brought new directions for the Mercedarian sisters. The sisters ended their administration at Mt. Carmel School, but continued their involvement in the Sr. Remedios Early Childhood Development Center, where several of the younger sisters worked and gained skills in early childhood education. When nationwide, the numbers of new aspirants decreased, the Formation House closed. Eventually, though, the Formation Program reopened when new vocations were received from young women from the Federated States of Micronesia and Belau who came to Saipan to begin their early formation. In these years, the sisters continued to teach CCD, serve in youth ministry, and even produced a weekly radio program. They also became more involved in homebound visitations, and administering the Holy Eucharist to the sick. They also helped staff the local public schools.
## Educating young girls continues
Today, the sisters are still very much involved in the education of young girls. In 1976, they opened the Our Lady of Mercy Vocational Training School which provided alternative vocational education to high-school aged girls who were at a disadvantage either economically or intellectually, and offered them a chance to learn life skills. Now, the school is a co-ed, college preparatory high school. The Sisters also run Pohnpei Catholic School, an elementary school in Kolonia, Pohnpei. They also continue to do ministerial work in the Caroline Islands and Belau, and working with the Maris Stella Elementary School and the Mindszenty High School. Their regional center is now located in Guam, where they serve the community’s needs in various aspects of mission life. The sisters still run Maria Artero preschool, and have had teachers at the Father Duenas Memorial High School for boys and at the University of Guam. Through these experiences local women have been able to be more involved in the Mercedarian Redemptive charism in Micronesia.
The Mercedarian’s “experiment” in missionary activity proved to be very fruitful for the order and long-lasting. Their presence among the Chamorros in Saipan and other Pacific islanders throughout Micronesia set the standard for religious sisters who were to come into the Marianas in the years after the war. in Guam which had never had the continuing presence of religious sisters, the arrival of the different orders would mark a turning point in the island’s growth as a faith community and its development as an American Archdiocese. Though several different orders eventually left for other missions elsewhere, they all played a part in the rebuilding of the island in the decades after the World War II.
## Sisters of Mercy, Notre Dame, and Franciscans
After the war, Guam was a vicariate and later elevated to the Diocese of Agana. Bishop Apollinaris W. Baumgartner took over Church leadership and was tasked with rebuilding the island’s churches, reorganizing lay ministries, promoting a native clergy by opening seminaries, building a Catholic medical center, promoting Catholic media and opening a Catholic school system. The last of these objectives coincided well with his plans to finally bring in women religious to Guam.
In the postwar era of the late 1940s and 1950s, the first orders of religious sisters began to establish convent houses in Guam. Enthusiastically welcomed by the islanders, young girls and women began joining these religious communities and looked to fulfilling their calls to religious vocation awakened in them and opened up to them by the presence of these first religious sisters. Whether the presence of the religious sisters encouraged the sense of the calling or if such ideas of entering the convent would or could have occurred without the arrival of the religious orders is debatable. Clearly, though, there was a small number of Chamorro women who entered convents outside of Guam around this time.
Mary Essie Underwood, later known as Sister Mary Inez Underwood, RSM, was the first Chamorro woman to enter religious life. She entered the convent of the Religious Sisters of Mercy in Belmont, NC, in 1926. Maria Perez Franquez, as mentioned earlier, had joined the Franciscan Missionaries of Mercy in the Philippines. Sister Maria Thecla Camacho also had entered the FMM convent just prior to World War II, and of course, Ursula Matsunaga from Saipan had joined the Mercedarian sisters.
But, without the establishment of convents with their affiliated motherhouses in the mainland US, it would have been more of a challenge for young women to travel and pursue religious life. The opening of religious convents in Guam, therefore, probably allowed more religious vocations to emerge than if the religious sisters had not established convents here at all.
### ***Religious Sisters of Mercy***
When the Sisters of Mercy arrived in Guam in 1946, it made big news. Reverend Mother Maura Buchheit from the Regional Sisters of Mercy in Belmont, NC, responded to an invitation from Bishop Baumgartner to establish a convent for young women to become religious sisters, and to help in the rebuilding of war-devastated Guam. Bishop Baumgartner had actually appealed to several different religious orders throughout the US, but was rejected. However, the Bishop’s contact with the Mercy Sisters through James Underwood, a native of Gastonia, NC, but a longtime resident of Guam married to a Chamorro, Ana Martinez, was successful. On 5 November 1946, three sisters were sent to the island, including James Underwood’s daughter, Sr. Inez Underwood, to set up the first religious convent in Guam.
The three women traveled a great distance to the tiny Pacific island, bringing with them their hopes and dreams, a trunkload of personal possessions, and, as remarked upon by Bishop Baumgartner, “a barrel of starch.” Shortly afterward in 1949, the School Sisters of Notre Dame, based in Milwaukee, WI, also at the invitation of Bishop Baumgartner, sent a small contingent of sisters to found a convent and a school. From humble beginnings, these two orders of religious women founded the first novitiates for religious sisters in Guam that would impact the island and the rest of Micronesia in the years to come.
Although the Bishop himself was unable to meet them, the sisters were well-received by the local Capuchin priests, along with several young women, “handpicked by the bishop to help prepare the sisters’ first convent in Hagåtña,” and word of their arrival spread rapidly. As one of the pioneering sisters recalled:
> We shall never forget for example the loyalty of the people, who, despite the fact that we arrived on a weekday, took hours off their work, the children took time out of school and all activities seemed to have stopped while the words ‘The sisters of Mercy are here’ passed from mouth to mouth! We were followed, we were gazed upon, we were spoken of, some of the people who had never before seen a Sister looked at us with awe…We had come to Guam expecting to find very little in the line of material comfort, and so what was our surprise when the first thing that greeted our eyes was a neat little fence surrounding four Quonset huts and above the gateway a huge sign that read: Mercy Convent, Sisters of Mercy, Belmont, NC. We were home again, and a feeling of deep satisfaction came over us—we were no longer strangers to this island, that boasted of a Mercy convent.
The nuns also began to set up the Academy of Our Lady of Guam, a high school for girls, and the Cathedral Grade School, an elementary school for young children, both of which eventually opened in 1949 in Hagåtña.
Perhaps, like the appearance of the Mercedarians in Saipan, the presence of the new sisters intrigued the young Chamorro girls, and indeed, a number of them became interested in entering the convent. The convent soon became crowded, so the sisters constructed a mission house in Tai, Mangilao, in 1948. Sr. Louise Weisenforth, on returning to Guam in 1981, recounted those early years and of not knowing what to expect:
> In the early days we didn’t have much of anything. We only had three chairs, and one of us would have to stand or absent ourselves when a visitor came. Our convent consisted of Quonset huts in Agana. We had to go to the priests’ house for meals because we had no stove. How good they were to us—they faithfully invited us to share three meals a day with me. These were very trying times, but the Bishop made sure that all our needs were met.
>
> Sr. Louise Weisenforth
On 12 December 1946, the Foundation Day of Mercy in Guam, 10 girls became postulants in the new community, and within six months, 10 more girls joined. Continuing, Sr. Louise said:
> We were a real family sharing the hard times as well as the less difficult ones. Our days were filled with prayer, work and studies. When the novitiate opened at Tai in 1948, the clearing of the land and having bake sales became part of our regular routine. After Typhoon Karen in \[November\] 1962, we spent Christmas Eve putting the last coat of paint on the chapel walls. This sounds like a lot of work, but nothing is really work when it is done together and done with love.
In 1949, the convent in Inalåhan was constructed, and the sisters extended their ministry to the southern villages. In 1950, Santa Barbara Convent and Santa Barbara Elementary School were established in Dededo. By 1951, the Tai convent was dedicated as the Motherhouse and Formation House for the Sisters of Mercy and would be the main novitiate on island for years to come.
In the 75 years of service to the people of Guam, the Sisters of Mercy continued to build schools throughout the island, including St. Anthony School in Tamuning, Infant of Prague Nursery and Kindergarten in Tai, and Mercy Heights Nursery and Kindergarten in Oka, Tamuning (presently the site of the Guam Memorial Hospital). Another convent was built in Hagåtña, next to the Academy of Our Lady of Guam High School.
#### **First professions of vows**
The first final professions of vows for the Mercy Sisters in Guam took place at the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral in Hagåtña on 2 July 1952. Beginning in the 1950s under the administration and guidance of Sr. Inez Underwood, the young novitiates were sent off-island for higher education. The different communities throughout the US provided much of the support and care for these young Chamorro women, with many of them receiving four-year scholarships to their affiliated colleges and universities. Many of the new sisters returned to Guam and assumed leadership and teaching positions throughout the community as needed.
By 1957, the Mercy sisters were working on Rota, doing missionary work and teaching catechism to the young children during the summer months. By 1961, they expanded their mission to include the children of military families stationed on Wake Island.
#### **Changes after the Second Vatican Council**
The 1960s presented new challenges for the Catholics worldwide, and the Sisters of Mercy, as well, were impacted by the global events surrounding the Second Vatican Council in Rome. In 1960, Sr. Callista Camacho became the first native Chamorro to be named as Superior of the Community. In 1966, the First General Chapter was held in Belmont, NC, and the Mercy Sisters in Guam sent their own contingent of nuns to the meeting. Of the different changes discussed was the naming of Guam as its own “Region,” and in 1971, Sr. Mary Mark Martinez was appointed the first Regional Superior. This year also marked the celebration of the order’s Silver Jubilee, and when Guam held its First Regional Assembly, Mother Mary Benignus Hoban, Superior of the total Community of Belmont and Guam, and Mother Maura Buccheit, the Superior who had sent the original three sisters to Guam 25 years earlier, were in attendance.
In the early 1970s the Guam Mercy sisters expanded their work to help with Mt. Carmel School in Saipan. In the 1980s they took over the administration of Bishop Baumgartner High Memorial School when its founding sisters, the Franciscans, returned to Wisconsin. Around this time, Bishop Tomas Camacho of the Diocese of Chalan Kanoa, Saipan, asked the Sisters of Mercy to work in the northern Marianas. The sisters took up the invitation and started San Francisco de Borja Elementary School on the island of Rota, and by 1990, they arrived in Saipan. The sisters continued their work in Saipan and Rota, and by the 1990s, at the invitation of the Bishop of the Diocese of Chuuk, Caroline Islands, the Mercy nuns established a new foundation in Micronesia.
In 1991, the members of more than a dozen US-based Sisters of Mercy congregations merged together to be formally known as the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas. Ten years in the making, this merged order then joined 16 other Mercy congregations to form the Mercy Institute, making it the largest English-speaking order of the world.
In 2022, there were almost 30 active Sisters of Mercy in Guam, mostly Chamorro women, but also including Filipina, Micronesian, and other ethnic groups, that work in varying capacities in both private and public schools, in parishes with pastoral, family and youth ministries, in daycare centers, and in hospice and health care. As Bishop Baumgartner commented 20 years after the first sisters arrived in Guam with their barrel of starch, his words still ring true:
> …While starch has gone out of some habits these days, the starch of fruitful religious observance has remained and has accomplished very much over the years since the coming of the first Sisters of Mercy.
### ***School Sisters of Notre Dame (SSND)***
The initial success of the Mercy Sisters in Guam led many people on the island, parents and parish leaders alike, to request for the opening of more Catholic schools. In May 1949, there was word that the School Sisters of Notre Dame had agreed to come to Guam to open a grade school in the village of Yona by the following September. Bishop Baumgartner had been corresponding with the Mother Superior of the SSND in Wisconsin, painting for her a picture of the mission in Guam in the aftermath of war and the conditions of the people and island in general. The school was to “render a civic service” as the Sisters would be following the curriculum and practice of Catholic Schools throughout the US and maintain high educational standards.
The School Sisters of Notre Dame, founded by Blessed Theresa of Jesus Gerhardinger of Bavaria, Germany, had been working throughout the US, with motherhouses in Baltimore and in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. On 10 August 1949, seven sisters from Milwaukee arrived in Guam. According to the Mother Superior, Mother Fidelis Krieter, there was so much enthusiasm among the sisters to come to Guam, she did not ask for volunteers, lest some of them would be disappointed at not being chosen.
However, she did invite sisters interested in working in the Guam mission to contact her, and for each sister to discuss the prospect with their parents. Sr. Mary Eric Millitzer, SSND, recalled their arrival 25 years later:
> On this date in 1949, I came to the island of Guam, believing that it would be my home until the day I died…I remember how much I loved teaching the children and how much I enjoyed knowing each student…I loved being in Guam because of the spiritual opportunities, challenges and direction it gave to my growth as a religious. I especially love and remember each of the families who gave a daughter to our congregation so that the work we began could flourish through them.
The sisters were warmly received by the priests and people of Hagåtña and Yona, but their convent was not ready to be moved in, so they spent their first night at the St. Francis Church rectory. The sisters found themselves adjusting to life in Guam, with geckos and the sounds of roosters crowing, while the sisters prayed. The Yona community, though poor, was generous, offering food and whatever they could to share with the new arrivals. The SSND nuns opened their convent and St. Francis School in Yona, and by December, the first Chamorro candidates were received: Lourdes Isadora Manibusan, Isabela Cruz Mendiola and Felicita Baza Sudo. They were joined later by Margarita Castro, Trinidad Matanane and Josephina Cepeda. A new candidature building was constructed in 1950 to accommodate the increasing number of young women seeking religious life. Like the Mercy sisters, the SSND sisters sent their aspirants to the continental US, usually Wisconsin, for higher studies. The first local sister to take her final vows as a Notre Dame sister was Sr. Rose Marie Manibusan of Barrigada in July 1959.
The Notre Dame sisters also opened Mt. Carmel School in Hågat and San Vicente School in Barrigada, both of which are elementary and middle schools. The two schools, in addition to St. Francis School in Yona, are now the main feeder schools for Notre Dame High School in Talo’fo’fo. Founded in 1968, Notre Dame High School was originally an all-girls school, but became co-ed in 1995. St. Francis School had to be rebuilt when it was destroyed by Super typhoon Paka in 1997.
Because of Guam’s geographical location and cultural differences, the convent in Guam was given regional status in 1968. The sisters continued to extend their charism to other islands, and in that same year, they opened their mission in Rota, teaching in the school system there. In 1970, the sisters opened a dormitory to accommodate girls from off-island wishing to attend school.
The Notre Dame nuns also went out into missions in Micronesia. In 1972, two sisters were sent to Ulithi for a missionary journey of eight weeks, the first sisters to work on that island. Although the language barrier made the work challenging, the sisters enjoyed their time among the children and their parents, holding classes under the coconut trees on the beach. The sisters also went to Yap where they worked with the Maryknoll nuns. In these years, more of the native Chamorro sisters were gradually taking on leadership positions and making decisions within their regional organization and schools. In the 1980s and 1990s, the region of Guam extended in response to a call for sisters in Ebeye in the Marshalls and Chuuk in the central Carolines. Today, the convents for the Notre Dame sisters are in Barrigada, Talo’fo’fo, and Hågat, with about 15 sisters living in these residences. The Notre Dame sisters continue to work and devote their efforts throughout Guam and Micronesia.
### ***Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration (FSPA)***
In 1954, another order of religious sisters visited the island at the invitation of Bishop Baumgartner to observe the missions in Guam, and to possibly establish their own community on the island—the Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration. This order of Franciscan sisters was founded in Wisconsin in the mid-1800s by a group of Bavarian laywomen who immigrated to the US to establish a religious community. Like other missionary groups around the world, the Franciscans sisters had built and worked at schools, hospitals and clinics.
In July, the Franciscans agreed to come to Guam, and by August, the first sisters from La Crosse, Wisconsin, arrived on island. The sisters lived in a private home until their convent was built in 1962. In 1955, Catholic leaders in the Diocese built a Catholic medical center in Hagåtña, and it was in this small facility that some of the Franciscans worked with patients. The sisters also opened St. Jude Thaddeus Junior High School (later renamed Bishop Baumgartner Memorial School) in Sinajana. Sister Mary Optata Fries, one of the original FSPA nuns to move to Guam, worked tirelessly to provide a firm foundation for the school. The sisters were active in the classroom, but did other parish work as well, including visiting the sick, administering Holy Communion, visiting the hospital and prison, and coordinating activities for young people.
It seemed with each new order arriving on the island came new interest among the young Chamorro girls to enter the convent. The first two aspirants for the Franciscan sisters were Antonia Mafnas and Dora Barcinas, who made their way to the motherhouse in La Crosse in August 1956. Soon other young Chamorro women followed and became fully professed sisters.
In the mid-1970s, Bishop Flores and the Diocese of Agana built a new medical facility, the Medical Center of the Marianas, near the Mercy convent in Oka, Tamuning. It was meant to complement the government-run Guam Memorial Hospital (GMH). The Franciscans and Mercy sisters worked at the Medical Center for a few years. The Medical Center, though, proved to be a big financial burden for the Diocese as it competed for patients with GMH. Eventually, the Diocese sold the facility to the Government, and GMH began to move its operations there, until it became known as the new Guam Memorial Hospital, and the old GMH building was abandoned.
In the early 1970s, St. Jude School became a Diocesan school and was renamed Bishop Baumgartner Junior High School. Students in 7th and 8th grades from Cathedral Grade School were transferred there. The Franciscan Sisters continued to work in the school system, hospital and the wider island community in a variety of capacities, but eventually, they were ordered to return to new missions in the mainland US and left Guam in 1986. Sr. Gloria Aguon before retirement was one of the last FSPA sisters to remain in Guam. The Sisters of Mercy took over Bishop Baumgartner School and eventually merged it with the Cathedral Grade School in the 1990s.
### ***Other religious orders***
In addition to the Sisters of Mercy, the School Sisters of Notre Dame and the Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, several other orders of religious sisters established communities in Guam over the years, some staying and some moving on as their missions allowed.
In the 1960s, amid the sweeping changes within the Catholic Church around the world and in Guam, a different kind of religious community opened up on the island. The Discalced Carmelite Sisters (OC), founded by St. Teresa of Avila Spain and probably the most well-known of the cloistered orders for women, opened the first contemplative community within the Diocese of Agana. Six Carmelite nuns from Sava, Malaysia arrived in 1966 at the request of Bishop Baumgartner, some 30 years after the first effort to bring in the Carmelites had failed. Interestingly, two Chamorros were already professed Carmelites—the daughters of Guam businesswoman Ignacia Bordallo Butler, Beatrice (Sister Martha of Jesus and Mary) and Dorothy (Sister Carmencita of the Infant of Prague). The Butler sisters had entered the Carmelite Convent in Berkeley, California back in the 1950s. By 1968, the first candidates were accepted into the Guam community. Their monastery was built in Malojloj, Inalåhan, where they supported themselves and lived their lives of prayer. Later, the monastery was moved to Tamuning. The Carmelites remained in Guam until 2016.
The Congregation of Religious Missionaries of St. Dominic, or the Dominican Sisters, made their way to the island in 1979. They established their convent in Barrigada intending to serve the island’s need for a care facility for the elderly and a daycare center for young children. The Dominicans currently operate St. Dominic’s Senior Care facility which they opened in 1986 and Dominican Child Development Center in Ordot. They also opened the Dominican Catholic School in Yigo.
The Sisters of the Good Shepherd were invited to Guam by Bishop Felixberto Flores in 1972 because of their specialty in caring for troubled youths. They took charge of a residential program for emotionally disturbed teens, which was a growing concern for the island. Eventually, though, the sisters were recalled back to the Philippines with the institution of martial law in that country. Good Shepherd sisters from North American provinces then came out and among other charitable works, they opened the Catholic Social Services in Guam to help the elderly and needy families and individuals. They also founded the Alee Shelter to help battered women and children of domestic abuse They remained in Guam until 2003. Though they are no longer active on the island, the Alee Shelter and Catholic Social Services are still open and continue to provide support to Guam’s population.
The Daughters of St. Paul also established a convent in Guam for a brief period in the 1980s. With their mission of spreading the Gospel through books, recordings and other means of communication, they opened their book and media center in Tamuning. The order left Guam in the early 1990s.
## Life in Community
After World War II and the Japanese occupation of Guam, most people were focused on rebuilding the island, their homes and their lives amidst the destruction. The American naval government was reinstated, and schooling had resumed for many young people whose education had been interrupted by the war. Women also entered the workforce in greater numbers. For the most part, women looked forward to the typical careers afforded them at this time—secretarial work, nursing or teaching. Indeed, many women who entered the workforce did so while juggling marriage and child-rearing. A few women also had opportunities to travel to the US mainland to pursue college studies. The arrival of religious sisters, though, presented a different kind of opportunity.
By the late 1950s the four main orders of religious sisters in the Marianas—the Sisters of Mercy, the Franciscans, the Notre Dame sisters and the Mercedarians—had more than 202 women involved in one way or another in different stages of the religious life from aspirants, postulants and novices to fully professed sisters. The usual practice was to begin their religious formation on-island first, then to send these young women off-island for training and higher education in mainland colleges and universities, usually affiliated or in some kind of mutual arrangement with the order’s motherhouse. The Notre Dame sisters had opened an aspiranture (a place for exploring firsthand the lifestyle of a religious community) in Guam, but sent their postulants and novices to the motherhouse in Wisconsin. Likewise, the Franciscans sent novices to their motherhouse in Wisconsin, and the Sisters of Mercy trained a portion of their postulants and novices in North Carolina, and the rest in Guam.
The decision to enter a community was not always easy, even if a young woman had a sense of being drawn to the religious life. A calling to religious life is very personal, as is the decision to answer it. The person who chooses religious life has the desire to specifically live the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience in community. Most of the young women who entertained the thought of entering the convent often relied on their families, priests and other advisors to help them understand what they were feeling and to help validate or verify that religious life was for them. Families’ reactions were varied as well—some families welcomed the idea of having a religious sister among them. Others questioned why their daughters would choose such a life, one that did not seem to bring the same kind of fulfilment that marriage and children could provide.
The novelty of the first sisters was a huge draw for some. A religious sister, born in the 1920s, shared this experience:
> Way back when I was in the first grade, I saw three women walking down the street in Hagåtña and I was told that they were nuns—*etmanas*. I learned that the role of *etmanas* was purely educational. So I would go home and gather the children and put a towel over my head, and I would pretend that I am an *etmana*. And ever since then, I knew there was something so mysterious, pulling me to be an *etmana*…Even before I completed high school I felt that pull. I didn’t want to do my training here in Guam. I wanted to go to North Carolina. There was no Catholic school in my time. I went to the public school. But it was my family that nurtured my vocation the most. I was a faithful Sodalist \[member of the Sodality of Mary\] in our parish and that was where we went for catechism. When still a very young teenager, I used to teach *eskeulan pale*’ so that, again, was a help toward my faith life, because I knew I had to study and hand that down to the children…My family was very supportive. All my brothers and sisters, though, used to tease me just to make me mad and I remember one of my brothers said, “Oh you won’t last three weeks, you’ll come right out.” I proved them wrong. Now I’ve been a sister for about 56 years from the time I entered.
Witnessing the presence of those first religious sisters in Guam, so closely interacting with the community, the Catholic education they received in school or *eskuelan pale’*, and growing up in Catholic households with all its rituals and celebrations were often cited as part of their influences. The recent experience of war which disrupted their youth made them hopeful for something better. But, as young people often do in making life-changing decisions, their uncertainty made them willing to try it out, but they would not stay if they did not like it. Some of them looked to their friends to see if they wanted to enter the convent together. For some, the call to enter the convent was something that touched them deeply and almost immediately, while for others, it took longer to respond and affirm their desire to enter the religious life. Despite the uncertain future and the cost of their former secular lives, they believed the rewards by God would be more than enough.
Another sister who entered the convent in the 1960s relates her experience:
> There was a classmate of mine who entered before I did, and some people thought I’d entered because of her. But she left—and I’m still here! So, it wasn’t because of her…There was an attraction to the life, then, I thought, there was a definite calling…It’s not really something easily identifiable as Reasons 1, 2, 3 and 4. It was this calling that attracted me. When I look back, you know, I was so young then, making this decision, and my father was so against it. Oh, my mother was in high heaven because I wanted to enter, but not my father…He used very strong words.
Once entered, life in the convent was not easy. From the outside, the convent was a place of mystery, with walls that shielded them from public view, much like the habits they wore that cloaked their bodies. As one sister described it,
> No one goes in and, you know, they don’t leave the convent. And you go up to visit them; they don’t go home to visit.
The aspiring nuns underwent a formal training process and change in lifestyle that was different from their culture and sometimes took them far from home. Though faithful Catholics, living in community with other religious women, apart from their families, presented hardships and difficulties. One sister described the daily routine when she first entered the convent in the early 1950s: “When I was a young sister, we get up at 5 in the morning, we meditate for a half hour, then we have Mass, we say the Aves, we go to breakfast; after breakfast, we go upstairs to our room, we brush our teeth, make our bed, then we go down and do our duty. My duty was, maybe, to mop the floor, and then to study. Then we have lunch, and then after lunch, you go back to working in the field, outside in the hot sun. Then we say our evening prayer; we say meditation and have our spiritual reading sessions and night prayers, then we go to bed.”
Taking their final vows also meant taking a different name, a different identity. They were “brides of Christ,” and they had vowed to live their lives according to His will and through the charism of their order’s founder. A Notre Dame sister briefly described her progress from candidate to professed sister:
> So I entered in 1950, and I went to the States for my formation. I rode out my novitiate in Milwaukee. I was in candidacy for two years, and then I entered the novitiate…You’re segregated from everyone—there are lots of sisters around you, but you only communicate with the sister in charge of you. You don’t really talk to anyone else, you’re learning more about how the religious life is supposed to be. And after a year of canonical seclusion, prayers and learning about our rules and constitution, we have profession of first vows, and that’s when we change our white veil to black. I was professed by 1955. I got my name when I was a novice. They ask you to choose a religious name. We’re not too sure, though, because sometimes at the reception they won’t give you the name you ask for. At the reception they clipped our hair as a sign that we leave the world, since our hair is part of our vanity. Then we were given the wimple for the veil. Back in those days, this is the only thing you see \[circles around her face with her fingers\]. We were dressed up and given a crown of roses. When my turn came, the Monsignor announced the name I had wanted! I was so happy!
Because the Mercy Sisters, Notre Dame Sisters and the Franciscan Sisters were teaching orders, many of the new nuns went on for further education and to begin their own lives as teachers. Some of the schools they were sent to had never heard of Guam. One sister recalled:
> I went to an elementary school to practice teaching, and I would help the fourth grade or was a substitute for the second grade. I was teaching reading and two little boys, both named Tommy, were laughing. They looked up at me and said, “You look like a Chinese.” I told them, “I am not a Chinese, I am a Guamanian, I’m from a little island called Guam.” They looked at me again and said, “Ohh…” \[Laughs\] What do second graders understand about being from Guam?
After training, the sisters were sent back to Guam to teach in the Catholic Schools. In those years, some of the schools were still Quonset huts. The work was challenging but rewarding, and each sister developed her own way of coping with the needs of different kinds of students. Many of their former students would grow up to be important people in Guam, including leaders in the business community and in government.
Not everyone who entered the convent became sisters, and not all the professed sisters stayed. Some moved on to other professions and found fulfilment back in secular life. But those that remained and lived out their lives as nuns saw many good and bad changes in community life, the island and the Church in general. Some were able to obtain advanced degrees or to do other work besides or in addition to teaching.
As one Mercy Sister expressed:
> Community life has changed now…\[when\] I was told to do this, I did it. Nowadays, in religious life, you’re asked, where do you want to stay? What convent? What is going to be your ministry next year? next school year? next fiscal year? if you want to leave teaching? And usually, they say, if you’re going to leave teaching, you find yourself another job. So, the responsibility is always on the individual, each sister. Because the idea is, we don’t serve God in a cubicle, we serve God in the way we impact the whole world. We serve God not because we are Sisters of Mercy living in a convent. We serve God because we are able to touch the lives of people. We have Sisters who are doctors; we have Sisters who are lawyers; we have Sisters who work in clinics, and we have Sisters who work for justice…You are an individual. You don’t lose your individuality when you enter the convent.
## Impacts of religious sisters in postwar Guam
At the end of World War II, the island’s culture was steeped in Catholic traditions as it had been for hundreds of years, and its people still identified themselves largely as Chamorro Catholics. The trauma of the Japanese occupation and the devastation of the landscape did not seem to diminish the religious faith that many had drawn upon during the worst moments of the war. But, there were newer influences—modern, secular, and American—that were pulling people’s attitudes and understandings of themselves in different directions politically, economically and socially in the early postwar years. The presence of religious sisters in Guam in the decades that followed also had an effect on the island community.
The different religious sisters helped change the island’s education and healthcare system. Through their lifestyle, they redefined expected gender roles in Guam and gave Chamorro women new opportunities to leave the island and learn new skills and ideas. They developed for these women a sense of mission and ministry. Their lives reflected the patterns of social change brought about by postwar development, as well as the struggles over dogma and doctrine within the larger universal Church in light of Vatican II.
In the Marianas, the sisters were a most welcomed sight for a people still recovering from the ravages of war. As the Mercedarians of Berriz had done on Saipan, the presence of the Mercy and Notre Dame sisters inspired the Chamorro people of Guam, young and old, Catholic and non-Catholic. Parents were excited at the opening of Catholic schools for their children. Young girls eagerly joined the rosters of entrants, moving through the process to become fully professed religious sisters. Indeed, Guam would have one of the largest numbers of entrants into the religious life among the different Micronesian islands.
The nationwide movement of women into the workforce after the war saw marked growth in jobs often labeled as “women’s work,” such as nursing, secretarial work and education. Like their American counterparts, the Chamorro women sought opportunities for education and for jobs that would help them to sustain themselves and their families within the increasingly more urban island society. For the most part, the young women that celebrated their entry into the convents in Guam anticipated a life of service as teachers. Certainly, many of those women did become educators in Guam and in the mainland US. But in the years that followed, service in other capacities emerged for them, including work within the local health care system, and administrative roles within the Diocese and even public policy boards.
When the convents became more locally sustainable, Chamorro sisters took on leadership and representative roles within their local religious communities as well as at the regional level of their orders in the mainland. Religious sisters, therefore, were not just running the Catholic schools, but they also were seen as important contributors to the overall well-being of the people of the island.
Young women could see that entering the convent provided an alternative to the expectations of marriage, motherhood and domestic responsibilities for Chamorro women of the time. Women religious, unlike other women in the laity, did not have the constraints that spouse and family would impose—similar to the advantages of priesthood—on their abilities, time and efforts at service. Going against the more traditional roles of motherhood and marriage, religious sisters were, in this way, free to devote their services to their communities. In Guam, however, many of the Chamorro religious sisters returned to the island to work, and, therefore, presented a unique situation of sisters doing their part for the island community, but oftentimes, still maintaining family ties and caring for elderly parents or other relatives.
The 1960s, -70s and -80s would see continued growth and activity among Guam’s religious communities, with new orders arriving, and the establishment of more Catholic schools networked with the government-run public school system. They worked at the local hospital and Catholic medical center as nurses, assistants and pastoral ministers. They provided assistance to the poor and disenfranchised, and offered a safe haven for victims of domestic violence and abuse. They worked within village parishes, catechizing young Catholics, preparing them for the Holy Sacraments that would mark their movement to adult participation within the Church. Indeed, their work and activities were as varied as the women themselves who made up the different communities of religious.
It must be remembered, though, that each sister is an individual. Each life is unique. Each response to a call to religious life is different and expressed in different ways. As one religious sister expressed, “I really have lived a very full life, and I don’t think I would have had as good a life if I had chosen another life. I honestly experience God’s presence in my life. And for me, I think that \[the\] Gospel \[reading\] about finding a treasure in the field and selling all for that treasure, I think I can say, in this life, I have found a treasure. Nothing else would matter, nothing can compare to that experience…
> I hope that in my life, really, as a woman religious, that people see me—that \[they\] don’t see me, not necessarily as a teacher administrator or whatever—but they see me. I hope, that in my life, when I meet a person or live with a person or work with a person, that they meet a woman who has really experienced God in her life.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/ "Dominica Tolentino")***
## For further reading
Baumgartner, AW. “The Establishment of an Enclosure.” *Umatuna si Yu’us*, 14 January 1968.
Becmer, Sr. Mary Ann, MMB. “The Beginnings: Christian Captives, an Order of Mercy, a Resounding Call to be Missionaries.” *The Pacific Voice*, 30 June 2002.
Forbes, Eric, OFM Cap. *100 Capuchin Centennial Guam 1901-2001, Fañetbe*. Agana Heights: Capuchin Star of the Sea Vice Province, 2001.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. *The Catholic Church in Micronesia.* Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1991.
McMullin, Alice. “Local Franciscan Sisters Celebrate Centennial Anniversary of Their Order.” *The Pacific Voice*, 30 July 1978.
McNamara, Bernardette. “Catherine McAuley Foundress of the Sisters of Mercy, Part III.” *The Pacific Voice*, 30 Oct 1994.
Myers, Marjorie, SSND, and Mary Ignatia Sanchez, SSND. “The School Sisters of Notre Dame in the Region of Guam.” 2007.
Pangelinan, Trinie, RSM. “Sr. Roberta Taitano Called to Eternal Rest.” *The Pacific Voice*, 18 January 2004.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Salaberría, María Angélica, MMB. *A Time of Agony: Saipan 1944*. Translated by Marjorie Drive and Omaira Brunal-Perry. Mangilao: Micronesia Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
Sanchez, Ignacia, SSND, and Pilar Williams. “Growth of the SSND Region.” *The Pacific Voice*, 28 March 1999.
Sisters of Mercy. *Sisters of Mercy: Golden Celebration of Service 1946-1996*. Commemorative Book. Hagåtña: Archdiocese of Agana, 2003.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Saipan: The Ethnology of a War-Devastated Island*. 2nd ed. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
*The Pacific Voice*. “Dominican Sisters Begin Work.” 26 August 1979.
–––. “Foundation of New Mercy Institute.” 28 July 1991.
*–––*. “Mercy Sisters Celebrate 47th Year in Guam.” 21 November 1993.
*–––*. “Maria Artero Catholic Pre-school and Kindergarten.” 13 October 2002.
*–––*. “The Post-War Years—1945-49: A Time to Rebuild.” 27 October 2002.
*–––*. “Continuing the Dream Through Presence—1970s –1990s.” 5 January 2003.
Vicariate Apostolic of Guam. “First Aspirants for Franciscan Sisters.” *Umatuna si Yu’us* 10, no. 35 (1956): 1.
–––. “Our Sisters.” *Umatuna si Yu’us*, 16 October 1959.
–––. “New Mercy Convent, Oka, Dedicated.” *Umatuna si Yu’us*, 2 October 1966.
–––. “First Investiture Ceremony for Carmelites at Malojloj.” *Umatuna si Yu’us*, 18 August 1968.
–––. “Remembering Sr. Martha of Jesus and Mary, OCD.” *Umatuna si Yu’us*, 14 January 2012.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Religion, Guamanian Era: Religion, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII: Religion, Religion
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Nuns in Postwar Guam
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### [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Francisco B. Leon Guerrero (1897 – 1974), also known as “Mr. Organic Act,” was known for his groundbreaking role in advancing the cause of American citizenship for the people of Guam. If there is one person responsible for the attainment of US citizenship by the people of Guam, it is FB Leon Guerrero.
**Content:**
# Francisco B. Leon Guerrero
View more images for the Francisco B. Leon Guerrero entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622526816712).
#### Table of Contents
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## Mr. Organic Act
Francisco B. Leon Guerrero (1897 – 1974), also known as “Mr. Organic Act,” was known for his groundbreaking role in advancing the cause of American citizenship for the people of Guam. If there is one person responsible for the attainment of US citizenship by the people of Guam, it is FB Leon Guerrero.
A young Leon Guerrero had aspirations to be a lawyer and gained his education through tutors, correspondence courses and the minimal formal higher education available on island. From 1914-1917, he served as the [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) School principal. Then, from 1918-1932, he worked for the Department of Agriculture as a self-described “machete scientist.”
## Early entry into politics
Leon Guerrero was an ardent opponent of what he deemed “Naval absolutism.” He fought for a civil government that did not adhere to military restrictions. One story he frequently told occurred in 1924 when he worked at the agricultural station, in which he refused to stand up at the Naval governor’s command and was sentenced to 15 days of hard labor. Leon Guerrero said he did so because he believed in the US Constitution as it espouses the superiority of civilians over the military.
Leon Guerrero entered formal politics in the wake of Franklin Roosevelt’s election and the subsequent New Deal policies in 1932. As a member of the 2nd Guam Congress, he saw first hand the futility of the Guam Congress passing any resolutions that would lead to American citizenship due to its advisory role.
As America sank deeper into the Depression, US concerns about the financial and military viability of retaining control of the Philippines lead to the signing of the Tydings-McDuffie Act in 1934. This bill granted new independence to the Philippines leaving those in Guam seeking clarification on their political status.
The 2nd Guam Congress sent Leon Guerrero and Baltazar J. Bordallo to lobby in Washington DC for citizenship. There was an island-wide drive to collect donations for the lobbying trip in 1936 with about $6,000 collected. With government funding unavailable, Leon Guerrero sold family land to help pay the estimated $10,000 cost of the trip.
On 10 February 1937 Bill S. 1450 was introduced by Senators Tydings of Maryland and Gibson of Vermont to grant citizenship to the people of Guam. The citizenship bill failed in US Congress because the US Navy Department was opposed to its passage. The question of citizenship would be put on hold until after the war.
## Organic Act success
After World War II, Leon Guerrero continued his politics of self-autonomy for the people of Guam by forming the Friends of Guam and the Welfare Party. He was unquestionably the leader on the arduous campaign for the granting of US citizenship to the people of Guam. He endeared himself to America and maintained throughout his life that there was only one “-ism,” and that was “Americanism.”
Success finally came in 21 May 1949, when the Guam Congress funded a two-man committee of Leon Guerrero and [Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) to once again lobby for citizenship. This time, the group was aided by sympathetic national press coverage after the Guam Congress walked out to protest their lack of power. President Truman ordered the Interior Department to draft the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/). The passage of the Organic Act made Guam an unincorporated, organized territory. Island residents gained civil government and American citizenship.
Twenty years after enactment of the Organic Act of Guam, US Congress enacted legislation allowing the people of Guam to elect its governor. Before then, the governor was appointed by the president. In 1972, Congress enacted legislation giving Guam a voice in congress through the office of delegate. The US Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico have the same.
After becoming the speaker of the *I Mina Tres Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/ the 3rd Guam Legislature in 1955, Leon Guerrero remained active in local politics until 1962 when he had a stroke. Still, the former lawyer continued to dole out legal advice until his death in 1974.
***By [Nicholas Yamashita Quinata](https://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-quinata/ "Nicholas Yamashita Quinata") and [Tony Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/ "Tony Palomo")***
## For further reading
*Pacific Daily News*. “Mr. Organic Act Buried; Eulogy Read at Legislature.” 17 March 1974.
–––. “Mr. Organic Act Dead At Age 76.” 11 March 1974.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Francisco B. Leon Guerrero
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### [European Colonization's Impact on Trade in Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/european-colonizations-impact-on-trade-in-micronesia/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Age of European Exploration in the Pacific began in 1521 with Ferdinand Magellan’s search for the Spice Islands (now the Moluccas). He was soon followed by many others, and by 1565 Spain had virtually full control of navigation routes across the Pacific. Oceania became, as Pacific historian Oskar Spate called it, a “Spanish lake.”
**Content:**
# European Colonization's Impact on Trade in Micronesia
#### Table of Contents
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## 200 years of disruption
The Age of European Exploration in the Pacific began in 1521 with [Ferdinand Magellan’s](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) search for the Spice Islands (now the Moluccas). He was soon followed by many others, and by 1565 Spain had virtually full control of navigation routes across the Pacific. Oceania became, as Pacific historian Oskar Spate called it, a “Spanish lake.”
One of the most significant consequences of the European explorations in the Pacific, starting in the 16th and 17th centuries, was the Christianization and conquest of the Marianas. This affected traditional navigation by causing the disappearance of a unique form of watercraft, the CHamoru/Chamorro *proas*, the use of which the inhabitants of Marianas, as observed by early visitors, had clearly mastered. But in the mental framework of the colonizers, the *proas* were a hindrance for conversion and control of the indigenous people. The Chamorros were forced to abandon their “pagan” ways of life and the *proas* and other seagoing canoes were actively eliminated.
## Trade interruption
The interruption of Indigenous interaction between the central Carolines and the Marianas, from the late 17th century to the late 18th century, was also an indirect consequence of European explorations in the area. There was probably regular contact between the Marianas and the islands of the central Carolines before the arrival of the Europeans in Micronesia.
In 1788, there was an attempt to re-establish such routes, by the seaman “Luito of Lamotrek” from the Carolines who reached Guam with two canoes in that year. It was said that the knowledge and details of the sea route to “Waghal,” as Guam was known in the southern islands, had been passed down through traditional chants from one generation to another. The information was preserved in the memory of the community and was instrumental in the restoration of that traditional sea route.
The Carolinians told the Chamorros they had stopped coming to Guam and the other Mariana islands because they assumed that others who had traveled to the Marianas and not returned were killed.
But in 1788 on Guam, Luito and his people were well received. Commerce and communication with the southern islands was by that time very much welcomed by the Spanish colonial authorities. Exchanges of goods and information took place, and Luito returned to Lamotrek with the intention of continuing the voyage and exchange on a yearly basis. In the following year, 1789, they returned to Guam, this time in four canoes.
They never reached home. It is believed that they may have been caught in a storm and perished. Because they didn’t return to their islands, the people of Lamotrek and nearby islands thought that Guam was still an unsafe destination. The route was discontinued again.
## Re-establishment
In 1804, a ship from Boston, the *María*, sailed from Guam towards the central Carolines in search of a cargo of sea cucumber, also called trepang or *balate*. They were joined by Captain Luis de Torres, a senior Chamorro-Spanish official who wanted to find out what had happened to Luito and the prospective annual visits. In Woleai, Torres was told that the Woleaians had naturally assumed that the Spaniards may have killed or detained them. Torres explained what was thought to have happened, after which it was agreed that visits would be made to Guam every year, and these were consequently maintained up to the 20th century.
As for the colonial administration, communication between the Carolines and the Marianas were increased during the last decades of the nineteenth century by means of the regular mail ships that sailed a triangular route from the Philippines to Yap to Guam and back to the Philippines once every three months. In this case, the colonial agenda did contribute to local dynamics that had existed in the region for thousands of years, such as the contacts between the inhabitants of the different archipelagos.
***[By Carlos Madrid](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)***
## For further reading
Barratt, Glynn. *The Chamorros of the Mariana Islands: The Early European Records, 1521-1721*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Hanlon, David. “Patterns of Colonial Rule in Micronesia.” In *Tides of History: The Pacific Islands in the Twentieth Century*. Edited by K.R. Howe, Robert C. Kiste, and Brij V. Lal. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994.
Spate, O.H.K. *The Spanish Lake*: *The Pacific Since Magellan.* Vol. 1. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1979.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Transportation, Technology, and Communications
**Tags:** European Colonization's Impact on Trade in Micronesia
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### [Galleon: San Pablo](https://www.guampedia.com/galleon-san-pablo/)
**Published:** April 13, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** On 15 August 1568 the Spanish galleon San Pablo, anchored off the southwest coast of Guam, was hit by a sudden violent storm, blown onto a nearby coast and battered into a wreck, stranding 132 men from Miguel López de Legazpi’s embryonic Philippine colony.
**Content:**
# Galleon: San Pablo
[  ](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Reception_of_the_Manila_Galleon_by_the_Chamorro_in_the_Ladrones_Islands,_ca._1590.jpg) Reception of the Manila Galleon by the Chamorros in the Ladrones Islands, 1590. Courtesy of the Guam Museum.
#### Table of Contents
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## Shipwrecked off Guam
On 15 August 1568 the Spanish galleon *San Pablo*, anchored off the southwest coast of Guam, was hit by a sudden violent storm, blown onto a nearby coast and battered into a wreck, stranding 132 men from [Miguel López de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/)’s embryonic Philippine colony.
The castaways’ three-month sojourn on Guam led to intensive interaction with the CHamoru/Chamorro people, alternating between periods of trade and cooperation, and confrontation and violence. The Spanish mariners, who may have built a fortified camp on Cocos Island, a small sandy island off of [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/)/[Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) on the southern coast of Guam, converted the galleon’s boat into a large bark to return to the Philippines.
## First galleon lost on Guam
The *San Pablo*, a 400-ton prototypical “Manila Galleon” that was a mainstay of Legazpi’s 1565 expedition to the Philippines, was the first recorded Spanish shipwreck in the Mariana Islands, as well as the first of more than 40 galleons lost in the 250-year history of [Spain’s trans-Pacific trading](http://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-2-galleon-trading-and-repatriation/) line, many carrying some of the richest cargoes ever transported on the high seas.
The galleon was constructed in the port of La Navidad on the Pacific Coast of New Spain (Mexico), along with her larger sister ship, the 500-ton *San Pedro*, by order of the Spanish King Felipe II, who wished to establish a trading colony near the Spice Islands (Moluccas) via a westward route through Spanish territory. The Moluccas are a small group of islands to the north-east of Indonesia, between Celebes and New Guinea.
Built of Mexican hardwoods and iron fittings imported from Spain, the *San Pablo* and *San Pedro* “were the largest \[Spanish ships\] that had ever been built on the Pacific coast \[at that time\]….the best that have ever navigated on the South Seas and the stoutest and best equipped.”
They were designed along the “half-moon” lines of the armed galleons that carried Spain’s New World treasure back to Seville, and built in the fashion of the time, with a rounded “apple” bow, high forecastle and vaulting stern bracketing a low waist. Each vessel was three-masted, mounted several cannon, and could carry more than 200 crewmen and soldiers.
These galleons were built larger and stronger than their typical Atlantic counterparts at the urging of Fray [Andrés de Urdaneta](http://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-andres-de-urdaneta-2/), the most knowledgeable Spanish navigator of the Pacific. Greater size and strength was needed, Urdaneta had advised the King, to enable the vessels to carry the significantly larger quantities of food, water, supplies and equipment, as well as more crewmen. The galleons, as well, needed to be strong enough to circumnavigate the vast Pacific and to survive the violent storms, especially typhoons, that generated 40-foot seas and gale force winds along the western rim of the ocean.
The *San Pablo* probably had a deck length of 90 to 100 feet on a 25 to 30-foot beam; the *San Pedro*, about a 120-foot deck length on a 35-foot beam. These vessels are regarded as the prototypes for the “Manila Galleons” that plied the 20,000-mile roundtrip journey between Asia and America, the longest continuous navigation ever conducted.
The *San Pablo*’s initial visit to Guam occurred in January 1565, when Legazpi’s fleet anchored off the island’s southwest coast for 11 days, trading with CHamorus for provisions and surveying the island’s resources. Urdaneta, who was Legazpi’s principle navigator, was familiar with the southwest roadstead because he had visited it in 1526 on the *Vittoria*, the surviving vessel of the Garcia de Loyasa expedition. [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)’s expedition may also have visited the southwest anchorage in March 1521, but some scholars believe his ships stopped off northwest Guam and interacted with islanders along that coast.
## Legazpi's grandson was commander
In 1568, the San Pablo was chosen to make the return voyage from Cebu, Philippines, to Acapulco, Mexico, and sailed under the command of Legazpi’s grandson, Filipe de Salcedo, arriving off Guam’s leeward coast in mid-August. The vessel carried more than 400 quintals of Philippine cinnamon (about 40,440 pounds), as well as samples of Philippine gold, Ming porcelain and other articles that might be valued in New Spain and serve as future trade products for the galleon commerce. One hundred and fifty quintals of the cinnamon were intended for the King and 250 quintals were shipped to provide financial compensation and sustenance for key members of Legazpi’s expedition.
Though only in his late teens, Salcedo was Legazpi’s most trusted general and had served as captain of the sister ship *San Pedro* in 1565, when the vessel, piloted by Urdaneta, discovered the return route from Cebu across the North Pacific to New Spain. This long-sought passage, known to the Spanish as the *tournaviaje*, had been the Holy Grail of Spain’s Pacific exploration, the secret to unlocking direct Asian-American trade. Salcedo had visited Guam twice before, using the southwest anchorage both times, first with Legazpi in 1565 and again in 1567 when he brought the San Pedro back to Cebu from Acapulco.
In the 1568 visit of the *San Pablo* to Guam, Salcedo moored in the familiar southwest roadstead and went ashore in the galleon’s boat with some of his men. On August 15th, the feast of the *Asuncion de Nuestra Señora*, a sudden and violent storm struck the island, driving the ship off its moorings and dashing her against an area of coastline, where she was smashed to pieces, with a total loss of her cargo. The crewmen and passengers on board the vessel were saved through the diligent efforts of those already ashore, who rescued them using CHamoru outrigger canoes and the galleon’s boat.
Because the crew and passengers required rescue by boats and the reportedly violent destruction of the ship, the galleon may have been driven south of its anchorage onto the submerged coral reef extending more than two miles off Guam’s southwest coast, forming a U-shaped spur. The flat, coconut palm-covered island, now known as Cocos, rises from the center of the reef. If grounded on the coral spur, the vessel would have been battered to pieces by the pounding storm winds and waves. The island served the castaways well, as a defensible camp, as they salvaged what they could from the wreck and began building a bark, enlarging and building up the ship’s boat by adding decking, siding and topside structures using woodwork and boards from the lost galleon.
## CHamorus attacked crewmen, then helped them
Sparse accounts of this encounter noted that islanders attacked the crewmen several times but also assisted the castaways. The crew “experienced great difficulty” with the islanders, one report noted, there were “big clashes” and a number of islanders were killed by arquebus fire. Another account attributed the crew’s survival to Captain Salcedo, who “with his prudence calmed them \[the islanders\] down until the building of the bark was complete.” His approach may have involved the gifting and trading of iron and other goods from the wreck, which the crewmen visited regularly to salvage material and equipment.
This encounter may have followed a pattern of onshore confrontations-alternating with peaceful trading that had been reported during earlier Spanish visits. CHamorus on Guam had vigorously resisted onshore incursions of armed landing parties during both the Magellan (1521) and Legazpi (1565) episodes, perceiving them as threats to their people, homes, canoes and food stocks. Several CHamorus reportedly had been killed defending their village against Magellan’s onshore assault, yet islanders from other villages continued to trade with the expedition after the attack.
Chroniclers also described a number of violent confrontations between Legazpi’s survey parties and islanders seeking to prevent Spanish landings at west coast villages. Some of these resulted in the death of warriors. However CHamorus continued to engage in offshore trading with the fleet’s crews without boarding the vessels. Legazpi’s chroniclers even reported that while CHamorus fought onshore with a Spanish landing party, others who were trading at the galleons “after leaving aboard their canoes would go ashore to fight with our men, to be replaced in the canoes by those who had been fighting who then came alongside to trade. At all times they kept their weapons in their hands.”
In these early contacts, the islanders sought to keep Spanish visitors offshore as much as possible and at arms’ length, while gaining the material benefits of the encounter by trading in a safer offshore venue. The wisdom of this strategy was underscored in 1566, a year after Legazpi’s visit, when the relief ship San Geronimo stopped at Rota, where soldiers went ashore *en masse* to loot provisions, killing numerous islanders who resisted and burning 200 houses. The galleon had been dispatched from New Spain to reinforce the Cebu colony but the vessel had suffered a mutiny and lacked effective leadership. CHamoru traders from Guam who arrived in four canoes quickly returned to their home villages when they learned of the Spanish depredations, alerting their kin-groups and neighbor villages to the danger.
Because of these experiences, CHamorus from Guam’s southwest villages may have viewed the extended presence of the large, armed, fortified (and possibly belligerent) camp of *San Pedro* castaways as an actual or potential threat to their villages. Forays by armed Spanish watering and food-gathering parties, as well as attempts by Spanish officers to dominate islanders and various trading disputes – actions that had triggered violence in the encounters with the Magellan and Legazpi expeditions – may have sparked confrontations with the *San Pablo* camp.
The bark was completed by the end of October and all 132 crewmen and passengers boarded the hybrid vessel and safely navigated the 1,200 nautical miles across the Philippine Sea back to Cebu, arriving by mid-November 1568.
It is not entirely clear from Spanish reports, however, why the *San Pablo* fetched up at Guam in the first place. An anonymous account maintained that the galleon had departed Cebu on 1 June 1568 “with good weather” but “after many hardships which they suffered they had to turn back to Cebu… \[l\]eaving behind many people who had become sick.” Departing a second time, presumably on July 1st, the galleon arrived at Guam, “where Captain Salcedo was under orders from his grandfather, the Governor, to make a stopover, and to find out if some of the islands \[grew\] clove or pepper.”
In a letter to the King, Guido de Lavezaris, treasurer of the Philippine Colony, lamented the loss of the galleon, which he said had experienced “much hardship \[as\] she followed her course to \[Guam\]…and entered a port “which is very unprotected.” Noting that Legazpi had to burn the sister ship *San Pedro* because “it was of no use, and so that the nails it contained might serve for a ship that was being made,” Lavezaris emphasized that without naval support, the small colony on Cebu was highly vulnerable to a Portuguese fleet then seeking to force the Spanish to leave the Philippines. He prayed, “May God pardon whomsoever did us such harm in losing this ship \[*San Pablo*\] in this manner.”
## Legazpi asked for Guam and Rota
Though Legazpi’s letter to the *audencia* of New Spain reporting the *San Pablo*’s loss did not explain why the ship was at Guam, his petitions to the King add plausibility to the suggestion that he had directed Salcedo to stop there and search for valuable spices. In his initial requests, delivered by his son Melchior at Madrid in 1568 and 1569, he sought royal grants of titles, authorities, compensation and trading privileges in the Philippines, some of which had been agreed to by Velasco before his death.
Legazpi also requested that “two of the Ladrone Islands” be granted to him, with the title of Governor and Captain-General, “provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost.” He also asked that in his absence from the islands, a lieutenant might act in his name.
Noting that Guam and Rota “would be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines”, Legazpi also asked that he, his sons and successors be granted “one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands.”
Legazpi also asked that his grandson Felipe de Salcedo “be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the Crown.”
The King granted most of Legazpi’s requests, providing detailed royal instructions on how to establish and administer the newly claimed colonies, including “the Ladrones,” and govern their native inhabitants and colonists. Legazpi’s plans for Guam and Rota and the King’s decrees guiding their colonization were never carried out, however, as exploiting the Philippine’s resources and trading nexus absorbed the colonists’ energies. Legazpi died in 1572 and his successors did not pursue his grants and authorities for the “way-station” islands.
While Salcedo may have stopped at Guam under his grandfather’s orders, it is also possible that his vessel, which reportedly took six weeks to reach Guam from Cebu, was hit by storms after it left the Philippines and slowly made its way to Guam in damaged condition – to repair, refit and revive its crew and passengers. If this was the case, the San Pablo may have been an early victim of the region’s seasonal geophysical forces that plagued the galleon line throughout its history.
The first phase of the *tournaviaje* – northeast through the Philippine Sea to the higher latitudes southeast of Japan – was the most dangerous track, as typhoons often pounded some of the vessels, rending sails, dismasting the ships, dislodging rudder posts and springing leaks, leaving the galleons unable to effectively navigate. The height of the typhoon season in this region is July, August and September. Several galleons damaged by these storms during the history of the trade drifted back through the Philippine Sea toward the Philippines. One of these wrecked at Rota (the *Santa Margarita* in 1601) and another at Saipan (the [*Concepción* ](http://www.guampedia.com/galleon-concepcion/)in 1638). The *San Pablo* may have been the first of the Manila Galleons lost in this way.
For CHamorus, the *San Pablo* episode underscored the dangers of onshore incursions and encampments by armed Spanish parties, a salient issue of the early European contact period that had generated vigorous islander resistance and precipitated violent confrontations. The *San Pablo* experience doubtless strengthened the islanders’ preference for trading with galleon crews in offshore areas from canoes, rather than onboard the vessels or onshore, a practice that exhibited itself repeatedly over the next century.
For the Spanish, the wreck of the *San Pablo* became a cautionary tale on the vulnerability of Guam’s southwest roadstead, especially during the typhoon season. This concern influenced Spanish officials as they prescribed the roundtrip navigation for the developing galleon trade and directed captains of the silver-laden Acapulco ships to use the 30-mile wide Rota Channel, which they called *La Bocana*, as the navigational and provisioning station on the three-month, 9,000-nautical-mile voyage to the Philippines. By the mid-1570s the silver argosies (large ships) would typically slacken sails as they entered the channel and drift through the passage, trading with islanders for fresh water, food and craft work in exchange for Spanish iron goods.
This development shifted the major venue for the iron trade in the islands away from the southwest coastal villages, thus providing an advantage to villagers in northern Guam and Rota who enjoyed regular and first access to these highly-valued goods from the Acapulco ships – an exchange that became the linchpin of islander relations with the galleon line for the next 100 years.
Though sporadic visits of British [privateers](http://www.guampedia.com/pirates-on-guam/) and [Dutch expeditions](https://www.guampedia.com/european-trade-dutch-traders/) used the southwest roadstead in the 17th century, the Spanish trade galleons generally avoided that anchorage until the 1670s, when the Crown ordered Acapulco ship captains to anchor there on their westward crossing in order to deliver funds, supplies and personnel for the permanent Spanish mission colony. The anchorage remained vulnerable, however, claiming the *Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zaragosa* in June 1690, when contrary winds blew the 1,200-ton Acapulco ship onto the Cocos Island reef where it was pounded into a wreck by high winds.
***[By Frank Quimby](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-quimby/)***
## For further reading
Blair, Emma H., and James A. Robertson. *The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803*. Vols. 2-3. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909.
de San Agustín, Gaspar. *Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, 1565-1615.* Introduction by Pedro G. Galende. Translation by Luis Antonio Mañeru. Vol. 1, Chapter 44. Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998.
Gschaedler, André. “Mexico and the Pacific 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them.” PhD diss., Columbia University, 1956.
Lévesque, Rodrique. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 2, *Prelude to Conquest*. Quebec: Lévesque Publications, 1992.
Noone, Martin J. *General History of the Philippines: The Discovery and Conquest of the Philippines (1521-1581)*. Part 1, Vol. 1. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1986.
Schurz, William Lytle. *The Manila Galleon*. New York: E.P. Dutton & Company, Inc., 1959.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Galleons, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Galleon: San Pablo
---
### [Galleon: Victoria](https://www.guampedia.com/galleon-victoria/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Victoria was one of five ships of Ferdinand Magellan’s fleet during the expedition to find the Spice Islands (now the Moluccas) in the early 16th century. The expedition set sail from Spain in 1519, with the flagship Trinidad, the Victoria and the other three ships Concepcion, Santiago, and San Antonio.
**Content:**
# Galleon: Victoria
[  ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/42-Maris-Pacifici-Victoria_1100.webp) Magellan's *Victoria* in Maris Pacifici by Abraham Ortelius, detail. Wikimedia Commons.
#### Table of Contents
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## First ship to circumnavigate the world
The *Victoria* was one of five ships of [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)’s fleet during the expedition to find the Spice Islands (now the Moluccas) in the early 16th century. The expedition set sail from Spain in 1519, with the flagship *[Trinidad](https://www.guampedia.com/galleon-trinidad/)*, the *Victoria* and the other three ships *Concepcion*, *Santiago*, and *San Antonio*. Three years later, in 1522, the *Victoria* was the only one to return to Spain, making it the first ship known to successfully circumnavigate the globe. The other ships were either destroyed, captured, or deserted. The *San Antonio* deserted the expedition in South America and returned to Spain.
*Victoria* was the best of the five, and the most expensive: its construction price (300,000 maravedies) was 38 percent higher than the price for the other four ships. The *Victoria* was 20.26 meters (or more than 66 feet) in length, weighed 85 tons and had 180 tons of displacement.
The *Victoria* was built in Zarauz in the Basque region of Spain as ordered possibly by Juan Sebastian Elcano. Elcano would eventually take over command of the expedition after Magellan’s death in the Philippine islands and would return to Spain aboard the *Victoria*. During the expedition the captain of the *Victoria* was Luis de Mendoza. He was among the organizers of a mutiny in San Julian Bay in Southern Argentina in 1520 and died after being stabbed by Gonzalo Gómez de Espinosa.
Of the more than 200 men who were part of the Magellan expedition, less than 20 returned to Spain aboard the *Victoria*.
After the historic voyage, the *Victoria* was auctioned in a public bid on 26 February 1523. A Genovese merchant, Esteban Centurion, bought it for 285 ducats. Two years later, in 1525, Centurion passed away and his daughter María inherited the *Victoria*. It was scheduled to sail to Santo Domingo in the Caribbean. It is unknown what happened to it.
In recent years, different replicas of the *Victoria* have been built. The most recent and faithful one docked in Saipan (Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands) in 2006 on its voyage around the world.
[***By Carlos Madrid***](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
## For further reading
Bergreen, Laurence. *Over the Edge of the World: Magellan’s Terrifying Circumnavigation of the Globe*. New York: Harper Collins, 2003.
Fernandez-Vial, Ignacio, and Guadalupe Fernández Morente. *La Primera Vuelta al Mundo: La Nao Victoria*. Seville: Muñoz Moya, 2001.
**Categories:** European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Galleons, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Galleon: Victoria
---
### [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ferdinand Magellan (1480 - 1521), born in Portugal and killed in Cebu, Philippines, was a Portuguese seafarer and navigator who worked most of his life for Castille, the Spanish throne. In 1520-1521, Magellan commanded an expedition of five ships whose mission was to find a passage around the American continent to the Spice Islands (Moluku, Indonesia).
**Content:**
# Ferdinand Magellan
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## Guam's first European contact
Ferdinand Magellan (1480 – 1521), born in Portugal and killed in Cebu, Philippines, was a Portuguese seafarer and navigator who worked most of his life for Castille, the Spanish throne. In 1520-1521, Magellan commanded an expedition of five ships whose mission was to find a passage around the American continent to the Spice Islands (Moluku, Indonesia). At the tip of South America, he discovered the strait that now bears his name, but after reaching Asia he was killed in the Philippines. Only one of the remaining two ships with 18 survivors of the expedition returned to Spain, completing the first circumnavigation of the earth.
Magellan began his life as a seafarer in his native country, Portugal, at the age of 25 when he was sent to India on an expedition to secure Francisco de Almeida as viceroy of the Portuguese territories there. A year later, in 1506, he sailed to the Moluku Islands, Indonesia, where he bought a slave named Enrique or Enriquillo, who accompanied Magellan on all future voyages. In 1513 Magellan was injured during combat in northern Africa, and since then he suffered with a limp.
Magellan fell out of favor with the Portugese Court after taking leave without permission and was accused of trading illegally with the Moors (Muslims). He knew Spain was looking for a route towards the Spice Islands without crossing the Portuguese area of the world established by the Treaty of Tordesillas, Magellan presented a plan of expedition to Charles V of Spain. The expedition departed from Sanlúcar de Barrameda in Spain on 20 September 1519, with five ships: the flagship *Trinidad* together with the *Victoria, Santiago, San Antonio* and *Concepcion*. On board were approximately 270 men with a wide range of nationalities, including Antonio de Pigafetta, an Italian nobleman who was anxious to take part and chronicle the journey.
## Expedition accounts and naming of Ladrones
The chronicle written by Pigafetta is therefore the first known written account of contact between ancient CHamorus and Europeans. This account is the most detailed found today, both in general information about the voyage and in relation to his description of the “Islands of Thieves” or *Islas de Los Ladrones*, which Magellan named the archipelago after a misunderstanding about property rights. The archipelago was initially named the “Island of Lateen Sails” or *Islas de las Velas Latinas* as the explorers were amazed by the swiftness, agility and how the CHamorus easily maneuvered the proas which greeted them as they approached the islands.
In addition to Pigafetta’s accounts, there are seven other manuscripts, of the 11 (chronicled by different authors of the expedition) that allegedly once existed, that describe or mention the events of the voyage and the arrival in the Marianas.
According to Pigafetta, the travelers sighted three islands of the Marianas archipelago on 6 March 1521 (or 17 March, according to Ginés de Mafra, another chronicler of the same expedition). The crews were on the verge of starvation. Navarro, the sailor who first sighted land, was rewarded with gold jewelry worth more than 100 ducats for his good eye.
## Perceived theft
De Mafra mentions that the first incident between CHamorus and Europeans took place when an officer of the *Trinidad* “for little cause” slapped one of the islanders, who then slapped him back. The officer returned with a blow of his machete, at which the islanders jumped into the water, returned rapidly to their proas and started to throw spears at the ship, hurting some of the Europeans.
Another group of CHamorus came from shore and went over to the ships and started trading while the first group continued throwing spears. After the trading was concluded, and to the surprise of the Europeans, the second group of CHamorus joined the group that was fighting. Seeing that the number of canoes was increasing, Magellan ordered his crew to stop fighting, after which peace was re-established, and commerce and trade was resumed.
Some islanders cut the rope of one of the skiffs off the *Trinidad* and took it. Magellan arranged a punishment for this perceived theft, disembarking the next day and setting some settlements on the coast on fire. Seven CHamorus were killed during the attack. Following an old medieval superstition, the European sailors who were sick asked crew members, who took part in the attack, to bring back the entrails of the dead natives, so that they could eat them and recover their health.
## Historic significance
Pigafetta was among the landing party, so in his chronicle he described for the first time some of the customs of the ancient CHamorus and the extraordinary mastery they had over their proas.
The identification of the exact place of Magellan’s landing in the Marianas continues to generate great scholarly debate. Three islands were spotted from the ships, two of them close to each other and the third, a bigger island, off to the north. Although in Guam a tradition refers to the bay of Humåtak as the landing site, the logic of the route that the expedition had taken, together with the contradictory testimonies of the surviving accounts, suggests that the site was somewhere to the north of Humåtak or even north of Guam itself, possibly on the island of Saipan. It may be logical to suppose that the oral tradition referring to Humåtak as a landing site refers to the expedition of Legazpi, who in 1565 disembarked there as many others did over the years.
After two days in the “*Ladrones*” or “Islands of Thieves” as they were named by Magellan, the fleet continued its route towards the West. Not long after his visit to the Marianas, Magellan would die in combat in the island of Mactan in Cebu, after taking sides in a local struggle between two chiefs. The Trinidad continued onward back to Spain under the command of Juan Sebastián Elcano. Only 18 survivors of the original crew arrived once again in Sanlúcar de Barrameda on 6 September 1522.
In many ways, Fernando de Magellan represents a turning point in the history of Guam. His voyage heralded the beginning of a series of intermittent visits to the Marianas, throughout the next 150 years, by foreign navigators. For the indigenous population, these trips represented a series of contacts, often saturated with violence, problems of communication and trickery – as well as the exchange of objects of value. On some occasions, islanders were kidnapped, to be used as guides or as protégés of missionaries.
For the Europeans, the incorporation of news about the existence of an inhabited archipelago with resources for supplying ships and crews marked a milestone in the cartography of the Pacific Ocean, whose vastness was practically unknown until then. In the maps of the 16th century, the “Islands of Thieves” represented the first geographical reference to new lands in the Pacific.
[***By Carlos Madrid***](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/ "Carlos Madrid")
## For further reading
de Elcano, Juan Sebastián. *La Primera Vuelta al Mundo*. Madrid: Miraguano Ediciones, 2003.
Pigafetta, Antonio. *Magellan’s Voyage: A Narrative Account of the First Circumnavigation*. Vols. 1-2. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Adventurers, Ancient Guam Era, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Trade
**Tags:** Ferdinand Magellan
---
### [Quonset Huts](https://www.guampedia.com/quonset-huts/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A Quonset hut is a lightweight prefabricated structure of corrugated steel having a semicircular cross section. Following the retaking of Guam by the United States during World War II, construction began in earnest to transform the island into a military stronghold capable of striking the Japanese mainland.
**Content:**
# Quonset Huts
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## Temporary buildings used post World War II
A Quonset hut is a lightweight prefabricated structure of corrugated steel having a semicircular cross section. Following the retaking of Guam by the United States during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), construction began in earnest to transform the island into a military stronghold capable of striking the Japanese mainland. Temporary buildings were needed to house the massive influx of troops and supplies. During the [post-war](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) reconstruction, Quonset huts became omnipresent on Guam.
Favored by the Navy because of its low cost and ease of both construction and transportation, Quonset huts became the predominant building structures, numbering in the thousands. No skilled labor was needed to construct the prefabricated, corrugated tin sheeting. With an average size of 16 feet by 36 feet and an eight-foot radius, the temporary structures eventually came to be used for non-military functions as homes, schools, and hospitals. There was also a larger size called elephant Quonsets.
The immediate post-war period featured an acute building and infrastructure shortage. This was due to prior under development of the island before World War II and the military strategy in recapturing the island of wide-scale bombing of buildings took place in an effort to minimize infantry casualties. Further destruction took place at the hands of the Navy Seabees who bulldozed buildings and homes in preparation for the construction of planned harbors and airfields.
In the short-term, the Quonset huts were well suited to the tropical climate. The curved shape aided in resisting wind forces as evidenced by the large number of Quonset huts left standing after Supertyphoon Karen in 1962. The lack of overhangs allows for the wind to blow over smoothly.
The high maintenance of the large number of Quonset huts on Guam, however, led to a decline in popularity. The shape that aided the Quonset during typhoons made it hard to build against or add on to because of its lack of a vertical surface. The structures became notorious for the unbearable heat that would accumulate inside. Corrosion became problematic as the heavy rains weakened the tin walls. Tin is also susceptible to impact from flying debris during typhoons. On average, the Quonset huts had a 50-year life on Guam. There are only a few left standing today.
***[By Nicholas Yamashita Quinata](https://www.guampedia.com/nicholas-quinata/ "Nicholas Yamashita Quinata")***
## For further reading
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1995.
Ruth, H. Mark, Jack B. Jones, and Morris M. Grobins, eds. *Guidebook to the Architecture of Guam*. Taipei: Guam and the TTPI Chapter of the American Institute of Architects, 1976.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Building Methods, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era
**Tags:** Quonset Huts
---
### [Pole and Thatched Homes](https://www.guampedia.com/pole-and-thatched-homes/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Throughout Guam’s history the most common type home was a rectangular pole and thatch structure with a raised floor. Today this type of structure has been replaced for the most part by concrete homes.
**Content:**
# Pole and Thatched Homes
#### Table of Contents
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## Pre-concrete
Throughout Guam’s history, the most common type home was a rectangular pole and thatch structure with a raised floor. Today, this type of structure has been replaced for the most part by concrete homes. Even the ancient [*latte* homes](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) were pole and thatch structures, set on stone pillars. CHamorus/Chamorros built these structures with poles from local trees and bamboo. In most cases, the woven thatch was made from coconut (*Cocos nucifera*) leaves. Pole and thatch homes were usually lashed together with cordage. In Spanish and American times, people also used wooden pins and metal nails in building homes. Pole and thatch homes were remarkably strong, cool, and comfortable.
## Cordage
*Filak*, twisted and braided soaked green coconut husk fibers, make the best cordage. CHamorus twisted *pokse’*, the inner bark of the *pågu* (*Hibiscus tiliaceus*) tree into rope with machines that most families owned. During [Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and [US Naval eras](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), hemp and *cabo negro* were grown but not frequently used in making rope.
## Poles
Carpenters used line-of-sight to lay out a rectangular house. Frequently, the houses were four or five *haligi* (posts) long and three *haligi* wide. Builders harvested insect resistant posts and other wood for building structures during the time of the waning moon at low tide. Generally, they placed the posts no more than eight to 10 feet apart. A typical house in the middle of the 19th century was 24 to 36 feet long and about 12 feet wide. Small ranch houses might have only four posts.
The CHamoru houses had a raised floor, whereas the Carolinians in Guam built their houses on the ground. CHamoru builders used a *fusiños* which is a metal thrust hoe, to dig post holes in clay or sand. If the ground was harder and had rocks in it, they used a metal *kubu*, a digging tool with a long straight blade and a heavy handle.
Before Spanish times, CHamorus used a wooden *dagau* for this purpose. When bedrock could not be reached, the ground at the bottom of the hole was packed solid and a flat rock was placed in the bottom of the hole to support the post. Carpenters frequently used fire-hardened or kiln-dried *ifit* (ifil, *Intsia bijuga*), *ahgao* (*Premna obtusifolia*) for larger buildings, and *choppak* (*Mammea odorata*) and *gågu* (*Casuarina equisetifolia*) for smaller structures. In addition to the main *haligi*, shorter posts called *hotkon*, supported the floor. They used *ahgao, gågu, kamachilli* (*Pithecellobium dulce*), and *da’ok* (*Calophyllum inophyllum*) for these shorter posts.
The carpenters used *ifit, ahgao, gågu, kamachilli, and da’ok* for the *suleras*, or floor joists. These were lashed or in more recent times nailed in place. The *såtge*, or floor, was normally a few feet off the ground, but could range from two feet to 12 feet off the ground. The raised floor allowed cooling air to circulate under the house. Farm animals were often penned under the house, as recommended by the Spanish Laws of the Indies.
Frequently, the floor was made of split bamboo, betel palm (*Areca catechu*), or bravo palm (*Heterospathe elata*) logs. Builders used both the thick *pi’ao låhi* and the thin walled, spineless *pi’ao palao’an*. The split bamboo was made insect resistant and stronger by soaking it in salt water and then drying it. In the best homes, floors were made of *ifit* boards held in place with wooden pins. These floors were kept shiny with a burnishing cross-section of a coconut husk.
Approximately 5.5 feet above the floor, horizontal beams called *dotmiente* supported the *tieres,* or major roof rafters. Builders placed these beams in a cut notch or natural fork at the upper end of each of the foundation posts. They secured these beams by lashings or in later times with wooden pins or large nails. To give greater stability to the roof, carpenters lashed diagonal poles, *asuguat*, from the underside of the high end of the center rafter extending to the underside of the lower end of the gable rafter. There were four *asuguat*, two on each side of the roof. Roofers lashed the *asuguat* to all the rafters it crossed.
Between the main foundation *haligi,* there were smaller vertical studs or *piderecho*. They were given further stability with diagonal wooden braces lashed into place. The studs supported the split bamboo, coconut thatch, woven *karisu* (*Phragmites karka*), split betel palm, or even *tabique* walls. In the Marianas before 1900, *tabique* was a wet wall construction composed of thin strips of wood or bamboo laths plastered over with mud, clay, or mortar.
After 1900, it came to mean a thin wall constructed of concrete on a framework of two by four inch wooden posts. In most houses, the exterior and interior walls were one and the same. Where doors or windows were placed, the builders put horizontal headers between the studs. There were many splices and joints in the framing, so the building could flex and better withstand earthquakes and strong winds.
Windows or *bentåna* were just rectangular spaces in the walls or small vertical spaces in the gables. Usually they were covered with *ohan bentåna* or shutters made of the same materials as the walls. Screens or window glass was not common. Shutters were hinged at the top and were held open with a stick. Many houses had a door at the center of each long side of the house. Some doors had metal hinges but often they were attached with lashings. Usually three or four wooden steps or a ladder led to the door. The steps led directly into the house or to a covered porch or *kahida*.
Frequently, houses had two or three rooms, but occasionally there were as few as one room or as many as four rooms. Typically, they divided the house into a master bedroom and a room that served as a living room during the day and a bedroom for the children at night. A large house might have a living/dinning room, a bedroom, a storeroom and a workroom/nursery. The rooms were divided by *saguåle’* or *dindines*, partitions that could be made of bamboo, coconut leaf, *karisu*, or *guåfak* woven from *åkgak* (*Pandanus tectorius*).
Between the main *dotmiente* on each side of the house there were *kanat* or large crossbeams. Between the crossbeams there were smaller *suleras* or ceiling joists.
Frequently there were no ceilings. A *kamaroti* or loft was often built of boards resting on the crossbeams. People used the *kamaroti* for storage. In houses with a *kisami* (ceiling), it was made of woven *karisu* or boards.
From the *dotmiente*, the forked end rafters or drilled and pinned rafters ran to the ridgepole or *kabayeti*. In smaller structures, they used *paipai* (*Guamia Marianna*) for rafters. In larger structures, they frequently used *gågu* or *choppak*. Before the ridgepole could be supported by the rafters, temporary towers at each end of the house held the ridgepole in place. In the simplest structures the framing was sometimes done with the strong and insect-resistant, thick-walled, spined *pi’ao låhi* or *tituka’* (*Bambusa blumeana*) bamboo rather than wooden poles.
A steep-pitched thatched roof was necessary because of the frequent rainfall. A framework or *barakilan* was lashed to the *tieres*. Frequently, builders used *paipai* (*Guamia mariannae*) for the horizontal *barakilan*. Next builders lashed *bålas*, laths of bamboo, betel palm, or light poles to the *barakilan*. Sometimes *barakilan* is used to describe the entire roof framework including the *tieras*, and the *bålas*. Roofers tied the thatch to the *bålas*.
## Thatch
The most common thatch used in Guam was coconut leaves followed by *nipa* (*Nypa fruticans*) and *nette* (*Miscanthus floridulus*). The roofers harvested the longest lasting thatch, during the last quarter of the moon, at low tide. Depending upon the weather and the insect population, the CHamorus replaced their coconut thatched roofs on average every one to two years.
*Higai* are the woven coconut leaf thatch used for roofing or for walls. A minimum number of *higai* even for the smallest homes was over 500. Women helped in weaving the *higai*. The coconut fronds were split along the midrib, each end of the frond was trimmed, the leaflets were diagonally plaited, and then the two sides were placed one on top of the other with the shiny side of the woven leaflets facing up.
Finally, the halves of each frond were tied together to form one panel for the roof. The builders stacked the freshly woven panels crosswise to dry. Once dry, they were ready to be tied to the *bålas* with pandanus leaf lashings called *fågot*. The thatching began at the eaves by tying a horizontal row of *higai* from one end of the house to the other. The next overlapping row began a few inches above the row below, until row after row, they reached the ridgepole. After thatching each side of the roof and the gables, the roofers covered the ridge with series of overlapping end to end freshly woven *pupong*.
To make each *pupong,* the split halves of the coconut fronds were tightly woven into each other forming a wide panel with the heavy stems on the outer sides. The *pupong* were draped over the ridgepole with only the heavy stems holding them in place until they were secured with *tokcha’*, or thin sticks, running through one side of the *pupong* under the ridgepole and then through the opposite side of the *pupong*.
During periods of strong winds or typhoons, the homeowner lashed his house down. They would place a series of *hokse* along the roof to keep the thatch in place. *Hokse* were the tied thin stems of two whole coconut fronds draped over the ridgepole with one frond on each side of the roof. The heavy end of the coconut frond stems, hanging down toward the eaves, held the *higai* in place. In the worst storms, houses were abandoned for low A-framed pole and thatch structures on the ground called *guma’ påyu*, or they sought the shelter of caves.
The thatching party or *balanggai* was a major festive social event that brought friends and family to the house at six in the morning for the roofing and for the obligatory feast. The home owner provided food, [*pugua’*](https://www.guampedia.com/passion-for-pugua/) (betel nut), tobacco, cigars, and *tuba* or stronger drink for the thatchers. There was shouting, singing, feasting, and drinking as the work progressed.
In addition to coconut leaf thatch, the people of Guam used *nipa* and *nette* for thatch. The Spanish probably introduced *nipa* from the Philippines. It can last as long last 10 to 12 years. Today, the plant grows in limited and threatened quantities along many of Guam’s streams and wetlands.
Thatchers stripped the leaflets from the *nipa* stem, and folded each leaflet perpendicularly over a reed or thin strip of bamboo. To make a thatched panel or *tågon*, they sewed each leaflet next to one another on the reed with strips of *åkgak*. These *tågon* were stacked to dry and eventually tied on the roof in the same manner as the *higai*. The ridgepole was covered with a *pupong* woven from *nipa*. In rare cases the *tågon* were made from pandanus.
*Nette* or sword grass lasted longer than any thatch, but it was not frequently used for wooden buildings, because it can cut and can cause itchiness. According to contemporary reports, *nette* was tied into bundles and also sewed on reeds to form *tågon*. The roofers attached the *nette* to the roof framework in the same manner as other thatch.
## Out of use in present day Guam
Pole and thatch homes were common in Guam prior to the 1960s. Tin and concrete homes became the norm after typhoon Karen’s devastating winds in November of 1962. The most common thatch was woven coconut leaves. Most of these raised pole and thatch homes were linked by a wooden bridge or *bátalan* to an outdoor kitchen called a *kusinan sanhiyon*. In addition to these pole and thatch homes, there were similarly constructed outdoor kitchens, temporary shacks, ranch houses, outhouses, sheds, piers, stockades, chapels, shrines, arches, crosses, and even pens and fences.
***[By Lawrence J. Cunningham, EdD](https://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-cunningham/ "Lawrence J. Cunningham")***
## For further reading
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Fritz, Georg. *The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Mariana Islands*. Translated by Elfriede Craddock and edited by Scott Russell. Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 1. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1989.
Ramirez, Anthony J., ed. *Freedom to Be: 40th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*. Tamuning: Fiestan Guam Committee, 1984.
Ruth, H. Mark, Jack B. Jones, and Morris M. Grobins, eds. *Guidebook to the Architecture of Guam*. Taipei: Guam and the TTPI Chapter of the American Institute of Architects, 1976.
Safford, William E. *A Year on the Island of Guam: An Account of the First American Administration*. Washington, DC: H.L. McQueen, 1910.
## Glossary
Chamorro/CHamoruEnglish meaningÅkgaka type of pandanus used for weaving and lashing. *Pandanus tectorius* or textile pandanus.Asuguata stabilizing pole lashed diagonally from the top of the center rafter to the lower end of of the gable rafter.Balanggaia roof thatching party. Also a temporary shack. Also, *balangai* or *barangay* in the Filipino dialect, Tagalog.Bålasroofing laths of bamboo or betel palm or any light poles to which thatch is attached.Barakilanhorizontal poles tied to the rafters. Also, rafters or the entire framework to support a roof. Also, *baraquilanes, varatejas,* and *varaquilanes* in Spanish.Bátalana causeway from the main floor of a building leading to a cookhouse, bathhouse, outhouse, or washroom in the back. The causeway was usually a solid terrace of walled masonry filled with earth, but could take the form of a boardwalk or bridge. The Spanish introduced this Malayan architectural feature to the Mariana Islands from the Philippines. *Batalán* in Spanish.Bentånawindow.Dagaua wood digging stick used to harvest yams and other root crops.Dindinesmat walls or partitions made of pandandus, palm, or various reeds such as bamboo or karisu.Dokdokseeded breadfruit. *Artocarpus mariannensis*.Dotmientebeam and crossbeam.Fågota strip of pandanus leaf used as a lashing.Filakcoir or sennit made by twisting and braiding soaked green coconut husk fibers.Fusiñosa long-handled, straight metal-bladed thrust hoe used for plowing, planting, weeding, post hole digging, and picking fruits from trees.Guåfakmat. Usually a woven pandanus *(akgak,* *Pandanus tectorius*, textile pandanus) mat.Guma’ påyua low A-framed pole and thatch structure on the ground used for shelter during a strong storm.Haligia post used to support a building, or a fence.HigaiWoven coconut leaf thatch used mainly for roofing. The coconut fronds are split along the midrib, each end of the frond is trimmed, the leaflets are diagonally plaited, and then the two sides are placed one on top of the other with the shiny side of the woven leaflets facing up. Finally, they are tied together to form one panel for the roof.Hoksecoconut fronds tied in pairs by the thin stem end and draped over the ridge pole of a house with the heavy end of the coconut frond hanging down toward the eaves on each side of the roof. People used them to keep the thatch from being blown away.Ifitifil; *Intsia bijuga*.Kabayetiridge beam (Georg Fritz), crossbeam (Donald Topping).Kahidaporch.Kåmalena rectangular storage shed or barn-like structure built of wood and bamboo with a steep roof thatched with coconut fronds, *nipa,* or sword grass in the Mariana Islands. *Camarín* in Tagálog and Spanish.Kamarotiattic or loft.Kannatlarge cross beams.Karisua tall (10-16 feet or 3-5 meters), reed (*Phragmites karka*) that grows in freshwater swamps, or along river banks. Builders wove it into mats and walls.Kisamia woven mat or canvas ceiling; also the attic. *Quisame* in Spanish.Kubumetal rod with a sharp point or a tool with a handle and a sharp pointed metal blade used for digging holes and harvesting root crops. It replaced the wooden *dagau.*Kusinan sanhiyongoutdoor kitchen.Lattetwo-part stone supports for important ancient CHamoru buildings.Ohan bentanawindow shutter.Piderechowall stud.Pokse’the inner bark fiber of the pågu (*Hibiscus tiliaceus*) tree; used for lashings, and to make rope.Saguåle’woven thatched mats, usually made with karisu; used for walls and ceilings. Also, a thatched house.Såtgea floor, or to install a floor.Sulerasfloor or ceiling joists. Also, a beam or stud.Tabiquepartition or wall. In the Marianas before 1900 a wet wall construction composed of thin strips of wood or bamboo laths plastered over with mud, clay, or mortar. After 1900, it came to mean a thin wall constructed of concrete on a framework of two by four inch wooden posts.Tågona sewn thatch panel used in roofing. Each panel consisted of a stiff stick with *nipa* leaflets sewed perpendicularly to it.Tierasa pair of large rafters rising from the eaves on opposite sides of an A-frame structure and crossing at the ridgepole like scissors.Tokcha’thin sticks used to pin the *pupong* in place over the ridgepole.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Building Methods, Historic Eras of Guam, Language
**Tags:** Pole and Thatched Homes
---
### [Herminia Duenas Dierking](https://www.guampedia.com/herminia-duenas-dierking/)
**Published:** April 14, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** First Chamorro Woman to Preside over Association of Pacific Island Legislatures. Herminia Duenas Dierking (1939 - 2008) was a senator in the Guam Legislature, a professor at the University of Guam, and a cabinet officer in the Government of Guam. As a senator she became the first woman to serve as president of the regional organization, Association of Pacific Island Legislatures.
**Content:**
# Herminia Duenas Dierking
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## First CHamoru/Chamorro Woman to Preside over Association of Pacific Island Legislatures
Herminia Duenas Dierking (1939 – 2008) was a senator in the [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), a professor at the University of Guam, and a cabinet officer in the Government of Guam. As a senator she became the first woman to serve as president of the regional organization, Association of Pacific Island Legislatures.
Dierking is the daughter of Maria Pangelinan Guzman and Jose Cruz Duenas. She was born in 1939 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). She graduated from the Academy of Our Lady of Guam and pursued college degrees from the University of Missouri at Kansas City and the University of Guam where she earned a Bachelor of Science Degree in Business. She also earned a Masters of Science degree in Business Administration from Emporia State University, Kansas.
She was married to John C. Dierking and together they had five children, Cliff, Kurt, Steven, Anna Maria, and John Paul.
Dierking began her career as an assistant professor at the University of Guam and rose to become the chairperson of the Accounting Department, serving 13 years in the College of Business and Public Administration. She was appointed Director of the Bureau of Budget and Management Research in 1983 and as the Chairperson of the Fiscal Policy Committee of the Government of Guam.
Dierking first became a Senator in the 18th Guam Legislature and was re-elected for four more terms. During her tenure as a Senator, she served as Chairwoman of the Committee on Ways and Means, Chairwoman of the Committee on Rules, Chairwoman of the Committee on Health, Welfare, & Ecology, and Vice Chair of the Committee on General Governmental Operations.
In addition to her leadership positions in the Guam Legislature, Dierking also was appointed to represent Guam in the Association of Pacific Island Legislatures. She was the APIL president for the 1989-1990 term, the first woman to serve as president of this regional body.
Dierking served as president of the Association of Government Accountants, the Guam Business Education Association, and the Guam Business and Professional Women’s Club. She was also appointed to serve in leadership roles for the Western Business Education Association, American Heart Association, and Guam Memorial Board of Trustees. She was a member of the Soroptimist International, the Guam Lytico and Bodig Association and the [Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital-volunteers-association/). She passed away in 2008.
**Editor’s note:** This biography was originally written in 2014 for a series on the first women of Guam, women who did things first in their fields, as commissioned by the Guam Women’s Chamber of Commerce.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Herminia Duenas Dierking
---
### [Madeleine Zeien Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/)
**Published:** August 28, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Madeleine Z. Bordallo served as Guam's delegate to the United States Congress from 2002 until 2018. Originally from Minnesota, Bordallo is a longtime senator of the Guam Legislature, as well as a former first Lady. She is also the first female lieutenant governor of Guam, and the only non-Chamorro to hold this position. With strong ties to the island community, Bordallo has participated in numerous civic organizations and activities, and has lived much of her life in public service on Guam.
**Content:**
# Madeleine Zeien Bordallo
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Madeleine Z. Bordallo served as Guam’s delegate to the United States Congress from 2002 until 2018. Originally from Minnesota, Bordallo is a longtime senator of the [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), as well as a former first Lady. She is also the first female lieutenant governor of Guam, and the only non-CHamoru/Chamorro to hold this position. With strong ties to the island community, Bordallo has participated in numerous civic organizations and activities, and has lived much of her life in public service on Guam.
## Early life
Madeleine Mary Zeien Bordallo, born 31 May 1933 in Graceville, Minnesota, came to Guam as a 13 year old with her family in 1948 when her father, Christian Peter Zeien, was hired as a school principal of George Washington High School in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). Bordallo is the eldest of three children of Christian and Evelyn Zeien; her sister, Diana Zeien Ysrael, lives on Guam, and her brother, James Zeien, lives in Springfield, Missouri.
After World War II, Minnesota-based construction company Brown-Pacific-Maxon, Inc. (BPM), was doing work on Guam and got word back to people in Minnesota that teachers were needed on Guam. The Zeien family traveled non-stop aboard the USS *Anderson* in 1948. It took them two weeks to get to the island from Oakland, California.
As Guam was still under [Navy rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) at the time, the Zeiens initially were housed in a new military housing area called Base 18, which is now Apra Vista. They lived there for two years until the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was signed in 1950 creating a civilian government for Guam. The Zeien family then moved to a house in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) near the Price Elementary School and Guam Department of Agriculture.
Madeleine Zeien attended her first year at George Washington High School when its campus was in Sinajana. The school was rebuilt shortly afterward. After graduating from high school in 1951 she attended St. Mary’s College in Notre Dame, Indiana and the College of St. Catherine in St. Paul, Minnesota. She returned to Guam to marry her high school sweetheart, [Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), in 1952. The couple had one daughter, Deborah Bordallo, born in 1953, and a granddaughter, Nicole Nelson.
In 1954, KUAM Radio and TV station, the first commercial radio station on Guam, opened. Bordallo was initially hired as a receptionist, but later became a popular personality on KUAM, hosting the television program “Woman’s Word.” She was also the night radio hostess “Sirena,” who developed a “mystery woman” following, generating many a letter from lonely military men. She worked at the station for eight years, until 1962.
Her husband, Ricardo J. Bordallo, a businessman and a senator at the Guam Legislature, was elected Governor of Guam in 1975 and 1983, making Madeleine first lady of Guam from 1975 to 1979, and again from 1983 to 1987. As first lady she was introduced to public service and became a strong advocate of Chamorro culture and the arts, both of which are lifelong passions.
## Public service
Bordallo’s involvement in the community has also been extensive. She was one of the founders of the Guam Council of Women’s Clubs, as well as the Guam Symphony Society, Y Inetnon Famalao’an (Women for Service), and the Marianas Association for Persons with Disabilities. Bordallo was also a past President of the Federation of Asia Pacific Women’s Associations (FAWA) and has held dozens of leadership roles in other community organizations throughout her life.
Between her husband’s two terms as governor, Bordallo became a senator herself. She was a member of the 16th, 19th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd Guam Legislatures.
During the 1988 US presidential election, Bordallo was a member of Guam’s uncommitted delegation to the 1988 Democratic National Convention.
Bordallo was an unsuccessful candidate for governor of Guam, following the death of her husband in 1990. Jose “Ping” Duenas ran as Bordallo’s running mate for lieutenant governor in the 1990 gubernatorial election.
In 1994, she ran alongside her husband’s long time political opponent Carl TC Gutierrez on the Democratic ticket and was elected lieutenant governor of Guam, serving from 1995 to 2002, the first woman in Guam’s history to hold this position. In this role, she worked to promote tourism, environmentalism and other beautification projects.
## Congressional terms
In 2002 as congressional Delegate Robert Underwood vacated his seat and ran for governor, Bordallo campaigned for and was elected as a Democrat to the House of Representatives, serving from January 2003 to 2018. She is the first woman to represent Guam in Congress.
As Guam’s delegate, Bordallo is one of six non-voting delegates to the House of Representatives (the others being from American Samoa, Puerto Rico, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, and the US Virgin Islands). While in Congress, she has devoted herself to economic issues and has helped to pass legislation that aids small businesses on Guam. She has also been involved in military and environmental issues.
According to the US Congressional website, Bordallo serves on two committees in the House—the House Armed Services Committee and the House Committee on Natural Resources. She was appointed the Ranking Democrat of the Subcommittee on Readiness in the House Armed Services Committee for the 112th Congress, and has been re-appointed for the 113th Congress. She is also a member of the Subcommittee on Military Personnel. In the House Committee on Natural Resources, Bordallo sits on the Subcommittee on Fisheries, Wildlife, Oceans and Insular Affairs as well as the Subcommittee on Public Lands and Environmental Regulation.
In addition to her committee responsibilities, Bordallo serves as the vice-chair of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus (CAPAC). She is also the co-chair of the Congressional China Caucus and a member of the US Philippines Friendship Caucus, the Korean Caucus, the Army Caucus, the Navy/Marine Corps Caucus, the National Guard and Reserve Component Caucus, the Travel and Tourism Caucus, the Women’s Caucus, the Taiwan Caucus, the Long Range Strike Caucus, and the Wounded to Work Caucus.
During her years in Congress, Bordallo has advocated on behalf of Guam’s survivors of World War II to receive war reparations. She also worked on issues such as increasing compact-impact funding for Guam, expanding the CNMI-Guam visa waiver for Chinese and Russian tourists, and resolving concerns with the Marine Base relocation from Okinawa to Guam.
## Self-Determination for Guam
Bordallo has also expressed a desire to resolve the issue of [self-determination for Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/chamorro-quest-for-self-determination/). In a Congressional address in May 2013, Bordallo stated that,
> Resolving our political status through a legitimate act of political self-determination will allow our people to determine for ourselves what is best for our island and our people. This decolonization process is perhaps the single most important long-term priority for our island, and we must renew our commitment to making this effort.
>
> While over the years we have made progress on advancing this issue, sometimes our long-term goals get lost among the many priorities and crises of the day—issues that demand our immediate attention. However we cannot let our daily challenges inhibit our progress toward resolving the issue of political status.
>
> Our self-determination vote will be a multistep process that will include our whole community. But we must also be respectful of the right of the indigenous people of Guam—the Chamorro people—to have their own say on how they would like to see our island move forward. I commend the efforts of Senator Pangelinan to develop the Chamorro registry and encourage eligible residents to sign up.
>
> I believe that the Chamorro vote is a legitimate step in the process toward decolonization. However, it is my hope that the Governor and Legislature can lay out a process that will satisfy concerns raised by those who are not eligible for the Chamorro vote. It would be better if we can find the solutions to this issue ourselves as a community instead of having a solution dictated to us by a court.
>
> …we should use their \[Puerto Rico’s recent plebiscite\] experience to inform our efforts and we can observe how their people are responding to the process that they have laid out.
>
> It is time for us to get on with our own process. I appreciate that Governor Calvo has empaneled the Commission on Decolonization and that Speaker Won Pat and Vice Speaker Cruz have raised the profile of this issue in the Legislature and in our community. This is an important dialogue for our community to engage in and it is important that that dialogue becomes a priority for our people. We are on a journey but that journey will not be completed until we define our destination for our island and our people.
***[By Shannon J. Murphy](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=637)***
## For further reading
Bordallo, Madeleine. “A Renewal of Faith.” US Representative Congressional Address, Guam Legislature, 30 May 2013. Video of address, 3:41.
*US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives*. “BORDALLO, Madeleine.”
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Madeleine Zeien Bordallo
---
### [Simon Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/)
**Published:** February 19, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Simon Sanchez (1895 - 1975) was a pioneer in education and a key player in the establishment and formalization of Guam’s public school system during the turbulent pre-war and post-war eras. In addition to his roles as a public school educator and administrator, Sanchez served as a member and secretary of the First and Second Guam Congress. As a Congressman, Sanchez was responsible for introducing a resolution that formally recognized the Territorial Flag of Guam, which is currently in use today.
**Content:**
# Simon Sanchez
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Simon Sanchez (1895 – 1975) was a pioneer in education and a key player in the establishment and formalization of Guam’s public school system during the turbulent pre-war and post-war eras. In addition to his roles as a public school educator and administrator, Sanchez served as a member and secretary of the First and Second Guam Congress. As a Congressman, Sanchez was responsible for introducing a resolution that formally recognized the Territorial Flag of Guam, which is currently in use today.
Sanchez was born in the San Antonio District of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam, to Elautera Rodriguez De Los Angeles (1866 – 1942) and Candido Agbay Sanchez (1856 – 1940). Sanchez’s father was a successful attorney while Guam was under Spanish government rule. When Sanchez and his four siblings were growing up, only wealthy, upper-class families could afford to send their children to Spanish schools, which were operated solely by the Roman Catholic Church.
Under the [American Naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), the CHamoru/Chamorro language was banned and English was taught in schools. The Naval government struggled to staff classrooms with school teachers and military personnel and their dependents were used as school teachers to fill the need. The Guam Normal School was established in Hagåtña as teacher training program geared toward locals. Graduates of the Normal School were tested upon completion of the program and in 1919 Sanchez, as well as Jose Roberto, Francisco Taitano, Jose V. Cruz, Pedro Martinez, and [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/) ranked among a group of 50 trained teachers.
## Early Superintendent of Public Schools
In 1927, Sanchez was appointed to serve as the Superintendent of Public Schools. Sanchez’s steady leadership was integral to ensuring that the school system’s programs remained consistent. Sanchez’s ability to bring stability to the system was a departure from Naval Administration leadership as administrative roles frequently changed when military tours ended. Under Sanchez’s tenure as the Superintendent, Guam public school enrollment rose from 323 in 1904 to 5,084 in 1941 when World War II reached Guam’s shores.
Sanchez, alongside Nieves M. Flores, Maria Leon Guerrero, and Remedios Leon Guerrero Perez, went on to successfully complete a two-year teacher’s program which offered college-level courses. After completing the teacher’s program, Sanchez taught in the school system and served as a principle of schools in[ Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) and the Almacen Intermediate School.
Prior to the outbreak of war, Sanchez also helped to establish the Guam Girl Scouts and Boy Scouts programs. In 1944, Sanchez played a key role in post-war reconstruction under General Henry Larsen following the American seizure of the island.
## Focused on teacher training
Between 1946 and 1950, Sanchez was elected to serve in the First and Second Guam Congress. In the post-war reconstruction era, Sanchez focused on reopening schools that were forced to close under the Japanese occupation. Sanchez saw the need to provide a reliable resource that could train local teachers. He requested that the University of Hawai’i School of Education send instructors to Guam to help support and train the island’s teachers.
By 1948, 44 local residents were enrolled in the teacher in-service training program. The program provided an immediate solution the need for teachers, but Sanchez ultimately wanted to establish a degree-granting teacher training institution that could foster teachers for the island’s schools. In 1952, the Territorial College of Guam, which offered two-year college programs, was founded through an institutional arrangement with Ohio State University. The Territorial College became a four-year institution that was renamed College of Guam in 1960, and finally became a fully fledged university – the University of Guam – in 1968.
## "Mr. Education"
Sanchez retired from education in 1959, although he continued to serve as Chairman and member of the Territorial Board of Education throughout the 1960s. Sanchez was commended by many community leaders for his lifetime commitment to education, and particularly for his role in re-establishing the education system and public school programs in post-war Guam. Sanchez was nicknamed “Mr. Education.”
Sanchez and his wife, Antonia Santos Cruz, had ten children: Julia S. Takano, Adriano Cristobal C. Sanchez, Francisco C. Sanchez, Juanita C. Sanchez Rivera, [Pedro C. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), Eulogio C. Sanchez, Antonio C. Sanchez, Rosario S. Crisostomo, Gregorio C. Sanchez, and Vicenta S. Dannelly.
Sanchez died in 1975 – leaving behind a legacy of educational growth and children who followed in his footsteps through their work in the public and private sectors. Sanchez’s sons Adriano and Pedro served in the Guam Legislature (the forerunner to the Guam Congress). Pedro continued his father’s work by serving as the president of the Territorial College of Guam from 1970 to 1974. Sanchez’s grandson, Simon Jr., was also a senator and a lieutenant governor candidate.
[***By Samantha Marley Barnett***](https://www.guampedia.com/samantha-marley-barnett/ "Samantha Marley Barnett")
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics, Post WWII: Education, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education
**Tags:** Simon Sanchez
---
### [Gollai Åppan: Starchy Vegetables in Reduced Coconut Cream](https://www.guampedia.com/gollai-appan-starchy-vegetables-in-reduced-coconut-cream/)
**Published:** June 29, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A method of boiling starchy foods such as tubers, plantains or breadfruit, in the cream produced by squeezing grated fresh, ripe coconut with water to make “lechen niyok”, or coconut cream.
**Content:**
# Gollai Åppan: Starchy Vegetables in Reduced Coconut Cream
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## Description
A method of boiling starchy foods such as tubers, plantains or breadfruit, in the cream produced by squeezing grated fresh, ripe coconut with water to make “*lechen niyok*”, or coconut cream.
## History
The use of “lechen niyok” is an indigenous cooking method in Southeast Asia and tropical Pacific Islands where coconut is available. Cooking with coconut milk is also found in the Caribbean islands. This combination of starchy staple food with the fat and flavor added by the coconut cream makes this cooking method a favorite comfort food in the Marianas. “*Gollai*” means vegetable; “*åppan*” means “to dry up; to evaporate,” in this case by reducing or cooking down the liquid. “*Gollai Åppan*” can be used as a verb such as “*ma gollai åppan*” as in the cooking activity; as well as a noun to describe the dish. “*Gellai*” is another version used according to the context of the sentence.
## Evolution
*Gollai åppan* has persisted as a basic cooking method probably as early as the first migrations from Southeast Asia. Tubers such as taro (*suni*) and yams (*dågu, gaddo’*, and *nika*), the breadfruit tree fruit (*lemmai*), tapioca root (*mendeoka*) and various plantains (*chotda*) were brought to the Marianas with the first migrations. Other introduced varieties and the sweet potato (*kamuti*) were added as they became available. The Spanish introduced the *kamuti* from Mexico, but the *kamuti* used in contemporary cooking is grown in the neighboring Mariana island of Rota (*Luta*), and was introduced by Japanese.
Each starch dish is named for the main ingredient, with “*gollai åppan*” as the prefix, such as “*gollai åppan suni*, *gollai åppan dågu*, *gollai åppan lemmai*, *gollai åppan chotda*”, and so on. Cooking with root vegetables, tubers and plantains was done as a form of survival in times of food shortages or lack of protein. Cooking them with coconut milk provided a nutritious filling meal. Oral histories taken from World War II survivors often contain a reference to this dish, and sometimes included the cooking of rice in “*lechen niyok*” for sustenance and flavor. *Gollai åppan* has become a popular fiesta food because of its delicious flavor.
## Preparation
This method varies by region and family, but in all cases the starchy vegetable is peeled and cut into serving-sized pieces. The pieces are placed in a pot large enough to accommodate all, with at space left on top for the boiling coconut cream to bubble over the vegetable. A mixture of coconut cream with salt to taste and sometimes a little sugar is poured over the vegetables, enough liquid to be visible but not fully covering the pieces. This is brought to a boil, so that the coconut mixture bubbles up over the vegetable. As soon as the boiling point is reached, the pot is covered and the heat turned very low. This allows the cooking to continue by steaming, while the coconut cream evaporates or cooks down without burning. When the mixture is “*åppan*”, and the vegetable still firm but soft and coated with the coconut cream (about 20 minutes), the dish is ready to serve.
## Placement on table
“*Gollai Åppan*” dishes are placed towards the head of the table, after the red rice, and along with other starches (called “*åggon*”) such as dinner rolls and *[titiyas](https://www.guampedia.com/titiyas-flatbread/)*. The “*åggon*” is followed by the “*totche*” dishes, which refer to the protein and other dishes that accompany the starches. As a special note, however, if the *gollai åppan chotda* (unripe banana), which is also referred to as “*gollai åppan aga*” (banana), is made with ripe bananas it should be placed in the dessert section.
***[By Judy Flores, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/)***
## Recipe
***Gollai Åppan Lemmai: Breadfruit in Coconut Cream***
- 1 large (3-5 lb) breadfruit
- 2 coconuts (milk extracted or a 12 ounce can of coconut milk may be substituted)
- ½ teaspoon salt
- 2-3 tablespoons sugar (optional)
- Water
As in many traditional recipes, proportions are not exact and depend on the experience and tastes of the cook. Usually cooked in large quantities, the following proportions may be adjusted accordingly: 1 large (3-5 lb) breadfruit can be cooked with the “*lechen niyok*” made from two coconuts with 8-10 ounces of water added. A 12 ounce can of commercially-prepared coconut milk may be substituted. ½ teaspoon salt is added. 2-3 tablespoons of sugar may be added, especially if the breadfruit is not yet sweet. Mix thoroughly and pour over the breadfruit pieces. Any of the other starches named above may be substituted.
*\* Recipe by [Judy Flores, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/)*
## Video
Gollai åppan aga’: Bananas in coconut milk demonstration
Watch more Fiesta Table video demonstrations [here](https://vimeo.com/album/237605).
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Fiesta Food, Food
**Tags:** Gollai Åppan
---
### [Guihan: Barbecued Fish](https://www.guampedia.com/guihan-barbecued-fish/)
**Published:** June 29, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Pacific ocean fish, grilled over a barbecue pit.
**Content:**
# Guihan: Barbecued Fish
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Description
Pacific ocean fish, grilled over a barbecue pit.
## History
Fish was the primary protein source for ancient CHamorus/Chamorros.
CHamoru men and women were expert fishermen. The sea surrounding the island was said to be teeming with fish, so much so that according to the account of Catholic [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) in 1602:
> the people living along the shores of these islands catch so many fish that they have enough fish for everyone –like the sardine catches in Spain.
## Evolution
Fish was abundantly supplied by the sea surrounding the island. From earliest records it is noted that ancient CHamorus ate fish “raw, or sun-dried.” Catholic priest Father Peter Coomans noted in the 17th Century that when fish was “macerated in salt, they are delicious.”
The ancient CHamoru employed several types of fishing techniques. According to Fr. Medina:
> Both men and women were accustomed to jump from their little boats after a fish and to catch and eat it raw.
The Legaspi expedition reported that the natives caught *gadao* (rock cod) and *pulonan* (trigger fish) with their hands, a method still in practice by CHamoru men and women after WWII.
Other techniques used to catch fish:
- With hook and line. Fishhooks were made of pearl shell, fish bone and turtle shell and attached to lines made of coconut and pineapple fiber. CHamorus were also reported to have trawled for bonito.
- Drag and casting nets. These were made of hibiscus and pineapple fiber (this was introduced by the Spanish) and were employed to catch (among other fish) *manahag* (*manahak*), a tiny silvery fish, which run during the month of April and occasionally in October.
- A small hand net, *lagua atchuman* was used to catch *atchuman* (type of mackerel) that were lured to the surface by grated coconut that was discharged from a coconut-shell cup attached to a stone sinker.
- Spear fishing was employed as a means to catch fish.
- The fruit of the *putting* was used to stupefy fish in order to more easily catch them.
- In 1819 French explorer [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) reported that traditional *[gigao](https://www.guampedia.com/gigao-traditional-stone-fish-weirs/)* (man made fish ponds) constructed of stone along the shore had been replaced with weirs of reeds. After the war the reeds were replaced with chicken wire.
In 1945 [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) reported that there were two fishing seasons named in the native calendar: *Umatalaf*, the March moon which means go and catch a kind of fish call “*guatafi*” and *Umatalaf*, the moon between December and January, signifying to “go Cray fishing.”
Pobre gives an account of the distribution of a large catch by a fisherman in 1602:
> In the cleanest spot beside his house, he spreads a well-washed clean woven mat and lays fresh palm fronds on it. On top of this, he places his marlin or mahimahi, or whatever fish he has caught, and begins to cut it open with a stone knife…as a special gift, he distributes the blood, entrails fat, and intestines to the children who have carried the fish home for him and places the raw mass in their mouths.
>
> In like manner, these people slice pieces from the back of the fresh fish and send to their neighbors. The remaining part of the fish is salted according to certain ritual procedures.
Flying fish (*gaga*) is eaten raw or cooked. One method reported in Pobre’s account involves baked flying fish. After the fish is baked, the head and scales are removed. The flesh is crumbled into little pieces. They grate a coconut and mix with salt. They put this coconut mixture on top of the fish.
Fish continues to be a staple of the CHamoru diet. Today it can be found cooked in various forms. A favorite continues to be barbecued fish. It is probable that fish has been cooked this way for centuries. Today barbecued fish can be simply sprinkled with salt and pepper and grilled till done or more elaborately prepared with spices, lemon, mayonnaise and butter then encased in foil and thrown on the grill.
## Preparation
Both men and women can catch and prepare fish although barbecuing in modern Guam tends to be an male activity.
## Placement on table
The fish section of the fiesta table follows the meat (*totche*) section, which is second to the starch (*åggon*) section which leads the table.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## Recipe
***Barbecued Fish in Fina’denne’***
- 1 reef fish 2-3 pounds \[parrot fish (*palaske*), snapper (*buha, fafa’et*), unicorn fish (*hangon, tataga*)\]
- Salt, to taste
- Black pepper, to taste
[***Fina’denne’*****: CHamoru spicy sauce**](http://www.guampedia.com/fina%E2%80%99denne%E2%80%99-dipping-sauce/)
- ½ onion, sliced
- 3 lemons, squeezed
- 3 tablespoons water
- Salt, to taste
- Hot pepper, to taste
Clean fish, sprinkle with spices. Place on the barbecue and grill until done. Place fish in a serving dish. Set aside.
Mix ingredients for *fina’denne’* in a separate bowl. Then, pour over fish and serve. Or dip fish into sauce as you eat.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Fiesta Food, Food
**Tags:** Guihan: Barbecued Fish
---
### [Segundo Blas](https://www.guampedia.com/segundo-blas/)
**Published:** August 29, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Segundo Blas (1917 - 2004) was one of the most respected and well-known traditional woodcarvers to emerge from the Mariana Islands in the 20th century. His skill in crafting canoe models, storyboards and other three-dimensional pieces, especially from ifil hardwood (Intsia bijuga), won him awards and recognition as a master artisan and woodcarver.
**Content:**
# Segundo Blas
View more images for the Segundo Blas entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157627360289722/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Lifetime woodcarver
Segundo Blas (1917 – 2004) was one of the most respected and well-known traditional woodcarvers to emerge from the Mariana Islands in the 20th century. His skill in crafting canoe models, storyboards and other three-dimensional pieces, especially from ifil hardwood (*Intsia bijuga*), won him awards and recognition as a master artisan and woodcarver.
Blas was the youngest of four children. His parents were Juan Borja Blas of [Hagåtña ](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña")and Juana de Leon Guererro Duenas of[ Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat"). The couple moved to the northern island of Saipan shortly after they were married. Blas began carving as a child, learning the craft from his father who taught him to create various figures from pieces of wood. Recalling his youth, Blas remembered carving his wooden pencils into different shapes, and believed that woodcarving would be his life-long passion. Over the years, he carved model and full-scale canoes, karabao (water buffalo), carts and other figures. He even produced storyboards similar to those famous in the Palau islands, but with traditional CHamoru/Chamorro themes and legends.
While Blas was growing up, Saipan and the other Northern Mariana Islands were territories of Japan. His talent at carving was apparent early on, and the young Blas was encouraged to pursue extensive training in various traditional crafts, especially carving. Eventually, he worked his way up to the position of supervisor of the government handicrafts industry in Saipan. Blas subsequently was sent to Palau to study local crafts and canoe-building methods. Learning from his Palauan counterparts, the instruction helped him develop his talent at CHamoru storyboard carving, as well as to become a skilled carver of ifil wood. He continued working in the government crafts shop until the outbreak of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) in 1941.
By the war’s end in 1945, Blas remained in the concentration camp the American military set up for CHamoru natives for over a year. Once again recognized for his exceptional skills, an American officer encouraged him to devote his time to carving. In spite of the fact that other CHamoru men were required to perform manual labor, Blas continued carving and made a living by selling some of his pieces. After the concentration camps were shut down and the residents allowed to rebuild their lives, Blas continued selling his woodcarvings in a shop operated by the US Navy until the shop closed several years later. Blas then began to teach his craft to children, passing on his skill to the next generation.
In 1963, Blas moved back to Guam and worked for a local construction company for seven years; later, he worked for the Department of Agriculture. During this time, however, Blas, continued woodcarving and found other opportunities to share his talents.
One of his most important commissions was in 1976, when Blas was asked by then-Governor of Guam [Ricardo Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) to carve a full-sized CHamoru canoe in commemoration of the American Bicentennial. Working with fellow master carver, Tun Emilio Borja, the men constructed a 38-foot outrigger canoe, which took six months to complete. The vessel was put to sea as part of the celebration.
In the mid-1980s, Blas was approached by Rob Limtiaco, a young CHamoru with an interest in learning more about traditional CHamoru canoe-building methods. Blas agreed to train Limtiaco, along with Gary Guerrero, another young CHamoru interested in learning from the master. With funding from the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) the men built a 15-foot outrigger canoe.
Limtiaco photographed and documented the process in an effort to share his experience of working with Blas with other young people. The vessel was sailed several times in the waters surrounding Guam before finally being placed on display at the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum").
Blas’ passion for woodcarving developed into a unique carving style, especially apparent in his depictions of CHamoru themes in his storyboards and three-dimensional pieces. Also apparent was his careful attention to detail, from his karabao and cart models, complete with passengers, cargo and tools, to his scale model canoes outfitted with sailors, paddles and woven pandanus sails. A true master, Blas represented Guam in the 4th, 5th and 6th Festival of Pacific Arts held respectively in Tahiti, Australia and the Cook Islands. He also exhibited pieces at the CHamoru Cultural Fair in California. Indeed, Blas’ work became well-known throughout the Pacific region.
For his efforts, talents and dedication to preserving CHamoru culture, Blas was the recipient of numerous local and regional awards including the 1997 Maga’lahi Award for Lifetime Cultural Achievement in perpetuating the art of traditional wood carving techniques. He was also included in the Hale-ta *I Manfayi Who’s Who in Chamorro History* series.
Tun Segundo Blas was married to the former Dolores Toves. He died in 2004.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
*I Manfayi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. VoI. 3. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2002.
“Picturing Guam Teachers Resource Book.” *Humanities Guåhan*, 2011.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, People, People and Places, Traditional Craft, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Segundo Blas
---
### [Republican Party of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/republican-party-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Republican Party of Guam has played a major role in island politics since its inception in 1966. Five of Guam’s seven elected governors have been Republican (Carlos G. Camacho, Paul M. Calvo, Joseph F. Ada, Felix P. Camacho and Eddie Baza Calvo), and Republican senators controlled I Liheslaturan Guåhan/the Guam Legislature in the late 1970s, early 1980s, and for much of the past decade.
**Content:**
# Republican Party of Guam
View photos for the Republican Party of Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622400582621).
#### Table of Contents
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## Played a major role since 1966
The Republican Party of Guam has played a major role in island politics since its inception in 1966. Five of Guam’s seven elected governors have been Republican ([Carlos G. Camacho](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/), [Paul M. Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/), [Joseph F. Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), [Felix P. Camacho](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/) and [Eddie Baza Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/)), and Republican senators controlled *I Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the Guam Legislature in the late 1970s, early 1980s, and for much of the past decade. In addition, one of Guam’s long-standing Congressmen, Gen. [Vicente “Ben” Blaz](http://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/), was Republican.
Up until 2008 Republicans controlled both the executive and legislative branches of government, as well as a majority of the mayors’ offices of Guam. In late 2007, long-time Republican Senator Antonio “Tony” Unpingco died while in office and a Democrat Benjamin “BJ” Cruz was chosen during a special election to fill Unpingco’s seat, switching the majority to the Democrats. After the new Democratic majority challenged the Republican legislative leadership, the first female legislative speaker, Democrat Judith “Judi” Won Pat, was put in place March 2008.
## Stems from the Territorial Party
The Republican Party of Guam stems from the old Territorial Party of Guam, which existed from 1956 through 1968. The Territorial Party was established in 1956 by discontented former Popular Party members including [Frank D. Perez](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-d-perez/), Pedro Leon Guerrero, [Edward T. Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/), [Cynthia J. Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/cynthia-johnston-torres/), BJ Bordallo, Vicente Reyes, Felix Carbullido, and Antonio Duenas. The Territorial Party had only one successful election, in 1964, when it won a majority in the Guam Legislature with 13 of the 21 seats.
This changed during the 1966 election, when the Territorials lost all 21 seats to the Democrats. The Territorials’ demise came after they blocked a popular urban renewal plan, which was supported by the Democrats, as the Territorials backed private investment. The Territorial Party dissolved soon after.
On 21 November 1966, a few weeks after the general election of that year, former [Governor Joseph Flores](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), along with former Territorial senators Carlos Garcia Camacho, Kurt S. Moylan, and Vicente C. Reyes, officially formed the Republican Party of Guam. Other Territorials soon became active, including Senators G. Ricardo Salas and Frank D. Perez. The new Republicans were careful not to portray their new party as a criticism of the Territorial Party, whose members they hoped to attract.
Some Territorials refused to join the party at first but by 1970 the holdouts had either retired or switched over to the Republican Party.
The formation of the new party was rooted in the belief held by its members that Guam had matured sufficiently to follow national political concepts and the realization that there needed to be two strong political parties on the island. Gov. Joseph Flores said when the party’s papers of incorporation were filed:
> Those who are eager to join the ranks of the Republican Party of Guam are by no means a group of dissenters, but are men and women who are strongly convinced that Guam has matured sufficiently to follow the national political concept. We think Guam is going to benefit greater with the emergence of the Republican Party here.
Carlos Camacho said:
> The Territorial Party is good, but we all realize there should be two strong parties. This movement, instead of splitting, is designed instead to solidify the Territorials.
In 1967, the first Lincoln Day Dinner was held. The dinner, in honor of famous Republican Abraham Lincoln, is now an annual tradition for the party. Former Governor Flores was elected chairman of the party in December 1967.
In 1968, Camacho was one of four local delegates to attend the national Republican convention, where he met many national figures, including presidential hopeful Richard Nixon. Nixon was elected in November 1968, and the Guam Republicans nominated Camacho to be the next appointed governor of Guam, following Democrat [Manuel Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/). The party also nominated Moylan as Secretary of Guam (then the equivalent of lieutenant governor). Nixon appointed both Camacho and Moylan to the positions, and they were confirmed by the US Senate in June 1969.
In 1968 the Republicans put up their first slate of candidates for the legislative race that year. Although they didn’t win any legislative seats, they won six of the nineteen district commissioner positions. Commissioners, now Mayors, were considered important figures in the districts, and key to gaining support for the political parties.
## Early Success
In September 1968 and as an amendment to the 1950 [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), the [Guam Elective Governor Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) was passed in the US Congress, giving Guam residents the right to elect their own governor for the first time. The first elections were slated for 1970, and Camacho made it clear he would run. His running mate at first was former Senator G. Ricardo Salas, popular among the rank-and-file Republicans. Although this selection was a surprise to Moylan, it was a compromise designed to prevent a party split.
However, Camacho and Salas did not get along, and Camacho soon dropped him in favor of Moylan as a running mate. While Camacho ran unopposed, the Democrats had three teams:
1. Speaker [Joaquin Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-c-arriola/) and Senator Vicente Bamba
2. Former Governor Guerrero and University of Guam president Antonio Yamashita
3. Popular Senators [Ricardo Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and [Richard “Dick” Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/).
The campaigns among the Democrats were hard-fought, and the split proved to be fatal. Although the Bordallo-Taitano team won the Democratic primary, the other two Democratic camps didn’t support this slate, and many of them threw their weight behind Camacho-Moylan, who ended up winning the general election by taking 56 percent of the vote.
In the 1970 legislative election, the Democrats were weakened by their strongest candidates running for governor, as well as the bitter division in the party. The Republicans were able to take five seats in *I Mina’ Onse na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 11th Guam Legislature, led by Senator Paul M. Calvo, the top vote-getter in the election. The other first-time Republican senators were [Concepcion C. Barrett](http://www.guampedia.com/concepcion-cruz-barrett/), Pedro D. Perez, Vicente D. Ada, and Tomas R. Santos.
The Republicans had broken the Democratic stronghold, by winning the five seats and especially the governorship. They had the help of a number of long-term Democratic commissioners, and a number of Democrats who switched sides in that election stayed with the Republicans for life. In the 1972 legislative elections, the Republicans won seven seats. This including four new candidates: Alfred C. Ysrael, Antonio M. Palomo, Jerry M. Rivera, and future governor, Joseph F. Ada. They also won ten of the village commissioner slots, a majority.
In 1974, the Republicans took control of the Legislature, with a twelve-seat majority. They would hold that majority for eight years, the 13th through 16th Legislatures. However, the Republicans lost the governorship in 1974, as the party was split between the Camacho-Moylan ticket and the ticket of Senators Paul Calvo and Tony Palomo. Camacho-Moylan won the primary by only 261 votes. In the general election they suffered from a lack of support by the Calvo-Palomo team, who ran as a write-in team in the general election. Democrats Ricardo Bordallo and Rudy Sablan won the race for governor.
In 1978, the Republicans were united behind Calvo and running mate Joseph Ada, both top vote-getters. Former Governor Camacho declined to run, instead throwing his support to former opponent Calvo. Calvo won the election against a split Democratic Party, as Lt. Gov. Sablan ran against his former teammate Bordallo.
## The 1980s and 1990s
The 1982 election proved to be a damaging one for the Republicans. Calvo lost the election for governor to Bordallo, and the Republicans lost their majority in the legislature. The Democrats would have another stronghold on the majority in the legislature well into the 1990s.
A positive note, however, was that former US Marine Corps brigadier general Vicente “Ben” Garrido Blaz gave long-time incumbent Congressman [Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) a serious challenge for the first time in the history of the Guam delegate race, losing by only 718 votes. Blaz ended up beating Won Pat in the 1984 election, and held the position until 1993 when he was defeated by Robert Underwood.
In 1986, the team of Joseph Ada and Frank F. Blas defeated fellow Republicans Tommy Tanaka and Antonio R. Unpingco in the primary, and went on to beat Bordallo-Reyes in the general due in large part to eleven federal indictments handed down to Bordallo over corruption-related charges just before the September primary. Ada and Blas would end up serving two terms as chief executives, after getting re-elected in 1990.
In 1994, the Republican primary contest was a bitter one between Lt. Gov. Blas and the team of Senators Tommy Tanaka and Doris Flores Brooks. Tanaka-Brooks ended up winning the primary, and was ahead in polls for the general election against Democratic Senators Carl TC Gutierrez and Madeleine Z. Bordallo. But Gutierrez-Bordallo surged ahead in the last couple of weeks to win. They ended up serving for two terms, defeating Republicans Joe Ada and Felix Camacho in a bitter 1998 election that was not finally settled until a decision by the US Supreme Court was rendered in favor of Gutierrez.
## The Party today
The Republicans gained a major victory in *I Mina’ Bente Kuåttro na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 24th Legislature in the 1996 elections by winning the majority. The seeds of their victory were planted in the beginning of the previous legislative term, when they formed an alliance with a number of Democrats to oust Democrat Senator Tom Ada, who had been informally selected as speaker by the Democratic majority. The new alliance of Democrats and Republicans elected Democrat Don Parkinson as speaker instead, thereby exposing a serious rift among the Democrats. Fights were common between the Democrats in the 23rd Legislature, culminating in an infamous hotdog and chili throwing contest between Speaker Parkinson and Rules chairman Sonny Orsini, all caught on camera for the public to watch.
The squabbling of the Democrats helped the Republicans to a majority in *I Mina’ Bente Kuåttro na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 24th Guam Legislature, led by new Speaker Antonio Unpingco and Rules Committee chairman, Mark Forbes. The Republicans again held the majority in the 25th and 26th Legislatures.
In 2002, when top Republican senators [Felix Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/) (son of former Governor Carlos Camacho), and Kaleo Moylan (son of former Lt. Gov. Kurt Moylan), [Eddie Baza Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/) (son of former Governor Paul Calvo), and Unpingco all threw their hats in the gubernatorial race, and Senator (and former governor) Joseph Ada ran for Congress, the Republican slate for the legislature race was weakened. The Democrats re-took the legislative majority with the 2002 election. However, the Republicans gained it again in 2004. Winning Republican senators included new Speaker Mark Forbes, Dr. Michael Cruz, Eddie Calvo, Unpingco, Joanne Brown, and Ray Tenorio.
Meanwhile, Camacho and Moylan won the gubernatorial race, first defeating Unpingco-Calvo in the primary and then beating Democrats [Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) (who was Guam’s Congressman) and running mate Tom Ada. Camacho-Moylan defeated the Underwood-Ada team by 4,750 votes. Unfortunately for the Republicans, the Camacho-Moylan administration underwent a major split between the two leaders during its current term, most publicly seen in Camacho’s firing of Moylan’s chief of staff and another aide, and Moylan’s subsequent filing of a lawsuit against Camacho.
The two decided not to run together in 2006. Instead Moylan chose a Democrat, former Senator Francis Santos, for his running mate for a two party ticket. Camacho chose freshman Senator Dr. Michael Cruz to run with him. Camacho and Cruz won the primary and defeated the Democratic team of former Congressman Robert Underwood and Senator Frank Aguon.
Eddie B. Calvo won the gubernatorial election in 2010 and again in 2014 along with Ray Tenorio as Lt. Governor.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
Dizon, Joe S. *Political Parties and Elections in Guam*. Hagåtña: Guam Research Associates, 1982.
*Pacific Daily News*. “Guam GOP Is Reality.” *The Territorial Sun*, 27 November 1966.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Republican Party of Guam
---
### [Governor Carlos Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Governor Carlos G. Camacho (1924 – 1979) served as not only Guam’s last appointed governor, but also its first elected governor after the Guam Elected Governor Act was passed in 1968.
**Content:**
# Governor Carlos Camacho
#### Table of Contents
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## Governor of Guam 1969-1974
Governor Carlos G. Camacho (1924 – 1979) served as not only Guam’s last appointed governor, but also its first elected governor after the [Guam Elected Governor Act](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) was passed in 1968. Camacho’s election in 1970 was the first time the people of Guam selected their own leader since the Spanish colonized the island beginning in 1668.
Camacho’s son, [Felix Perez Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/), was also elected governor of Guam in 2002 and 2006.
## Early life
Camacho was born 16 November 1924, the middle of five children of Felix Martinez Camacho and Antonia Cruz Garcia. His siblings are Josephine Camacho Tanaka, John Camacho, Luis Camacho and Eddie Camacho.
They grew up in the Santa Cruz District in the heart of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), helping in the family business by selling their daily catches of fish, door to door. The weekends were spent on the family farm where Guam Premier Outlets (GPO) is now, caring for the hogs and chickens and gathering coconuts for copra.
Carlos Camacho was educated at the Guam Institute and the Guam Evening High School until the Japanese invasion of Guam in 1941, when he was in the ninth grade. He was able to resume his education after the war. At the age of 16, Camacho worked after school as a clerk for Sawada Store and then later was a clerk at the Provisional Military Government and the Naval Government of Guam in the Department of Records and Accounts.
Though he did not graduate from high school, at the age of 18 Camacho took and passed a college entrance examination and left Guam in 1946 to pursue his college degree at St. Thomas Aquinas College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He then earned a doctorate in dental surgery at Marquette University in Wisconsin, graduating in 1954 and returning to Guam to begin his dentistry practice. Camacho is remembered by many who knew him not only as the former governor, but as a dentist.
Camacho married the former Lourdes Duenas Perez in 1955. They had seven children: Carlos, Felix, Thomas, Mary, Ricardo, Francis, and Victor.
## Career
Camacho worked as a dentist at the Catholic Medical Center, which opened in 1955, and also served as a captain in the US Army Dental Corps for two years. He was drafted in the dental corps, and was assigned to Camp Zama, Japan. He was promoted to the rank of captain and returned home after two years and reopened his dental practice.
He entered politics in 1964, running as a senatorial candidate for the Territorial Party (predecessor of the Republican Party) of Guam and winning a seat in *I Mina’ Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 8th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). He served as chairman of the legislative Public Health and Welfare Committee and was a member of four other committees.
In 1966 no candidates of the Territorial Party were elected into the Legislature. Camacho, along with Territorial Party colleagues, including [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/) and Kurt Moylan, founded the[ Republican Party of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/modern-guam-rises-from-the-destruction-of-war-1945-1970/). Camacho served as chairman for the party’s Guam delegation to the National Republican Convention in Miami in 1968, where he met many high-ranking US political leaders, including then-President Richard M. Nixon. The following year Nixon appointed Camacho to the position of governor on 1 July 1969.
## Governor of Guam
At the young age of 44, Camacho succeeded Governor Manuel FL Guerrero as governor of Guam, with Kurt Moylan appointed as lieutenant governor.
Camacho’s term as appointed governor lasted only 18 months, due to the Elective Governor Act that was signed into law by the US Congress in 1968, allowing for Guam’s citizens to choose their governor. The act took effect in 1970, when Guam’s first election was held.
Camacho’s term was best remembered for his Christmas 1969 visit to the troops from Guam who were fighting in Vietnam. He brought with him celebrated local singer [Johnny Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/johnny-sablan/) who wrote a song about the feat:
> More and more fighting sons have died. Peace, freedom, courage and pride. Forever they will roam in the eyes of the people here at home, in the eyes here at home. In memoriam I sing to you, I bow my head and salute you too. My native brothers you died in Vietnam, but heroes you are here on Guam, the fighting sons of Guam.
>
> He went to Vietnam so to seek his fighting sons. To wish them well, the soldiers of Guam. Called out their names all over Vietnam, saying ‘I want to see my sons of Guam. I want to see my fighting sons of Guam.’
>
> He said ‘Hafa adai, my sons, how do you do? My name? They call me Governor Camacho. I came to see you, brought a message for you, from the people of Guam, your island in the sun.’
>
> He flew from Saigon up to Pleiku, just to wish his sons there Merry Christmas, too. Danang, Nha Trang, Long Binh and Bien Hoa, too. Hafa adai, Cam Ranh Bay, Merry Christmas to you. Well my sons, you’re not forgotten, this I’m glad to say. I brought you a gift from home. Your families and your dear friends, I bring to you. They would like wish you a Merry Christmas too. Merry Christmas my sons.
>
> They choked up and cried, they held their heads up with pride, as they gazed at their presents side by side. One young soldier said, ‘Mr. Governor, thank you lai! You’ve made my Christmas so great, you’ve made my Christmas so great.’
>
> Four hundred or more soldiers he met. Jesus, Mike, Joaquin, Chu, Alfred, Antonio, Jose, Manuel and Norbert, too. Shaking hands, saying ‘Merry Christmas to you, Merry Christmas my sons.’
>
> There’s Jerry and Ron, Billy and Juan. There goes Joseph, Jesse, William and Big John. Albert, Felix, Tony and Benny too. They all said, ‘Thank you, Governor Camacho, thank you, Governor Camacho.’
>
> He’s a man of distinction, a man with a mission. No intervention to stop his intention. He’s a soldier of Guam. He’s a soldier of Guam.
Camacho was welcomed enthusiastically by the Guam troops who held parties in his honor. The success of this visit boosted Camacho’s popularity on Guam, which helped him tremendously in the historic 1970 election.
Camacho at first selected prominent politician Senator G. Ricardo Salas as his running mate, but disagreements with Salas led him to choose Kurt Moylan instead. The two ran unopposed in the Republican primary, while the Democratic primary was closely contested between former Governor [Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), Senator [Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), and attorney and former Speaker [Joaquin Camacho Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-c-arriola/). After a close primary and a contentious runoff election in which Bordallo defeated Guerrero, and then Camacho defeated Bordallo in the general election by 11.6 percent of the 20,424 votes cast.
Camacho and Moylan’s historic inauguration was held 3 January 1971 at the Plaza de España in Hagåtña.
Camacho’s term as elected governor was marked by one of Guam’s greatest economic booms. He used the resources of the government to enhance economic opportunities by granting incentives through the Guam Economic Development Authority and offering various forms of assistance to the private sector. During his entire five and a half years in office, Camacho presided over one of the largest eras of hotel construction activities on Guam, with construction finishing or starting on the Kakue Hotel, Reef Hotel, Hilton Hotel, Okura Hotel, Fujita Tumon Beach, Continental Travelodge, and Guam Dai Ichi Hotel.
Camacho also initiated massive road projects that were continued by his successors, including the widening of Marine Drive (now Marine Corps Drive) from Hospital Road north to Route 16 in Harmon, and the reconstruction of other major highways in the villages of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) and[ Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), among others.
He is also credited with enticing many educated CHamorus/Chamorros back to Guam, to reverse what was seen as a “brain drain” at the time, including [Tony Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/), Greg Sanchez, Mary Sanchez, Tony Unpingco, [Dr. Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), [Dr. Katherine Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/katherine-aguon/), Juan C. Tenorio, Bert Unpingco, Ben Perez, Eddie Duenas, [Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) and Frank Blas. Many of them took jobs with the government of Guam as administrators and later became senators. Camacho also kept on other able administrators even if they were not of his party affiliation which served to stabilize the government.
Former Senator Joe T. San Agustin considers this Camacho’s greatest accomplishment:
> Many of today’s leadership in government and business would not be here today if the brain drain syndrome had not been reversed. And coincidentally, this reversal was not limited to government only, as the 1970s also saw our local people assuming leadership heights in other areas. The Federal Court in Guam received its first Chamorro federal judge in Judge Cristobal C. Duenas, and the 300-year old Catholic Church in Guam saw its very first native bishop, Bishop Felixberto C. Flores. Duenas and Flores, along with Camacho, formed a great triumvirate. And a twist in history – all three were first cousins: Cristobal Camacho Duenas, Felixberto Camacho Flores and Carlos Garcia Camacho.
As a team, Camacho and Moylan worked to develop economic opportunity by creating incentives to attract business and encourage local participation in business. At the time Guam elected its first governor the federal government still had control over much of the island’s utilities and roads. They struggled to work toward gaining more self government and self determination.
In 1974 Camacho ran for re-election but lost to Democrat Ricardo J. Bordallo in a runoff election, after the general election, by just 627 votes. Following his defeat, Camacho returned to his career as a dentist, continuing in private practice until his death on 6 December 1979.
***By [Leo Babauta](https://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/ "Leo Babauta") and [Shannon J. Murphy](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/ "Shannon J. Murphy")***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor Carlos Camacho
---
### [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/)
**Published:** September 3, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Granted Congressional US citizenship to the people of Guam. The Organic Act of Guam is federal legislation passed by the United States Congress and signed into law by US President Harry S. Truman on 1 August 1950. In general, the act established a non-military, civil government on Guam; granted congressional US citizenship to residents of the island at the time and their descendants; and solidified the island’s political status as an unincorporated territory of the United States. Formerly a Spanish colony, Guam was ceded to the US in 1898.
**Content:**
# Organic Act of Guam
View more images for the Organic Act of Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157633029673987/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Granted Congressional US citizenship to the people of Guam
The Organic Act of Guam is federal legislation passed by the United States Congress and signed into law by US President Harry S. Truman on 1 August 1950. In general, the act established a non-military, civil government on Guam; granted congressional US citizenship to residents of the island at the time and their descendants; and solidified the island’s political status as an unincorporated territory of the United States. Formerly a Spanish colony, Guam was ceded to the US in 1898. Governance of the island was tasked to the US Navy. This military government was in power up through 1941 when [Japan occupied Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1497) during World War II. After the war, the US military assumed authority over Guam in July 1944 and administered the island up to the passing of the Organic Act.
Throughout the [US Naval Era](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1534), residents of the island were not US citizens, and their rights and liberties were therefore not concretely defined, guaranteed, or protected. A series of naval officers were appointed to the post of [US Naval Governor](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=6781) of Guam throughout this period and they held complete executive, legislative and judicial powers. This system of government did not afford democratic rights to the population at large.
Consequently, written histories and popular understandings of the Organic Act have often characterized it as a generous gift from the US to the people of Guam and a resolution to imbalances in political power prior to the act’s passage. More recent histories, however, have begun to show that the Organic Act was achieved through decades of political mobilization among the indigenous CHamoru/Chamorro population rather than through US military and federal intervention. Further, the act and its success in establishing true self-government and equal rights for the people of Guam through US citizenship has come into question in the decades following its passage.
## Petitions for civil rights date back to 1901
CHamorus expressed their [protest](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18207) to American rule in the earliest years of the Naval period. As early as 1901, and consistently in the years throughout the naval administration of Guam, numerous petitions were forwarded from Guam to the US Congress seeking self-government and US citizenship. These petitioners and their supporters argued that a military government was not suitable for the island, and sought political rights as well as US citizenship. They believed citizenship would guarantee them rights that the autocratic naval government had denied them. Protest to naval rule also took many other forms that were less direct, but it was the Guam Congress that served as the bedrock of organized political resistance.
The Guam Congress was formed in 1917 by US naval governor Roy Smith. The CHamoru men appointed, and later elected, as members of the Congress were convened due to growing concerns about the lack of political privileges among the local population. However, their role in the governance of Guam was merely advisory. Nevertheless, the congressmen quickly mobilized and used the Guam Congress as a forum to criticize the naval government, discuss civil rights and citizenship, and to mobilize politically.
The many attempts of the Guam Congress to address the island’s political matters culminated in a lobbying effort led by members of the Second Guam Congress. In 1936, [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1341) and Baltazar J. Bordallo traveled to Washington, DC through the support of an island-wide drive for funds. By lobbying aggressively, they succeeded in getting Bill S. 1450 introduced in the US Senate. A companion bill, H. R. 4747 was drafted and submitted to the House of Representatives. The proposed legislation would have granted US citizenship to the people of Guam. The bill was passed in the Senate, however, it failed in the House largely because of heavy opposition from the US Navy Department and the Department of State.
Efforts toward civil, self-government and US citizenship during the first 40 years of the naval administration were interrupted as Guam was colonized by yet another country. Japan occupied Guam from 1941 to 1944, but the US military returned and re-established the Naval Government of Guam in 1944. In the immediate years of the second US colonial period on Guam, many of the concerns about the island’s relationship with the United States would resurface.
## Guam Congress Walkout, 1949
In the aftermath of World War II, one of the leading causes of conflict between the naval government and CHamorus was widespread [land seizures](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18570) by the US military, largely for exclusive use by the military for recreation, rather than toward the defense of the island. Additionally, discriminatory wages for CHamoru laborers working for the military were one-fourth the pay rate of American laborers performing identical jobs. The desire for US citizenship and self-government was reignited as many believed this would afford rights and liberties to end these imbalances.
Dissatisfaction with the military government reached an impasse in 1949. Exercising what they assumed was their power to conduct investigations granted to them in 1947 by naval [Governor Charles Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/), the Guam Congress began scrutinizing potential violations of an existing law mandating that business licenses only be issued to permanent residents of Guam. The question of whether the Congress held inherent subpoena powers arose when Abe Goldstein, a navy clerk suspected of violating the law by operating a clothing shop, refused to answer to the Guam Congress. A warrant of arrest was issued for Goldstein for contempt, but Governor Pownall ignored the warrant arguing that the Guam Congress did not have authority over navy employees. The subpoena issue became a catalyst through which the larger concerns of the CHamoru people about their relationship to the United States were addressed.
On 5 March 1949, after discussion on the floor of the Assembly, the Guam Congress unanimously approved “The Bill to Provide an Organic Act and Civil Government for the Island of Guam” to be forwarded to the US Congress. Through the bill, the Guam Congress demanded US citizenship and civil government. Following the passage of the bill, member Antonio C. Cruz motioned that the House of Assembly adjourn and not reconvene until the US Congress issued a reply or acted on the proposed Organic Act of Guam. This was the beginning of the [Guam Congress Walkout](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1504) of 1949.
Assembly member [Carlos P. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1502) played an active role in ensuring that the walkout made a substantial impact beyond Guam. Taitano reported the incident by radiogram to two reporters from the Associated Press and the United Press International in the US mainland. Almost immediately after the walkout, some of the nation’s main print media sources, including *The New York Times*, *The Washington Post*, and *The Honolulu Star-Bulletin,* began publishing stories about the walkout, calling the American public’s attention to the grievances against the naval government on Guam.
Taitano’s efforts proved instrumental in the success of the walkout. Just over two months after the walkout, President Harry Truman ordered that the Department of Interior begin plans to take over administrative authority of Guam from the Department of the Navy. Governor Pownall responded by firing thirty-four of the thirty-six members of the Guam Congress and replacing them with appointed members. Reactions to this were hostile in Guam’s villages, and there was widespread refusal to recognize the new appointees. On 4 June 1949, Governor Pownall announced his retirement and plans to vacate the post of naval Governor of Guam.
## Organic Act signed, 1950
The Organic Act of Guam was signed into law by President Truman on 1 August 1950, and Taitano was the only CHamoru present at its signing as he was attending college in the area. At the time, the Organic Act was celebrated as a victory won after a long fight for self-government and citizenship that began nearly fifty years before its passage. Civil government had been granted through the removal of the Navy as the governing body of Guam. Residents of the island obtained US citizenship which many believed would stop unjust land condemnation, discrimination in the workplace, and other inequities that came with the former military government.
But questions soon arose as to whether civil government meant self-government. And even more questions arose as to whether the US citizenship granted in the Organic Act truly afforded the protections that many believed it would.
## Struggles for control of Guam persist
In the decade that followed the passing of the Organic Act, issues such as military land-taking, federal control of land, a restrictive [security clearance](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=17041) required for travel and trade in and out of Guam, and the federal appointment of Guam’s governor raised concerns for island residents. Attempts to address these concerns were made throughout the 1950s and 1960s. In August 1962, the security clearance requirement was lifted, opening travel and trade on the island. By 1965, [Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512) was sent to Washington, DC as the island’s representative at the federal level. He was finally recognized as a [non-voting Delegate](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18232) to the House of Representatives eight years later with the passing of Public Law 92-271 and an election by the people of Guam. In 1968, CHamoru demands to elect their own governor were addressed when the [Elective Governor Act](http://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) was passed and the first gubernatorial election took place in 1970.
These changes seemed to alleviate some of the imbalance of power between the US and Guam that had persisted after the Organic Act was passed. Many imbalances, however, remained. Even though the US military was removed from governing the island, Guam still did not achieve self-government. The governance of the island was simply transferred from the US Navy to the US Department of Interior, and indeed, the US Congress continues to have “plenary” or complete powers over Guam and its local government. The American citizenship for Guam residents has proven limited as residents of the island are not allowed to vote in US national elections and their elected representative to Congress still cannot vote on the House floor. And finally, stipulations that the US Constitution does not necessarily apply to Guam have increased questions about whether the citizenship granted in the Organic Act is equal to that of other Americans in the United States.
In 1968, Guam [Senator Richard Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18369) introduced legislation calling for a comprehensive review of the Organic Act noting that the people of Guam had never been consulted on its passage in 1950. Senator Taitano’s efforts led to the first [Guam Constitutional Convention](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18216) which convened forty-three delegates to explore possible amendments to the Organic Act. The delegates believed that improving the existing Organic Act was the best course of action, rather than seeking a complete change in Guam’s political status. The convention resulted in five recommended amendments to the Organic Act:
1. Removal of the Secretary of the Interior’s oversight of Guam;
2. Inclusion of off-shore waters and submerged lands in the jurisdiction of Guam;
3. Just compensation to the people of Guam for land condemnation;
4. Restoration of employment preference for CHamoru people in federal jobs; and
5. Repeal of stipulations in the Organic Act prohibiting manufacture and transactions of marijuana.
The recommendations were forwarded to the US Congress in July 1970. A letter was issued acknowledging receipt of the proposed amendments, but no efforts were made to address them in Washington.
While the first Constitutional Convention was unsuccessful in its attempt to amend the Organic Act, it highlighted many ongoing concerns and problems rooted in Guam’s relationship with the US. These concerns led to the formation of a Special Commission on Political Status established by the 12th [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1518) from 1973-74. In relation to the Organic Act in particular, the commission noted that the existing act did not permit the people of Guam to effectively manage their own affairs.
The 13th Guam Legislature enacted legislation forming another Special Commission on Political Status from 1975-76. This commission was tasked with finding solutions to basic social, economic and political problems on Guam, highlighting shipping, immigration, restrictions preventing Guam’s participation in international organizations, economic restrictions, and the Organic Act in its entirety as elements of federal control on Guam that needed to be removed.
Rather than pursuing a specific political status such as independence, statehood, or commonwealth, the commission’s goal was to explore changes to various aspects of the existing relationship with the US toward creating something entirely new. Delegate Won Pat, however, sought a different route in Washington, DC. Won Pat instead proposed that Guam make recommendations about political status options and changes for the Organic Act of Guam. Although Won Pat never advanced his bill to hearing, his actions created tension in his relationship with the commission on Guam.
The tension between Won Pat and the Special Commission on Political Status continued as the Washington delegate pushed for a second constitutional convention with a goal of writing a constitution for the island. The commission opposed the process arguing that political status should be defined first and the drafting of a constitution should follow. Federal officials in the US responded by dictating that Guam should take what it could get. Amid protests from the commission, the federal government proceeded with a constitutional process informing Guam that political status was a different issue that should be addressed separately. The process outlined by the US government was extremely restrictive in the mandate that any constitution drafted and ratified by Guam not change the existing federal-territorial relationship. This left Guam no power over key matters such as land and immigration.
The restrictions placed on a potential constitution for Guam sparked intense debate on the island in the years from 1977 to 1979. Several CHamoru activist groups mobilized to fight efforts toward a constitution that they felt was merely a new Organic Act that perpetuated the status quo. Other groups formed in support of the constitution arguing that continued and closer relations with the United States were favorable. In the midst of these debates, a draft constitution was completed and presented to Guam voters in 1979. Ultimately, the draft constitution was overwhelmingly rejected by 10,247 voters, or just over 80 percent of island voters.
## Commission on Self-Determination and the Guam Commonwealth Act
The rejection of the draft constitution for Guam in 1979 did not end the quest for political status change on Guam. Various attempts were made well through the close of the 20th century to address the limitations of Guam’s status as an unincorporated territory. In 1980, the Guam Legislature created the [Commission on Self-Determination](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18495) for the People of Guam. The commission was formed in response to the failed constitutional conventions with the task of determining the desires of the people of Guam with regard to their political relationship with the US. The commission formed various task forces to explore different political status options and then attempted to educate the public about each option. Finally it held two plebiscites to determine the people’s choice of political status in 1982.
In the first plebiscite the voters were to select their desired political status from seven choices: Statehood, Independence, Free Association, Territorial Status with the US, Commonwealth Status with the US, Status Quo, or Other. The second plebiscite that year was a runoff between the two highest results from the first vote: Commonwealth and Statehood. The people of Guam ultimately voted in favor of pursuing commonwealth status for Guam, much like the political status of the present-day Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Following the votes, the Commission on Self-Determination produced the [Draft Commonwealth Act](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18493) and forwarded the act to Congress.
The latter decades of the 20th century are remembered in large part as the “Commonwealth Now” era. The pursuit of commonwealth status was a leading priority for Guam’s elected leaders, both on island and in Washington, DC throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Throughout those decades, strong lobbying efforts attempted to advance the Draft Commonwealth Act. The Act was introduced in the US Congress four times by Congressmen [Ben Blaz](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1528) and [Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/ "Robert Underwood"). Provisions for CHamoru self-determination and mutual consent in the draft act, however, were consistently opposed under both the Bush and Clinton administrations, and the Draft Commonwealth Act of Guam never made it out of committee.
## The Organic Act in the 21st Century
The failure of the Draft Commonwealth Act in the US did not end the quest for political status change. This quest continues in the present. As has been noted by Dr. Robert Underwood, former Congressman of Guam, “At times, this desire will appear dormant while it will spring to life as it did in the 1930s and 1940s and in the 1970s and 1980s.” Guam entered into a relative lull in its pursuit of political status change in the late 1990s and into the early years of the 21st century. More recently, however, debates about the island’s political status and the lack of self-governance that Guam holds as a colony of the US have become a top issue on the island.
Recent plans by the US military to expand its presence on the island have increased concerns about military land acquisition and immigration, as well as economic, environmental and socio-cultural impacts. These were some of the same concerns that led the island to fight for and achieve the Organic Act of Guam those many decades ago. Although once celebrated as a victory for Guam, and one that was won through many efforts among the island’s people, Guam continues in an ongoing struggle with the US for full self-government and equal citizenship. The extent to which the Organic Act was adequate in achieving that, as well as the act’s ability to address the broader political aspirations of the people of Guam remains debatable.
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=617)***
## e-Publication
The e-publication below is *The Organic Act of Guam and Related Federal Laws Affecting the Governmental Structure of Guam* (through June 11, 2001). Compiled by Charles H. Troutman.
Amendments of The Organic Act of Guam are available [here](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=10346). Courtesy of the [Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=564).
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics
**Tags:** Organic Act of Guam
---
### [Guam Congress Walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** On 5 March 1949, the Guam Congress walked out as a protest against the US Naval Government and to underscore its quest for a measure of self-government and US citizenship. The protest drew nationwide attention through the press, and thereafter fairly quick action by the US Congress and President Harry Truman.
**Content:**
# Guam Congress Walkout
View photos for the Guam Congress Walkout entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622400591397).
#### Table of Contents
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## Quest for self-governance
On 5 March 1949, the Guam Congress walked out as a protest against the [US Naval Government](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-entries-by-era/us-naval-era-politics-and-government-entries/) and to underscore its quest for a measure of self-government and US citizenship. The protest drew nationwide attention through the press, and thereafter fairly quick action by the US Congress and President Harry Truman.
Within two months of the walkout, Truman submitted a bill to Congress to transfer the administration of Guam from the Navy to the Department of the Interior. He soon after transmitted Bill H.R. 4499, Guam’s draft organic act, that would give US citizenship to all the native inhabitants of Guam for the first time, and give the residents of Guam the greatest measure of self-government they had ever had in 300 years of colonial rule.
While the Guam Congress Walkout was only the culmination of five decades of local discontent with the status quo of naval rule, and was followed by a concerted effort by CHamoru/Chamorro leaders to get the US Congress to pass [the Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), the walkout nevertheless set in motion this momentous chain of events. It was the spark that was missing from the frustrating citizenship quest that had been led in previous decades by [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/), Baltazar J. Bordallo and others. The walkout was also the most openly rebellious act that Chamorros had committed against any of their colonial rulers since the Chamorro-Spanish wars in the late 1600s.
## Discontent with naval government
The Guam Congress Walkout wasn’t an event that sprung from the spontaneous feelings of the leaders of Guam in 1949. It was the climax of half a century of discontent among many Chamorros on Guam with their lack of self-government, lack of basic human rights and the denial of the dignity of US citizenship.
Under Spanish colonial rule, Chamorros eventually had some electoral participation in the various district governments on Guam. In 1898, when the Americans took over Guam during the Spanish-American war, Spanish officials were removed from the island and returned to the Philippines, leaving no one in charge. After various people decided they should be governor, local leaders formed a council who named a governor for Guam. He never actually led the island as an American ship arrived on Guam that same day and someone else was appointed governor. This body was eliminated under American naval rule.
From the beginning of the American governance of the island, the Chamorros expressed a desire to participate in government. In December 1901, thirty-two prominent citizens of Hagåtña sent a petition to the US Congress expressing happiness that Guam was now under the United States, but extreme dissatisfaction with being under military rule. Guam’s citizens had “fewer permanent guarantees of liberty and property rights” under naval rule than under the Spanish, the petition said, and they respectfully asked for more democratic institutions.
A few months later, several Guam citizens petitioned for US citizenship for the first time. It wouldn’t be until nearly fifty years later, however, that citizenship would be granted to the people of Guam.
The only participation in the government provided to the people of Guam came in the form of the Guam Congress. The first official Guam Congress, formed in 1917, was appointed by the governor and had no legislative powers. It was basically a formal advisory body to the naval governor, who could then follow the Congress’ recommendations or ignore them.
The local leaders were very happy to finally be able to participate in the government, even if it was in a limited form, but they made it clear from the beginning that the most important issue to them was the question of Guam’s political rights and a more democratic form of government under the United States. This first Guam Congress repeatedly passed resolutions calling for Guam’s governor to petition the US Congress to deal definitively with the issue of Guam’s civil status and political rights.
In the 1920s, the local leaders used a different tactic, petitioning for citizenship the various important officials who visited Guam, including senators, congressmen and high-ranking naval officials.
In the early 1930s, Governor William Bradley several times recommended in his reports to the Naval Department that federal legislation be enacted granting US citizenship to the Chamorro people. The Guam Congress unanimously endorsed his recommendations. Bradley further recommended that Washington grant a bill of rights to the Chamorro people, and instead of waiting for departmental approval, proclaimed a Bill of Rights for the people of Guam in 1930.
As local interest in the appointed and powerless Guam Congress declined, Bradley also formed the second Guam Congress. It consisted of two houses – the House of Council and the House of Assembly – and its members for the first time were elected by the people of their districts. The first general election in the history of the island took place on March 7, 1931. However, although the people of Guam greatly appreciated being given the chance to elect their leaders, the second Guam Congress remained an advisory body. When it soon became clear that the recommendations of this Congress were to be as ignored as those of the previous Congress, interest by both the leadership and the citizens in participating severely declined.
In 1933, the Chamorro leadership organized an island-wide petition drive for US citizenship that resulted in 1,965 signatures, but the US Congress took no action on the petition. In 1937, the Guam Congress sent two official delegates, Baltazar J. Bordallo and Francisco B. Leon Guerrero, to Washington D.C. to transmit another petition for US citizenship. And while these delegates were able to get Congress to introduce and discuss a bill to grant such citizenship, official opposition by the Navy killed the bill.
After four decades of attempting to get the US government to recognize their pleas for justice, their quest for citizenship, and their desire for a greater measure of participation in a truly democratic American form of government, the Chamorro people grew increasingly frustrated by the lack of any type of action.
## Conflict with Pownall
In the aftermath of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the Chamorro leaders renewed their quest for citizenship and self-government, again petitioning the US Congress to grant US citizenship to Chamorros and to enact an organic act to create a government for Guam. F.B. Leon Guerrero led fifteen prominent Chamorros, including Judge Jose C. Manibusan, Father [Oscar Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/monsignor-oscar-calvo/), Simon A. Sanchez and B.J. Bordallo, who called themselves the Friends of Guam and sought an end to the naval rule of Guam.
When the eighth Guam Congress sent a resolution to Washington requesting for US citizenship and an organic act for Guam in 1947, it met with a growing debate in Washington over Guam’s governance. In that year, two separate committees in Washington issued reports recommending that citizenship be granted, that civil government be established on Guam and that a civilian agency be given charge over the administration of Guam. Several bills were introduced in the US Congress reflecting these recommendations, and had very active stateside advocates, but they ultimately failed.
In 1948, the new naval governor, Charles A. Pownall, and the Secretary of the Navy issued a proclamation giving the Guam Congress unprecedented powers to create new laws for Guam, upon the governor’s approval, and the power to approve laws proposed by the naval governor. The Secretary of the Navy had the power to override the veto of either branch. This proclamation was very well received by Chamorros, and was later dubbed the Interim Organic Act. It greatly alleviated growing tensions and a deteriorating relationship between locals and the navy.
It wasn’t long, however, before locals discovered that not much had changed – the governor could still pass laws by himself when the Guam Congress was not in session, which was most of the time, and when he vetoed legislation he had the backing of the Secretary of the Navy.
Over the next two years, Chamorros grew increasingly frustrated and outraged by the naval administration, due to numerous abuses with military condemnations of local land, and to the unfair wage discrimination against local workers and in favor of thousands of new off-island American contractors.
In early 1949, as the Guam Congress considered two new measures to petition for citizenship and an organic act, a controversy arose over the power of the Guam Congress to subpoena American citizens. A Guam House of Assembly committee, investigating violations of a prohibition against Americans owning local businesses through Guamanian “front men,” subpoenaed an American civilian, Abe Goldstein, who had financed a women’s clothing store. The civilian refused to testify, citing Pownall’s veto the year before of the Guam Congress’ power to subpoena Americans.
The Guam Congress had a confrontation with Pownall which stirred up media attention in support of the bill for an organic act and the petition for citizenship. The committee issued a warrant for the Goldstein’s arrest, citing him for contempt, and Pownall intervened and halted the execution of the warrant. Pownall told Speaker of the House of Assembly, Antonio Won Pat, to refer the matter to the executive branch. Won Pat relayed that advice to the House of Assembly on March 5, the day the Assembly was debating the controversial organic act bill and the petition for citizenship.
## Walkout and the press
Angered by Pownall’s actions, the assembly passed the bill and petition, and voted unanimously to adjourn until the US Congress acted on the organic act bill. A young assemblyman, [Carlos P. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/), had recently been captain of the US Army and knew very well the power of the American press. He had met earlier in the year with two visiting newsmen from the United Press International (UPI) and the Associated Press (AP) bureaus in Honolulu, and got them to agree to file stories in return for exclusive reports from Taitano.
As soon as the Guam Congress voted on the walkout, Taitano rushed to report to his press contacts in Honolulu by telegram, without telling his colleagues. The wire services quickly filed the news, and the New York Times reported “Guam Assembly Quits” on March 6 and “Congress Walkout” on March 7.
Pownall called for a special joint session of the Congress for March 12, but the Congress members met the day before and decided not to attend. Through Taitano’s reports, the Honolulu Advertiser wrote “Guam Congress Revolt Grows”, on March 12. Pownall then dismissed the members of the Guam Congress who had willfully violated the law, and announced that he would appoint their replacements.
This announcement was immediately met by hostile public reaction, and meetings in twelve villages declared that the people would not recognize any of the appointees. Meanwhile, the mainland news media continued to report on the Guamanian defiance of the military government. In an article in the Washington Post, Taitano was quoted as saying that the political revolt grew out of three long-standing grievances:
> 1. Arbitrary rule by naval government
> 2. Lack of a constitution or documents anywhere guaranteeing civil rights
> 3. Lack of a court of appeal beyond the Secretary of the Navy.
## Aftermath
President Harry Truman, who was well informed about Guam, reacted to the walkout by asking the State Department for an assessment. The State Department recommended that the Department of the Interior take over administration of Guam within a year. The White House then instructed the Interior Department to draft an organic act for civilian government of Guam, and Truman approved the draft on 14 May and notified the Navy that it would have to turn over administration of Guam to the Interior within twelve months.
As Navy and Interior worked out a transition plan, Pownall responded to pressure from Washington by restoring Guam’s elected assemblymen to their seats on April 2. In May, the Guam Congress returned, and soon decided to send FB Leon Guerrero and [Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) to Washington to lobby for the passage of an organic act. Other Chamorros also lobbied for the Organic Act in Washington, including [Agueda Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), [Concepcion Barrett](http://www.guampedia.com/concepcion-cruz-barrett/) and B.J. Bordallo.
In September 1949, the administration of Guam was transferred to the Interior Department, and Truman appointed Carlton S. Skinner as Guam’s first civilian governor. A united front by Chamorros, Skinner and others resulted in the passage of the Organic Act of Guam in 1950, and on 1 August 1950, President Truman signed it into law. Carlos Taitano was the only Chamorro present at the signing as he was attending college in the area at the time.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*Christian Science Monitor*. “Military Rule Ends in Guam: And People Become U.S. Citizens.” 7 August 1950.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” *ISLA: A Journal of Micronesian Studies* 3, no. 1 (Rainy Season 1995): 1-27.
*Hinasso’: Tinige’ Put Chamorro–Insights: The Chamorro Identity*. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Committee, 1993.
*Honolulu Advertiser*. “Guam Congress Revolt Grows.” 11 March 1949.
*Honolulu Star-Bulletin*. “Admiral Steps Into Guam’s New Fight Over Naval Rule.” 11 March 1949.
*Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics
**Tags:** Guam Congress Walkout
---
### [Governor Juan Marina](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-juan-marina/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The last Spanish-appointed Governor of the Mariana Islands, Juan Marina Vega (1846 - 1909), more commonly known as Juan Marina, served his term on Guam from April 1897 to June 1898. Guam was ceded to the US in 1898 at the conclusion of the Spanish-American War.
**Content:**
# Governor Juan Marina
 Governors Palace, 1898. Photo from Don Farrell's *The Sacrifice of Guam* collection.
#### Table of Contents
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## Last Spanish governor
The last Spanish-appointed Governor of the Mariana Islands, Juan Marina Vega (1846 – 1909), more commonly known as Juan Marina, served his term on Guam from April 1897 to June 1898. Guam was ceded to the US in 1898 at the conclusion of the Spanish-American War.
Marina was born in Madrid 17 April 1846. He joined the Spanish army academy at 16 and was assigned to duties in the Philippines from 1870 to 1876. He returned to the Philippines in 1894 and two years later the Philippine Revolution began. At the time, Marina was military commandant of Biñan, near Manila, where he led operations against the *katipuneros* (Filipino revolutionary leaders).
Marina was assigned governor of the Marianas in 27 January 1897, but it was not until 18 April that he officially took control of the fifteen-island archipelago. He succeeded interim Governor Lieutenant Ángel Nieto.
Marina did not receive a warm welcome when he arrived to the islands. The new governor was the brother of former Marianas Governor Jacobo Marina, who was disliked by the residents for his unfavorable policies and public discontent relative to the way he handled a riot involving Filipino convicts in which eighty convicts were killed. The fact that Juan Marina was assigned to succeed his brother suggested that a policy of continuity was intended by colonial authorities in Manila.
Nevertheless, Juan Marina managed to prove that he was unlike his brother and soon gained the trust and confidence of the people. He was even referred to by one of his staff as “Good *Don* Juan.” Marina found Guam favorable, and just three weeks after his arrival he requested that his wife *Doña* María Malats Sorribas and their six children who were in Spain join him. Their youngest daughter, Pilar, died in 1898 at the age of three. Their youngest son, Adolfo, was born on Guam, but died in early 1899 during the return trip to Spain.
CHamoru/Chamorro priest *Padre* [Jose Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/) wrote that Marina was “unlucky enough” to be governor of Marianas during the Spanish-American War. On 20 June 1898, news of the war had not yet reached Guam, so when an American fleet entered Apra harbor on Guam’s west coast and fired shots from a cannon at Fort Santa Cruz, the port captain mistakenly thought it was a salute. The next morning, Marina and other Spanish officials were taken prisoner.
Immediately after his return to Spain, and despite of the fact that he was near retirement after 38 years of service, Marina resigned from the army. He died in Barcelona in 1909. His widow, María Malats, died in 1944 at the age of 90.
[***By Carlos Madrid***](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands and the Saga of the Palacio*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2005.
Ibañez del Carmen, Aniceto, OAR, and Francisco Resano del Corazón de Jesús, OAR. *Chronicle of the Mariana Islands: Recorded in the Agaña Parish Church 1846-1899*. Translated, annotated, and edited by Marjorie G. Driver and Omaira Brunal-Perry. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1998.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Politics
**Tags:** Governor Juan Marina
---
### [Baseball: History of the Sport in Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/baseball-history-of-the-sport-on-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Baseball arrived in Guam with the Americans, and seems to have been played almost as soon as the Americans took over the administration of Guam at the turn of the 20th century. For the first half of the 1900s, it was the only sport played in any widespread form, and until about 20 or 30 years ago it was still the most popular sport in Guam.
**Content:**
# Baseball: History of the Sport in Guam
View more images for the Baseball: History of the Sport in Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622566703962/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Arrived with the Americans
Baseball arrived in Guam with the Americans, and seems to have been played almost as soon as the Americans took over the administration of Guam at the turn of the 20th century. For the first half of the 1900s, it was the only sport played in any widespread form, and until about 20 or 30 years ago it was still the most popular sport in Guam.
Just as many CHamorus/Chamorros have a love of America, they also seem to have a love of baseball, the most American of all sports. Chamorros took to the sport early on in the 1900s, and soon competed with the best of the military players. Chamorro kids in the first half of the century had no organized baseball, but still played in their villages using sticks for bats, fruits for balls, and no gloves.
Although baseball in Guam has been on the decline in popularity recently, ball games are still watched at Paseo Stadium in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) with feelings of nostalgia by many locals. The stadium lights up East Hagåtña Bay and signal to some that for a few hours, the game will be played as it has been for more than 120 years in Guam.
## American Naval Era
The [American Naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) of Guam, which began in 1899, was the beginning of baseball in Guam. Informal games were held between various Naval and US Marine crews.
While little is written about baseball in these early years, within a decade or so baseball was becoming a favorite sport of Chamorro youths. The Navy forbade the use of the Chamorro language on the playing fields in order to encourage the use of English
By the middle of the decade between 1910-1920, a regular adult league was held with six teams, both military and civilians, from November through April each year. Chamorro men played on some of the teams, and by the end of the decade there were a good number of locals playing in the league.
## Rise of local players
By the 1920s, local baseball players were among the best in the league. The Guam Recorder, for example, featured a 1925 headline that reads, “Chamorro Base Ball Team Wins,” after a Chamorro team beat the visiting Destroyer squadron 3-1 on “high grade pitching from Untalan and the fielding of center fielder Munoz”.
In 1927, six of the nine players selected from the Navy team and the Agana Cubs to Guam’s All-Star first team were Chamorros
In this decade, six teams made up the league in most years: Sumai Marines, Station, Navy Yard, Aviation, 42nd Company and the Agana Cubs. The teams played at the Agana Baseball Field, which was located at the Plaza de España near the Cathedral. The Guam Department of Education also fielded a team starting in the late 1920s.
The Agana Cubs, made up mostly of locals, were a powerhouse team in the 1920s. In 1926, the Cubs won the league pennant. The Cubs led the league with a .309 batting average (the next highest team batted .229), an amazing 80 stolen bases (the next highest teams had 44) and only 32 errors compared to 52 of the next best fielding team.
The Cubs clinched the league title with a 10-3 win over Station, and also beat the Operators 10-0 in the last official game of the season, to finish with a 13-2 record.
More than 5,000 people turned out to watch the season finale exhibition game between the Cubs and the Sumai Marines, and though the Cubs lost 9-1, they were awarded the third Trophy Cup by Gov. Lloyd S. Shapley. The first Cup went to the Sumai Marines in 1924, and the Aviators won it in 1925.
In 1927, the Cubs and Navy engaged in an exciting pennant race, which went down to the last game of the season. The Cubs led the league with an 11-2 record with a couple weeks left, and held on to a slim lead with a 6-0 win over the Marines (Taitano pitched a two-hit shutout).
But in the last two games, Navy and the Cubs faced each other, and Navy beat the cubs 3-1 to stay alive. In the final game of the season, the Cubs beat Navy 10-6 to clinch the title. Gov. Shapley awarded the Cubs the “golden baseball” after the game.
## Pre-war years
Baseball playing was apparently so popular in this pre-war era that it was played in the main thoroughfares of Hagåtña. In 1927, for example, the Guam Recorder also mentioned in its notes that “baseball playing in the streets of Hagåtña has become a real nuisance, and an ordinance prohibiting this practice would be appreciated by many who live in the vicinity where these daily games annoy hour after hour. The continual noise of the ball striking the gloves, and the loud and boisterous conversation which accompanies these games, is vexatious to say the least.”
n the 1930s, the Education team became a championship squad that brought together some of the island’s best players. Those players included shortstop Charlie M. Perez (known later as “Tun Charlie”), who joined with second baseman James Sablan as the team’s crucial double-play combination and two of the team’s anchors. Perez, who joined the Navy in 1936, also played for military teams until the war broke out in 1941.
Later in life Tun Charlie remembered other players in that era: firsts baseman Tommy Santos; third baseman Fred Gutierrez and his brother Joe; outfielders Jim “Jake Cruz, Joaquin Santos, and Ramon Munoz. The battery consisted of catchers William Lujan, who also played first, and Manuel Munoz, and pitchers Joaquin “Kochi”Guerrero and Romulo Pellacani.
The Education team of the ‘30s battled the Agana Cubs, who were led by star shortstop Jose “Icha” Guzman and third baseman Jose Atoigue, after whom the Chalan Pago baseball field is named. Also on the team were catcher Juan “Korori” Taitano and the late Colonel Juan Muna in the outfield.
In 1939, just before the war, Bradley Park was constructed in the Anigua area (near where the Corn building is now located), and games were played there for nearly two years. Unfortunately, the field did not survive the bombing of Hagåtña at the end of the war.
## Baseball in World War II
As baseball was brought by the Americans, so it mostly ceased when the Americans were replaced by the Japanese during the Japanese occupation of World War II. But while there was no organized baseball during the war years, there did still seem to be games played on a smaller scale.
Tun Charlie Perez remembered an incident that occurred during the war as he was toiling in a mine. Japanese guards ordered him and other men to stop work, and then told the interpreters to ask them if anybody played baseball. Perez was one of nine Chamorros who were chosen to play, at Bradley Park, in a seven-inning contest against a team of Japanese guards. The locals won easily, by a lopsided score of something like 13-3, according to Perez.
[Tony Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/), a historian who lived through the war, recalls other Japanese versus Chamorro baseball games, and said the Japanese were trying to prove that Japanese men were better in every way.
## Post-war youth baseball
After the island settled down from World War II, youth baseball was organized for the first time in an islandwide village league. While Little League rules were followed, the village league was not officially chartered with the US Little League organization.
Leagues were sponsored by various civic service or community groups – initially by the Agana Heights Athletic Club, headed by Tun Pete Rosario and coach Tony Calvo. In 1957, the Civic Improvement Council of Sinajana, headed by Judge Joaquin Manibusan, took over the administration of the league.
In 1967, Guam Little League became chartered by Little League headquarters in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, a significant event in youth baseball, especially as the best Guam youth players would be able to compete against other teams internationally. In 1968, the Guam Babe Ruth league was chartered by its national organization, and from then on, Guam had two competing youth baseball leagues.
In the early 1960s, an adult baseball league formed called the Islandwide Baseball League. The league was made up of military and local teams, with many of the local teams formed the the Holy Name Society organization in the various villages. Military teams included teams from Andersen Air Force Base and the Naval Station. Games were played in military and local fields. The league disbanded by the 1970s.
## 1970s Guam Major League
In 1974, the Guam Major League was formed to give an outlet for the many young players who were graduating from the youth baseball leagues with no adult league in existence.
The first season had six teams: the Agana Heights Cougars, University of Guam Tritons, Atkins Kroll Islanders, 4-0 Dodgers, USS Proteus, and Tamuning Rebels. The season consisted of twenty games with the two winners meeting in a best-of-five game series for the championship.
Weekend days saw doubleheaders at Paseo, with large crowds filling the old rusted out wood planked bleachers, were the highlights of the season.
Led by slugger Ronnie Tavares and manager Alex Ojeda, the Cougars won their first eight games of the season. Agana Heights met the UOG Tritons in the title series, and beat the Tritons three games to two, winning game five by a score of 5-3 to capture the first-ever GML title.
In 1976, the Atkins Kroll Islanders were declared Guam Major League champions. They held a 2-0 lead over the Ace Hardware Aces before Typhoon Pamela came and tossed the Paseo ballpark into the Paseo de Susana landscape and the Agana boat basin.
The GML would go on to be Guam’s premier baseball league for many years, and is now in existence as the Budweiser Baseball League.
## 1980s peak of popularity
Baseball hit the peak of its popularity starting in the 1970s and continued to rise in the 1980s and early 1990s. Both Guam Little League and Babe Ruth Baseball were at their highest numbers in player participation, and the Guam Major League was drawing strong crowds in every game.
In 1985, a second adult league was formed for the first time – the Guam Amateur Baseball League, later known as the Guam Baseball League. It was formed by long-time leaders of Little League baseball, including Ben Munoz, Greg Borja and Greg Calvo, as well as Pat Wolff, president of the Guam Amateur Baseball Association. These men felt that a second league was needed to allow for more participation for young baseball players, as the GML was limited to six to eight teams each season.
GABL grew to twenty teams by 1987, with teams from many of the island’s villages, and in 1988 expanded to two seasons each year.
## International baseball
While youth baseball teams competed in the Little League World Series and the Babe Ruth World Series as early as the 1960s, it was in the 1980s that Guam adult teams started participating in international baseball.
In 1982, the GML introduced the Western Pacific Invitational Baseball Tournament. With a usual four-team format, this tournament featured top teams from Korea, Chinese-Taipei, Japan and the Micronesian region. In the thirteen year run of the tournament, Korean teams were involved in eleven championship games. Participating teams included visiting squads from Japan; Hawaii; Korea; Chinese-Taipei; Philippines; Oceania; China; and Palau.
In 1989, both China and Chinese Taipei participated. The two teams competed against each other at the Paseo Stadium in several years before diplomatic compromises allowed such athletic meetings.
In 1996 escalating costs and lower revenues forced suspension of the tournament. In this final year of tournament play, Team Guam captured its first ever and only Western Pacific Invitational Baseball Tournament championship.
Guam also obtained memberships in the Baseball Federation of Asia (BFA), International Baseball Federation (IBF), and Baseball Confederation of Oceania (BCO) in the 1980s and participated in BFA championships in Japan, Korea, and the People’s Republic of China.
In 1988, the Mobil Games were started in Saipan, with teams from around the region participating in the tournament every year for more than a decade.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## Video
Featuring a clip from the *Governor Willis W. Bradley Film: Bradley Park*
## For further reading
Borja, Paul. “Ben Munoz – A Guam Baseball Pioneer.” In *Guam Amateur Baseball League*. Hagåtña: Mobil Games, 1991.
–––. “Charlie M. Perez – A Guam Baseball Pioneer.” In *Guam Amateur Baseball League*. Hagåtña: Mobil Games, 1991.
“Chamorro Base Ball Team Wins.” *Guam Recorder* 2, no. 15 (May 1925): 76.
“GABL – Continuing to Promote Baseball in the Region.” In *Guam Amateur Baseball League*. Hagåtña: Mobil Games, 1991.
Hall, W.R. “Sports: Guam Baseball League, 1926-1927.” *Guam Recorder* 4, no. 2 (May 1927): 45.
–––“Sports: Guam Baseball League, 1926-1927.” *Guam Recorder* 4, no. 3 (June 1927): 64.
–––“Sports: Guam’s All-Star Baseball Team.” *Guam Recorder* 4, no. 5 (Aug 1927): 130.
“Knocks Without Malice.” *Guam Recorder* 3, no. 12 (March 1927): 351.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Sports and Recreation
**Tags:** Baseball: History of the Sport in Guam
---
### [History of Democracy in Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-democracy-on-guam/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A common political fallacy is that democracy was a babe born in Guam during the mid-20th century under American rule. The fact is that democracy had its beginning in Guam almost two centuries ago when benevolent Spanish authorities allowed the local electorates to choose their gobernadorcillos (mayors).
**Content:**
# History of Democracy in Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Interpretive essay: Democracy movement goes back to 1800s
A common political fallacy is that democracy was a babe born in Guam during the mid-20th century under American rule.
The fact is that democracy had its beginning in Guam almost two centuries ago when benevolent Spanish authorities allowed the local electorates to choose their *gobernadorcillos* (mayors). This initial test of the local population’s ability to govern themselves took place long before all of us saw the light of day.
According to French historian Joseph Dubouzet, who visited Guam in the 19th century as a part of the [Jules Sebastian Cesar Dumont d’Urville](https://www.guampedia.com/jules-sebastien-cesar-dumont-durville/) scientific expedition, here’s how the people of [Humåtak ](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/)chose their *gobernadorcillo* in 1839:
> The laws which regulated these Spanish colonies were liberal and paternal toward the Indios (Chamorros). Their municipal regime is the envy of a less advanced country. We take testimony from one of the elections. The governor who assists was there only to prevent violation of the established procedures, but not to curtail liberty or to exert influence in favor of a candidate. The electors, called heads of the barangays, each represent one section of the village, thus divided to avoid the inconvenience of a direct election. Each one of them represent also several families according to their consent. All the electors united at the palace or city hall and each of them gave successively in writing the name of the candidate whom he judged most worthy to fill the office of gobernadorcillo. The votes are counted publicly and the candidates who receive the most votes are proclaimed in the following order: gobernadorcillo (mayor), teniente de justicia (judge), and alguacil (bailiff).
The local residents’ ability to govern themselves was tested between the time when the Spanish officials were removed from the island in 1898, and the establishment of the [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) in 1899. Island affairs were left to a considerable extent in the hands of the CHamorus.
[Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) says in *Guam and Its People*:
> In a little more than a year the people of Guam, after a critical period of rivalry between local factions, had established their own civilian government with a native leader as governor, assisted by an advisory council made up of leading citizens and with a legislature in process of formation.
The promptness with which an emergency native government was set up by what appear to have been the real leaders of the island attests to the effectiveness of the experience in limited self-government which the people of Guam had had under Spain. And it is highly probable that, with their long experience in popular elections, they would soon have developed a form of civilian self-government suited to their needs and character, if the Americans had allowed them to do so. The events of the year 1898-1899 in Guam indicate that the CHamorus were at the time ready for and capable of developing a form of democratic government suited to island life and culture.
The year 1901 is also historically important because this was the year when local leaders [first petitioned](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/) the US Government to determine the political status of the CHamorus. Thirty-two CHamoru leaders signed a petition proposing that the US Congress send a commission to Guam to study the situation, and present measures designed to establish a permanent government. The Naval governor (Seaton Schroeder) forwarded the petition to Congress with his approval and recommendation, and the Senate passed a bill in 1903 for the establishment of civil government in Guam, but it was blocked in the House of Representatives.
## Bill of Rights for Guam
Thompson said little attention was paid to the civil rights of the CHamorus until 1930 when [Captain Willis Winter Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/), governor-commandant, proclaimed a *Bill of Rights* for Guam modeled after the first Ten Amendments to the US Constitution.
This *Bill of Rights* never went into effect, however, because the Secretary of the Navy informed the governor it did not meet with the approval of the Navy Department. But when the law codes were revised in 1933 many of the provisions of the Bill of Rights were incorporated into them.
Bradley also instituted general elections for the first time in 1931 when the people voted directly for representatives to the Guam Congress, an advisory body to the governors, and for municipal commissioners (mayors) and their deputies.
An earlier Guam Congress, comprised of commissioners, deputy commissioners, and residents of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and outlying districts chosen by the people and approved by the governor, had assembled in 1917. It met once a month to advise the governor concerning improvements to the island, but it was later disbanded because several of the governors chose to ignore the Congress entirely.
The only step toward actual self-government allowed during the US Naval Era, an election of the vitally important, top municipal officers by popular vote, was cancelled in 1936 when a subsequent governor removed the office of commissioner and deputy commissioner from the elective list and made them appointed at the discretion of the governor. Thus, with one stroke, the people of Guam lost the only really effective measure of self-government they had gained during the American rule.
Thompson emphasized that although most of the Naval governors were genuinely interested in improving the CHamorus’ welfare their institutions, morals and mentalities were cast in a military mold keyed primarily to Navy interests. Their efforts at improvement constantly interfered with, rather than fostered, local community life and tended to suppress rather than stimulate and encourage native leadership, talent and creativity.
## 1936 journey to Washington DC
Citizenship drives came to the fore every now and then during the 1920s and 30s but the first major step was taken in 1936 when the House of Council and the House of Assembly sent a two-man delegation to Washington, DC, to lobby for US citizenship. The delegates were [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/), Guam’s political maverick of the 30s, and Baltazar J. Bordallo, a diplomatically-inclined businessman.
With the financial and moral support of their colleagues, Leon Guerrero and Bordallo journeyed to a cold and indifferent Washington where they sought in vain citizenship legislation for Guam.
According to Bordallo, a total of $6,500 was raised during a two-month drive. The total included a $20 donation from the then governor-commandant MacCandlish, who said to put him down for $20 when he was informed of the citizenship campaign.
Following the governor’s refusal to fund the trip, blankets were laid out in various villages upon which donations for the trip were deposited. A night time walk through Hagåtña streets was also organized with four boys holding corners of a blanket as donation seekers stopped at house windows, singing CHamoru songs.
Bordallo and Leon Guerrero left for the nation’s capital in November 1936, aboard the USS *Gold Star*, a Navy vessel home-ported in Guam. They sailed to Japan and proceeded to San Francisco via an ocean liner.
Shortly after the two delegates arrived in Washington, citizenship legislation was introduced in Congress by Senator Ernest Gibson, a Vermont Republican, and Senator Millard Tydings, a Democrat from Maryland. Gibson turned out to be one of Guam’s most unheralded boosters. The Vermont senator took personal care of the island’s delegates and virtually shelved Vermont interests in favor of a small Pacific island that had nothing to offer in return.
When the Guam bill was introduced, all executive branch agencies except the Navy Department voiced no objection to enactment of the measure. The Navy Department said in opposing the bill that due to the international situation, it was inadvisable to pass Senate Bill 1450 at this time. Before long the State Department made an about-face, presumably at the urging of the Navy Department and the State Department opined that Guam was not yet ready to assume a new status.
## Visit with President Roosevelt
Bordallo and Leon Guerrero sought to see President Franklin D. Roosevelt. They were bearers of gifts for the President from the people of Guam and thought that a chat with the President might soften the hearts of those who opposed the citizenship bill. But despite Gibson’s persistency, the Guam delegates were unable to see Roosevelt.
After several weeks in the nation’s capital with the outlook for a presidential visit seemingly dim, Bordallo decided to go to New York City to visit a friend, Thomas Beck, president of Crowell Publishing Co., publisher of *Collier’s* and the *Ladies Home Journal*, among other national publications. Beck took Bordallo to his sumptuous estate in Connecticut and during one of their conversations, the Guam delegate mentioned their inability to see the President. Before Bordallo knew it, Beck had called Washington and an appointment with the President was arranged for the following Monday morning at 10 am.
Bordallo hurried down to the nation’s capital and at the designated time he and Leon Guerrero were ushered into FDR’s office in the White House. The two-man delegation spent almost an hour with the President. They presented him with a pair of shell lamps, an [ifil](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-trees-ifit/ "Guam Trees: Ifit") cane with a silver handle, and a large ifil coffee table.
Roosevelt, who normally allowed visitors 20 minutes, became engrossed in conversation with Leon Guerrero and Bordallo, especially when Leon Guerrero began talking about the virtues of Guam’s special species of fish – FDR being a sea-lover by nature. And Leon Guerrero was not even a fisherman, although his ancestors were.
The President told the two he hoped CHamorus would get citizenship as the delegates walked out of the White House.
As things turned out, however, it was not for Roosevelt to approve the Guam bill when he, himself, was a top civilian Navy official before he plunged into big-time politics. Roosevelt was an assistant secretary of the Navy in 1914 when the department rejected an earlier petition for US citizenship. The Guam bill never was considered seriously. In fact, it died in the hopper of the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Subcommittee.
Probably the biggest factor that inspired the citizenship drive was the economic plight of the CHamorus during the mid-1930s. The average wage of common laborers was eight cents an hour, and those with more skill earned about fourteen cents an hour.
The Depression in the US mainland had a backlash effect in Guam. Appropriations for Naval and other federal personnel were slashed substantially, resulting in a 15 percent reduction in pay for federal personnel. The price of copra, the main item of export on the island, plummeted from $3.25 per hundred pounds to 75 cents.
And even with low wages, jobs were hard to get. A common sight was 50 or more men lined up at the entrance to the Navy Yard in Hagåtña. More often than not, only a handful got work.
When Bordallo returned home in July 1937, a big party was held in his honor at the Hagåtña Stadium. About 400 people attended the event, a $1.50 per plate affair. But despite the large turnout, much of the tab was shouldered by Jose (Cinda) Estaquio, who made the arrangements, and a few other congressmen, including [Eduardo T. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/), Tomas R. Santos, and Vicente T. Herrero.
## Finally, partial success in 1950
The citizenship drive came to the fore again shortly after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) and despite the reluctance of some high officials – and even some local residents. The situation was such that most American officials felt the CHamorus deserved US citizenship after two and a half years of Japanese occupation, and proving beyond a doubt their loyalty to Uncle Sam.
In 1949 the Guam Congress, an advisory body, [walked out](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) partially to bring nationwide attention to Guam’s quest for self government.
In 1950, another two-man team sojourned to Washington to push for enactment of an Organic Act for Guam. This time, the delegates were Leon Guerrero and [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/). The climate was right and the Guam measure went through both houses of Congress without any difficulty. President Harry S. Truman soon transmitted Bill H.R. 4499, Guam’s draft [organic act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), which gave US citizenship to all the native inhabitants of Guam and give residents a limited form of self government.
It took more than a century for Guam to attain a democratic system of government, yet the ultimate goal of being a self-governing society has yet to be achieved. While the people of Guam now choose their domestic leaders, they have yet to participate in the selection of their national leaders—the presidency and voting membership in the national congress. Until then, the fullness of democracy has not been attained for the people of Guam
[***By Tony Palomo***](http:///guampedia.com/tony-palomo/)
## For further reading
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Politics, US Naval Era
**Tags:** History of Democracy in Guam
---
### [Guam Animals in Need (GAIN)](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-animals-in-need-gain/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam Animals In Need (GAIN), Inc. is a non-profit organization dedicated to the prevention of cruelty to animals, and to the education of the public concerning matters pertaining to animals and their welfare. The GAIN shelter, located in Yigo, has facilities to house and care for dogs, cats and rabbits, and provides food, shelter and medical care.
**Content:**
# Guam Animals in Need (GAIN)
#### Table of Contents
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## About GAIN
Guam Animals In Need (GAIN), Inc. is a non-profit organization dedicated to the prevention of cruelty to animals, and to the education of the public concerning matters pertaining to animals and their welfare. The GAIN shelter, located in [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/), has facilities to house and care for dogs, cats and rabbits, and provides food, shelter and medical care.
The organization works to find permanent, loving homes for Guam’s homeless and abused animals. In an effort to help control the island’s pet population, low-cost spay and neuter services are also offered. Additionally, GAIN volunteers conduct school visits to educate Guam’s youth in responsible pet care.
## History
GAIN, Inc. was founded in 1989 by Tambra Maddock and Rebecca Tomzik, Janyce Prall, Val Lisenbee, Jan Benedict and Lowell Nelsen. In August 1990, GAIN and the Guam Department of Public Health and Social Services entered into an agreement allowing GAIN volunteers to provide animal care, food, and supplies at the government-run shelter in Yigo.
With the sponsorship of local business Opus One: Pet Supply Store, GAIN began hosting annual dog shows to raise money for the shelter and volunteers organized additional various fundraisers. Other local businesses also raised money and provided services to assist GAIN.
From 1993 to 1998 GAIN operated a low-cost spay and neuter clinic. However the service was temporarily discontinued when it lost its veterinarian. In 2000 GAIN, in conjunction with Isla Veterinary Clinic and Animal Medical Clinic, was able to hold another low-cost spay and neuter clinic and received a high volume of pets.
Because of the positive response from the community to the prior year’s clinic, in 2001 GAIN joined forces with the Rural Areas Veterinary Services (a non-profit program of the Humane Society of the United States and the Fund for Animals) and offered a five-day low cost and free sterilization clinic. Again this event was successful.
In 2005 GAIN realized a goal to open a cat facility at the shelter. The facility was made possible by donations from Guam’s business community and fund raising by GAIN volunteers.
GAIN continues its annual eight-day Spay Neuter Assistance Program (SNAP) clinic, with the help from off-island veterinarians and technicians. The annual clinics have sterilized thousands of animals.
## Funding
In 1997, GAIN applied for and received $62,000 of undistributed interest from a case in U.S. District Court; in 2004 Dr. James Griffin donated his sailboat for GAIN to sell as a fundraiser; and, in 2005 GAIN accepted items that had been evidence in a credit card scam. GAIN volunteers, Noah Vaughan and Russ Tufvander, sold these items on e-Bay with a net profit to GAIN of over $60,000. With each of these windfalls, GAIN improved the Yigo shelter to provide better conditions for the animals.
On March 19, 2001, GAIN entered into a six-year contract with the government of Guam giving GAIN full responsibility for the animal shelter.
In April 2004, with donations from Guam’s business community, GAIN members and local organizations, thousands of dollars were raised, and volunteer efforts were put into the construction of a new facility for cats at the Yigo facility.
GAIN’s adoption rate increases annually. The non-profit organization’s volunteers from the local community and military have been instrumental in contributing to GAIN’s successes. GAIN’s motto is “adopt one until there are none.”
## Legislation
Throughout the years, GAIN lobbied the Guam Legislature to review and pass legislation relevant to the welfare for Guam’s animals.
- In 1993 all laws pertaining to animals were revised.
- In 2001 legislation was passed allowing the Guam government to privatize the animal shelter.
- In 2005 a law was passed allowing certified euthanasia technicians to administer euthanasia drugs at the GAIN shelter without a veterinarian present.
- In 2006 a bill was passed to levy fines upon owners of animals that were impounded and to have funds go toward animal control.
## GAIN statistics
6 Year Period200320042005200620072008Animals Brought to Shelter2,9912,8663,6244,6724,9315,105Animals Adopted553601667676787834Animals Euthanized2,4382,2652,9573,9964,1444,271GAIN membership grew from 191 members in 1991 to 486 in 2008. GAIN has become an affiliate member of the Guam Hotel and Restaurant Association through which it plans to have businesses come together for the purpose of creating goals focused on significantly reducing the euthanasia of healthy and treatable companion animals on Guam.
***By Shirley Miller, GAIN***
## For further reading
*Guam Animals In Need*. “[Guam Animals In Need (GAIN)](https://guamanimals.org/).”
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Animals in Need (GAIN)
---
### [Guam Buddhism Society](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-buddhism-society/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Buddhism Society, the non-profit community organization associated with Guam’s Fo Guang Shan Buddhist Temple, was founded in 1986 and has built the only traditional Mahayana Buddhist temple in Guam. The temple, located off Bello Road near the Guam International Airport, is a monumental blend of the Chinese palatial style and the style of a traditional Buddhist temple.
**Content:**
# Guam Buddhism Society
#### Table of Contents
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## Fo Guang Shan Guam
The Guam Buddhism Society, the non-profit community organization associated with Guam’s Fo Guang Shan Buddhist Temple, was founded in 1986 and has built the only traditional Mahayana Buddhist temple in Guam. The temple, located off Bello Road near the Guam International Airport, is a monumental blend of the Chinese palatial style and the style of a traditional Buddhist temple.
The members of Guam’s Fo Guang Shan Buddhist Temple are also associated with the Buddha’s Light International Association (BLIA). The BLIA was founded by Fo Guang Shan founder Venerable Master Hsing Yun in order to create a global perspective for promoting Buddhism. BLIA now includes more than 100 Buddhist chapters from around the world.
Ven. Master Hsing Yun founded the Fo Guang Shan order in 1967, and since then it has evolved from a mountaintop bamboo forest to the largest Buddhist monastery in Taiwan, inspiring over 1,000 monastics. Fo Guang Shan now has over 200 branch temples throughout the world carrying out the goals of propagating Humanistic Buddhism and establishing a Pure Land on earth.
Although many members of Fo Guang Shan Guam are Chinese, there are also many other members from different ethnicities, including CHamorus/Chamorros, Filipinos, Japanese, Malaysians, Koreans, Singaporeans and others.
The Guam Buddhism Society is very active, holding not only Sunday ceremonies and meditation classes during the week, but special services for sick or deceased loved ones in Guam and for those suffering around the world. The members also have special ceremonies on other occasions, including Buddha’s birthday and other special occasions. Members also celebrate Chinese New Year with festivals, hold recreational and spiritual classes, attend special lectures by Buddhist *Shi Fu*, or teachers, from Taiwan, attend international Buddhist conferences, and take an active role in many local civic activities.
## Compassionate works
The members of the society promote the compassionate values of Buddhism through a large number of activities that help others in need.
The members of Fo Guang Shan Guam and BLIA, Guam have taken part in Guam Beautification Day, cleaning up Ypao Beach Park and other beaches; they held a Buddhist Releasing-Souls-from-Suffering ceremony near the tragic Korean Airline crash site in 1997; and they have repeatedly helped those in need after disasters.
Some of their humanitarian efforts include:
- 1993, after the volcano eruption in the Philippines, BLIA, Guam launched a donation drive for clothing and daily necessities for the victims
- 1996, when Typhoon Herbert caused serious floods in Taiwan, BLIA, Guam joined the relief activities and raised money for the victims
- 1997, Fo Guang Shan Guam held relief activities after Supertyphoon Paka devastated Guam and caused island-wide power and water outages
- 1998, Hurricane Mitch devastated Central America, and BLIA, Guam joined the relief efforts
- 2004, Fo Guang Shan Guam members were instrumental in raising funds for the victims of the tsunami disasters in southeast Asia
- 2005, Fo Guang Shan Guam also played a key part of Guam’s relief efforts for the Hurricane Katrina disaster victims in the US.
## History in Guam
In 1986, Mrs. Chang Yao-Hong was ready to close her business in Guam and return to Taiwan. Mr. Feng Run-Chun, a local manager of her company, had a powerful dream the night before he was to return to Taiwan. In his dream, a Goddess of Mercy dressed in white is said to have visited him and told him:
> Guam is lacking a religion: Buddhism. Please tell your boss.
Feng was shocked by the dream and immediately told his boss, Mrs. Chang, when he returned to Taipei.
Shortly after, Chang and Feng visited the Venerable Master Hsing Yun, the founder of Fo Guang Shan Monastery in Taiwan, who came to Guam to propagate Buddha’s teachings. Chang was willing to provide a single family house as a temporary temple, and it served as the Guam branch of the Fo Guang Shan Zen-Purification Center, established on 20 December 1986.
For more than 10 years, the society practiced and spread Buddha’s teachings in Guam, under the leadership of four Buddhist monks: Ven. Yi Quing, Yi Rai, Yi Hong and Ven. Man Yu. The members of the society quickly multiplied, making the original meeting place inadequate, and they soon started looking for a new home.
In 1989, about 6,600 square meters of farmland was purchased for the purpose of building a temple. However, because the land had to undergo a zone change from agricultural to religious use, countless public hearings were held, and the zone change wasn’t approved by the Guam Legislature until 1994.
Temple construction began 1 August 1996, under Ven. Man Yu’s supervision, and it was completed in two years at a cost of about four million dollars. The temple held a grand opening ceremony 3 April 1999, attended by Ven. Master Hsing Yun and other venerables.
## Temple
The Fo Guang Shan Guam temple was given the top award for Guam’s most beautiful buildings in 2000 and 2001 by the Guam Beautification Task Force before the award was discontinued.
Due to the slumping economy in Guam, donations to the society have decreased, making it difficult to maintain such a large and elaborate building, however the temple remains a striking piece of architecture and a first-class home for those who wish to learn about or practice Buddhism.
The exterior of the temple takes on the form of a traditional Buddhist temple, with a gold Chinese-pogoda roof and large columns at the front of the temple. Elaborate decorations surround the imposing three-story structure, and a large welcoming staircase leads up to the front entrance.
Inside on the first floor visitors are greeted by a prominent statue of *Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva* (in the Pali language of early Buddhism). In Chinese, this representation is known as *Kuan Yin*. *Avalokitesvara* can be loosely translated as “the compassionate sage who sees and hears all,” referring to this *bodhisattva’s* ability to perceive all the suffering in the world and thus come to people’s aid. *Bodhisattva* refers to one who has sought and attained self-liberation or enlightenment, practicing all perfections, but chooses to remain in the world to help others achieve Buddhahood. The gift shop sells incense, books on Buddhism and meditation, small Buddha statues and jade carvings. A large meditation room is at the center of the first floor, and the abbeys and venerables conduct meditation sessions and classes for beginners here. Also on the first floor are a tea room, a library with a large collection of books on Buddhism in Chinese and English, a calligraphy room, a conference room and a luncheon hall.
The crowning glory of the temple, though, is the Main Shrine on the second floor which can accommodate 500 people for services. The shrine’s ceiling actually rises two floors, and the great room is filled with thousands of carvings of the Buddha. Five large statues of Buddha sit at the front of the shrine and many smaller ones surround them. Thousands of Buddhas are also carved into the wall tiles and ceiling. The members of the Guam Buddhism Society meet every Sunday in the shrine for traditional Buddhist services, with chanting of Buddhist sutras led by the venerables and accompanied by the rhythms of drums, bells and a gong. Afterward, the community gathers for a vegetarian lunch downstairs.
On the third floor is a world-class conference room, equipped with state-of-the-art sound and video technology, and an incredible view of Guam and the ocean.
[ ***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*BuddhaNet – Worldwide Buddhist Information and Education Network*. “[buddhanet.net](http://www.buddhanet.net/).” Last modified 12 January 2019.
*Essentials of Buddhism*. “[Core Concepts](http://www.buddhaweb.org/index.html).” Last modified 5 October 2011.
*Fo Guang Shan Monastery Worldwide Web*. “[Home](https://www.fgs.org.tw/en/).” 2013.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Religion, Historic Eras of Guam, Other Religion, Religion
**Tags:** Guam Buddhism Society
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### [Guam Hymn / Fanohge CHamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-hymn-fanohge-chamorro/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The composition of the Guam Hymn was greatly influenced by the socio-cultural and political history of pre-World War II Guam during the Naval Era. It was a time when the island was administered by Naval governors and the speaking and writing of the CHamoru language was discouraged.
**Content:**
# Guam Hymn / Fanohge CHamoru
#### Table of Contents
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## Guam Hymn
**English and CHamoru/Chamorro verses**
Audio file of the Guam Hymn
Guam Hymn
Verse 1:
STAND YE GUAMANIANS FOR YOUR COUNTRY
AND SING HER PRAISE FROM SHORE TO SHORE
FOR HER HONOR, FOR HER GLORY
EXALT OUR ISLAND FOREVER MORE.
FOR HER HONOR, FOR HER GLORY
EXALT OUR ISLAND FOREVER MORE.
Verse 2:
MAY EVERLASTING PEACE REIGN O’ER US
MAY HEAVEN’S BLESSING TO US COME
AGAINST ALL PERILS, DO NOT FORSAKE US
GOD PROTECT OUR ISLE OF GUAM
AGAINST ALL PERILS, DO NOT FORSAKE US
GOD PROTECT OUR ISLE OF GUAM.
## Fanohge CHamoru
Audio file of the *Fanohge CHamoru*
Fanohge CHamoru
Verse 1:
*FANOHGE CHAMORU PUT I TANO’-TA
KÅNTA I MATUNÅ-ÑA GI TODU I LUGÅT
PARA I ONRA, PARA I GLORIA
ABIBA I ISLA SINPARÅT.
PARA I ONRA, PARA I GLORIA
ABIBA I ISLA SINPARÅT.*
Verse 2:
*TODU I TIEMPO I PÅS PARA HITA
YAN GINEN I LANGET NA BENDISION
KONTRA I PILIGRU NA’FANSÅFO
HAM YU’OS PRUTEHI I ISLAN GUAM
KONTRA I PILIGRU NA’FANSÅFO
HAM YU’OS PRUTEHI I ISLAN GUÅHAN.*
## Audio recording credits
**Editor’s note:** “Guam Hymn” and “Fanohge CHamoru” from *Oh Dear Guam*. Stel-Star Productions Studio, 1991. Permission to use provided by Flora Baza.
**Sung by:**
- - Flora Baza
- Telo Taitague
- Danny Orlino
- Remy & Jocelyn Toves
- Boya Quichocho
- Frank “Bokonggo” Pangelinan
- Mike & Antonette Duenas
- Marcia San Nicolas
## Historical perspective
The composition of the Guam Hymn was greatly influenced by the socio-cultural and political history of pre-World War II Guam during the [Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). It was a time when the island was administered by [Naval governors](https://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-governors-of-guam/) and the speaking and writing of the CHamoru language was discouraged.
It was first written in English in 1919 and translated to CHamoru in the 1970s when CHamorus were experiencing a resurgence of pride in the language and culture.
The Guam Hymn, or *Kantikun Guåhan*, more commonly known as *Fanohge CHamoru*, was written and composed by [Dr. Ramon Manilisay Sablan](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-dr-ramon-manalisay-sablan/), the island’s first CHamoru medical doctor, and an outspoken CHamoru rights activist. *Fanohge CHamoru* was adopted as the official song of the territory in 1919 and translated into Guam’s native language, CHamoru by [Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/) in 1974.
CHamorus, the indigenous people of Guam, have long fought for political independence from the United States Naval government. The struggle for self-determination continues after the passing of the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) in 1950, which gave CHamorus a limited form of self-government, United States citizenship, and transferred the power of the government from the Navy to the US Department of Interior.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Multimedia, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Guam Hymn / Fanohge CHamoru
---
### [Guam Seal and Flag](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-seal-and-flag/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam seal is an oval outlined in red that tapers and comes to two pointed ends. This shape is in reference to the ancient Chamorro slingstone, a weapon skillfully wielded by the ancient Chamorros.
**Content:**
# Guam Seal and Flag
#### Table of Contents
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## Dates back to 1917
The Guam seal is an oval outlined in red that tapers and comes to two pointed ends. This shape is in reference to the ancient Chamorro/CHamoru [slingstone](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones-weapons/), a weapon skillfully wielded by the ancient Chamorros. Included in the seal are the Hagåtña River which empties into the sea; the sandy mouth of the river and surrounding beach graced by a lone coconut palm, an important means of sustenance to the Chamorro people; and a flying proa, the chief means of transportation for early Chamorros. The distant cliff along the horizon references Two Lover’s Point, or *[Puntan Dos Amantes](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-dos-amantes-folktale/)*, named for the legend of a forbidden romance between two lovers who, rather than be separated, tied their hair together and leapt off this point into the sea.
These specific aspects of Chamorro culture symbolize the courage, perseverance, and prowess of the Chamorro people. “Guam” is printed across the middle of the seal in bold red letters.
The colors of the Guam seal are as follows: the sky is light blue, the ocean is medium blue, the palm tree is green and brown, the beach is yellow, the cliff is green, the canoe is brown with a white sail, and the lettering is red.
## Guam seal is the centerpiece of the flag
The seal is the centerpiece of the Guam flag. The flag itself is a deep blue trimmed on all sides by a red border.
Today, Guam flies this flag together with the flag of the United States of America. Until 1917, however, Guam did not have its own flag, rather the flag of Spain was raised until 1898, and later the US flag was raised over the island.
## Seal and flag's design history
The original inspiration for the design of the Guam seal is disputed. The three most likely inspirations, however, are the works of local artist Francisco Feja, a photograph from former Governor Robert E. Coontz’s collection from 1912, and sketches by Helen Paul, wife of Commander Carrol E. Paul.
The Guam Legislature, however, issued a Legislative Resolution in 1992 recognizing Francisco Feja for designing the Guam seal. [Resolution 308](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Res.-No.-308-LS.pdf), introduced by Senators [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/), [Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), and [Speaker Joe T. San Agustin](https://www.guampedia.com/speaker-joe-t-san-agustin/), says that in 1910 Feja was a student at the Leary School in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) when the school’s principal Francisco Taitano gave him the opportunity to attend Jose Rizal College in the Philippines. When he returned to Guam, he began to draw the many island images that came to his mind:
> One sight he saw as he sat under a tree at the beach in Agaña, was a boat sailing across the water, with the sun shining upon the scene, which image later became the design of the Guam seal and thus the image used for the beautiful Guam flag. Naval Governor Roy Smith in 1917 accepted the seal and flag for the Naval government which used both until they were formally adopted in 1930.
Feja gave the flag to the wife of [Naval Governor Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) as a reminder of the Chamorro people and the island of Guam. Bradley approved the flag, which would thenceforth be flown over Guam, and which Guam would use to represent the island all over the world.
> Thus, Francisco Feja, although he did not realize it at the time, succeeded in helping to give back to the people of Guam their identity which was in danger of being lost during the many years of domination by outside cultures, and appropriately if belatedly, his important contributions to the growth and development of the island’s renascent cultural pride were recognized in 1978 when he was made a member of the ‘Highest Fraternity of Wisdom of the Chamorro Chief [Kepuha](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/)’ by the late [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), who honored him for his dedication and service to the people of Guam.’
The resolution recognizes and commends Feja for designing Guam’s flag.
However, according to the papers of Anita M. Elvidge, wife of[ Governor Ford Q. Elvidge](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ford-quint-elvidge/)—appointed civilian governor of Guam from 1953 to 1956—due to popular demand for an island flag in 1917, a design by Helen Paul was approved and recorded in Washington DC by Guam’s Naval Governor Roy C. Smith.
Helen Paul made many sketches of Guam including one which depicted a lone coconut palm on a beach at the old mouth of the Hagåtña River backed by the sea, a distant cliff and a flying proa. According to the papers of Anita M. Elvidge:
> … that sketch was copied by students in the home economics class of Mrs. Lillian Nagal, wife of Marine Sergeant Nagal, and was made into the first island flag of Guam.
According to the July 1917 edition of the *Guam News Letter* (a naval government monthly publication):
> The flag made its first appearance on July 6, 1917 when it was formally received, together with the national colors, by the Guam Cadets at parade on behalf of the people of Guam.
## Flag first raised in 1918
On 4 July 1918, this flag was raised at ceremonies for a fair held in Hagåtña.
In a July 1930 edition of the *Guam Recorder*, a monthly magazine under the direction of the Naval Government of Guam from March 1924 until the Japanese occupation, an order signed by Governor of Guam Willis W. Bradley, Jr. was printed and reads:
> Order effective this date, the official seal of the Naval Government of Guam will be shown on the plan of the Guam flag approved July 4, 1917, by Governor Roy C. Smith, and now filed in the office of the Auditor-Registrar…
Another order signed by Guam Governor Willis W. Bradley, Jr. printed in *Guam Recorder*, No. 71, 12 May 1931 reads:
> 1\. The flag shown on the “Plan of Guam Flag,” approved 4 July 1917, by Roy C. Smith, Governor of Guam, and now on file in the Department of Records and Accounts, is hereby designated as the Island Flag of Guam.
>
> 2\. The Island Flag adopted by this order consists of a dark blue field having the seal of Guam, adopted by Executive Order no. 18, of 4 April 1930, superimposed on both sides of the flag.
In 1945 and 1946, the Guam Attorney General and the National Geographic Society of Washington DC corresponded extensively regarding the color, size, and manufacture of the Guam flag and seal, and in July 1946, *National Geographic Magazine* published a color reproduction of “Seals of Our Nation, States and Territories.”
## Red border added after WWII
By 1948, a red border on the flag was added. Details of the flag including references to a deep red border two inches in width are documented in Guam Congress Bill No. 12 approved by Naval [Governor CA Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/) on 9 February 1948. The legislation, enacted by the House of Assembly and the House of Council of the Guam Congress, as included in Civil Regulations Chapter VI-A entitled, “Territorial Flag of Guam” Section 1 reads:
> The official territorial flag of Guam shall consist of a rectangular field of marine blue seventy-eight inches long and forty inches wide, trimmed on all sides with a border of deep red two inches in width and having in its center the Guam Coat of Arms (a two-pointed oval scene twenty-four inches high and sixteen inches wide, which portrays an ancient flying proa (canoe) about to make a landing on the beach near a lone palm tree). The colors of the Guam Coat of Arms shall be as follows: yellow which represents the sand; brown, the tree trunk and canoe; gray, the distant flat-topped mountain; red, the letters GUAM emblazoned across the Coat of Arms. Any deviation from the dimensions as stated herein shall be increased or decreased proportionately.
The bill also outlines the way the flag is to be flown alongside the US flag. It states that if the territorial flag of Guam was flown on a single staff, it should be flown below the US flag. It also states that when the flag is flown with the US flag other than on a single staff, it should be displayed either below or to the left of the flag of the US. According to Section 7 of the bill, no one was required to give a Pledge of Allegiance to the territorial flag of Guam.
Guam Judge Jose C. Manibusan was delegated to have the first post-war flag of Guam made.
Records indicate that on 10 September 1950, the Guam Congress passed Public Order No. 33, “An Act to Provide an Official Seal for Guam,” designating the 1917 design as the official territorial seal. The legislation was approved by then-Governor Pownall.
While the early Guam seal was found on official documents and orders, it was also used on the doors and sides of the governor’s car and barge. For a short period, Governor Bradley also used the seal for Guam guard-mail stamps which are now rare collectors’ items.
The seal read “Great Seal of the Territory of Guam United States of America.” In 1997, it was changed to what it reads today “Great Seal of Guam Tano I Man Chamorro.” This change only applies to the seal and not the flag.
The lieutenant governor of Guam is the designated official keeper of the seal.
***By*** [***Leslie Reynolds***](http://www.guampedia.com/leslie-reynolds/) ***and [Deniz Smith](http://www.guampedia.com/deniz-smith/)***
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Multimedia
**Tags:** Guam Seal and Flag
---
### [Eduardo "Jake" Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Eduardo Torres “Jake” Calvo (1909 – 1963) founded a number of extremely successful businesses that continue to thrive today and is the patriarch of a family that is perhaps the most well known family in business, civics, and politics on Guam.
**Content:**
# Eduardo “Jake” Calvo
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## Patriarch of Calvo Enterprises
Eduardo Torres “Jake” Calvo (1909 – 1963) founded a number of extremely successful businesses that continue to thrive today, and is the patriarch of a family that is perhaps the most well-known family in business, civics, and politics in Guam. Calvo Enterprises, now run by Calvo’s sons and grandchildren, is the parent company of some of the largest companies in Guam including Calvo’s Insurance, Pepsi Bottling Co., Mid-Pac Liquor Distributors, Calvo’s Realty, Payless Supermarkets, Pacific Telestations, and much more.
## Began with insurance
Calvo was born on 30 June 1909 to Attorney Tomas Anderson Calvo and Regina Torres Calvo, and was the fourth of 12 children. He first job was at the Navy-operated Bank of Guam from 1926 to 1944. During this time, he decided to go into business for himself just prior to [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). While still working for the bank, he became the general agent for American International Underwriters in 1938 and worked at first as a one-man operation out of his [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) home. His business interests were put on hold during World War II while the island was under the control of the Japanese.
After World War II, he quit his job at the Bank of Guam and devoted himself full-time to his business. He provided typhoon and fire coverage, as well as workmen’s compensation and auto insurance. His new services came just as the military began expanding its bases in Guam after the war. The construction projects and increased military personnel with automobiles resulted in much business for Calvo’s Insurance. He eventually became Guam’s leading insurance agent. Calvo’s Insurance now exceeds $20 million a year in premiums and is Guam’s oldest and largest insurance company.
He expanded his success in insurance into other ventures, founding companies that are now among Guam’s most prominent: Pacific Trading Company, Ltd., Mid-Pacific Liquor Distributing Company, Pepsi Bottling Company, Royal Management, Calvo’s Realty and Management, Calvo’s Insurance, Title Guaranty, and Hawaiian Life. He was a founder/partner of Guam Office Supply established in 1947, and founder of the Cliff which was one of the first hotels in Guam, established in Agana Heights in 1959.
Calvo married Veronica Mariano McDonald on 7 October 1933, and they had three sons: Paul, Edward, and Jerry.
## Political career
Calvo was also active politically, serving as an assemblyman of San Ignacio district in Hagåtña for 22 years starting in 1934, serving as the Budget chairman, and Speaker of the House of Assembly after World War II. He was also a member of the first, second, and third Guam Legislatures. In 1955, Calvo and other prominent members of the legislature broke away from the powerful Popular Party (which became the Democratic Party of Guam in 1960) to form the Territorial Party of Guam, the predecessor of the Republican Party of Guam.
Jake Calvo’s influential position in business and politics extended into the community, as he served as president of the Rotary Club, on the Board of Directors of Bank of Guam, Board of Trustees of the Guam Memorial Hospital, Executive Council of the Boy Scouts, and the Chamber of Commerce Board of Directors.
## Calvo legacy
Calvo’s oldest son [Paul](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/) followed in his footsteps, serving as a prominent member of the Guam Legislature and becoming elected in 1978 as the third governor of Guam. Gov. Paul Calvo was one of the most influential members of the Republican Party of Guam and is president and chairman of the board of Calvo’s Enterprises. Paul’s son Eddie has served in the Guam Legislature and ran for lieutenant governor with gubernatorial teammate Antonio Unpingco in 2002. He successfully ran for Governor along with Ray Tenorio in 2010. Jake Calvo’s second-oldest son, Edward, also served in the Guam Legislature.
Eduardo Calvo was inducted as inaugural member of Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame in 1992.
[***By Leo Babauta***](https://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Eduardo "Jake" Calvo
---
### [Civil Rights and US Citizenship (1898-1950)](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-drive-for-civil-rights/)
**Published:** March 19, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The United States began its colonial administration of Guam in 1898. Today, Guam remains a colony of the US as an unincorporated territory. Because of this colonial status, the island and its people lack full self-government and guaranteed civil rights afforded to other US citizens.
**Content:**
# Civil Rights and US Citizenship (1898-1950)
View more images for the Civil Rights and US Citizenship entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157632954184060/).
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The United States began its [colonial administration](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=819) of Guam in 1898. Today, Guam remains a colony of the US as an [unincorporated territory](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=830). Because of this colonial status, the island and its people lack full self-government and guaranteed civil rights afforded to other US citizens. The ongoing struggle by the people of Guam to address this lack of autonomy and civil rights dates back to the earliest days under US rule. For the most part, this struggle for self-government and civil rights has been spearheaded by the island’s indigenous CHamoru/Chamorro people.
When the US began its occupation of Guam at the close of the 19th century, CHamorus were not consulted as to whether they wished for Guam to become an American colony. They had already endured 230 years of Spanish colonialism forced upon them by Spanish soldiers and [missionaries](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=522). The US immediately assigned administrative authority over Guam to the [US Navy](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), ushering in an era of military colonialism for Guam. The island and its people would be subject to US Naval authority during two distinct periods. The first lasted from 1898 to 1941. [Japan’s occupation](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1497) of Guam during World War II from 1941 to 1944 interrupted US authority on the island. After the war, however, the US reinstated Naval authority in Guam from 1944 to 1950. The 1950 passage of the [Organic Act of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18214) created a civil, or non-military, government for the island, thus ending the Naval Era.
In the years that the Navy governed Guam, a long list of appointed Naval officers served as the [Naval Governor of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=6781). These governors had complete executive, legislative and judicial authority on the island and its people. Due to the lack of checks and balances in place for the governor and the complete absence of democratic rights for the island’s people, the Naval government of Guam is remembered as an autocratic dictatorship. In [a petition](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/) forwarded to the US Congress in 1901, CHamorus asserted that:
> It is not an exaggeration to say that fewer permanent guarantees of liberty and property rights exist now than when under Spanish domination.
This sentiment would sit at the foundation of a long fight for self-government in Guam and US citizenship for CHamorus, which was believed to be an avenue to secure and protect civil rights.
## CHamoru efforts
The pursuit of self-government and protected civil rights through US citizenship became a priority among many CHamorus in the first half of the 20th century. Guam leaders sought citizenship and self-government through formal democratic processes common in the US, but relatively new to CHamorus of the early 20th century who had just become subjects of the American empire.
A common strategy employed was the submission of numerous formal petitions to the US Congress. The first petition was drafted on 17 December 1901 and signed by 32 prominent residents of [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1251). The petition asserted the belief that the conditions instigated by the new Naval government and the structure of the government itself were defective. As noted in the petition:
> A military government at best is distasteful and highly repugnant to the fundamental principles of a civilized government…
Using a rhetoric of loyalty to the United States and a call for political rights, the petition highlighted the supreme power of the Naval governor of Guam and the lack of power among CHamorus in the formation of laws or election of officials. The petition ultimately called for the establishment of a permanent government in Guam, rather than what was seen as a transitional and ineffective military government.
Similar to the 1901 petition, many other petitions were drafted and forwarded to Congress calling for self-government and citizenship. Petitions were signed by residents of Guam in 1917, 1925, 1929, 1933, 1936, 1947, 1949, and 1950. Support grew as the numbers of signatures increased for each petition. The first petition in 1901 contained 32 signatures of support. A petition in 1933 had collected nearly 2,000 signatures. Despite these repeated efforts over five decades, the petitions went unaddressed in Congress. Some were claimed to have been “lost” in the files, were never answered to, were ignored altogether, or completely rejected due to heavy opposition from the US Navy.
## Guam Congress
CHamoru efforts to secure self-government and citizenship were not limited to petitions. Many CHamorus found hope in the formation of the [Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) in 1917 by Governor Roy Smith. he Guam Congress was first composed of CHamoru men appointed by the governor, but their role in the governance of Guam was only advisory. This did not, however, prevent CHamorus from utilizing the Congress as a platform to discuss civil rights, citizenship and grievances against the Naval government
In his address at the opening session of the Guam Congress on 17 February 1917, member Tomas Calvo Anderson asserted that the role of the Congress was to represent the interests of the CHamoru people and defend their lawful rights. He further asserted that the CHamoru people were due the “same rights that have been granted to the different States, territories, and possessions…” Anderson’s address would resound loudly in the decades that followed as the Guam Congress took on this role by mobilizing toward the achievement of self-government and citizenship.
In fact, the Guam Congress had the opportunity to communicate the desire for citizenship directly to members of the US Congress who were visiting Guam. In June 1925, 11 US congressmen arrived on the island and attended a special hearing of the Guam Congress on 1 July. Formal presentations were delivered by [Atanasio T. Perez](http://www.guampedia.com/atanasio-taitano-perez/), Jose Roberto and [Ramon Sablan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=964), all of whom expressed a desire among CHamorus for US citizenship.
Perez emphasized the inequities between peoples in other US colonies and CHamorus. He noted that the people of the Virgin Islands received American citizenship immediately upon the acquisition of sovereignty by the US, but that CHamorus remained a people “truly without a country.”
Roberto reminded the US congressmen of the ongoing effort among CHamorus to obtain citizenship and the lack of response from the US, noting that, “This is a matter in which the people of Guam are much concerned, and which has been, from time to time, brought to the attention of the authorities in Washington. But as yet, nothing has been done.”
Sablan emphasized that, “For more than a quarter of a century we have been under the American flag, but neither as citizens nor as aliens,” posing the question, “If we are neither aliens nor citizens, what are we?” The special hearing concluded with the presentation of a letter from the Guam Congress containing a resolution requesting US citizenship.
CHamoru desires for more active participation in the governance of Guam were addressed to an extent in 1931. Some CHamorus wanted to elect their representatives to the Guam Congress for a set term, rather than have them appointed by the Naval governor. In 1931, [Governor Willis Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1367) formed the 2nd Guam Congress and island residents were allowed to elect their representatives to two houses—the House of Council and the House of Assembly. Although this granted the people of Guam a democratic voice in the selection of their representatives, the Guam Congress itself continued to be limited to an advisory capacity and frustrations continued to grow among the people over the Naval government’s persistent indifference to most of the Congress’ recommendations.
Governor Bradley, however, supported CHamoru aspirations for citizenship and self-government. In addition to allowing the election of members to the Guam Congress, Bradley also made several recommendations to the Naval Department that the federal government enact legislation to grant US citizenship to CHamorus. He further recommended that a bill of rights be granted by Washington. In 1930, Bradley proclaimed a Bill of Rights for the people of Guam without waiting for federal approval. Despite Bradley’s efforts, however, US citizenship and a bill of rights for CHamorus were never approved at the federal level.
Nevertheless, the drive for US citizenship continued and was advanced in 1936. In July of that year, the Guam Congress adopted a resolution that requested the US Congress grant American citizenship to the people of Guam. This time, two delegates were selected from the Guam Congress to deliver the petition to Washington, DC in person and to lobby for a bill to implement it. When Governor Benjamin W. McCandlish refused to finance the trip to Washington, an island-wide fundraising effort was launched and funds were collected from both schoolchildren and adults to help in the effort.
On 7 November 1936, Baltazar J. Bordallo and [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1341) departed Guam to represent the Guam Congress in the nation’s capital. Bordallo and Leon Guerrero successfully lobbied for the drafting of Bill S. 1450 to be introduced in the US Senate and companion Bill HR 4747 to be introduced in the House of Representatives. The legislation, however, failed in the US Congress due to strong opposition from the Secretary of the Navy and the US Department of State, who argued that granting citizenship would not be in the best interests of the CHamoru people.
The efforts of the people of Guam to achieve self-government and US citizenship, however, were interrupted in December 1941 when Japan occupied the island by force during World War II. When the occupation ended in August 1944, the US Naval government of Guam was reimplemented. Many of the issues surrounding self-government and citizenship that were prominent before the war persisted in the late 1940s, reigniting efforts in Guam to address them.
As the island entered into a postwar reconstruction period, the two leading causes of conflict between CHamorus and the Navy were [land](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18570) and employment. Many CHamorus found themselves losing land as the US military seized roughly two-thirds of the island’s landmass for military use. Additionally, CHamoru laborers were subject to discrimination in the workplace as they earned only one-fourth the pay rate of American laborers performing identical jobs. US citizenship and self-government were seen as a way CHamorus could prevent further land alienation, job discrimination, and other inequities.
## The Guam Congress Walkout
Grievances against the Naval government reached a climax in 1949 during the historic [Guam Congress Walkout](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1504). Frustrated with the lack of powers vested in the representatives elected to the Congress, the Guam Congress unanimously approved “The Bill to Provide an Organic Act and Civil Government for the Island of Guam” to be forwarded to the US Congress on 5 March 1949. Member Antonio C. Cruz motioned that the House of Assembly adjourn and refuse to return to session until the US Congress acted on the proposed legislation.
The Guam Congress Walkout earned national attention when assembly member [Carlos P. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1502) alerted the US media to the protest. Newspapers throughout the country began publishing stories about the walkout, calling the American public’s attention to the situation in Guam. The media attention proved instrumental in garnering a response from the US government. Shortly after the walkout, President Harry Truman ordered that the Department of Interior begin plans to take over administrative authority of Guam from the Department of the Navy.
On 1 August 1950, the Organic Act of Guam was signed into law by President Truman ending the era of Naval rule on the island and granting civil government to Guam. Residents of Guam at the time of the Organic Act’s passage and their descendants were granted congressional US citizenship. Guam’s political status was defined as an “unincorporated territory.” At the time, the Organic Act was celebrated as a victory won after a long fight for self-government and citizenship that had begun in 1901.
## Document unsatisfactory
For many CHamorus, the 1950 passage of the Organic Act seemed a welcome reward after a long drive for self-government and US citizenship. But doubts about the rights and powers afforded by the Organic Act arose very soon after its passage. Although the island received civil government, some Guam leaders argue that the island continues to lack self-government due to the complete oversight powers that the US Congress maintains over Guam. The US citizenship granted by the Organic Act has also been questioned, as residents of Guam cannot vote in US national elections as other citizens do, and the US Constitution that defines and guarantees civil rights does not necessarily apply to Guam.
CHamorus have fought numerous battles over many decades toward the attainment of self-government and citizenship with significant success. Yet ongoing debates in the 21st century over whether Guam truly is self-governing and its people equal citizens suggest that the drive for self-government and full US citizenship has not necessarily come to an end. The petitions of the early 20th century, with their rhetoric of loyalty to the United States and their call for political rights, would find parallels in the activism and struggle for [self-determination](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18917) and decolonization from the federal government prominent at the end of the century and that continues today.
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/)***
## For further reading
Calvo, Tomas Anderson. “Address of Mr. Tomas Calvo Anderson.” In *Hinasso’: Tinige’ Put Chamorro–Insights: The Chamorro Identity.* Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1997.
“Chamorros Make Plea for U.S. Citizenship.” In *Hinasso’: Tinige’ Put Chamorro–Insights: The Chamorro Identity.* Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1997.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
“Petition Relating to Permanent Government for the Island of Guam. House Document No. 419, 1902.” In *I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Civil Rights and US Citizenship (1898-1950)
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### [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Legislature is the lawmaking body of the government of Guam, and has been in existence since the passage of the Organic Act of Guam in 1950. Major events that have affected the legislature since then include the change in politics from a one-party system in the beginning (the Popular Party) to the two-party system of today (the Democrats and Republicans), as well as a reduction in the number of senators from 21 to 15.
**Content:**
# Guam Legislature
View more images for the Guam Legislature entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622400584997/).
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## Lawmaking body
The Guam Legislature is the lawmaking body of the government of Guam, and has been in existence since the passage of the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) in 1950. Major events that have affected the legislature since then include the change in politics from a one-party system in the beginning (the Popular Party) to the two-party system of today (the Democrats and Republicans), as well as a reduction in the number of senators from 21 to 15.
## Organic Act creates legislature
Before the passage of the Organic Act, all authority of the government of Guam lay with the governor of Guam, who had been a naval governor until just before the passage of the act. The predecessor of the legislature was the Guam Congress, a body of local officials who had no power except to make recommendations to the governor, which he could then use at his discretion. In effect, the Guam Congress was merely an advisory body.
On 23 May 1950, the US Congress passed the Organic Act of Guam, mainly due to cries of injustice from the people of Guam, a [protest walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) of the Guam Congress in 1949 and national media attention to the walkout.
The Organic Act created a unicameral (one-house) legislative body of not more than twenty-one senators, along with an appointed civilian governor. The senators were elected every two years, and were paid $15 for each day the legislature was in session (this was later removed, and as of 2019 senators make about $55,000 per year). Only two eligibility requirements were imposed:
- a candidate must be at least 25 years old, and;
- a candidate must have lived on Guam for at least five years preceding the sitting of the legislature in which he or she seeks to become a member.
The legislature was granted the lawmaking powers of Guam, subject to the approval or veto of the governor, while the legislature could override the governor’s veto with a vote of ⅔ of its members. In the original Organic Act, the governor had the option of sending an overridden veto to the US president for final action. This provision was used four times by governors, and each time the president upheld the governor’s veto, until the provision was removed by the [Elective Governor Bill](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/) in 1968, which gave the citizens of Guam the right to elect a civilian governor. The first civilian governor was Carlos Camacho who began his term in 1970.
The lawmaking power of the legislature is not absolute, however. The US Congress reserved the power to annul laws passed by the legislature at any time, although it hasn’t used that power, to date.
## First legislature
The first election under the new legislature was on 7 November 1950, with about 65 percent of eligible voters participating in the election. While the Organic Act provided that the legislature may have up to 21 members, local officials decided to have the maximum amount of seats allowed by the act, and the 21 candidates who received the highest number of votes were declared the winners.
The elected members first convened as the 11th Guam Congress, taking its number from previous congresses. But the newly elected members felt that this new legislative body deserved a different name, and in one of its first acts, it changed its name from Guam Congress to Guam Legislature, and became the First Guam Legislature.
*I Mina Uno Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/ the 1st Guam Legislature was a busy one, passing major laws such as: a uniform wage law eliminating higher wages for off-island government recruits; the abolishment of customs duties; the establishment of the Territorial College of Guam (which later became the College of Guam, and then the University of Guam); the establishment of financial aid for Guam students going to college; the reorganization of the island court system; the establishment of a merit system for government of Guam employees; the Government Employees Retirement law; and the establishment of the Civil Defense Agency, the Shipping Commission, the Territorial Parole System and the Public Utility Agency.
Members of the First Guam Legislature were:
- Vicente B. Bamba
- Baltazar J. Bordallo
- Eduardo T. Calvo
- Antonio C. Cruz
- Antonio SN Duenas
- Leon D. Flores
- Jose D. Leon Guerrero
- Manuel F. Leon Guerrero
- Francisco B. Leon Guerrero
- Pedro B. Leon Guerrero
- Manuel U. Lujan
- Jesus C. Okiyama
- Frank D. Perez
- Joaquin A. Perez
- Joaquin C. Perez
- Jesus R. Quinene
- Ignacio P. Quitugua
- Florencio T. Ramirez
- James T. Sablan
- Joaquin S. Santos
- Antonio B. Won Pat. Won Pat was elected speaker
## Two-party race
The first three Guam Legislatures were composed almost entirely of members of the Popular Party of Guam, with a few independent members. But in the beginning of *I Mina Tres Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 3rd Guam Legislature, a split among Popular Party members occurred over who would be speaker. Eight Popular Party senators joined three independents and elected [FB Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/) as speaker instead of [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), who had been speaker of the first two legislatures.
The eight Popular Party senators who split off decided to form the Territorial Party of Guam just before the 1956 election, and they included prominent politicians such as FB Leon Guerrero, [Eduardo T. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/), [Agueda Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), [Cynthia Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/cynthia-johnston-torres/), [Lagrimas LG Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/), Frank D. Perez and former Island Judge Vicente C. Reyes. The Popular Party campaigned against them as the “party of the rich,” and against what it called the “*familia* system,” and it struck a cord with the electorate.
The Popular Party won all 21 seats in *I Mina Kuatro Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/ the 4th Guam Legislature (termed a “blackjack” victory after the card game), and went on to dominate all elections until 1964, when the Territorials won their only majority. The Popular Party, which had changed its name to the Democratic Party of Guam in 1960, took all 21 seats in the 1966 election.
Following this defeat, the Territorial Party soon dissolved. At the same time, only a few weeks after the 1960 election, the Republican Party of Guam was formed, and soon drew most of the Territorial Party members. With the establishment of the Republican Party, the Legislature now had a two-party race.
By 1970, the Republicans gained five seats in the Legislature, and then took the majority in the 1974 election and held it until 1982. The Democrats won the majority back in 1982, and held it until 1996. The Republicans held the majority in elections except 2002, when they were weakened by five of their strongest candidates running for higher office. They lost the majority in 2008 and the Democrats have held it since.
## Back seat to gubernatorial race
In 1968, the US Congress passed the Elective Governor Bill, giving Guam voters the right to elect their governor for the first time in their history. The first elections were set for 1970, and the island became obsessed with the gubernatorial election. While the Republicans united around incumbent appointed Governor [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/) and his running mate Kurt S. Moylan, the Democrats were split into three camps. The three nightly Democratic village meetings drew upwards of 5,000 people each night.
In this fervor for the gubernatorial election, the legislative race took a back seat, and it has been so ever since. The most popular candidates run for governor, leaving a void filled by newcomers. Changes in the majority of the legislature by the Republicans and Democrats have usually occurred when one party is weakened by several of its strongest senatorial candidates running for governor.
In addition, the legislature is dominated in gubernatorial election years by senators maneuvering for position to run for governor, passing bills to get them in the spotlight and seeking the support of their colleagues for their gubernatorial candidacy. Sessions are often filled with grandstanding in those years – even more so than usual.
## Home of the legislature
The Guam Legislature was housed for many years in the Guam Legislature Building in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), which is directly across the street from the Hagåtña Cathedral-Basilica, adjacent to the Guam Museum at Skinner Plaza and the Plaza de España. Originally, the building also served as the Island District Court and the Territorial Court of Guam. After the judicial branch relocated to their own, new building in 1968 within the capital, the building became solely the legislative building.
The architecture of the building was considered beautiful, but lack of maintenance over the years and general aging led to the Guam Legislature’s decision in the late 1980s to build a new, high-rise legislative building. The design of the building was ambitious, costing many millions of dollars, and an outraged public questioned the spending priorities of its senators.
The senators moved out of the Guam Legislature Building in 1990 and rented another Hagåtña building as a temporary home. But because of the public outrage, and a general shortage of funds due to Guam’s economic recession, the new legislative building never got built, and the Guam Legislature remained in its temporary home for 26 years.
In 2016, however, the Guam Preservation Trust and the Guam Legislature restored and rehabilitated the old Guam Legislature Building. In 2006 it was listed on the Guam and National Registers of Historic Places. Before undergoing any rehabilitation efforts, a structural analysis, Historic Structures Report and architectural and engineering plans had to be completed. Rehabilitation efforts were completed at the end of 2016.
The building preserves Guam’s history but also makes way for the future. The formal chambers and public areas remain intact, but two new wings have been added for legislators and staff. The signature mahogany paneling was restored. Additionally environmentally friendly materials and efficient use of water and power generated by rooftop solar panels were added.
## Election into office
Senators elected into office win seats by popular vote from qualified Guam voters. Elections were conducted by district for about four terms, until the 1982 election for *I Mina Disi siete Na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 17th Guam Legislature when at-large elections were ordered as a result of a court challenge by late Senator Gene Ramsey.
## Seats reduced
One of the most major changes in the Guam Legislature since its inception was the reduction of its members to fifteen senators. As the Organic Act only sets a maximum of twenty-one senators, the Legislature has always had the power to reduce its members below that maximum. The reduction was proposed by Mark Forbes (speaker of *I Mina Bente Ocho Na Liheslaturan Guåhan* the 28th Guam Legislature) when he first ran for office in 1994, with the popular reasoning that the Legislature was too large and that Guam’s small population doesn’t need such a large number of senators. However, he dropped the reduction bill after getting elected due to opposition from his colleagues.
Forbes resurrected the reduction of the Legislature from twenty-one to fifteen members before the 1996 election, in the form of an initiative to be approved by voters, and it passed soundly. Since it was passed in the 1996 election, the reduction to fifteen senators didn’t occur until the 1998 election, when the Republicans won a “super majority” of 10 out of 15 members.
## Majority flip
During *I Mina’ Bente Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 28th Guam Legislature, Republicans retook the majority from Democrats, and successfully retained a slim majority of eight to seven during the following elections in 2006 to seat *I Mina’ Bente Nuebi na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 29th Guam Legislature.
In late 2007, with the death of long-time Senator Antonio “Tony” Unpingco, a special election was held to fill in the vacant seat. Democrat, former senator and Supreme Court Chief Justice Benjamin “B.J.” Cruz, won the election, effectively switching the majority eight to seven in the Democrats favor.
On 31 January 2008 the new Democratic majority challenged the Republican leadership and put Sen. Judith Won Pat in place as Speaker, the first time a woman was chosen as the leader of the Guam Legislature. She is the daughter of the first legislative speaker, Antonio B. Won Pat.
In November 2016, seven incumbent senators, many with a long history at the Guam Legislature including Speaker Won Pat, were not re-elected, bringing in a new crop of senators. The Democrats, however, maintained the majority. Benjamin J. Cruz was chosen as Speaker.
In the November 2024 election, the Republicans won the majority for the first time in 16 years.
## Women take the majority in 2019
On 7 January 2019 the 35th Guam Legislature was sworn in with a historic super majority of women elected. Ten of the 15 senators are women. Tina Muña-Barnes, a former senator, was chosen at the Speaker. The Guam Legislature had 10 Democrats and five Republicans. Five of the senators are serving for the first time, two served as senators in the past and are returning to office, and eight are incumbent senators.
## 38th Guam Legislature
The 38th Guam Legislature was sworn into office 6 January 2025. Senator Frank Blas Jr., a Republican, was chosen by his colleagues to serve as the Speaker. The people of Guam elected six women and nine men to serve this term, with a Republican majority.
The 38th Guam Legislature is made up of both newcomers and experienced lawmakers. The 38th Guam Legislature includes:
**Democrats**
- Therese Terlaje
- Chris Barnett
- Tina Muña Barnes
- Sabina Perez
- William Parkinson
- Joe San Agustin
**Republicans**
- Vicente “Tony” Ada
- Frank Blas Jr.
- Telo Taitague
- Vincent Borja
- Shelly Calvo
- Christopher Duenas
- Eulogio “Shawn” Gumataotao
- Jesse Lujan
- Sabrina Salas Matanane
The 38th Legislative leadership is as follows:
- Speaker: Frank Blas Jr.
- Vice-Speaker: Vicente “Tony” Ada
- Legislative Secretary: Sabrina Salas Matanane
- Committee on Rules: Vicente “Tony” Ada
- Majority Leader: Jesse Lujan
- Majority Whip: Shelly Calvo
## Committee Leaders
- Committee on Rules: Vice Speaker Vicente “Tony” Ada.
- Committee on Land, Environment, Housing, Agriculture, Parks, and Infrastructure: Vice Speaker Vicente “Tony” Ada.
- Committee on Finance and Government Operations: Senator Christopher Duenas.
- Committee on Health and Veterans Affairs: Senator Sabrina Salas Matanane.
- Committee on Public Safety, Emergency Management, and Guam National Guard: Senator Eulogio “Shawn” Gumataotao.
- Committee on Education, Libraries, and Public Broadcasting: Senator Vincent Borja.
- Committee on Child Welfare, Youth Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women’s Affairs, Disability Services, the Arts, Culture, Historic Preservation, and Hagåtña Restoration: Senator Shelly Calvo.
- Committee on Transportation, Tourism, Customs, Federal & Foreign Affairs, and Utilities: Senator Jesse Lujan.
- Committee on Economic Investment, Military Buildup, Regional Relations, Technology, Regulatory Affairs, Justice, Elections, and Retirement: Senator Telo Taitague.
## Speakers of the Guam Legislature
- Antonio B. Won Pat, Popular Party (1st, 2nd, 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th Legislatures)
- Francisco B. Leon Guerrero, Popular Party (3rd Legislature)
- Carlos P. Taitano, Territorial Party (8th Legislature)
- Joaquin C. Arriola, Democrat (9th and 10th Legislatures)
- Florencio T. Ramirez, Democrat (11th and 12th Legislatures)
- Joseph F. Ada, Republican (13th, 14th Legislatures)
- Tomas VC Tanaka, Republican (15th and 16th Legislatures)
- Carl TC Gutierrez, Democrat (17th and 18th Legislatures)
- Franklin JA Quitugua, Democrat (19th Legislature)
- Joe T. San Agustin, Democrat (20th, 21st and 22nd Legislatures)
- Don Parkinson, Democrat (23nd Legislature)
- Antonio Unpingco, Republican (24th through 26th Legislatures)
- Vicente “Ben” Pangelinan, Democrat (27th Legislature)
- Mark Forbes, Republican (28th and 29th Legislatures)
- Judith “Judi” T. Won Pat (29th, 30th, 31st, 32nd and 33rd Legislatures)
- Benjamin J. Cruz and Therese Terlaje (34th Legislature)
- Tina Muña-Barnes (35th Legislature)
- Therese Terlaje (36th Legislature)
- Therese Terlaje (37th Legislature)
- Frank Blas Jr. (38th Legislature)
***[By Leo Babauta](https://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)***
Entry updates by Guampedia staff.
## For further reading
Dizon, Joe S. *Political Parties and Elections in Guam*. Hagåtña: Guam Research Associates, 1982.
*Guam Legislature*. “[The 38th Guam Legislature](https://guamlegislature.gov/guam-legislatures/).”
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
United States. *The Organic Act of Guam and Related Federal Laws Affecting the Governmental Structure of Guam through June 11, 2000*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2002.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Guam Legislature
---
### [Guam Historical Club](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-historical-club/)
**Published:** December 7, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Historical Club was a small group of people interested in Guam history in the 1950s and 1960s. Led by Paul Souder and Agueda Iglesias Johnston, the Club helped tell the story of Guam history at the Guam Museum when it was located at the Garden House at the Plaza de España. Members helped care for the artifacts, engaged with visitors as needed, and worked in cooperation with the Guam Women’s Club who staffed the museum at the time.
**Content:**
# Guam Historical Club
##### Share This
The Guam Historical Club was a small group of people interested in Guam history in the 1950s and 1960s. Led by Paul Souder and [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), the Club helped tell the story of Guam history at the [Guam Museum](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) when it was located at the Garden House at the Plaza de España. Members helped care for the artifacts, engaged with visitors as needed, and worked in cooperation with the [Guam Women’s Club](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-womens-club/) who staffed the museum at the time.
**Categories:** Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Historical Club
---
### [Native Forest Birds of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/a-native-forest-birds-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The limestone and ravine forests of Guam have historically supported 14 species of terrestrial birds. Two of these 14 birds are endemic to Guam at the species level. Five bird species are endemic at the sub-species level. One of the endemic species is now extinct. Seven have been extirpated from the island.
**Content:**
# Native Forest Birds of Guam
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#### Table of Contents
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## Only three native species left in the wild
The limestone and ravine forests of Guam have historically supported 14 species of terrestrial birds. Two of these 14 birds are endemic to Guam at the species level. Five bird species are endemic at the sub-species level. One of the endemic species is now extinct. Seven have been extirpated from the island.
The loss of these birds is believed to be largely a result of habitat alteration and the effects of the introduced brown treesnake. Three species are still living in the wild. Three species are being held in captive breeding programs on Guam and zoos in the United States mainland. Others are found in the Northern Mariana islands.
The two endemic species are by definition unique to Guam. The Guam flycatcher, also called the Guam broadbill, and the Guam rail are not naturally found anywhere else in the world. *CHuguangguang*, the Guam flycatcher, was last seen in 1985 and is now believed to be extinct. *Ko’ko’* the Guam rail, a flightless bird, extinct in the wild, has been successfully bred in captivity. An experimental population of Guam rails has been released on Luta (Rota), an island 40 miles north of Guam in the Northern Mariana Islands. Another 70 ko’ko’ live on Dåno’ (Cocos Island) off the coast of Malesso’. There is a partnership with the American Zoo Association and the Guam Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources for the captive rearing program. As of 2019, there are more *ko’ko’* in the wild than captive ones. Although there are ko’ko’ living in the wild on Dåno’ and Luta, its status of “extinct in the wild” will not be changed until wild populations are established on Guam.
The taxonomic designations of species and subspecies vary among researchers and are continuously being updated and changed. Those used in this article are the most currently available. Bird names given to subspecies indicate the subspecies is endemic to Guam.
The yellow bittern and nightingale reed-warbler are not strictly inhabitants of dry land terrestrial habitats. They have also occupied some wetland locations.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
## Birds of Guam entries
[](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-birds-bridled-white-eye/)###### [Bridled White-Eye (Nosa')](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-birds-bridled-white-eye/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-birds-guam-flycatcher/)###### [Guam Flycatcher (CHuguangguang)](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-birds-guam-flycatcher/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/)###### [Guam Rail (Ko'ko')](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-crow/)###### [Mariana Crow (Åga)](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-crow/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-fruit-dove/)###### [Mariana Fruit Dove (Totot)](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-fruit-dove/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-gray-swiftlet/)###### [Mariana Gray Swiftlet (Yǻyaguak)](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-gray-swiftlet/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-honeyeater/)###### [Micronesian Honeyeater (Égigi)](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-honeyeater/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-kingfisher/)###### [Micronesian Kingfisher (Sihek)](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-kingfisher/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-megapode/)###### [Micronesian Megapode (Sasangat)](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-megapode/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-starling/)###### [Micronesian Starling (Såli)](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-starling/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/nightingale-reed-warbler/)###### [Nightingale Reed-Warbler (Gå’ga’ Karisu)](https://www.guampedia.com/nightingale-reed-warbler/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/rufous-fantail/)###### [Rufous Fantail (CHuchurika/Naabak)](https://www.guampedia.com/rufous-fantail/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/white-throated-ground-dove/)###### [White Throated Ground Dove (Male: Paluman Ǻ’paka’, Female: Paluman Fache')](https://www.guampedia.com/white-throated-ground-dove/)
[](https://www.guampedia.com/yellow-bittern/)###### [Yellow Bittern (Kakkak)](https://www.guampedia.com/yellow-bittern/)
## For further reading
Jenkins, J. Mark. *The Native Forest Birds of Guam*. Ornithological Monographs No. 31. Washington, DC: American Ornithologists’ Union, 1983.
Pratt, H. Douglas, Philip L. Bruner, and Delwyn G. Berret. *A Field Guide to the Birds of Hawaii and the Tropical Pacific*. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1987.
Savidge, JA. “Extinction of an Island Forest Avifauna by an Introduced Snake.” *Ecology* 68, no. 3 (1987): 660-668.
US Fish and Wildlife Service. “[Birds](https://www.fws.gov/office/pacific-islands-fish-and-wildlife/species).” *Pacific Islands Fish and Wildlife Office Exploring Species*.
Vice, Daniel S., and Mikel E. Pitzler. “[Management of the Yellow Bittern (Ixobrychus sinensis) on Guam to Minimize Threats to Aviation Safety](https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/birdstrike1999/34/).” Paper presented at the Bird Strike Committee-USA/Canada, First Joint Annual Meeting, Vancouver, May 1999.
Wiles, Gary J. “A Checklist of the Birds and Mammals of Micronesia.” *Micronesica* 38, no. 1 (2005): 141-189.
## Glossary
EndemicNative to a particular environment.ExtirpatedSpecies that have become locally extinct.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Native Forest Birds of Guam
---
### [Guam Rail](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Ko’ko’ is a large rail, standing 11 to 12 inches or about 28 centimeters tall. It lived in secondary forested areas mixed with grasslands and limestone forest, especially the edges near grassy areas.
**Content:**
# Guam Rail
##### Share This
## Ko'ko'
**Scientific Name:** Rallus owstoni (Family RALLIDAE)
**Common Name:** Guam Rail
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Ko’ko’
## Audio sample of the Ko’ko’
Guam Rail (Ko'ko')
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** The Ko’ko’ is a large rail, standing 11 to 12 inches or about 28 centimeters tall. It lived in secondary forested areas mixed with grasslands and limestone forest, especially the edges near grassy areas. It nests year round laying one to four eggs in a nest of leaves and grass on the ground. The eggs are tended by both parents. Chicks can run after four days. Considered flightless, the ko’ko’ can only fly very short distances. It is an omnivorous feeder but seems to favor animals. It feeds on seeds and leaves as well as snails, lizards, insects and carrion.
**Description:** About 12 inches tall with long legs and large feet. The head, neck and eyestripe are brown. The short wings are spotted brown with white bars. The iris is red. The beak is grey.
**Range:** Guam, where it is endemic.
**Current Status:** About 70 ko’ko’ live on Dåno’ (Cocos Island) off the coast of Merizo and about 150 live on Luta (Rota). There is a partnership with the American Zoo Association and the Guam Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources for the captive rearing program. As of 2019, there are more *ko’ko’* in the wild than captive ones. Although there are ko’ko’ living in the wild on Dåno’ and Rota, its status of “extinct in the wild” will not be changed until wild populations are established on Guam.
**Threats:** Habitat destruction and predation by the [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/) as well as feral cats, possibly pigs and *[hilitai](https://www.guampedia.com/hilitai-monitor-lizard/)* (monitor lizards).
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Guam Rail
---
### [Mariana Crow](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-crow/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** It lives in a variety of habitats preferring limestone forest but also strand and ravine forests and agricultural areas. It is omnivorous, feeding on a wide array of food including: fruit, lizards, crabs, small mammals, birds, toads, crabs, worms, leaves, bark, bird eggs flowers and seeds.
**Content:**
# Mariana Crow
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## Åga: Endangered species
**Scientific Name:** Corvus kubaryi (Family CORVIDAE)
**Common Name:** Mariana Crow
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Åga
## Audio sample of the Åga
Mariana Crow (Åga)
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** It lives in a variety of habitats preferring limestone forest but also strand and ravine forests and agricultural areas. It is omnivorous, feeding on a wide array of food including: fruit, lizards, crabs, small mammals, birds, toads, crabs, worms, leaves, bark, bird eggs flowers and seeds. Family groups defend nesting and breeding territory. Nesting takes place several times a year. Heavy nests made from branches, lined with grass, are constructed high in treetops at the end of strong branches. The nests are about two to two and half feet in diameter. Parents care for the young for up to a year. Åga are important in the dispersing of seeds which helps maintain forest diversity.
**Description:** A large bird for Micronesia (15 inches or 38 centimeters), it is small for a crow. The Åga is mostly black with a glossy green sheen on the head and bluish black on the back, wing and tail. The eye has a brown iris. Females are slightly smaller than males.
**Range:** Endemic to Guam and Rota in the Northern Marianas, the Mariana Åga is only found on these two islands.
**Current Status:** Endangered species, with only two males left on in northern Guam. An unknown number of birds are still present on Rota where the population is declining.
**Threats:** On Guam the most cause of extirpation was most likely predation by the introduced [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/) and habitat destruction.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](../../gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Mariana Crow
---
### [Mariana Fruit Dove](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-fruit-dove/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The totot lives in the limestone forest and in secondary growth canopies. They feed on fruit, largely papaya, figs and inkberry.
**Content:**
# Mariana Fruit Dove
##### Share This
## Totot: Extinct on Guam
**Scientific Name:** Ptilinopus roseicapilla (Family COLUMBIDAE)
**Common Name:** Rose capped fruit dove
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Totot or Tottot
## Audio sample of the Totot
Mariana Fruit Dove (Totot or Tottot)
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** The totot lives in the limestone forest and in secondary growth canopies. They feed on fruit, largely papaya, figs and inkberry. They make flimsy nests in the forks of trees. They are shy, staying high in the tree canopy. They lay a single egg in a bare twig platform nest in the fork of a tree. Nests are found six to twenty feet above the ground.
**Description:** The totot are small, about 24 centimeters long. The forehead is red. The head, back and breast are grey with a yellow underbelly. Males and females look the same. Juvenile birds are completely green.
**Range:** Guam; Rota, Tinian, Saipan and Agiguan in the Northern Mariana islands. Endemic to the Mariana Islands.
**Current Status:** The totot is currently listed as an endangered species in the CNMI. It was extirpated from Guam since the arrival of the [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/). The totot was once the official bird of Guam. In 2000, however, the official bird was changed to the [ko’ko’](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-rail/) in an effort to highlight the uniqueness of this endemic species, and also to highlight the captive-breeding program at DAWR. Totot are occasionally seen around the island as visitors.
**Threats:** Habitat loss and predation by the Brown tree snake and over hunting.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Mariana Fruit Dove
---
### [Mariana Gray Swiftlet](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-gray-swiftlet/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** These birds live in limestone caves and sink holes in limestone and ravine forests. Their nests are constructed of moss are fastened to the roofs of caves with saliva.
**Content:**
# Mariana Gray Swiftlet
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## Yǻyaguak: Endangered species
**Scientific Name:** Collocali. bartschi (Family APODIDAE)
**Common Name:** Mariana Gray Swiftlet
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Yǻyaguak
Mariana Gray Swiftlet (Yǻyaguak)
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** These birds live in limestone caves and sink holes in limestone and ravine forests. Their nests are constructed of moss are fastened to the roofs of caves with saliva. As an aerial feeder, it uses echolocation to capture flying insects. It eats flies, winged ants and termites.
**Description:** Small body, narrow winged. Dark gray above body, brownish gray below. It lays a single egg sometime between January and July. The chick is tended for about 35 days before fledging. It is not known whether both parents tend the chicks.
**Range:** Historically, the Island Grey Swiftlet was found on Guam and the Northern Mariana islands of Rota, Aguigan and Saipan. The Rota population inexplicably disappeared after World War II. The subspecies is endemic to the Mariana Islands. On Guam it is restricted to several caves in the south.
**Current Status:** Yåyaguak are one of the few forest birds left on Guam. They are restricted to caves in southern Guam. Presently, there are an estimated 6,500 birds spread throughout 17 caves on Guam, Saipan, and Aguigan (Vogt, Williams 2018). Although they were historically found on Rota, today there are no yåyaguak on the island. In an effort to save these birds from extinction, yåyaguak from Guam were translocated to the island of Oʻahu, Hawaiʻi to Halawa Valley. Today, this population remains small, but sustaining. Because yåyaguak are still found in the wild, there is no captive-breeding program for the species.
**Threats:** The main threat is predation by the brown treesnake.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Mariana Gray Swiftlet
---
### [Micronesian Honeyeater](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-honeyeater/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Micronesian Honeyeater can be found in most forests edges and flowering trees in urban areas near homes and commercial buildings. It feeds on flower nectar and insects.
**Content:**
# Micronesian Honeyeater
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## Égigi: Not seen in the wild on Guam since 1986
**Scientific Name:** Myzomela rubrata saffordi (Family MELIPHAGIDAE)
**Common Name:** Micronesian Honeyeater
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Égigi
Micronesian Honeyeater (Égigi)
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** The Micronesian Honeyeater can be found in most forests edges and flowering trees in urban areas near homes and commercial buildings. It feeds on flower nectar and insects. It may be a pollinator of the flowers it feeds on. Small cup-shaped nests made of grass, roots, and ironwood ”needles” glued together with spider webs are constructed annually. A pair produces two off white brown spotted eggs. Micronesian Honeyeaters are territorial.
**Description:** Honeyeaters are about five inches or 13 centimeters long. They have a long down curved bill with a four part brush tipped tongue, which they use like a drinking straw to suck up nectar. Males and females differ in color. Males are bright scarlet red with black intermingled above and on the breast with black wings, tail and belly. Females have duller versions of the same color pattern. Colors vary within their range.
**Range:** The Micronesian Honeyeater is common throughout Micronesia. Six subspecies exist separately occurring on Palau; Yap; Guam and the larger islands of the Northern Marianas; Ponphei; and Kosrae.
**Current Status:** Although once common on Guam the endemic subspecies has been extirpated from the island where it was last seen in the wild in 1986. There are currently no égigi in the wild on Guam. They are still found in the wild in the CNMI.
**Threats:** The major threats are habitat destruction and predation by the [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/).
**Where to see it:** You can visit the égigi at the Guam Zoological, Botanical, and Marine Garden, also known as Cushing Zoo.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Micronesian Honeyeater
---
### [Micronesian Kingfisher](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-kingfisher/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Micronesian Kingfishers are somewhat secretive. They are known to inhabit limestone and ravine forests, coconut groves, and strand vegetation.
**Content:**
# Micronesian Kingfisher
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## Sihek: An endangered species
**Scientific Name:** Halcyon cinnamomina cinnamomina (Family ALCEDINIDAE)
**Common Name:** Micronesian Kingfisher
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Sihek
Micronesian Kingfisher (Sihek)
Recording courtesy of the Guam National Wildlife Refuge
**Habitat and Natural History:** The Micronesian Kingfishers are somewhat secretive. They are known to inhabit limestone and ravine forests, coconut groves, and strand vegetation. Pairs excavate a cavity for a nest in soft-wooded trees and in above ground termite nests. Nesting occurs between December and July. Two eggs are laid. Both parents tend the eggs and young birds. They feed exclusively on animal matter including crabs, lizards and large insects. Pairs or sometimes family groups defend a territory chasing off other kingfishers.
**Description:** They are a medium sized kingfisher, 22 to 24 centimeters (nine inches) with a big head and big bill. Males and females have different coloration. Males are iridescent blue above the body and rusty cinnamon below. Females are similar with white below.
**Range:** There are three distinct subspecies of Micronesian Kingfisher which are found on Palau, Pohnpei and Guam. *Halcyon cinnamomina cinnamomina* is the Guam endemic subspecies.
**Current Status:** The Micronesian Kingfisher has been extirpated from Guam, and was last seen in the wild in 1989. It is listed as endangered by the US Fish and Wildlife Service and the Government of Guam. A captive breeding program was begun in 1983. Currently, it is held in captive breeding programs on Guam and zoos on the US mainland and reached its goal of 100 sihek in November 2008, bringing the bird a step closer to re-establishment of a wild population.
The first captive-reared sihek were returned to Guam in 2003, with more birds returned in 2004 and in 2008, bringing the captive population on Guam to 10. It was expanded to include seventeen captive propagation facilities on the US mainland and Guam.
**SEPTEMBER 2019 UPDATE:** Formerly known as the Micronesian kingfisher, the Guam kingfisher or sihek, is still listed “extinct in the wild.” The are currently about 140 individuals left in the world. Guam DAWR currently hosts nine individuals. There are currently 26 zoological institutions across the US hosting the birds for their breeding programs. The Guam sihek will be the next bird to make its way back into the wild. Planning is currently underway for reintroduction.
**Threats:** The main threats are habitat destruction and predation by the introduced [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/).
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Micronesian Kingfisher
---
### [Micronesian Megapode](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-megapode/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The megapode lives in limestone forests and coconut groves. Eggs are not tended by the parents but incubated in mounds of decaying vegetation or in volcanic ash which generate heat.
**Content:**
# Micronesian Megapode
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## Sasangat: An endangered species
**Scientific Name:** Megapodius laperouse (Family MEGAPODIDAE)
**Common Name:** megapode, incubator bird
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Sasangat
**Habitat and Natural History:** The megapode lives in limestone forests and coconut groves. Eggs are not tended by the parents but incubated in mounds of decaying vegetation or in volcanic ash which generate heat. The young are able to run and fly immediately upon hatching. They are omnivorous, feeding on insects, crabs, and plant material.
**Description:** A chicken like bird about 15 inches ( 38 centimeters) tall. It flies well. The body is brownish-black with a grayish crest. The large feet are yellow. The bill is yellow with red skin showing through the feathers at its base. Unlike a chicken, the tail is short. Males and females look the same.
**Range:** Palau; Guam; Northern Mariana islands
**Current Status:** The megapode is endangered in the Mariana Island chain. In Guam and Rota, its numbers have declined in the 19th and 20th centuries. There have been several sightings on Rota, including inside the protected Wedding Cake mountain conservation site. Remnant populations are believed to be on Aguigan and are occasionally observed on Tinian in the Northern Marianas. A small number of birds are present on Saipan. There is also recorded presence of this species on Anatahan, Sarigan, Alamagan, Farallon de Medinilla, and Pagan. There are also chicks on Aguiguan.
**Threats:** The main threats are habitat destruction, over hunting and predation by pigs, rats, cats and *[hilitai](https://www.guampedia.com/hilitai-monitor-lizard/)* (monitor lizards). Another threat is volcanism which produces ash that covers nesting and foraging areas.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Micronesian Megapode
---
### [Micronesian Starling](https://www.guampedia.com/micronesian-starling/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** It lives in many habitats from seacoast limestone cliff faces to forested mountain tops and on atolls. Generally the Såli lives in groups. It is a cavity nester.
**Content:**
# Micronesian Starling
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## Såli: Still seen at Cocos and Andersen
**Scientific Name: Aplonis opaca guami (Family STURNIDAE)**
**Common Name:** Micronesian Starling
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** Såli
**Habitat and Natural History:** It lives in many habitats from seacoast limestone cliff faces to forested mountain tops and on atolls. Generally the Såli lives in groups. It is a cavity nester. A pair lays up to four eggs and both parents incubate the eggs. They are omnivorous, feeding on seeds, fruit and insects.
**Description:** Glossy black with a short tail and yellow eye as an adult, the Såli is about nine inches or 23 centimeters long.
**Range:** The Micronesian Starling is widely distributed in Micronesia ranging through Palau; Yap; Guam; the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (Saipan, Tinian and Rota); Chuuk; Pohnpei; and Kosrae.
**Current Status:** Historically on Guam the Såli was found throughout the island. It is presently restricted to Cocos Island in southern Guam and to the military housing area of Andersen Air Force Base in Northern Guam. The numbers are greatly reduced. Small populations can potentially be found in pockets in Yigo, Dededo, Tumon, Tamuning, and Hagåtña.
**Threats:** The most serious threat to the *Såli* is habitat destruction and predation by the introduced [brown treesnake](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/). The Government of Guam considers the Såli to be an endangered species.
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Micronesian Starling
---
### [White Throated Ground Dove](https://www.guampedia.com/white-throated-ground-dove/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** This dove lives in limestone forests and is secretive. It feeds on fruit, seeds and flowers. It nests high in trees, and both parents tend the nest. Males are more often seen then females and are very territorial.
**Content:**
# White Throated Ground Dove
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## Paluman Ǻ’paka’ and Fache': Rarely seen on Guam
**Scientific Name:** Gallicolumba xanthonura xanthonura (Family COLUMBIDAE)
**Common Name:** White Throated Ground Dove
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** male, Paluman Ǻ’paka’; female, Paluman Fache’
**Habitat and Natural History:** This dove lives in limestone forests and is secretive. It feeds on fruit, seeds and flowers. It nests high in trees, and both parents tend the nest. Males are more often seen then females and are very territorial.
**Description:** Males have white heads and breasts with a chocolate brown body. Females are shades of brown with no white.
**Range:** Endemic to Yap; Guam; Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (Rota and north to Saipan)
**Current Status:** Extirpated from Guam with the last resident bird seen in 1987. It is still occasionally observed on Guam but believed to be a vagrant from Rota.
**Threats:** Habitat destruction, predation by [brown treesnakes](https://www.guampedia.com/brown-treesnake/).
[***By Gretchen R. Grimm, MS***](http://www.guampedia.com/gretchen-grimm/)
**Categories:** Guam's Birds, Guampedia Resources, Land (Tano), Multimedia, Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** White Throated Ground Dove
---
### [Stonework Heritage in Micronesia Conference, Guam 2007](https://www.guampedia.com/stonework-heritage-conference-guam-2007/)
**Published:** December 5, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The second in a series of conferences funded by the Spanish Program for Cultural Cooperation (SPCC) opened in the Hyatt-Regency in Tumon, Guam on October 16, 2008. The first conference sponsored by SPCC was held the previous year in Guam on Nov. 14-15, 2007, entitled “Stonework Heritage in Micronesia”, organized by the Guam Preservation Trust. It brought together and introduced technical experts in Spanish
stonework and Spanish heritage architects to a gathering of historic preservation officials and scholars who live and work in Guam and Micronesia.
**Content:**
# Stonework Heritage in Micronesia Conference, Guam 2007
##### Share This
## Stonework Heritage
**Categories:** e-Publications, MARC, MARC Publications, Other MARC e-Publications
**Tags:** micronesia, stonework
---
### [Guam Recorder, 1975 vol. 5, no. 1](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-recorder-1975-1st-issue/)
**Published:** January 26, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam Recorder vol. 5, no. 1, second series, 1975.
**Content:**
# Guam Recorder, 1975 vol. 5, no. 1
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Magazine of Guam and Micronesia. Published by the Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam (MARC), Mangilao, Guam 1975.
## Cover Story: Leaders
**Second Series: Volume 5, Number 1**
## Table of Contents
Front Cover: Padre Jose T. Palomo, the first native of Guam to be ordained a priest in the Roman Catholic Church
1. 1. Who’s Who – in Guam History, *by Paul Carano*.
2. Biography of Guam’s First Knight of the Church, *by Rene C. Mahone*.
3. Public School Named for Native Priest, Guam Recorder, August 1930
4. Governor Gregorio Santa Maria Saves and Enlarges the College of San Juan de Letran, *by George D. Crofts and Emilie G. Johnston*.
5. Those Were the Days
6. The Micronesian Ellis Mystery, *by Dirk A. Ballendorf*.
7. Yokoi’s Hideaway, *by Catherine G. Taylor*.
8. Guam at a Glance, *by Paul Carano*.
9. Spanish Galleons, *by PJ Searles*.
10. General Orders Issued by Naval Governor of Guam
**Categories:** e-Publications, Guam Recorder, MARC, MARC Publications
**Tags:** 1975 vol. 5, Guam Recorder, no. 1
---
### [Guam's Bilingual/Bicultural Program](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-bilingual-bicultural-program/)
**Published:** February 10, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Chamorro Bilingual/Bicultural Program began on Guam in 1970 as a five-year test program run by the Guam Department of Education to promote the use of the CHamoru language in public schools on Guam. It served as the precursor to the CHamoru Studies Department, which continues to operate in the Guam Department of Education. This program marked the first time the CHamoru language was officially used in classrooms in the Mariana Islands.
**Content:**
# Guam's Bilingual/Bicultural Program
#### Table of Contents
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## Designed to promote the use of CHamoru/Chamorro
The Chamorro Bilingual/Bicultural Program began on Guam in 1970 as a five-year test program run by the Guam Department of Education to promote the use of the CHamoru language in public schools on Guam. It served as the precursor to the CHamoru Studies Department, which continues to operate in the Guam Department of Education. This program marked the first time the CHamoru language was officially used in classrooms in the Mariana Islands.
On 11 April 1965, the United States Congress passed the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), enabling federal funds to be used for the development of education programs in primary and secondary schools. In 1967, Congress passed Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments, known as the Bilingual Education Act. These amendments allowed federal funds to be used specifically for the purpose of developing and implementing programs to assist students with limited English skills.
In 1969, Sister Ellen Jean Klein of the School Sisters of Notre Dame worked as an educational consultant to the Guam Department of Education (GDOE), where she specialized as an instructor for the Teaching English as a Second Language (TESOL) program. Upon hearing of the amendments to the ESEA, Sister Ellen urged GDOE to apply for funding through the newly passed Bilingual Education Act, to which they were approved for five years of federal funding to implement this new Bilingual/Bicultural Program.
The Bilingual/Bicultural Program was first implemented in School Year 1970-1971 on Guam in two schools: JP Torres Elementary and Captain HB Price Elementary. Each school had one master teacher, Sarah Chargualaf Taitano at Torres and Josephina Barcinas at Price, to oversee its implementation. Sister Ellen led the recruitment of young CHamorus who served as teacher interns to implement the program in the class setting. Lagrimas LG Untalan was responsible for developing the bilingual materials.
The teacher interns were trained by linguist Dr. Donald M. Topping at the University of Guam in the Summer of 1970 before the school year began. Training for this program included in-depth lessons on the grammar and orthography of the CHamoru language as well as aspects of CHamoru culture. Lessons on CHamoru culture were developed by the Southwest Regional Education Laboratory Program, an educational network also established by the ESEA; village commissioners; Catholic priests; and practitioners of the traditional arts.
In this program, the use of the CHamoru language in the classroom was not limited to a specific period of CHamoru language and culture, but rather, was used in the course of regular teacher-student communication throughout normal subjects. The program began with a cohort of 50 first grade students for both schools. Upon completion of their first year, that cohort continued the program in the second grade, and a new cohort of 50 took their place in the first grade. At the start of the first grade, CHamoru language was used in 10 percent of teacher instruction, increasing to 20 percent in the second grade. This pattern continued until the fifth grade, where a true bilingual education could be reached with the entire course being taught in 50 percent English and 50 percent CHamoru.
Determining which subjects would be taught in CHamoru and which would be taught in English was left to the discretion of teacher interns. Rosa Salas Palomo, a teacher intern at Price Elementary, alternated the language of instruction each time a subject was taught. For example, if one day Social Studies was taught in the English language and Science was taught in the CHamoru language, the next time around she taught Social Studies in CHamoru and Science in English. Another approach utilized by teacher interns was to designate certain subjects to be taught in either English or CHamoru throughout the course of the year.
Despite its successful implementation in pilot schools, by the School Year 1974-1975, the program had reached its five-year funding limit and was not renewed for a second round of funding.
## Legacy of the program
On 19 June 1973, the 12th Guam Legislature passed Public Law 12-31, authorizing the Guam Board of Education to begin the development of a similar program for use in a wider range of public schools titled the CHamoru Language and Culture Program (CLCP). By 1977, the CLCP was adopted in 16 public elementary schools, providing students with 20-30 minutes of instruction in CHamoru language and culture per day. This program was met with great support by students and teachers. In 1974, GDOE conducted a survey of 1,659 elementary students and 90 elementary teachers. This survey indicated that 85 percent of student respondents expressed both the importance of learning and the desire to learn CHamoru in school.
This prompted the members of the 14th Guam Legislature to pass Public Law 14-53, continuing the use of federal funding for the CLCP. Senators who advocated for the legislation were [Sen. Ricardo Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) (later governor) and Sen. Manuel Lujan.
In addition, this law indicated that the use of local funds could be appropriated towards this program in the event that federal funding was ceased. This ensured that the CLCP would not end for the same reason as the Bilingual/Bicultural Program.
The law also outlined that by no later than 1980, GDOE would implement CHamoru language and culture as mandatory subject in all public elementary schools and offered as an elective in all public junior and senior high schools. Upon integration into the GDOE curriculum, the duration of these lessons would progress with each grade level, beginning with 20 minutes in kindergarten and up to one full period when offered in junior and senior high school.
The Bilingual/Bicultural Education Program served as the catalyst for cultural education reform in GDOE as the first attempt by teachers to incorporate CHamoru language, culture, and history in the island’s classrooms. Although the program only endured for four years, its predecessor, the CLCP would further develop into an entire department (CHamoru Studies Department) within GDOE.
Today, CHamoru language and culture are taught as a required subject for 20 minutes in kindergarten thru third grade and 30 minutes in fourth and fifth grade. CHamoru language and Guam History are also required as a subject period for a full year in middle and high schools. Sen. Franklin Quitugua led the fight for the Chamorro Language and Culture Program.
[***By Lazaro Quinata***](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/)
## For further reading
[*An Act to Add Subchapter B to Chapter VI of Title XII of the Government Code of Guam Relating to Chamorro Language and Cultural Education*](https://www.guamlegislature.com/Public_Laws_12th/PL12-031.pdf). Public Law 12-31, Bill 269. 12th Guam Legislature (1973).
[*An Act to Amend Section 11200 of the Government Code and to Add Sections Teaching of Chamorro Language and Culture in the Public Schools of Guam and for Other Purposes*](https://www.guamlegislature.com/Public_Laws_14th/PL14-053.pdf). Public Law 14-53, Bill 304. 14th Guam Legislature (1977).
[*Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965*](https://www2.ed.gov/documents/essa-act-of-1965.pdf). Public Law 89-10, *US Statutes at Large* 79 (1965).
Palomo, Rosa Salas. “Bilingual/Bicultural Education Program on Guam.” Interview by Lazaro Quinata. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 10 March 2021. Audio, 56:31.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Education, Education, Guamanian Era: Education, Modern Guam Rises
**Tags:** Guam's Bilingual/Bicultural Program
---
### [US Naval Era: Island Court System](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-island-court-system/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Many of the first US Naval governors of Guam attempted to reorganize the court system. Guam’s first appointed US Navy Governor Richard P. Leary (1899–1900) created the Supreme Court of Guam in April 1900.
**Content:**
# US Naval Era: Island Court System
#### Table of Contents
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## First reorganization attempts
Many of the first [US Naval](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) governors of Guam attempted to reorganize the court system.
Guam’s first appointed US Navy Governor Richard P. Leary (1899–1900) created the Supreme Court of Guam in April 1900. With this act, the power of appeal was transferred from Spain’s Supreme Court in Madrid to the American governor. Leary appointed himself presiding justice, as had many Spanish governors in the past. Consisting of a five-man ruling panel, the Supreme Court of Guam served as the highest court in the island’s judicial system, functioning as an appellate court that oversaw all criminal cases.
Between 1903 and 1904, Naval Governor William E. Sewell added to the reformation of the island’s judicial system by amending tax, prison, and game laws. He also enacted orders to control commercial corporations as well as beginning the revision of the island’s criminal code. One of his main contributions to the island’s fledgling American judicial system was the issuance of General Order No. 69 in 1903 formalizing the system and procedures. This system remained relatively intact until the 1930s.
Naval Governor George Dyer (1904–1905) continued with the judicial modifications in 1905 when he replaced the Supreme Court of Guam with the Court of Appeals – an effort Dyer hoped would bring more organization to the island’s government. The new court consisted of three judges although the number would temporarily increase when capital cases were reviewed. Of the judges, at least two were CHamoru/Chamorro. However, what remained unaddressed was Guam’s ability to hold a trial by jury or to convict a person.
In 1910, Governor Edward Dorn (1907–1910) recognized the inability of the Spanish Court of First Instance to manage all cases, which prompted him to create Island Court. Because the judge of the Spanish Court of First Instance held all investigatory responsibility, Dorn alleviated those duties and passed them to the Island Attorney, forefather of today’s Attorney General of Guam. The island attorney then was Tomas Calvo. The Island Court consisted of two judges at the time: Luis de Torres and Joaquin Perez.
In the following years, other small courts were created, including the Police Court in 1906, followed by the Court of Equity, the Higher Court of Equity, and the Special Courts in 1916. Each court managed a respective area of dispute ranging from misdemeanors to felonies. A new courthouse was opened in 1929.
By 1933, the following courts had been successfully established: a Police Court, a Justice Court and the Island Court. There was also a Court of Appeals, which served as Guam’s Supreme Court which was comprised of five judges including the presiding justice, two Naval officers and two local judges.
The Police Court heard only misdemeanor criminal cases in which the penalty did not exceed six months or more of imprisonment or a fine of $100. Most of the cases handled by the Police Court included violations of traffic rules, public drunkenness, or sanitary regulations.
The Justice Court, precursor of the small claims court, maintained jurisdiction in criminal cases that involved a fine of more $100, but less than $300, or an imprisonment term of six months, but less than a year. The types of cases usually involved property disputes of less than $75, forcible entry, and debt collection of fines no more than $12.
The Island Court held general jurisdiction of both criminal and civil cases, excluding those assigned by law to another court; all probate matters; domestic and criminal cases; and, appeals from the Police Court which involved mandatory imprisonment or fines $25 or more. In 1949, the Island Court was comprised of one CHamoru judge.
## Post World War II military courts
After the Japanese occupation during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) in 1944, American forces declared a state of emergency martial law and military courts were established for the trial of civilians. The Summary Provost Court, comprised of one Naval officer, was established with jurisdiction similar to that of the pre-war justice court.
The Superior Provost Court, which also consisted of one Naval officer, handled all other less serious crimes, including those with unlimited fines and imprisonment of less than 10 years. The Military Commission tried all other serious crimes and remained the highest court at the time.
These courts had no jury and there was no option to appeal the decisions to a higher court, although the approval of the Secretary of the Navy was mandatory before execution of criminal cases.
## Superior Court established
In April 1945, the Land and Claims Commission was formed by Naval authorities. Its purpose was to review and process war claims by the CHamorus/Chamorros, damage to property, personal injury, and death claims. However, since there were few local attorneys in Guam at that time, the CHamoru people often felt intimidated by the power and experience of American lawyers and felt that they were no match against them.
The Superior Court of Guam was established on 1 November 1947. A year later, the US Congress attempted to pass a bill to abolish it. The local people were unsatisfied with the handling of the court with regard to land condemnation cases and with the dual function of the Superior Court Judge John Fisher who also served as Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeals. However, in January of 1949, the bill was vetoed.
A new courthouse in Hagåtña opened in 1947 replacing the old courthouse in the Robert Coontz building. Over the next few years, the stipulations of Guam’s [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) were drawn up, much to the consternation of the US Department of Defense which wanted Guam to remain under control of the US Navy. By 1950, with the passage of the act, CHamorus were granted US citizenship. Guam became an unincorporated US territory and was granted the ability to form a judicial branch of the government of Guam—the first such rights afforded to the people of Guam.
As part of the 1950 Judiciary Act, a bill was drafted to strengthen the island’s court system. Judge Albert B. Maris—then chairman of the US Judicial Conference, judge of the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals, and chief judge of the Emergency Court of Appeals—aided in the preparation of the judiciary bill; Public Law No. 17.
The Judiciary Act abolished the Justice Court, the Traffic Branch of the Police Court, and the Court of Appeals. The District Court of Guam, formed in 1950, assumed the responsibilities of the latter. The act further reduced the number of courts, including the Island Court, the Police Court, and the Commissioners Court to the District Court, which claimed jurisdiction for both federal and local cases.
[***By Marguerite Saussotte***](http://www.guampedia.com/marguerite-saussotte/)
## For further reading
James, Roy E. “The Island Possession of Guam.” In *America’s Pacific Dependencies*. By Rupert Emerson. New York: American Institute of Pacific Relations, 1949.
Judiciary of Guam. “[Judiciary of Guam (Hustisian Guahån)](http://www.guamsupremecourt.com/index.asp).”
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Anthony P. *Justice on Guam: A Historical Review.* Hagåtña: Superior Court of Guam, 1991.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
US Naval Administration of Guam. *Guam News Letter* 3, no. 2 (August 1911).
–––. *Guam News Letter* 5, no. 4 (October 1913).
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Justice, US Naval Era
**Tags:** US Naval Era: Island Court System
---
### [History of the Guam Courts](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-the-guam-courts/)
**Published:** January 24, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Current Court system of Guam set up in 1950. All nations operate under a system of laws that generally direct how people live, work, do business, recreate, worship or engage in any other kinds of social interactions. Laws necessarily help societies and governments maintain order. Laws, however, need courts in order to help interpret and apply laws, particularly when individual parties, government units, or businesses are in conflict or dispute. Courts help resolve these disputes. They also uphold limitations to government and protect citizens from abuse. They protect rights, including those of individuals who cannot protect themselves.
**Content:**
# History of the Guam Courts
View more images for the History of the Guam Courts entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72177720296085633/).
#### Table of Contents
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> Each of us wants a fair and objective court system that will protect our rights—one that will neutrally determine the truth of criminal allegations and factual disputes. We expect our judges to rise above personal prejudices and to remain beyond political concern. In order for the Judiciary to accomplish our duty, we must—of necessity—be free from the trappings of power, of influence, of relationships, of emotions du jour. The weight of that awesome responsibility is what we have perhaps idealistically chosen. But in a real sense, that is the lonely—and often misunderstood—solemn duty of an independent Judiciary.
>
> [Chief Justice Peter C. Siguenza, Jr.](https://www.guampedia.com/peter-c-siguenza-jr/ "Peter C. Siguenza, Jr.")
> State of the Judiciary Address, 1 May 1998
## Current Court system of Guam set up in 1950
All nations operate under a system of laws that generally direct how people live, work, do business, recreate, worship or engage in any other kinds of social interactions. Laws necessarily help societies and governments maintain order. Laws, however, need courts in order to help interpret and apply laws, particularly when individual parties, government units, or businesses are in conflict or dispute. Courts help resolve these disputes. They also uphold limitations to government and protect citizens from abuse. They protect rights, including those of individuals who cannot protect themselves.
The court system in Guam was set forth by the signing of the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/ "Organic Act of Guam") in 1950. The Organic Act also provided the foundation of Guam’s modern local government. Until the establishment of the judiciary, Guam laws were adjudicated in the local courts established under the American naval administration. The Organic Act, therefore, provided the first meaningful opportunity for the people of Guam to create, administer and arbitrate policy and laws for themselves.
### Ancient Era
Clearly, the CHamoru/Chamorro people had numerous traditional laws and customs before the arrival of the Spanish and the introduction of Catholicism in the late 1600s. These laws were based on the cultural values and norms that allowed the people to thrive in the Marianas for thousands of years. They had rules determining the use of land and ocean resources and lines of inheritance. They had rituals and laws for marriage, as well as specific norms of behavior between genders and among different social status groups. They had no formal courts as we know them, but instead relied on leadership councils of elders to help resolve conflicts, make decisions about warfare and negotiate terms of peace. These laws changed with Spanish colonization.
### Spanish Era
As [a territory of Spain](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), the Spanish crown had the absolute authority over the Mariana Islands. The Council of Indies was the advisory and administrative body for all of Spain’s overseas territories. In 1679, the Council of Indies established the administrative jurisdiction of the Mariana Islands under the Viceroyalty of New Spain and the *Audiencia* (courts) of the Philippine Islands.
The legal system of the Marianas, thus, fell under the ecclesiastical law of the Catholic Church and the 1680 Spanish civil and criminal code known as the Law of the Indies. The Governor of Guam had combined civil and military responsibilities, issuing orders by edict and acting as judge as well as chief of police. Justice under the Spanish was usually severe and could include various kinds of punishment and retribution, such as fines, confiscation of property, forced labor, lashings and executions.
The governor was assisted in managing the different villages or pueblos by an *alcalde* who maintained order as well as maintained roads and bridges in his village and overseeing the labor of the CHamoru people. In the 1790s, the *alcade* was still appointed by the governor, but was assisted by a *gobenadorcillo* selected from a list of CHamoru elites or *principales* derived from the CHamorus in each village.
In 1844, the government in Spain decided to organize the judicial system, and issued a Royal Decree stating that judges in the courts of Manila would have a law degree. Guam had a judge appointed to handle affairs in the island; however, he resigned believing the Marianas had such a small number of lawsuits and criminal and civil cases they could do without a judge with a law degree. A decree in 1854 abolished the court of first instance (i.e., the court where cases are tried or proceedings initiated) and the responsibilities of administering judicial matters fell again on the Governor. At the time, Governor Felipe de la Corte, himself a lawyer, recommended the separation of the judiciary and the governor, especially when Spain determined to make Guam a penal colony.
The assassination of Governor Angel de Pazos y Vela Hidalgo in 1884 led to reforms of the judiciary system. In 1885, a royal decree was enacted to establish CHamoru justices-of-the-peace to be appointed by the governor. The Spanish-Philippine Law of Civil Procedure became the law of the land in the Marianas. The *gobernadorcillo* by this time had authority to judge cases of robbery of goods up to 40 pesos in value and could order sentences of up to 10 days and fines up to five pesos. He could also initiate proceedings of criminal cases, but only with officials of the government present.
However, more serious judicial matters were still the purview of the governor, although, as the governor was not a professional judge, he would still need to await confirmation from the *audiencia* in the Philippines before meting out important sentences.
By the time of the American takeover of Guam in 1898, many of the existing laws were used by the United States to reorganize the local government, including the Spanish Penal Code, the Law of Civil Procedure, and the Spanish Mortgage Law, which was modified several times prior to World War II.
### US Naval Administration
In 1898 Guam laws were adjudicated in the local courts established under the [American naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/). However, the Spanish legal system was kept largely in place and replaced only piecemeal when it suited the operations of the new military government.
The naval governor was appointed by the President of the United States and was to answer only to the President, who was the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy. The governor held supreme legislative, executive and judicial authority of the island. In 1900 Guam’s first American governor, [Richard Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/), established the Supreme Court of Guam as a five-man appellate court with the governor as Presiding Justice.
The transition from the Spanish to the Navy’s legal system for Guam began in 1903, when Governor W. E. Sewell’s General Order 69 formalized Guam’s judicial system and instituted new land tax rates, replacing the Spanish land tax rates. He also reformed prison laws, game laws and controls over commercial corporations, as well as revised the Criminal Code. According to G.O. 69, the judicial system was “vested in a Supreme Court, Courts of First Instance and Courts and Justices of the Peace…and of such municipal courts and special tribunals as may hereafter be established.” The order also listed the powers and responsibilities of members of the court, including judges and peace officers. Appeals did not go beyond the Supreme Court of Guam.
In 1905, Governor GL Dyer abolished the Supreme Court of the island and replaced it with the Court of Appeals. The Spanish titles including *gobernadorcillo* were replaced with English equivalents. CHamorus who could speak Spanish and English (and a few elite Filipino political exiles) were appointed to serve in the courts. Under the naval administration, this was the island’s highest court of law, consisting of a chief justice and two associate justices. The trial court, or island court, had one judge who was usually CHamoru. A police court that tried minor offenses was put in place around 1906 and was also presided over by a CHamoru judge.
By 1910, Governor EJ Dorn established the Island Court, with two judges, to replace the court of first instance and its one judge. Dorn replaced all the CHamoru justices with commissioned officers from the US Navy and the Marine Corps. There was no trial by jury, and still, no court of appeals beyond Guam. A backlog in trial cases led to the creation of the first public prosecutor, the island attorney, later called the attorney general, to help relieve the judge of investigatory functions. An additional court for trying equity cases was established in 1916 and was presided over by an officer of the Navy.
Eventually, CHamoru justices were brought back into the court system. [Pale’ Eric Forbes](https://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/ "Eric Forbes") presents a look at the slate of court officials in the early 1900s on his blog ([paleric.blogspot.com](http://paleric.blogspot.com)): The courthouse was located in Hagåtña, at the corner of present-day Skinner Plaza, between the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/ "Guam Museum") and the Hagåtña Post Office. It was called the Tribunal or I Tribunåt. Spanish resident Pedro Duarte was the Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals, with Gregorio Perez and Jesus Torres serving as Associate Justices and Joaquin Perez and Jose Taitano as Supplementary Associate Justices. Manuel Sablan served as clerk of courts. A Filipino exile, Pancracio Palting, headed the Island Court, and the island attorney in charge of prosecuting cases was Tomas Calvo Anderson. In 1918, CHamorus justices of the court included Judges Joaquin Cruz Perez, Vicente P. Camacho, Luis de Torres, AT Perez, and Jose Roberto.
In 1929, the judiciary was housed on the second floor of the Coontz building. There were separate offices for the department head and judges of the Island Court and Police Court, rooms for files and records, and two courtrooms.
Up until the 1930s, Guam’s status as a colony of the US and a military base, with a mix of Spanish era codes and military codes, presented legal conundrums, from the lack of appeals outside Guam to legal jurisdiction and the application of civil laws to military personnel stationed on the island. It was not until 1933, however, when Governor George Alexander reorganized the judicial system, replacing previous laws with new codes based on California law. The 1933 Code of Civil Procedure defined the courts under the American court system. The new courts were the Police Court, Justice Court, Island Court and Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals was the highest court in Guam with five judges appointed by the governor—the presiding justice who was a naval officer, two other naval officers and two Guamanian judges—but there was no requirement for justices to be lawyers or qualified in matters of law.
The Court of Appeals heard all criminal, civil and special cases sent by the Island Court and Justice Court, and issued writs of mandamus, certiorari, prohibition and habeas corpus among others. The Island Court tried both civil and criminal cases, with some exceptions. The Island Court had jurisdiction over matters including probate, guardianship, trusteeships and divorces and marriage annulments. The Justice Court was presided over by one Guamanian judge and handled misdemeanor criminal cases involving fines over $100 and more than six months imprisonment, as well as small damages claims, while the Police Court handled misdemeanor criminal cases valued as less than $100 and involving less than six months imprisonment, and violations of sanitation, traffic and drunkenness. Prison sentences of more than one year ordered by the Island Court had to be reviewed and approved by the Court of Appeals.
Smaller violations such as public drunkenness and cases involving fines less than $5 in the outlying villages could usually be handled by the municipal commissioners. The Attorney General was an appointed naval officer and administered the Department of Law, with three appointed Guamanian attorneys to assist. The Department of Law also handled requests for land transfers and requests for sales. Sales for real property needed approval of the governor and investigated by the island attorney.
The use of prior Spanish laws and California codes still made for a confusing mix of laws to enforce and to try cases effectively, with boards and agencies often creating their own rules and operations. By 1937, the first printing of the Codes of Guam was issued but the lack of a compiler of laws made the Codes of Guam incomplete.
### World War II-Japanese Occupation
The courts of Guam were not active during the [Japanese Occupation of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/ "Japanese Occupation of Guam") in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) from December 1941 to July 1944. Under Japanese rule, the military commander held supreme rights of legislature, judiciary and administration in Guam. The Minseibu, the division of the Navy in charge of civil affairs, administered all areas including police, agriculture, religion and the judiciary. The island was divided into 16 districts and municipal commissioners were put in place as village headmen (*sanchō*) to help communicate orders and rules between the Japanese and the CHamoru people. Unlike the years under the American administration, where the village commissioners participated in the judicial system, under the Japanese, the commissioners were just to transmit orders. The Order Regarding Court Management gave authority to a Japanese official known as the district branch chief of the Nan’yōchō to “sentence islanders to less than a year in prison or detention. He could also convert prison time to service time.”
The Navy’s Outline of Conduct of Military Administration gave the Military Offenses Tribunal jurisdiction over the CHamorus who violated military orders. Judicial power over civil affairs was held by the Minseibu chief. In 1944 towards the end of the occupation, the pre-war island attorney, Edward Duenas, was beheaded by the Japanese along with [Father Jesus B. Duenas ](https://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/ "Father Jesus Baza Duenas")in Tai, [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/).
### Immediate Postwar Courts
After the liberation by American forces, a state of emergency martial law was declared with Exception Military Courts set up for Guam civilians in 1946. A naval officer presided over the Summary Provost Court which had jurisdiction over cases that involved less than one year in prison and less than $100 fine. The Superior Provost Court had at least one officer and jurisdiction over cases with unlimited fines and less than 10 years imprisonment. The Military Commission was the highest court and tried the most serious crimes. There were no juries, nor a higher court of appeal, but the military governor’s legal staff reviewed all cases and the Secretary of the Navy had to approve sentences before they were carried out.
Two Guamanian judges served in the postwar Navy courts: Vicente P. Camacho and Jose C. Manibusan. Land claims issues dominated the courts as CHamorus made claims for land lost or damaged property or land taken away by the military government for military use through the passage of P.L. 594, the Land Acquisition Act. The Land and Claims Commission, set up to address the land issues, took advantage of the lack of experienced private attorneys to represent the interests of CHamoru landowners, but the CHamoru landowners called out the bias of the commission and the Navy-appointed Judge as taking the side of the military during proceedings.
In 1947, the reinstituted Guam Congress approved the establishment of a Superior Court, but, dissatisfied with the Navy’s judge and the lack of CHamoru judges on the court, they called for its abolishment the following year. The bill to abolish the court, however, was vetoed by [Governor Charles A. Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/). Eventually, relations between the Guam Congress and the military administration over land, immigration, differential pay scales and other issues deteriorated to the point that the White House and Congress finally relented to relieving the military of its control over Guam. However, before the signing of the Organic Act in 1950, the military and federal government had taken over about one-third of the island’s land.
## New government and new courts under the Organic Act of Guam
The signing of the Organic Act of Guam in August 1950 effectively gave the people of Guam US citizenship and the opportunity for limited self-government. The executive, legislative and judicial branches, their structure, powers and responsibilities, were laid out in the Organic Act, thus providing the foundation for Guam’s modern local government.
The judicial branch was set forth by Section 22-a with the establishment of the District Court of Guam. The Superior Court was dissolved and the District Court took over all its cases. The District Court judge was to be appointed by the President of the United States, with the advice and consent of the Senate. The District Court had jurisdiction for all cases arising from local and federal laws including constitutional issues, international treaties and other federal matters, as well as civil cases of more than $2,000 in value and all felony criminal cases. Appeals went to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco, then on to the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC. The first District Court judge was Paul Shriver of Colorado. Other positions were created for the court under the Department of Justice, including US district attorney and US marshal.
Section 22 also gave the Government of Guam the authority to create local courts. In 1951, the First Guam Legislature hired Attorney John Bohn who, along with former Court of Appeals Judge Albert Maris, wrote the Judiciary Act of Guam to help modernize and reorganize the court system. The act defined the jurisdictions and powers of the courts. It established the Judicial Council, composed of the judge of the District Court as chair; the chief judge of the Island Court, the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary from the Guam Legislature, the attorney general of Guam and the president of the Guam Bar Association.
Before the war, there had been four courts: the Court of Appeals, the Island Court, the Justice Court and Police Court. The Judiciary Act abolished the Justice Court and the traffic branch of the Police Court, and reduced the number of local courts to three—the Island Court for trials of civil and criminal cases; the Police Court for traffic cases; and the Commissioners Court to handle matters of the justice-of-the-peace. The Commissioners Court was presided over by the commissioners or mayors of each municipality, handling petty offenses and fines less than $5. The Island Court heard misdemeanors and civil cases less than $2,000. The District Court heard civil cases valuing more than $2,000 and had jurisdiction over all felonies. Appeals from the Island Court were heard by the District Court of Guam. Criminal misdemeanors with fines less than $100 and sentences less than six months were the purview of the Police court. In 1952, the First Guam Legislature also passed a Juvenile Delinquency Act which changed the handling of juvenile offenders as adult criminals. The Juvenile Court was part of the Island Court.
Importantly, the Judiciary Act also outlined the powers, qualifications and disqualification of judges, as well as the duties and positions of court personnel, including clerks, reporters, marshalls, the attorney general and the prosecuting attorney. Requirements were also put in place as to who could actually practice law in Guam, as well as a probation system for court members.
In 1953, Bohn re-codified the laws of Guam, taking the jumble of old statutes, orders and acts from the naval administration and creating the Code of Guam. The new code included penal, civil, probate and civil procedure codes. Bohn published the Guam Code annually until 1974.
The Island Court’s first senior judge was Jose C. Manibusan, with Vicente Reyes, and Francisco LG Lujan who oversaw the Police Court. The Police Court was abolished after the retirement of Francisco LG Lujan in 1960 and the duties were taken over by the Island Court. With the increase in cases, Joaquin C. Perez was added to the roster of judges on the Island Court. He was elevated as senior judge of the Island Court upon Manibusan’s retirement and Cristobal C. Duenas then replaced Perez. Judge Duenas would eventually be the first CHamoru appointed to serve as District Court judge in 1969.
## Trial by jury
At the time of its implementation, the Organic Act was deemed incomplete. Regarding the judicial system, trials by jury and rights to grand jury indictment had been omitted, given the small size of Guam’s population and the notion that familial relationships would make it difficult to find impartial jurors. However, the criminal case of *Government of Guam v. Hatchett* and the ruling by the Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit specifically pointed out that the prosecution of a felony (Hatchett was arrested on a felony charge of involuntary manslaughter) must be brought by grand jury indictments (Hatchett had not been indicted by a grand jury) unless waived by the accused. As a result of this decision, the Third Guam Legislature put in place P.L. 42 to provide a jury system for the island courts.
## 1974 Court Reorganization Act
In 1974, the 12th Guam Legislature passed the Court Reorganization Act (P. L. 12-85) which completely abolished the Police and Commissioners courts. The Island Court became the Superior Court of Guam and the title of senior judge was changed to Presiding Judge. Appeals from Superior Court were sent to the District Court. Joaquin Perez was named the first Presiding Judge and was succeeded later by Paul J. Abbate, Jr.; the judges from the Island Court and Police Court were assigned to the Superior Court. An office for the Compiler of Laws was also established to keep track of changes to the Guam Code that had previously been organized and published by John Bohn since the 1950s.
The Court Reorganization Act also provided for the establishment of the Supreme Court of Guam. Presiding Judge Perez became the first Chief Justice. However, the Act was challenged in the District Court of Guam with arguments that the Legislature had overstepped its authority in creating the Supreme Court. In 1975, the House Committee on the Judiciary of the 94th Congress held a hearing on H.R. 4580, submitted by [Guam Delegate Antonio Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), to amend the Organic Act of Guam to provide for the reorganization of the judicial system of Guam and the creation of the Supreme Court. In 1977, in the case *Territory of Guam v. Olsen, 431 US 195 (1977)* the US Supreme Court ruled that the Organic Act did not allow for the transfer of appellate jurisdiction from the District Court of Guam. The Supreme Court of Guam was subsequently abolished. H.R. 4580 was sent to the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs in 1976, but was not acted upon further.
## Guam Courts: 1980s to today
The Guam Courts have grown in operations and services to meet the diverse needs of Guam’s growing population. In the late 1980s, the Superior Court expanded to include the General Administration, Financial Management, Marshalls, Probations, and the Courts and Ministerial Divisions. In 1987, the Guam Legislature began codifying all of Guam’s laws, while the Superior Court established the Rules of Civil Procedure, the Court for Small Claims, and Child Support Rules. The Superior Court also began indexing decisions of the local courts as well as providing access to Westlaw, a national index of laws and court decisions.
With more than 300 attorneys on island in government and private practice, the court wanted to ensure that any attorney practicing law in Guam would be duly qualified. In 1988, the Board of Law Examiners, the administrators of the Bar Exam (the qualifying exam for practicing law in the states and territories), decided that any applicant wishing to practice law in Guam must pass the Multistate Professional Responsibility Examination (MPRE), based on a specific standard scoring system. The Legislature also enacted a law to disallow unapproved American Bar Association Law School graduates from taking the Bar Exam straight out of graduate school.
In light of increasing cases among juvenile offenders, Judge Benjamin Cruz established the Family Court in 1987. A pre-adjudication diversion program was set up to help offenders not involved with serious crimes or felonies to go through an informal probation status before having to face the formal procedures of family court. In addition, parenting and other counseling programs were developed to help curb the rise in juvenile delinquency on the island and address associated problems with families and at home.
To address issues of overcrowding in prisons and detention centers, the Superior Court developed the Alternative Sentencing program, giving judges other options such as placing defendants in community service programs. In 1990, the program was expanded to offer defendants counseling services, including marriage reconciliation, parenting, alcohol treatment and juvenile crime and petty theft prevention. The Client Services division was also formed to provide counseling and psychological services, and to recommend and provide treatment to criminal offenders, victims and family members involved in violent crimes, such as sexual abuse and rape.
Other changes at the courts was P.L. 20-28, passed by the 20th Guam Legislature in 1989 to raise the filing limit in Small Claims Court from $1,000 to $10,000. The Guam Rule of Civil Procedure for Small Claims was also revised and ratified that year.
In 1990, at the urging of the Court, the Legislature passed a Victims Bill of Rights to address issues of restitution and to guarantee the expectation that offenders would be detained in custody, tried in court and punished. A Criminal Injuries Compensation Commission was put in place to help provide additional compensation of a victim that went above any court ordered restitution. The commission also provided a requirement that victims be notified that their assailant was finished with their jail term or being released. The 20th Guam Legislature also established a new Child Support Enforcement unit to help deal with the problem of collecting child support.
In 1994, the 22nd Guam Legislature increased the number of Superior Court judges to seven, including the Presiding Judge, through P.L. 22-75, to handle the increasing caseloads of the court system. Over the years, other specialty courts were put in place to address specific kinds of cases, including the Juvenile Drug Court (2002), Adult Drug Court (2004), Mental Health Court (2009), DWI Court (2011) and Veterans Treatment Court (VTC) (2020) .
## Guam Supreme Court established
After the earlier attempt to establish a Supreme Court of Guam was quashed in 1977, the US Congress amended the Organic Act with the Omnibus Territories Act of 1984 to allow the territory to form a Supreme Court and for the Guam Legislature for create an appellate court to hear cases in Guam over which any court established by the US Constitution and laws of the US would not have exclusive jurisdiction. Included was a requirement that during the first 15 years of the establishment of the Guam Supreme Court, the 9th Circuit Court would maintain judicial overview in the appeals process. The Act, however, did not describe how the new judicial system would be administered.
In 1986, the people of Guam voted to change the island’s political status to a commonwealth and called for the removal of the 9th Circuit Court’s oversight mandated in the Omnibus Act and for the independence of Guam’s courts.
In late 1992, [Senator Pilar Lujan](https://www.guampedia.com/pilar-cruz-lujan/ "Pilar Cruz Lujan"), Chairwoman of the Legislative Judiciary Committee in the 21st Guam Legislature, led the passage of the Frank LG Lujan Memorial Court Reorganization Act (P.L. 21-147) to reestablish the Supreme Court of Guam. However, the Court was not created by the Organic Act and therefore, was subject to changes from the Guam Legislature. Indeed, within hours after the first judges were sworn in, the Legislature removed certain administrative powers of the Court over the local judiciary.
Nevertheless, efforts to establish the Judiciary as a third, independent branch of government continued. In the US Congress,[ Delegate Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/ "Robert Underwood") introduced legislation for a Unified Judicial System to be headed by the Supreme Court of Guam. The legislation was introduced in the 106th and 107th Congresses in 2000 and 2001, respectively. In April 2003, the 27th Guam Legislature tried to reorganize the judiciary as an independent, co-equal branch with Substitute Bill No. 48 (COR), but this effort was shot down by veto. Then, in June, Delegate Madeleine Bordallo introduced H.R. 2400 in the 108th Congress, but by October, the Legislature overrode the veto and P.L. 27-31 was passed, finally establishing a Unified Judiciary for Guam.
The following year, on 30 October 2004, Congress passed H.R. 2400 (P.L. 108-378) which formalized the Judiciary of Guam (Hustisian Guahan) as a co-equal branch of the Government of Guam. In this capacity, the Judiciary would be better able to administer its operations and protect individual freedoms and rights. It also placed the Supreme Court of Guam on equal footing with other state Supreme Courts. Appeals from the Guam Courts would go to the Supreme Court of Guam and not the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. Appeals of Guam Supreme Court decisions would be taken to the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC, for review.
The Judicial Council, composed of all the full-time justices of the Supreme Court, the Presiding Judge of the Superior Court and a delegated Superior Court judge, is in charge of administering the Judiciary of Guam. The Council recommends policies and hearing appeals of all classified employees, among its other duties.
## Superior Courthouse and Judicial Center
After World War II, a new courthouse was opened in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), as the Coontz Building which housed the courts had been destroyed during the island’s Liberation. The courthouse was later transferred to the Guam Legislature building. Then, in 1968, a newly constructed courthouse opened on West O’Brien Drive across the Nieves Flores Memorial Public Library. But with all the expanding services and staff of the Courts of Guam, more room was needed.
In 1988, ground was broken on West Soledad in Hagåtña for an $11 million complex to house the Guam Judicial Center and to renovate the Superior Court Annex on West O’Brien Drive. The Judicial Center opened in 1996. The Supreme Court sits in the Monessa G. Lujan Memorial Courtroom on the Center’s third floor.
## Appointment of Judges
*District Court of Guam*
Under a provision of the Organic Act the President of the United States appoints the Judge of the District Court of Guam, with the advice and consent of the US Senate. The District Court receives its funding from the federal government. Judges of the District Court are appointed to a 10-year term, which is renewable.
*Superior Court of Guam*
Judges of the Superior Court of Guam are appointed by the Governor of Guam with the advice and consent of the Guam Legislature. Judges serve a term of eight years. After this time, if a judge wishes to remain, their name is placed on the ballot of a general election. The judge must obtain 50% plus one favorable vote of all the ballots cast to remain in office.
## List of Judges
List of District Court chief Judges and Superior Court/Supreme Court justices
**District Court Chief Judges**
- Frances Tydingco-Gatewood (2006-present)
- Michael J. Bordallo (Magistrate, 2020-present)
**Former District Court Judges**
- John S. Unpingco (1992-2004)
- Cristobal C. Duenas (1969-1991)
- Eugene R. Gilmartin (1959-1961)
- Paul D. Shriver (1951-1959; 1961-1969)
### Supreme Court
**Chief Justice**
- F. Philip Carbullido (2020-present)
**Associate Justices**
- Katherine A. Maraman (2008-present)
- Robert J. Torres, Jr. (2004-present)
**Former Chief Justices**
- Peter C. Siguenza, Jr. (2001-2003; 1996-1999)
- Benjamin J. F. Cruz (1999-2001)
- F. Philip Carbullido (2003-2008; 2011-2014)
- Robert J. Torres, Jr. (2008-2011; 2014-2017)
- Katherine A. Maraman (2017-2020)
- Joaquin C. Perez (1974-1976, first Supreme Court of Guam)
**Former Associate Justices**
- Benjamin JF Cruz (1997-1999)
- Peter C. Siguenza, Jr. (1999-2001)
- Janet H. Weeks (1996-1999)
- Frances Tydingco-Gatewood (2002-2006)
- Monessa G. Lujan (1996-1997)
### Superior Court
**Presiding Judge**
- Alberto C. Lamorena III (1988-present)
**Former Presiding Judges**
- Joaquin C. Perez (07/1974-10/1974)
- Paul J. Abbate, Jr. (1974-1988)
**Judges- Current**
- Arthur R. Barcinas (2005-present)
- Vernon P. Perez (2009-present)
- Maria Teresa B. Cenzon (2012-present)
- Elyze M. Iriarte (2016-present)
- Dana A. Gutierrez (2020-present)
- Alberto E. Tolentino (2021-present)
**Judicial Officers of the Superior Court**
- Benjamin C. Sison, Jr. (Magistrate Judge)
- Jonathan R. Quan (Magistrate Judge)
- Linda L. Ingles (Family Court Referee)
- B. Ann Keith (Administrative Hearings Officer)
- Maria G. Fitzpatric (Small Claims and Traffic Court Referee)
**Judges-Former**
- Benjamin JF Cruz (1984-1997)
- Peter C. Siguenza, Jr. (1984-1996)
- Frances Tydingco-Gatewood (1994-2002)
- Katherine A. Maraman (1994-2008)
- Elizabeth Barrett-Anderson (1998-2012)
- Joaquin C. Perez (Island Court 1960-1969)
- Paul J. Abbate, Jr. (1969-1988)
- Joaquin VE Manibusan, Sr. (1974-1995)
- Joaquin VE Manibusan, Jr. (1995-2004)
- Vicente C. Reyes (1974-1975)
- Richard Benson (1974-1981)
- Janet H. Weeks (1975-1996)
- John Raker (1975-1984)
- Ramon V. Diaz (1980-1994)
- Anita Sukola (2002-2021)
- Steven S. Unpingco (1997-2011)
- Michael J. Bordallo (1998-2020)
- Alberto C. Lamorena III (1988-present)
- James L. Canto II (2011-2016)
***[By Dominica Tolentino](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/ "Dominica Tolentino")***
## For further reading
[*Amendment to the Organic Act of Guam to Provide for the Reorganization of the Judicial System of Guam, and for Other Purposes*](https://www.congress.gov/bill/94th-congress/house-bill/4580/titles). H.R. 4580. 94th Congress, 1975.
Brunal-Perry, Omaira. “Nineteenth-Century Spanish Administrative Development in the Province of Guam.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume One. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Cox, Leonard M., Edward J. Dorn, Kenneth C. McIntosh, and Merlyn G. Cook. *The Island of Guam*. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1917.
*District Court of Guam*. “[About the Court](https://www.gud.uscourts.gov/about-court).”
Farrell, Don A. *History of the Mariana Islands to Partition*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Public School System, 2011.
Higuchi, Wakako. *The Japanese Administration of Guam, 1941-1944: A Study of Occupation and Integration Policies, with Japanese Oral Histories*. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2013.
Judiciary of Guam. [*2020 Judiciary of Guam Annual Report*](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Guam-Judiciary-2020-Annual-Report.pdf). Hagåtña: GJ, 2022.
*–––*. “[Judiciary History](https://guamcourts.gov/Judicial-History/Judicial-History.html).” Last modified 28 February 2022.
Madrid, Carlos. *Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877*. Saipan: Northern Mariana Islands Council for Humanities, 2006.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Saussotte, Marguerite. “[US Naval Era: Judges and Island Attorneys](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-judges-and-island-attorneys/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 8 March 2022.
**Categories:** Justice, Modern Guam Rises
**Tags:** History of the Guam Courts
---
### [Hågat/Agat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The village of Hågat may have been named by the first clan who came to settle in the area from the northern part of Guam. It is also possible that the village name Hagat originally was derived from the word Aga, which is the CHamoru name of the Marianas Crow – a large black bird that makes the sound “aga” while flying low over the jungle.
**Content:**
# Hågat/Agat
View more photos for the Hågat/Agat entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622366949915/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Origin of village name in CHamoru
The village of Hågat may have been named by the first clan who came to settle in the area from the northern part of Guam. It is also possible that the village name *Hagat* originally was derived from the word *Aga*, which is the CHamoru/Chamorro name of the Marianas Crow – a large black bird that makes the sound “aga” while flying low over the jungle. The village’s name, too, could be derived from the CHamoru word *håga*, meaning blood.
## Population
According to the US Census in 2010, the population of Hågat was 4,917.
## Village officials
Kevin JT Susuico is the mayor of Hågat. Christopher J. Fejeran is the vice mayor.
## Village description
While many regard Hågat as the western gateway to the south, it is also the commercial center of the south. Numerous businesses – from merchants and restaurants to the 61-room Inn on the Bay – have sprung up in the once-quiet seaside village in the last few decades. Along with Hågat’s thriving business center, the old heart of the village still exists, with Our Lady of Mount Carmel Catholic Church, Convent, and School.
The seaside village of Hågat lies just south of Naval Base Guam. The village’s main road, Route 2, meanders through several commercial and residential areas. The road also leads to a group of public buildings, such as the Hågat Community Center, mayor’s office, and post office. Farther south, Route 2 runs along the coast of some of the finest beaches on Guam, including Nimitz Beach. Nearby is the popular Hågat Marina. The village of Hågat is also home to several parks dedicated to the events of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). These parks are part of the National Park Service’s War in the Pacific National Historical Park.
## Village history
It is believed that Chief Coroo headed the first clan of Hågat. Beloved by his people, he was also the eldest in the clan. Chief Coroo divided the village into families, each with its own surname. Many of these survive today but are referred to as CHamoru family names, such names as *Koroo, Kamachili, De’chi, Dagu, Kusiu, Min, Ato*, and *Gotgohu*, to name a few.
Spanish Governor [Jose de Quiroga](http://www.guampedia.com/jose-de-quiroga-y-losada/) then designed Old Hågat between 1680 and 1684 as a settlement for rebellious islanders whose homes he had destroyed during the CHamoru rebellion. Many of its citizens were brought from the interior village of Fena. The first church in Hågat was established in late 1680. In the early 1700s, this church was one of only six parishes on Guam.
Pre-war Hågat was a small village with a coast lined with coconut trees that produced copra (coconut meat). The village also supported farming, ranching, and fishing. Rice paddies existed on the coastal flats as well as the flat inland areas.
Throughout the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) from 1941 to 1944, new rice paddies were developed in Hågat to support the Japanese troops. Local people were forced into labor with little or no subsistence rations. Thirty days before landing on Guam on 11 June 1944, American air forces bombed the beaches of Hågat to clear Japanese positions. These bombings continued throughout June and July, destroying Japanese fortifications and virtually all of the structures of the village.
The beaches of Hågat and Asan were selected by the US forces for entry into the island, with two Marine Regimental Combat Teams and an Army Infantry Division landing at five points along the Hågat coast. They faced a 75 millimeter gun and a 37 millimeter gun mounted by the Japanese in a concrete blockhouse at Ga’an Point. In just the first day of the American invasion of Hågat beach on 21 July 455 Marines were killed and 536 were wounded. By nightfall, the Americans secured the Hågat beachhead, but were heavily assaulted by Japanese tanks that night. Heavy fighting ensued, and by the morning of July 22, the Americans had won the area and pressed onward toward Orote Point, eventually joining the forces that had landed in Asan.
After the Americans secured Hågat beach, they established a refugee camp for CHamorus freed from Japanese-made camps. At its peak, 18,000 people lived in the Hågat camp. Following the return of American forces, residents of Hågat lived in temporary houses before a [new Hågat village](http://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/) was established at a location farther south. Both the military government and CHamorus built homes at the new site. In August 1978, the US National Park Service established the War in the Pacific National Historical Park on Guam, which included sites at the Hågat invasion beaches.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## Points of interest
### Village map
### Institutions
**Maria Rivera Aguigui Memorial Library**
The Hågat public library was named after Maria Santos Rivera Aguigui in 2002 (Bill No. 349). Aguigui served forty years in the Guam Public School System in the villages of Hågat and Sumai. The library is open on Tuesday from 9 am to 5:30 pm with an hour lunch break.
**Marcial A. Sablan Elementary School**
Marcial A. Sablan Elementary consists of Kindergarten through fifth grades, and a Head Start program.
**Oceanview Middle School**
Oceanview Middle School was constructed in 1959 as Agat Junior High School. Later the school was modified into Oceanview High School, but has since reverted to a middle school.
**Our Lady of Mount Carmel Catholic Church**
Mt. Carmel was dedicated in 1937. It was rebuilt in its present location after World War II and is the center of village activities. A procession and village fiesta are held in July for the church’s patron saint, along with a procession for Santa Ana, the patron saint of Christian mothers. The village also holds another procession in honor of Santa Rosa.
**Our Lady of Mount Carmel School**
This Catholic school, located in the heart of Hågat, has pre-Kindergarten to eighth grade classes. In 2007, the threat of a closure loomed because of low enrollment rates, prompting the community and school alumni to rally in effort to keep the school open. Supporters coordinated events to raise funds and pushed for increased enrollment, which kept the school open.
**St. Andrew’s By the Philippine Sea**
This Episcopal church was constructed in the 1960s initially serving as a daycare center, but eventually became a parish.
**Santa Ana Chapel**
The [Santa Ana Chapel](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-ana-chapel-agat/) was built in the 1950s and dedicated in 1968. In 2008, the Chapel was rebuilt by the Santa Ana Lancheros Association of Hågat. Currently the chapel is maintained by the Mount Carmel Church.
**Southern Christian Academy**
Southern Christian Academy offers courses from preschool to grade 12. The school’s curriculum was adapted from A-Beka, McDougal Littell, Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI), Harcourt Brace, and Pacific Region Educational Laboratory publications.
### Historical
**Hågat Beach Unit of the War in the Pacific National Historic Park**
The Hågat Beach Unit of the War in the Pacific National Historic Park is one contiguous unit with four segments managed by the National Park Service. Two of these segments, Apaca and Ga’an Point, have visitor facilities including interpretive displays, picnic pavilions, barbecue grills, restrooms, and parking areas. Memorials and monuments have been added throughout the park.
**Mount Alifan**
This mountain rises 871 feet above the Hågat’s beaches and contains remains of the fighting between US and Japan’s armed forces at the end of WWII during the recapture of Guam. For the most part, the remains are craters, foxholes, emplacements, caves, and rifle-pits. Only two small features are constructed of concrete. Following capture of the mountain, American demolition teams sealed many caves on the forward slopes. The slopes contain many artifacts from the battle, including shell and bomb fragments and bullets.
**Taleyfac and Taelayag Spanish bridges**
These two stone bridges are reminders of Guam’s Spanish-colonial era. They are a couple of the few remaining bridges built using Spanish stone and mortar construction, and are listed on the Guam and National Registers of Historic Sites. The Taleyfac bridge, the more commonly known of the two, can still be seen just off the main road south of the main village, and was constructed by Governor Alexandro Parreño in 1785 over Talifac Creek (then called Muja Creek).
### Recreational
**Hågat Commercial Point Center**
Located at the entrance of the village across Inn on the Bay, the Hågat Commercial Point Center houses restaurants and businesses for the southern community.
**Hågat Sagan Bisita**
The Hågat Sagan Bisita, next to the Mayor’s Office, is a series of pavilions lined around a courtyard with a large stage. This facility hosts the Tuesday Night Market from 3 pm to 8 pm, the Annual Hågat Mango Festival, and is available for reservations.
**Hågat Small Boat Marina**
The marina is a modern facility for docking small boats. The facility includes a sea rescue operation, restaurant and icehouse. The marina is a popular location for fishing derbies and daily charter fishing trips for local residents and tourists.
**Hågat Senior Citizen Center**
The Hågat Senior Citizen Center is located on Calle Delos Marteres Road and is a place where the *man’amko* in the village can go to to relax, play bingo, cards, or mahjong.
**Hap’s Reef**
Located just off Hågat Bay, Hap’s Reef is a popular site for divers and snorkelers to enjoy different marine life. Beachgoers can also spot pilot whales from this location.
**Haya Youth Center**
Haya is located between the Hågat Gymnasium and Hågat Senior Citizens Center. It holds various after school programs. In addition, Haya Youth Center hosts the Hågat Community Youth Summer Camp.
**Inn on the Bay**
A 61-room long-term apartment completed in 1989, Inn on the Bay offers fully furnished rooms. The facility also maintains a backup generator for emergencies. Inn on the Bay’s usual customers include military and navy contractors but welcomes all visitors.
**Mango Festival**
The village of Hågat held the first Hågat Mango Festival in May 2007 at Nimitz Beach. The annual event includes a canoe paddling race, displays, vendors booths, and a mango culinary competition. It is hosted by the Hågat Municipal Planning Council and partially funded by Guam Visitors Bureau.
**Nimitz Beach**
Located at the south edge of Hågat, Nimitz Beach is a popular public beach and recreational area with pavilions.
## Village mayors/commissioners
- Kevin Susuico, Mayor, 2017-Present
- Carol S. Tayama, Mayor, 2005-2016
- Johnny M. Reyes, Mayor, 1997-2005
- Joaquin G. Topasna, Mayor, 10/1/96-01/06/97
- Antonio C. Babauta, Commissioner/Mayor, 1981-9/30/96
- Antonio R. Terlaje, Commissioner, 1977-1981
- Jose S. San Nicolas, Commissioner, 1973-1977
- Thomas FP Muña, Commissioner, 1965-1969
- Jose B. Guevara, Commissioner, 1963-1965
- Juan LG Leon Guerrero, Commissioner, 1956-1963
- Antonio P. Carbullido, Commissioner, 1945-1956
- Francisco C. Sablan, Commissioner, 1941-1944
- Francisco R. Chaco, Commissioner, 1937-1940
- Tomas C. Charfauros, Commissioner, 1934-1937
- Antonio P. Carbullido, Commissioner, 1930-1934
## Vice mayors/assistant commissioners/deputy commissioners
- Christopher Fejeran, Vice Mayor, 2017-Present
- Agustin G. Quintanilla, Vice Mayor, acting December 2009. Officially elected into office November 2010.
- Jesus B. Chaco, Vice Mayor, 1997-2009
- Jessie S. Pendon, Vice Mayor, 10/01/96-01/06/97
- Joaquin G.Topasna, Vice Mayor, 1993-1996
- John A. Quidachay, Assistant Commissioner/Vice Mayor, 1989-1993
- Joseph R. Reyes, Assistant Commissioner, 1981-1988
- Antonio C. Babauta, Assistant Commissioner, 1977-1981
- Vicente Q. Guerrero, Assistant Commissioner, 1973-1977
- Jose S. San Nicolas, Assistant Commissioner, 1970-1973
- Vicente M. Salas, Deputy Commissioner, 1934-1937
- Pedro C. Charfauros, Deputy Commissioner, 1931-1933
- Jesus Carbullido, Deputy Commissioner, 1903-1908
- Jose Pineda, Deputy Commissioner, 1898-1903
**Editor’s note:** The preceding list was provided by *Konsehelon Mahot Guåhan*/the Mayor’s Council of Guam.
## For further reading
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “Guam State Historic Preservation Office.”
*Mayors Council of Guam*. “MCOG – Mayors Council of Guam.”
Onedera, Peter R., ed. *Nå’an Lugåt Siha gi ya Guåhan (Guam Place Names)*. Hagåtña: Chamorro Language Commission, 1988.
*War in the Pacific NHP*. “Cultural Resources Inventory (Table of Contents).” Last modified 3 May 2004.
## Know my island - Know my history
**The War in the Pacific National Historical Park
Ga’an Point, Hågat**
The park ignited controversy in Hågat as it blocked a long-planned small boat harbor that was on the verge of construction at Ga’an Point. The US Department of Interior compelled the Government of Guam to move the harbor to a new site several miles away, near Nimitz Beach, by declaring a rusty old World War II sewer pipe at Ga’an Point to be a “historical landmark.” Lack of appropriated funding from Congress delayed completion of the park for years.
**Categories:** Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Hågat/Agat
---
### [Prebirth](https://www.guampedia.com/prebirth/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The pattera (nurse midwife) and suruhånu (traditional doctor) played important roles, especially when it came to pre-birth-to-birth events in the family. They assumed the roles of both doctors and midwives throughout the woman’s pregnancy, and made frequent visits to the home.
**Content:**
# Prebirth
##### Share This
## Åntes di finañågu
The *[pattera](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-guam-pattera-nurse-midwives/)* (nurse midwife) and [*suruhånu* ](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/)(traditional doctor) played important roles in the CHamoru/Chamorro society, especially when it came to pre-birth-to-birth events in the family. They assumed the roles of both doctors and midwives throughout the woman’s pregnancy, and made frequent visits to the home. At this time, they prepared special herbal remedies to make it easier for delivery, or treat ailments that may occur. Up to the time of birth, they were in control of the health of both mother and unborn child.
The members of the family, collectively, are responsible for providing nourishing food and making sure the expectant mother follows healthcare directives. The family would go to the extreme to preparing special foods which may include *kåddon månnok fresko* (fresh chicken soup), *freskon chåda’* (fresh eggs), *lechen guaka pat chiba* (cow or goat milk), *fruta yan gollai siha* (fruits and vegetables), and *fina’mames* (sweets). A special refreshing drink is made from the juice of the choicest of lemons, which is sweetened with *anibat tuba*, or coconut syrup.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from ”Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Birth and Childhood Practices, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Prebirth
---
### [Leprosy - Hospitals and Colonies](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Spanish built first leprosarium. As early as the 1600s, Western explorers documented seeing Chamorros of the Mariana Islands afflicted with apparent Hansen’s disease, or leprosy. Still, it wasn’t until hundreds of years later that a government-sanctioned policy of seclusion and confinement of Hansen’s patients gained a foothold in Guam.
**Content:**
# Leprosy - Hospitals and Colonies
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Spanish built first leprosarium
As early as the 1600s, Western explorers documented seeing CHamorus/Chamorros of the Mariana Islands afflicted with apparent Hansen’s disease, or leprosy. Still, it wasn’t until hundreds of years later that a government-sanctioned policy of seclusion and confinement of Hansen’s patients gained a foothold in Guam. The Spanish government, and to a greater extent the US government, saw Hansen’s as a public health threat and constructed various hospitals and colonies, on and off-island, which were little more than prisons for Chamorros afflicted with this disease.
The first known leprosy “patient’s” hospital on island was built in 1831, ordered by Spanish Governor Francisco Ramon de Villalobos. The facility was constructed in Adelup, a barrio of the capital city of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Four years later, the Spanish government began sending the island’s leprosy patients to a leper colony in Saipan, the second largest island in the Mariana Islands archipelago, located north of Guam.
In April 1890 the government established another facility in Pago, Guam, for the placement of more than 100 people believed to have leprosy. However, this number dwindled to just one patient by 1899. Patients left the facility, as treatment was not enforced, and opted for health care provided by traditional Chamorro healers *[suruhånus](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/)* and *suruhånas* (also spelled suruhano or surohana in written documents) rather than Spanish doctors.
## Americans confined patients
Before Western influence, Hansen’s patients in Guam generally were cared for by their families, who had little concern for catching the disease. John H. Clifford, who was a US marine assigned to the First Marine Division in Guam in 1899, wrote about those afflicted with Hansen’s disease in Guam and their treatment:
> On the island there are a great many lepers. It was a common sight to see them walking the streets without hands or eyes and noses, also with one leg. Men, women and children were afflicted with this dreadful disease. At the church and on the street no attention was paid to it until Governor Leary gave orders to get rid of the horrible disease.
Within three years after the US arrival in 1898, however, the standard of treatment for Hansen’s patients changed dramatically and was modeled after a system established elsewhere in the Pacific. In 1865, Hawaiian monarch, King Kamehameha V, established the leper colony at Moloka`i Island. Fearing the spread of the disease, the Hawaiian government sent people diagnosed with Hansen’s disease to a remote peninsula, surrounded by ocean on three sides and a sheer cliff on the fourth. As the disease reached epidemic proportions in Hawai’i in the late 1800s, more and more native Hawaiians were taken from their families and sent to the colony against their will. By the turn of the century more than 1,000 patients lived at the colony.
The perceived success of the Moloka`i colony in segregating the afflicted from the rest of the population was cited by Guam Governor G.L. Dyer in 1905 in demonstrating need for these drastic measures to be taken in Guam.
## "Lepers" exiled
Borne of ignorance and misconceptions about Hansen’s disease, and the Chamorro culture and customs, the Naval administration sought to remove people suspected of having Hansen’s disease from the general population, a task they found difficult. Lieutenant Commander Vincedon Cottman stated in an 1899 report that the Chamorro people were indifferent to the disease and weren’t concerned about catching it from those who were apparently afflicted with it. Governor Leary’s assistant, Lieutenant William E. Safford, echoed the same concerns in his diary. Moreover, the administration’s decision to confine people was an act of self preservation; to prevent the disease from spreading to military personnel.
Through the issuance of General Order No. 43, US Navy Governor Seaton Schroeder set up a leper colony in Guam in 1902 in Ypao, Tumon. Shroeder stated that the site was selected specifically because it was:
> a very pretty spot, and healthy, fronting upon a nice clean beach.
The order also called for the identification, apprehension and confinement of those suspected of having leprosy. The Naval authorities’ aggressive efforts to isolate leprosy, however, led to the misidentification of ailments. Relatively few leprosy patients existed in the leper colonies. Instead there was a higher number of people incarcerated who were afflicted with the more prevalent diseases of syphilis, or yaws and gangosa.
The reality of the colony was less than picturesque. After condemning the land and constructing a high barbed wire fence on three sides (with the ocean on the fourth), the colony was equipped with shelters with barred windows and padlocks on doors. Guards were posted at the perimeter to stop escapees, and the “inmates,” as they were called in documents from the period, were allowed only limited family visits. The governor had to approve requests and issue written permits for anyone entering the compound. Punishment for those who tried to run away from the colony was harsh. Gov. Schroeder ordered:
> … any inmate who goes beyond the the limits of the Colony without the requisite permission shall be punished by ten to twenty days of ball and chain for the first infraction, and by one to six months for a repetition of the offense…
Despite this, there was a great deal of resistance from Chamorros who were determined to see their family members, help them escape or hide them from authorities. This resistance, the costs of maintaining the colony, and the extent of the perceived threat that the disease could spread prompted Naval authorities in 1911 to request that Hansen’s patients be transferred to a large existing colony on Culion Island, in Palawan Province, south of Manila in the Philippines.
This colony, established in 1904, housed hundreds of Hansen’s patients not only from the Philippines but from around the region, including at least one American. Eighteen people confined at the Tumon colony were the first to be forcefully transferred from the island, most would never see their families again. In December 1912, after their transportation to Culion, the Chamorros found themselves in isolation and poverty, facing a food shortage and unable to communicate with other patients who spoke one of various Filipino dialects and other Asian languages. [Dr. Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/) wrote in her book *Colonial Dis-Ease: US Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941* that:
> …from 1912 to 1924, any Chamorro diagnosed with leprosy, regardless of gender or age, was sent to Culion on the next available transport.
This inhumane treatment led to [considerable tension](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-local-reaction/) between the general Chamorro population and the US military health care givers on island. Finally, in 1924, the Naval government allowed some of the Culion patients to return to Guam and those newly diagnosed to live at the Tumon colony.
The exile of leper patients continued through the first half of the century, though in smaller numbers. “Leper Island” on Yap began housing Guam patients in 1925, and in 1948, a handful of Guam patients were sent to receive care at a hospital in Tinian.
[***By Connor Murphy***](http:///guampedia.com/connor-murphy/)
## For further reading
Angeny, G.L. “Leprosy in Guam.” *The Military Surgeon: Journal of the Association of Military Surgeons of the United States* 25, no. 1 (July 1909): 312-317.
Clifford, John H. *History of the Pioneer Marine Battalion at Guam, L.I., 1899 and the campaign in Samar, P.I. 1901*. Foster: Brass Hat, 1983.
Cosgrove-Mather, Bootie. “Last days of a leper colony: Days, and funerals, dwindling for residents of former leper colony.” *CBS News*, 22 March 2003.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
–––. “Re-membering the Past.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 46, no. 3 (2011): 293-318.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health
**Tags:** Leprosy - Hospitals and Colonies
---
### [Juan Cepeda](https://www.guampedia.com/juan-cepeda/)
**Published:** February 13, 2024
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** As a child, Juan Cepeda was exposed to traditional healing methods as he assisted his mother Francisca Quitano Cepeda, a suruhåna with the picking of medicinal herbs and other chores required in the preparation of medicines. An everyday occurrence, patients visited their home seeking help from Tan Francisca, providing Juan a means of learning to identify the different plants and their medicinal purposes. However, it would be many years later before Juan actually practiced the art of traditional healing.
**Content:**
# Juan Cepeda
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** The following entry, with a few additions, was produced by the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) as part of their publication and poster series, *A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*, 2000.
## Master Suruhånu
Juan Cepeda was exposed to traditional healing methods as a child, while he assisted his mother, *suruhåna* Francisca Quitano Cepeda, with picking medicinal herbs and other chores required in the preparation of medicines. Patients visiting the family home to seek help from Tan Francisca was an everyday occurrence, which provided Juan a means of learning to identify the different plants and their medicinal purposes. However, it would be many years later before Juan actually practiced the art of traditional healing.
In 1946, Juan’s wife, Isabel Valenzuela Cepeda, became seriously ill and was taken to Naval Hospital for treatment. After being hospitalized, she was still distressed. Wanting to alleviate her anguish, Juan turned to Tun Mariano Charfauros, a *suruhånu* from [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), who treated and cured her with traditional medicines and massages. In gratitude, Juan, who was a baker by trade, supplied the *suruhånu* with baked goods, and assisted in the gathering of plants and preparation of traditional medicines. This was the beginning of his apprenticeship as a *suruhånu* under the tutelage of Tun Mariano, which carried on until Juan was skilled enough to be on his own. Brought up with CHamoru/Chamorro and Catholic beliefs, Juan was inspired in 1949 by the Virgin Mary, and believed that she had given him the power to cure others. Juan believed that he should use this ability to aid those in need. He believed that God is the most powerful being, but that the power of the *taotaomo’na* was quite strong, and that there were ailments of children, women, and men which needed treatment from illnesses which were caused by poor diets or induced by *taotaomo’na*.
In 1975, Patrick D. McMakin chose the well-known *suruhånu* from [Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) as the subject for his master thesis in behavioral science. Tun Juan consented to Patrick’s request to observe and document his methods of traditional curing. It would take one day to collect all the plants needed to make medicinal teas and Juan’s favorite picking grounds were in the jungles of Northern Guam, particularly at [Pågat](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/). Plants were only collected during the day, and as was the tradition, Tun Juan would always ask permission from the spirits who lived there. He would spend another day cleaning and preparing the collected plants in his backyard, and on the third day, he would chop the cleaned plants into small pieces and then pulverize them with a large pestle and mortar that he had constructed. After making the appropriate medicines, these would be rolled into a tube and kept frozen for later use.
Normally patients were treated at his home, but there were some instances in which Juan traveled to other villages to see patients who were unable to travel or preferred to be seen in their homes. Juan’s method of healing incorporated three forms of treatment. The first was a form of herbal medicine placed in a cloth tea bag. This would be immersed in water until the liquid turned brownish green, and then patients were given the tea to drink. A second type of treatment was the application of a *palai* (traditional creams or oils) placed on the patient’s forehead in the sign of the cross. Juan’s *palai* was made from blessed palm leaf, burnt chicken feathers, tuba vinegar, garlic, holy waters, and other secret ingredients. Tun Juan’s third form of treatment was a vigorous massage with powerful pounding thrusts that were often painful or discomforting to his patients. In addition to the treatments, Tun Juan also gave his patients dietary advice, encouraging them to eat more lean meats, fresh fruits and vegetables.
Tun Juan saw the importance of passing on his knowledge, so he taught his methods of curing to two other *suruhånu*, Miguel Ungacta and Jose Quintanilla. He often demonstrated his methods to the classes that Patrick McMakin taught at the University of Guam and also devoted time at the Department of Mental Health. A video appropriately titled “I Am the Pain Doctor”, based on Patrick McMakin’s research on Tun Juan Cepeda was produced in 1976. A copy of the video is available at the Robert F. Kennedy Library at the University of Guam. Tun Juan has also been featured in Pacificana Magazine and Latte Magazine and he received international exposure when Guam Cable TV’s footage on his traditional curing methods was featured on a CNN World Report in 1984. Tun Juan Cepeda continued to practice his methods until he passed away in 1996.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Contemporary Guam: Health, Health and Medicine, Indigenous Lenses, Our Heritage, People, People and Places
---
### [Josefa Cruz Certeza](https://www.guampedia.com/josefa-cruz-certeza/)
**Published:** February 13, 2024
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** “Gof Metgot I Mana’amte Yan I Amot Siha”—a solemn and profound message recently conveyed at a family gathering by Mrs. Josefa Cruz Certeza, known affectionately to her family, friends, and the community of Guam as Tan Pai, by amazing grace, still alive and well at 96 years old.
**Content:**
# Josefa Cruz Certeza
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** The following entry, with a few additions, was produced by the Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) as part of their publication and poster series, *A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*, 2000.
## Master Suruhåna
***“Gof Metgot I Mana’amte Yan I Amot Siha”***—a solemn and profound message recently conveyed at a family gathering by Mrs. Josefa Cruz Certeza, known affectionately to her family, friends, and the community of Guam as Tan Pai, by amazing grace, still alive and well at 96 years old.
Tan Pai’s life and vocation as a *suruhåna* began when her youngest son, Frankie, was ill and she went to seek the help from a *suruhåna*. The *suruhåna* was busy and told her to come back the next day. Feeling it would be too late, she decided to find a cure herself. She felt that God helped her find the herbs, and hence, she started her vocation. Tan Pai learned from her mother, Josefa Perez Cruz, as well as her husband’s grandmother, Vicenta Quidachay Quenga. They taught her the techniques of massage (*lasa*) and herbal (CHamoru/Chamorro) medicines. Although her mother was a *suruhåna*, it was Vicenta Quidachay Quenga who divulged the effective remedies, to include *åmot tininu*, *åmot maipe*, *åmot gine’he*, *åmot påsmo*, and others, *åmot Chamorro siha*. Tan Pai started as a *suruhåna* at the age of 30 and treated (*åmte*) people from all over the island; mostly children (*chetnot famagu’on*), women (*chetnot famalåo’an*), and the elderly. She would sometimes chew the plants and herbs to grind them up before administering to the babies. Throughout her life, Tan Pai believed that God gave her the gift to heal through massage (*lasa*), making herbal medicines, using pestle (*lommok*, *putot*) and mortar (*tutu*, *lusong*), massage with applications of medicine, and massage with consumption of medicine.
Tan Pai would sometimes go to the hospital to treat people with medicine and massage. She found helping and healing her people very rewarding. When Tan Pai was asked to share the healing recipes, she would be willing to share the knowledge, but often said that the medicine would not be effective because it was all in “her hands; the healing medicine that God gave her.”
Tan Pai treated a range of cases—fever, sores in the mouth, rashes, and *chetnot maipe yan tabatdiyu—*ailments attributed to the *taotaomo’na*. A *taotaomo’na* doctor taught her how to treat these conditions through massage techniques that included the drinking of a special herb drink and rubbing (*palai*) an ointment made of a ground mixture of herbs and coconut oil (*lanan niyok*), specially prepared for this ailment.
Tan Pai was one of the *suruhånas* mentioned in a manuscript, “I Che’Cho’ Suruhåna Yan Suruhånu (The Use of Traditional Medicine and Healers on Guam).” She was featured as one of “The Last of the Suruhåna” in Guahån magazine (May 2005), and in a story in GU magazine (July/August 2007). At the first Chamorro Medicinal Conference held in Rota, themed “Tungo’ I Minaolek I Amot-Ta,” she was recognized as a traditional herbal healer.
Tan Pai was born and raised in the village of [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), Guam and lived for many years at her home in the village of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/). Her parents are Josefa Perez (*Familian Fongu*) and Enrique Santos Cruz (*Familian Tanaguan*). She was happily married to the late Delfin Quenga Certeza (*Familian Certeza Piti*) and had six children, 21 grandchildren, 51 great-grandchildren, and one great-great grandchild. Tan Pai passed away in 2017 at the age of 100.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Contemporary Guam: Health, Health and Medicine, Indigenous Lenses, Our Heritage, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Josefa Cruz Certeza
---
### [Hale'-ta: Amot Siha](https://www.guampedia.com/haleta-amot-siha/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** These recipes for traditional Chamorro medicine are written in the Chamorro language. Non-Chamorro readers are invited to translate the recipes by using the Hale’ta: CHamoru cultural glossary, also available in Guampedia.
**Content:**
# Hale'-ta: Amot Siha
 Passing traditions by David Castro from Guahan Magazine collection.
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** These recipes for traditional CHamoru/Chamorro medicine are written in the CHamoru language. Non-CHamoru readers are invited to translate the recipes by using the Hale’-ta: CHamoru cultural glossary. The recipes were collected and first published in the Hale’-ta Series, a publication of the Research Division of the Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
## CHamoru/Chamorro medicinal recipes
## I Suruhånu yan I Suruhåna\*
Siha uma’amti i famagu’on, famalao’an yan lahi.
I pinadesi siha ni siña ma refueri guatu gi suruhana yan suruhanu:
### CHetnot Famagu'on
- gine’hi
- mahulat
- chomchom
- guha
- minemu
- masisinek
- måkpong
- mañågue’
### CHetnot Lahi
- galabok
- guha
- se’yon
- chinada’
- tatkilo haga’
- mames me’me’
- tabatdiyu
- lokklok haga’
- påsmo
### CHetnot Famalao'an
- gupo’
- måpga’
- påsmo
- måpga’ mañågu
- galabok
- måfa (mañagu)
- påsmon rekla
- guha
- grånu matditu
- chatfanñagu
- tininu
- se’yon
- tabatdiyu
- mames me’me’
- lokklok haga’
### CHetnot Maipe
- mana’pokpok
- matattiyi
- matgoddai
- manlili’e’
- mana’manman
## I amot siha ni mafa’titinas nui suruhanu yan suruhana
### Åmot Gålabok
Macho’guen-ña: Lommok este siha na hagon. Na’yi didide’ laña. Balutan gi atgi don. Deha pues sohmok halom gi madok dagan.
- hagon maigo’ lalo’
- hagon golondrina
- hagon yetbas babui
- hagon åmot tumaga’
- hagon tumates chaka’
- hagon pupulu
- un pongpong asiga
- lañan niyok
### Åmot Tabatdeyu
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok este siha yan un latan dudon hanom ya un gimen.
- 3 hagon agahgah
- 3 hagon gaso’so’
- 3 hagon gaogao dangkolo
- 3 hagon tipon ayuyu
- 3 hagon akangkang
- 3 hagon kahlao
### Åmot Lokklok Håga'
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok este siha gi un latan dudon hanom pues gimen.
- 3 hale’ eskoban ademelong
- 3 hale’ dadangsen agaga’
- 3 hale’ tinekcha’ lemmai (cha’guan)
- 3 hale’ golondrina
- 1 kostat cha
### Åmot CHomchom
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok este siha gi un latan dudon hanom pues gimen.
- 3 hagon tagu’a
- 3 hagon galak fedda’
- 3 hagon alamliyi
- 3 hagon gaogao dangkolo
- 3 hagon mumutong palao’an
- 3 hale’ eskobiyan adamelong
- 3 hale’ dadangsen malapbla-agaga’
- 3 pidason ahgao (dikike)
### Åmot Menhmo
Macho’guen-ña: Lommok este siha, balu tan gi un ritasus magagu ni kanifes. Supok gi lamita na tasan hanom. Chotge halom I pachot yankontodu I guieng-ña.
- 3 hagon titimu
- 3 hagon tumates cha’ka
- 3 hagon mumutong palao’an
- 3 hagon dadangse
### Åmot Malinek Ulu
Macho’guen-ña: Na’ fotgon un rutasus magagu binakli ya un po’lo gi ha’en i malangu. Yanggen ti fina’maolek, pues palai laña ya un lasa. Yanggen ti fina’maolek ha’ ta’lo, chule’ un bingan chotda pat hagon nonak, palai didide’ laña ya un po’lo gi ha’i.
Fanutot bingan hagon chotda yan pupulu. Po’lo gi un rustasas magagu ya un godde’ i ilu kalan be’e (emplasto).
Batte un a’paka’ chada, na’yi didide’ harina, hanom yan un kichalan binakle. Na’ fotgon un rustasus magagu ni binakle ya un po’lo gi ha’i.
Yililok i hagon akangkang yan i gaso’so’, foksi i chiku huyong ya un na’lokklok kinse minutos.Na’yi un pongpong asiga pues gimen.
### Åmot Masisinek
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok i hagon kamachili yan i lasas ahgao ya un na’yi pidasiton afok. Medision para famagu’on: Na’i i patgon dos (2)kuchala. Yanggen kumati, palai laña gitiyan-ña, godde mag agu despues po’lu I biteyan hanom maipe’ gi hilo-ña. Para amko’. Na’ gimen aguayente, whisky pat te’okna kafe.
- hagkon kamchili
- lassas ahgao
- hanom afok
### Åmot CHinachak
Macho’guen-ña: Na’yi puntan donne’, asiga yan un po’lo gi chetnot pat emplastu ninangas amåska yan pupulu.
### Åmot Pakko'
Macho’guen-ña: Na’yi didide’ asiga i laña niyok ya un palai guatu gi tininu. Gimen ensigidas freskon hanom.
### Åmot Tinatsen Guihan
Macho’guen-ña: Dipotsi i tinatsi na taotao mana’gimen dos bason lañan niyok para unina’muta’. Pa’go na tiempo, makokonne’ ensigidas para i espitat.
### Åmot Puten Nifen
Macho’guen-ña: Fangangas amaska pat na’fotgon i pidason atgidon gi aguayente ya un songsong i piti na nifen.
### Åmot Puten Talanga
Macho’guen-ña: Chotge i talanga halom un gota pat dos gotan tibiun lañan niyok. Yanggen ti nina’magong, cho’me halom didide’ hanom tibiu. Yanggen i piti ginen i mañugo’ I talanga, na’yi enplaston linemok kapuyo’ flores rosa gi taten talanga ya unina’fañugo.
### Åmot Grånu Matditu
Macho’guen-ña: Chule’ un tasan kapuyu ni esta mana’suha i lassas-ña. Lommok estaki dangsong. Hoñu ya un fa’bola despues pachet i uriyan i matan i chetnot. Balutan na’kallo para uminan teni i amot. Ripipiti yanggen un nasisita esta ki malakngos i chigu i chetnot.
- kapuyu flores rosa
### Åmot Tinaga'
Macho’guen-ña: Utot un betde na pi’ao ya un chule’ un gahu ni kadada’ na pidasu. Guesgues ni se’se’ i betden i pi’ao. Na’daña yan i lañan niyok yan unpongpong asiga. Balutan ni hagon chotda ya un ha’me gi feggon. Baba i balutan ya na’yi i tinaga’. Be’i.
- pi’ao ni betde (un gahu).
- lañan Niyok
- asiga (un pongpong)
### Åmot Gupo'
Macho’guen-ña: Na’listo un gasgas galon lata. Songge i ha’iguas gi feggon estaki mama’pinigan. Po’lo gi lata ya un tampe ni otro ha’iguas pat plato asta ki masahalom i tampe ginen i pinigan. Depues, saosao ya un patche guato i chetnot.
- 3 pat 5 na ha’iguas niyok
### Åmot Satbayones
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok 30 pat 50 na hagon abas yan 10 buteya ba hanom. Kula ya un sahguan gi palanggana. Suppok i patas-mu. Yanggen esta manenghen I hanom abos, saosao i patas-mu ya u fañuha ayu siha i lassas i maninimai yan manmappa. Na’suha i patas-mu gi hanom asta i gasgas na to’aya mientras matulalaika i hanom abas. Na’halom (supok) ta’lo gi palanggana ya un fa’gasi ni gasgas yan tibiu na hanom abas despues po’lo ya u anglo’ ni inalong-ña.
- hagon abas
- un kucharitan asiga
### Åmot Mahulat Tansot
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok todu i hagon despues na’yi papa’ ni apon pilon mannok. Kula pues gimen sesso kuentan hanom.
- 3 hagon ladda’ ni matai (anglo’)
- 3 pilon mannok (apu-ña)
- 3 hagon tumates cha’ka
- didide’ korason lemmai ni lalamas
### Åmot Labatoriu
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok este siha despues kula papa’ gi orinola, fata’chongngi gi manu i siningon-mu na minaipe’.
- 3 hagon abas pat un ramas (dikike’)
- 3 granon maigo’ lalo’
- 3 granon golondrina
- 3 granon lassa banalu
- 3 ramas yetbas babui
### Åmot CHolestrol
Macho’guen-ña: Na’fandaña siha I hagon yan i hale’ ya un nalokklok esta ki gof agaga’ i hanom. Kula gi charera pat buteya ya un gimen un basu gi egga’an yan pupuengi. Dos biahi gi dia.
- 3 hale’ tinanom katson
- 3 hagon alageta ni matai (anglo’)
- 3 hagon alageta ni matai (anglo’)
- 3 hagon alageta ni matai (anglo’)
- 1 kostat cha
- 2 buteyan hanom
- 4 granon hagon atmagoson halom tano
### Åmot Gene'he
Macho’guen-ña: Songge i pilon mannok yan i patma ya unna’daña i apon pilon mannok. Po’lo este gi un ritrasosa’paka yan kanifes na magagu. Na’daña todo i punta, supok gi tasan hanom despues fugo’i chigu ya lameta un na’maipe. Na’gimen i malan gu. I dos biahi na gumimen-ña, homlo’ I malangu ya ma’pos i ronchas yan i malas sas hila’-ña.
- 3 hagon tumaga’
- 3 hagon dadangse
- 3 hagon gaogao dankolo
- 3 pilon mannok
- 3 hagon patma
### Åmot Påsmo
Macho’guen-ña: Na’fandaña este siha ya un na’lokklokesta ki gai kolot i hanom. Kula despues, na’gimen i malaguun basu pat un tasa.
- 3 hagon lodugao
- 3 hagon akangkang
- 3 hagon gaso’so
- 2 1/2 hagon ahgao
- 1 hale’ dadangse
- 1 latan dudo hanom
- un pongpong asiga
### Åmot Kalentura
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok este siha i cha, gaso’ so’ yan i amot tumaga’ gi media buteyan hanom ya un na’gimen i malagu lameta tasa pat basu gi nina’lokklok. Na’lokklok i ramas yan i hagon lodugao ya un na’gimen i malagu. Na’lokklok I hagan betbena gi un media buteyan hanom despues na’yi papa’ ni binakle yan asukat.
- un pongpong cha
- hagon/ramas lodugao
- 3 hagon amot tumaga’
- 3 hagon betbena
- 1 kuchalan binaklen tuba
- 1 kucharitan asukat
### Åmot Guha
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok i hagon tubatuba gi un tasan hanom ya un gimen. Na’lokklok 3 hagon matbas yan un kostat cha gi dos (2) tasan hanom ya un gimen dos biahi gi ha’ani.
- 3 hagon matbas
- un kostat cha
- hagon tubatuba
Para proteksion chetnot maipe’ gi nene yan manmapotge’
Usa siboyas, ahos, sinengen take’ga’ga’, fina’paopao, mabendesi na kilu’os pat milaya yan todu na klasen aga’ga’ na attikulu para u dinilalaki I chetnot minaipe’ yan fafa’ñague.
### Åmot Tininu
Macho’guen-ña: Mas maolek i nina’lagon amot yanggen mana’lagu gi frefresko ha’ na chinile’ amot. Na’lokklok este siha gi un galon na hanom ya na’sesso gumimen kuentan hanom.
- 3 hagon sumak
- 3 hagon paode’do’
- 3 hagon ayuyu
- 3 hagon pupulon aniti
- 3 hagon kahlao
- 3 pidason pugua’ ma’chena
- 3 granon pakao
- 3 pidason gapgap
- 3 hagon amot tumaga’
- 3 hagon tumates cha’ka
- 3 hagon gaso’so’
- 3 hagon masiksik
- 3 hagon luluhot
- 3 granon hale’ kulales
### Åmot Sague'yayas
Macho’guen-ña: Para puten gugat ginen yinayas pat puten athrites. Na’lokklok este siha despues gimen.
- hagon pagu
- hagon nika
- hagon tubatuba
- bingan akgak
- bingan niyok
- cha’guan kabayu
- pupulu
- asiga
- tararañas
### Åmot Gotpe
Macho’guen-ña: Na’lokklok ya un gimen para chetnot san halom i taotao.
- sibukao
- hale’ nunu
- betbena
- binakle
**Categories:** Ancient Guam: Health, Health and Medicine
**Tags:** Hale'-ta: Amot Siha
---
### [Birth](https://www.guampedia.com/birth/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The birth of a child is the most important family event in CHamoru society. It marks the beginning of family celebrations and obligations that define the child’s CHamoru identity throughout his or her life.
**Content:**
# Birth
#### Table of Contents
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## Finañågu
The birth of a child is the most important family event in CHamoru/Chamorro society. It marks the beginning of family celebrations and obligations that define the child’s CHamoru identity throughout his or her life.
On the day of birth, family members wait. The female elders stayed with the [*pattera* ](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-guam-pattera-nurse-midwives/)(nurse midwife) throughout labor until the child arrives. In the *kusinan sanhalom pat kusinan sanhiyong* (inside or outside kitchen), preparation of the *kåddon månnok fresko* (fresh chicken soup) begins. This is a special brew made just for the new mother and no one else is permitted to eat it. Children are cautioned not to eat *na’mañågu* or *ansopblan mañågu* because they may take on *åguaguat* (nonconformist behaviors), when they grow up. The *kåddon månnok fresko* is a clear chicken soup made from a freshly killed chicken that is boiled without coconut milk.
In early times, after the usual cleansing of the newborn, the child was placed on a specially made *tinifok guåfak*, or mat, on which lay a delicately sewn pillow made of the softest *åtgedon* (cotton), by the *matlina* (godmother) and relatives of the child. Fragile baby clothes decorated by fine embroidery called *tateng* are presented to the family.
The new mother took her first *labatoriu*, or douche, on the first day after she gave birth. This is a concoction prepared by the *suruhåna* that consist of various herbs, the most popular of which are *hågon nunu, maigo’ lålo’*, and *hågon åbas*. This mixture helps the mother gain back her strength and tighten her vaginal muscles. The mother would spend many hours squatting over a *orinola* (a round sturdy porcelain pot) sometimes two or three times a day in order for the *labatoriu* to work.
Today, some women still use the *åmot labatoriu* for a quick and effective douche immediately after giving birth. Here’s the recipe:
## Åmot Labatoriu
- *3 hågon åbas pat un råmas dikike’*
- *3 hågon maigo’ lålo’*
- *3 grånon golondrina*
- *3 råmas yetbas babui*
- *3 grånon låssas banålu*
*Na’loklok este siha, despues kula påpa’ gi orinola. Fata’chongngi gi månu i sinigon–mu na maipe’.*
While the new mother is recuperating, members of the *familia* from both sides of the baby’s family bring an abundance of food items for the whole family, such as *titiyas* (tortillas), *atulai*, *alåguan* (rice soup), *dågu* (yams), *gaddo’*, and meat from a freshly butchered cow to make *kåddon kåtne* (beef stew). For the new mother, the families would bring the specially prepared herbal drink, the *åmot tininu*.
These visits offer the first opportunity for the new mother and child to pay their respects to the elders by *[mangnginge](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/)’*, and for members of the family and friends to give *[chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)* or *tareha* for the upcoming festivity, the [*baotismo*](https://www.guampedia.com/baotismo-baptism/), the rite of baptism.
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from ”Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of CHamoru Affairs, Government of Guam.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Birth and Childhood Practices, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Birth
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Medicine Making](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-medicine-making/)
**Published:** January 17, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Health and wellness. Because of the biological nature of our bodies, people get sick, and people die. Illness and death are a part of life. However, people are not just physical beings—our complex cultures separate us from other living organisms.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Medicine Making
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Health and wellness
Because of the biological nature of our bodies, people get sick, and people die. Illness and death are a part of life. However, people are not just physical beings—our complex cultures separate us from other living organisms. As people, we try to make sense of natural phenomena like illness and death in terms that we can understand. We rely on culture to tell us what is death, why people get sick, and how to deal with other health-related issues. Our culture also tells us what are the appropriate responses and treatments to heal our bodies or to make us feel better.
In anthropology, the term **ethnomedicine** refers to the beliefs, knowledge and practices of a culture group that relate to health. Researchers who study ethnomedicine examine how different cultures understand the notion of health and the causes of illness. They also look at the different treatments or cures for physical, and even mental, ailments used by the health practitioners of a particular culture group.
Regarding health, many cultures traditionally believe that a healthy individual is one whose body is in balance or in equilibrium (for example, a balance between hot and cold, or wet and dry properties) and that illness occurs when something upsets that balance. Sometimes, the cause may be seen as supernatural—a curse or punishment by some angry god or spirit. Some groups have full-time specialists for examining or treating health-related issues, while other groups may rely on individuals who treat others on a part-time basis. Often, a variety of plants are gathered and processed to produce medicines. Also, a spiritual component of treatment, which may include special ceremonies or chanting, may be utilized. All of these comprise the ethnomedicine of a particular group, and so the medical practices and beliefs utilized by them are rooted in the culture of that group.
Much of what we know of traditional CHamoru/Chamorro medical practices is from accounts by early European explorers and missionaries. The ancient CHamorus had specialists known as *makåna* that treated illnesses, but who also dealt with other matters between earth and the spiritual realm. These individuals were trained in the use of medicinal plants and had techniques for healing or easing pain. There were also *kakåhna*, who could manipulate spirits for malevolent or evil purposes. Although the introduction of Catholicism and Spanish colonization effectively eradicated the *makåna* and *kakåhna* of the ancient CHamoru culture, amazingly, the knowledge and practice of traditional healing survived, maintained today by modern CHamoru practitioners known as *suruhåna*. It is conceivable, therefore, that by looking at present day suruhana/-u we can learn something about the training and skill used by traditional healers of ancient times.
**Chant****CHamoru***Guello yan Guella, kao siña mañuli’ yu’ tinanum-mu ya yanggen måtto hao gi tano’-hu chule’ ha’ hafa malago’-mu?***English Meaning**Ancestors, I respectfully ask permission to gather some of your plants and if you should come to my place, please take whatever you need.*The medicine person (suruhåna) would quietly make this request as he/she entered the jungle to gather herbal medicines for a sick person.*Use of natural medicines was an important part of life in pre-contact Marianas. Early researchers have also written striking observations about how the use of herbal medicine has persisted through hundreds of years even with many and different contacts with the outside world. CHamorus depended on the traditional healers to help with their ailments. In fact, traditional medicine and healing continues as an established knowledge and a cultural practice in the Marianas and throughout the Micronesian region.
Overall, CHamorus were a robust people who enjoyed good health. Archeological and ethnohistoric records discuss certain endemic diseases such as yaws, arthritis and anemia which some CHamorus suffered from as well as other chronic health problems as a result of famine and dental disease.
## Traditional healers
Ancestral worship is one aspect of early Austronesian cultures that is commonly practiced throughout the Pacific. In late prehistoric times, CHamorus practiced ancestral worship of carefully curated skulls of their deceased relatives (*mananiti)*. Ancestral skulls were kept in a high place in their house and were respectfully acknowledged with a bow. There appeared to be no other symbols, objects or facilities associated with CHamoru traditional beliefs of the spirit world.
Traditional healers in most cultures, sometimes called shaman (*makåhna*), in addition to sorcerers (*kakåhna*), medicine men and herbalists (*suruhån*u), ministered to the ills of their society and the well-being of the inhabitants.
Ancient CHamorus called upon the makåhna and kakåhna who were believed to possess the powers to cause or cure illness by calling upon the *mananiti* (singular *aniti*) spirits of the ancestors. They implored upon supernatural powers to heal illnesses, but also to foresee future events, bring rain, allow good fishing, and take away problems.
With the implementation of Christianity and the breakdown of CHamoru traditions, the *makåhna/kakåhna* who once played important roles in the lives of the CHamorus lost considerable influence. The people were instructed in the Catholic faith, their children were baptized and they were led to believe that some of their traditional practices, such as ancestral worship, were no longer good practices. Although the *makahna/kakahna* did not survive in CHamoru culture, the most intact survival of pre-contact CHamoru is the herb doctor or *suruhåno/suruhåna.*
When the ancient CHamoru became sick, their ailments could be cured with the use of herbal medicines (*åmot*) prepared by themselves or traditional medicine healers called *siruanu/suruhånos* (male) and *suruhånas* (female). These terms derive from the Spanish word *cirujano* which means surgeon or doctor. French explorer [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) stated that traditional healers were called *eamtis* (*yo’amte*) and most were women.
## Eåmtis (suruhåna)
By looking at modern suruhano and suruhana, we can get a glimpse of how individuals train to become traditional healers. Not everyone could become a *suruhåna* and in many cases, the gift of being a *suruhåna* was passed through the family line from generation to generation. The chosen one, at a very young age, was an apprentice to his mother, father or other extended family member who held the knowledge of medicine-making. In some cases, a person who was not related but who had a strong interest in medicine making learned from one of the village traditional healers.
The *suruhåna’s* “classroom” for their apprentices was the natural environment, while the home was the “hospital.” At a young age, an apprentice foraged the jungle with the *suruhåna* gathering herbal plants that were needed. From many lessons, the apprentice learned the names of the plants, the places (or medicinal landscapes) where they were abundant, when they could be picked, and the types of illnesses that they would heal. At a later stage, with enough experience, the apprentice would be sent to gather some of the herbal plants alone. The *suruhåna* kept the most essential medicinal herbs as secret knowledge until it was an appropriate time to pass that knowledge on to the new *suruhåna*. The apprentice learned by observing, working along with the suruhåna, practicing under guidance, and then finally practicing alone. *Suruhåna* also taught their apprentices respect for the spirit of the *taotaomo’na* (literally, “people before us”) who they believed guided success in their healing practices.
Every village had at least three recognized *suruhånas* who were specialists in areas similar to doctors of the present times. For example, some suruhånas were skilled in medicine for babies and women while others specialized in healing *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)* illnesses or ailments such as the common ailments of cold, muscle aches, and skin problems. These traditional healers were herb doctors, chiropractors and masseurs all wrapped into one.
## Integrated system of curing
According to anthropological research of CHamoru traditional healers an integrated system of curing that is practiced today is probably similar to the system used in pre-contact times. This integrated system included four facets:
1. use of medicinal plants
2. massage
3. application of body lotion *(pålai)* and/or
4. dietary advice (*madieta*)
Each facet had a separate methodology and all were considered essential in the system of curing.
### 1. Use of medicinal plants
Studies of the kinds of plants used by CHamoru healers include plants for treating fevers, colds, headaches, blood circulation, skin diseases, baby illnesses, women and *taotaomo’na* illnesses among many other ailments. These plants, still found in the jungles of the Mariana Islands, are the same plants that have been used and passed down through oral traditions.
In addition, early researchers have written about the use of prayers, chants, and beliefs in the supernatural at all stages of the healing process. Respect for nature and the spirits is of the land is demonstrated through the healers’ chants and other actions, such as requesting entry into the jungle before gathering or using medicinal plants and tools and for guidance in healing a sick person.
The *suruhåna* used a system for gathering plants. Having met the sick person and learning the reason for their visit to his home, the *suruhåna* would determine the illness and subsequently plan when and where he would go to gather medicinal plants. If necessary, he might travel long distances or spend an entire day searching for plants that only grew on the coastal, inland, or mountainous areas of Guam. For example, *suruhåno* Emilio Ayuyu describes how he typically begins gathering plants in the early morning hours and ends at 3 pm, or before sunset. Plant gathering stops at this time out of respect because this is the time when the *taotaomona* are most active.
Once gathered, each plant was cleaned, washed and left to dry in preparation for medicine making, which could occur within a few hours or the following day. For medicine preparation, specific parts of the plants were pounded and then boiled, and then either drunk by the patient, or applied using medicinal tools. Herbs were applied externally to the injured parts, but the sick person also drank the juice mixed with powdered ginger, which was commonly mixed with all herbal medicines.
Tools that may have been used in medicine preparation have been found, some of these dating to the Latte Phase of Marianas Prehistory. These include stone and shell adzes, stone mortars (*lusong*) and dishes, pestles (*lommok*) and pounders of stone, fishhooks of shell and bone, spear points and many other items of stone, bone and shell. Stone mortars and pestles are the most recognized ancient tools for the preparation of medicine. Evidence of other artifacts found in Latte sites such as pottery vases and the presence of fire would have also been used in the preparation of medicine.
### 2. Massage
Although there is no historical account that describes the use of massage by ancient CHamoru healers, it is considered an important component of the modern *suruhåna’s* healing techniques. The *suruhåna* would massage a person with vigorous pounding (*matantan*) or a lighter touch (*malasa*) to dislodge air bubbles and blood clots that are formed inside the body. It was believed that hot swelling (*pukpuk maipe*) caused by air bubbles and blood clots occur naturally or were a result of spirits, such as *taotaomo’na*. Concentrated massage would be applied to areas of strong pain and swelling.
### 3. Application of body lotion (pålai)
*Suruhåna* also believed that ailments such as *Pukpuk maipe* (hot swelling) or even mental illness (*atmariao*) could be caused by the *taotaomo’na* spirit. The CHamorus believe any disrespect to the land, sea, sky and other spiritual places can anger the *taotaomo’na*. These kinds of ailments required application of body lotions (*pålai*) such as coconut oil (*lañan niyok*), lime, *ilangilang* (a fragrant flower) and other lotions that were massaged onto the body to promote healing.
### 4. Dietary advice (madieta)
Finally, the patient would receive dietary advice. The *suruhåna* would give advice about the types of foods to eat and herbs to drink for better health.
## Looking forward
> It is somewhat ironic that what kept the native healing practices going in the past was the protection that it received from the indigenous population…
>
> **Directory of Traditional Healers**
Ancient CHamoru healing knowledge and practices are still being used today, in spite of all the disasters, wars and attempts to disrupt the cultural activities of the CHamoru people. These practices have been maintained and passed through oral traditions by the CHamoru population.
Today’s generation of CHamorus throughout the Mariana Islands have kept the traditional knowledge of medicine making alive through a renewed interest and sharing with CHamoru families and interested people of the Marianas. Interviews with *surhånos* and *surhånas* throughout the Marianas has led to a compilation of medicinal knowledge in books, videotapes, compact discs and websites for future generations. A contemporary group of community-recognized *suruhånos* and *suruhånas* have led training sessions and conferences on traditional medicine and practices. Present day *suruhånas* practice traditional herbal medicine making and healing alongside medical doctors and continue to fill a niche in Guam’s sources of health care services.
Protecting native traditional knowledge and practices now means sharing the information with the world.
[***By Marilyn C. Salas, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=10944)
**Editor’s note:** Research for this entry was conducted in part by University of Guam ED 265: Culture and Education Undergraduate Students: Thilda Chamness, Melissa Tayama, Naomi Uy, Georgina Cruz, Faith San Nicolas, Rema Faith Olaguera, and Michael Argenal, under the direction of professor Marilyn C. Salas, PhD.
## Did you know?
***CHamoru Health*** – Archeological studies reveal that, aside from diseases and chronic health problems, ancient CHamorus also suffered traumatic injuries, like broken bones, many of which eventually healed. Men were in overall better health than women because of the kinds of hard labor women performed.
***Makåna and Kakåhna*** – In anthropology, a shaman is an individual who is a part-time specialist involved in healing. A sorcerer is an individual who communicates with the supernatural in the belief that spirits can act on their behalf for the purpose of good or evil. Although these terms, in addition to “medicine men” and “herbalists” are sometimes used interchangeably, CHamorus did distinguish between their healers, known as *makåna*, and their sorcerers, or *kakåhna*, who manipulated spirits to do evil. The term *suruhåna* is believed to derive from the Spanish word *cirujano* and is the practitioner that emerged after Spanish colonization; in addition, a *suruhåna* may use a combination of traditional knowledge with Christian beliefs and practices.
***Suruhånu/a*** – Unlike Spanish, CHamoru does not categorize nouns as either masculine or feminine. Because *suruhåna* is derived from the Spanish word *cirujana,* it is then assigned a gender, and made plural by adding an “-s.”
## For further reading
Borja, Manuel F., and Jose S. Roppul. *Lepblo pot Suruhåna/Suruhåno Siha yan Åmot Siha gi I Commonwealth i Sankattan na Islan Marianas (Directory of Traditional Healers and Medicinal Plants in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands)*. Saipan: Inetnon Åmot/Ammwelil Safeyal Faluwasch, 2009.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
McMakin, Patrick D. “The *Suruhanos*: Traditional Curers on the Island of Guam.” *Micronesica* 14, no. 1 (1978): 13-67.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Safford, William E. [*The Useful Plants of Guam*](https://guampediashop.com/collections/frontpage/products/useful-plants-of-guam). Agana Heights: Guamology Publishing, 2009
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Workman, Ann M., Linda Cruz Ortiz, and Debbie Kaminga-Quinata. “The Use of Traditional Medicine and Healers on Guam*”* In *Science of Pacific Island Peoples: Fuana, Flora, Food and Medicine*. Vol. 3. Edited by John Morrison, Paul Geraghty, and Linda Crowl. Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1994.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Health, Chamorro Culture, Early Historic Accounts, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Medicine Making
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### [Manåmko'](https://www.guampedia.com/manamko/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Manåmko' is a Chamorro/CHamoru word which means the elderly. Manåmko' can be translated into two words: The main word or subject is amko meaning elderly, with man making it plural.
**Content:**
# Manåmko'
#### Table of Contents
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## Elders
*Manåmko’* is a CHamoru/Chamorro word which means the elderly. *Manåmko’* can be translated into two words: The main word or subject is *åmko’* meaning elderly, with *man* making it plural.
Like most indigenous cultures, CHamoru elderly are the first teachers for children in the family or clan. CHamorus are taught to respect and honor *manåmko’* for their role as teachers, passing and sharing the CHamoru traditions and culture. Respect for them grows as they age, for they are responsible for knowing their culture, traditions, genealogy, history, land, secrets, language, crafts, and leading the next generations into the future. They are the link from the past to the future of the CHamoru people and the land.
*Manåmko’* are respected simply because of their age and the knowledge that they hold. When a younger CHamoru meets *manåmko’,* they are expected to [*nginge’,*](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/) which is the CHamoru way of showing respect and taking in some of that elder’s spirit and wisdom. To *nginge’,* one takes the elder’s right hand and bows, touching the back of the hand to one’s nose and saying *ñora* to a woman and *ñot* to a man. It is also acceptable to kiss the *manåmko’s* cheek. In return, *manåmko’* are obliged to give her or his blessings.
Being around the *manåmko’* and listening to what they have to say helps keep the CHamoru culture alive as they pass on traditions and customs. This cultural sharing and teaching can be observed at family and social gatherings. An example can be seen in almost any CHamoru kitchen in preparation for a function. The elder is in charge of the kitchen and assigns people their duties. At this time, the *manåmko’* share their knowledge of traditional ways of preparing a dish or a family recipe, and instructs the younger generation on how things should be done. This time together is also used for passing on oral histories, traditions, secrets, and any other culturally relevant knowledge.
The knowledge from *manåmko’* can only be fully understood when *manhoben* or children are ready to listen and understand that they need this knowledge to continue age old traditions. *Manåmko’* are the living CHamoru encyclopedia.
***By Lina Taitingfong***
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Control, Social Stratification
**Tags:** Manåmko'
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### [Latte's Significance](https://www.guampedia.com/lattes-significance/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The latte is a manmade construct carved from limestone or basalt that was used as a foundation for a shelter against the elements or as a structure which may have represented a sacred place. The latte was constructed and used by the CHamorus throughout the Mariana Islands during the Latte Period from 1,000 Before Present (BP) to 500 years BP.
**Content:**
# Latte's Significance
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## Possible sacred connection
The [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)is a manmade construct carved from limestone or basalt that was used as a foundation for a shelter against the elements, or as a structure which may have represented a sacred place. The *latte* was constructed and used by the CHamorus/Chamorros throughout the Mariana Islands during the [Latte Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) from 1,000 Before Present (BP) to 500 years BP. There has not been too much written on the possible sacred significance of these massive stones, other than alluding to their importance of burying the dead.
*Latte* are monolithic slabs composed of two separate pieces. The base of the *latte* is called *haligi* (pillar). *Latte* vary in height and range from three feet to 16 feet tall. Each stone, if complete, held a capstone of limestone known as a *tåsa* (cup), hemispheric in design and mounted on top with its curved side down, flat side up. The *latte* for each building were usually aligned in two rows of paired sets. Most buildings had eight or 10 sets of *latte*.
Creation of the *latte* may have signified for the builder a sacred connection to a particular activity of the ancient CHamorus’ societal structure and as such, it may be that the *latte* serves as a model for the sacred ritual and belief.
The *latte* stones can be conceived of as having been built as the result of the ancient CHamoru concept of *aniti* (spirit), and a sense of origin, life, and passing to the next life within—theoretically—the protection of the *latte*. The *latte* possibly symbolized a sacred space for the CHamoru who buried the dead between the stones as part of that construct of space made sacred. It should also be noted that the deceased were also buried within the house, on each side of the house and, especially, on the ocean side of the house. Having deceased ancestors buried next to dwellings demonstrates the CHamoru practice of ancestor veneration.
The use of *latte* demonstrates the importance of the stones in the life of the ancient CHamorus. The *latte* was also used to support such structures as the [*Guma’ Uritao*](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/) (House of Bachelors), which was a place for educating young men, the houses of the CHamoru noble castes ([*Matua* and *Acha’ot*](https://www.guampedia.com/matao-and-achaot/)), as shelters, and a place to build and protect canoes from the natural elements. Each of these structures were central to CHamoru society and were considered important spaces.
The ancient CHamorus, in hewing the great stones from the earth, may have been expressing the fundamental connection of spirit and nature. CHamorus made use of the land and sea in their everyday lives, consequently placing the *latte* in proximity to their living experiences. By exploring those artifacts created by the CHamoru as one who builds, worships, and lives, we can tentatively construct a sense of the ancient CHamorus and their idea of what artifacts are deemed sacred, what constitutes sacred space and sacred place.
***By Fred Rodriguez, MA***
## For further reading
Carson, Mike T., ed. “Archaeological Studies of the Latte Period.” *Micronesica* 42, no. 1/2 (2012): 1-79.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda Kentish. *Selected Papers: Traditional Art and Symbolism*. Vol. 1. Bollingen Series 89. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Symbolism
**Tags:** Latte's Significance
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### [Guam's Seven Historical Eras](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-seven-historical-eras/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam, the largest and southernmost of the Mariana Islands chain, has a unique and complex cultural history.
**Content:**
# Guam's Seven Historical Eras
#### Table of Contents
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## Guampedia view
[**2,000 BC – 1668: Ancient Guam**](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-era-gallery/ "Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Era Gallery")
People first arrived in Guam and the rest of the Mariana Islands probably from Southeast Asia, possibly in many waves over many years. These people evolved into the CHamoru/Chamorro people with their own distinct language and way of life.
[**1668 – 1898: Spanish Era** ](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-gallery/ "Spanish Era Gallery")
With the establishment of the first Catholic mission, Guam became a colony of Spain until the Spanish-American War of 1898. The CHamoru people adapted to a new way of life that mixed traditional beliefs and customs with Christianity and other foreign influences.
[**1898 – 1941: US Naval Era**](https://www.guampedia.com/naval-era-gallery/ "Naval Era Gallery")
The US Navy ruled Guam from 1898 until the Japanese invasion in December 1941. The navy built up Guam’s infrastructure and introduced American culture. Despite the limitations on CHamoru rights, the CHamorus petitioned for US citizenship several times, as early as 1901.
[**1941 – 1944: World War II/Japanese Era**](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-japanese-era-gallery/ "WWII - Japanese Era Gallery")
Japanese imperial forces occupied Guam from 10 December 1941 to 10 August 1944. Life under Japanese rule was harsh, but the CHamoru people endured, guided by strong religious faith and a sense of loyalty to the United States.
[**1944-1950: Post-War Era**](https://www.guampedia.com/post-war-era-gallery/ "Post War Era Gallery")
A period of rebuilding after the destruction of World War II. The US military took control of government and large tracts of land for military bases and recreation. The people of Guam pushed hard for self-rule and US citizenship.
[**1950 – 1970: Guamanian Era**](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-gallery-2/ "Guamanian Era Gallery")
The Organic Act of 1950 granted CHamorus US citizenship but only limited self-government. The US president appointed civilian governors. The Organic Act set up the Government of Guam’s administrative structure, the Legislature, and the Courts. The term “Guamanian” was coined, referring to CHamorus and others for whom Guam is home.
[**1970 – Present: Contemporary Guam**](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-gallery/ "Contemporary Guam Gallery")
Guam’s first elected governor took office and the island experienced economic growth and urban development. Tourism became a viable industry alongside the military presence. CHamorus continue their struggle for self-determination, cultural preservation, and to meet the challenges of a global world.
## Overview of Guam's History
Guam, the largest and southernmost of the Mariana Islands chain, has a unique and complex cultural history. Located in the Western Pacific in the geographic region known as Micronesia, Guam is well known for its strategic military and economic position between Asia and the North American continent, but is less known for its remarkable history and resilient people.
Inhabited for thousands of years, the Marianas are home to one of the oldest Pacific Island cultures. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Marianas Islands were one of the first places to be settled by seafaring peoples, possibly from Island Southeast Asia, over 4,000 years ago. Although it is uncertain whether the islands were settled in waves of migration or all at once, the Mariana Islands appear to have been continuously occupied by people who shared the same culture and language that eventually became known as CHamorus.
Guam not only has a unique ancient history, but a complex colonial history as well. Guam is the site of the first Roman Catholic mission and formal European colony in the Pacific Islands. In fact, the last 400 years of Guam’s history are marked by administrations of three different colonial powers: Spain, the United States, and Japan.
With each administration came new challenges and changes for the CHamoru people. As a Spanish colony, the CHamoru people adapted to influences regarding religion, social organization, and cultural practices from Spain, Mexico, and the Philippines.
The ceding of Guam to the United States as an unincorporated territory after the [Spanish-American War](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-american-war/) in 1898 introduced CHamorus to democratic principles of government and the modern American lifestyle, while keeping them subjects of a sometimes oppressive US Naval administration.
Guam also had a unique position in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), when Japan invaded the island shortly after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. For the next three years, Guam was occupied by Japanese forces, and the CHamorus were thrown into a war not of their making, until the Americans returned in 1944 to reclaim the island.
The political maneuverings after World War II and the post war buildup led to even more expansion of US military interests in Guam and the rest of Micronesia, with Guam becoming a hub for economic and commercial development. The easing of military restrictions for entering Guam and the establishment of a local, civilian government, have made the island an ideal place for people from all over the world to visit, go to school, find jobs, or pursue a variety of economic interests.
The different eras of Guam’s history are highlighted with moments of resilience, strength, adaptation, and innovation as the CHamoru people have found ways to adapt to the challenges of cultural and historical change. Today, Guam has a diverse population that enjoys a rich, multicultural, modern, and urban lifestyle, but in its heart endures the spirit, language, and culture of the indigenous CHamoru people, for whom Guam has always been “home.”
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Guam's Seven Historical Eras
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### [Haputo (Haputu)](https://www.guampedia.com/haputo/)
**Published:** September 29, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient village on Guam's northwestern coast. Haputo is located on military-owned land on the northwestern coast of Guam, near the Naval Communications Station (NCTAMS) in Finegayan.
**Content:**
# Haputo (Haputu)
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## Ancient village on Guam's northwestern coast
Haputo is located on military-owned land on the northwestern coast of Guam, near the Naval Communications Station (NCTAMS) in Finegayan. It is protected by the US Navy as the Haputo Ecological Reserve. The pristine, secluded beach is accessible by a hiking trail that includes 212 narrow man-made steps that descend about 100 feet down a fairly steep incline to crystal blue waters. Nearby are the remains of an ancient CHamoru/Chamorro village. Guam residents may access the beach with a military identification card or with special military authorization.
Haputo was designated an ecological reserve in 1984, covering 252 acres of coral reef and limestone forest. The area was declared a preserve to protect it from the negative impacts of human activities and the introduction of invasive species. Haputo is also listed in the Guam and National Registers of Historic Places.
## Historical background
As with many other ancient sites on Guam, not much is known about the history of Haputo. Historic accounts from the early Spanish era mention that the village of Haputo (sometimes spelled Apoto) was burned in 1678 by Spanish soldiers as the newly appointed Governor Captain Juan Antonio Ruíz de Salas tried to make his way to [Tarague](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-village-tarague/) on the northeast coast to inflict punishment on the rebellious villagers there. Unable to get to Tarague because of the dense vegetation, he passed through Haputo on his way back to [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and burned several houses. The soldiers are believed to have passed very close to the [latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/) set located in what is now Latte Stone Park in South Finegayan.
[Aguarin](http://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-aguarin/), (sometimes spelled Agualin) a Chamorro warrior chief who led an uprising in Hagåtña in 1677 had lived in Haputo in 1678. Another chief of Haputo named Ayihi (who adopted the name Antonio when he converted to Christianity) was one of a group of Chamorro leaders who sided with the Spanish in the early years of the Chamorro-Spanish wars. In 1680 as the Spanish tightened their hold on the Mariana Islands, the surviving residents of Haputo and all the other northern villages of Guam, were forced to relocate to Hagåtña as part of the *reducción* led by [Jose de Quiroga y Losada](http://www.guampedia.com/jose-de-quiroga-y-losada/).
Although the village was abandoned, it still was recognized by name and located on early European maps of Guam. French explorer [Louis Freycinet](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) wrote in 1819 that Haputo was one of two sites where Carolinian canoes landed–the first to land on Guam since the arrival and takeover of the Marianas by the Spanish. The canoes arrived on 19 June 1712 from the island of Farroilep (now spelled Falalop) after having been blown off course by a storm. (Incidentally, a Jesuit missionary on Guam at the time named Padre Juan Antonio Cantova was so intrigued by these visitors that he was compelled to try and find their home islands in 1722 to set up a mission. He was unable to locate the island and later made a second attempt in 1731 only to be killed at Mogmog, near the island of Falalop in Ulithi Atoll, Yap State Federated States of Micronesia, becoming the first martyr in the Caroline Islands).
In the early 1800s, the government allowed several residents of Hagåtña to clear land for cattle grazing in the northern plateau. However, the land remained mostly unoccupied except for a few houses, and the traditional road that ran near the rugged coastline. In 1833, Captain Francisco de Villalobos traveled to the Haputo area while conducting a survey of the island to determine its military readiness. With the assistance of a guide, he presumably made his way using the traditional trail that was thickly overgrown, located along the coastal terrace from Pugua Point (just north of Haputo). According to archeologists who studied the area in 2000, the trail likely ascended upward from Ague Point up into the Finegayan plateau, then back down to Hilaʼan (which is south of Haputo). The need for a guide and the state of the overgrown trails indicated that the Finegayan area and the coast were likely not inhabited or being utilized.
The early 1900s also saw little use of the northern part of Guam near Finagayan, except for the growing of coconut trees for the copra trade. Even the Japanese forces during the [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) occupation of Guam seemed to have little use for the area, focusing their activities in their headquarters in [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) to the east. However, the Pugua site has a cave that was used by US Navy radioman [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/) as one of several hideouts to evade capture by the Japanese during the war.
By 1951, the Navy Communications Station was established in the Finegayan area and development of the facility included the building of three large complexes of directional antennae. A housing complex was constructed in the 1950s or early 1960s, but was eventually dismantled after the extensive damage from Typhoon Paka in 1997. The Haputo area has remained undeveloped except as a recreational and fishing site. The area was eventually restricted to military personnel and visitors with special authorization.
## Early archeological research
Archeologically, Haputo resembles other coastal settlements found in the largely limestone landscape of the northern part of Guam. The village site was visited in 1947 by Navy archeologist Douglas Osborne, who had also conducted archeological surveys throughout the island, including Fena and [Pulantat](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/) in south-central Guam, and in different sites along [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) Bay. According to Osborne, the remains at Haputo resembled Gongna, the area next to the current location of the Nikko Hotel on the north end of Tumon Bay. Gongna was a heavily used ancient site but was greatly disturbed by military construction in the area to create a recreational space for military personnel. Unlike Gogna, though, Haputo was undisturbed and less extensive. The beach and cove of Haputo were far more difficult to access, but even Osborne was taken by the natural beauty of the place. The surrounding jungle vegetation was thick, with an abundance of *pupulu diablo* (Piper guahamenes), an indigenous shrub used by local healers to make herbal remedies.
Osborne reported five groups of [latte](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) of eight stones each, medium in size, and located back from the waterʼs edge, closer to the base of the cliff. The latte had a general north to south orientation, making them parallel to the cliffs and ocean. The *haligi* or bases were composed of coralline limestone and the *taza* or capstones were made of hemispheres of brain coral. Individual stones were in rows spaced about nine feet apart. The latte in one of the groups measured about 5ʼ6” tall. One of the latte was upright with its capstone set in place.
Osborne also observed an abundance of pottery sherds of various tempers, but mostly clay and sand. The average thickness for the sherds with sand tempering was about 0.35 inches, with only a small few above 0.40 inches or below 0.35. Some sherds exhibited a rough combing pattern on the outer surface. The few fragments Osborne noted of clay temper were thin and plain surfaced. He reported evidence of a “definite trend toward the use of sand temper” over time.
The Haputo area was later revisited by National Park Service archeologist Erik Reed in 1952, and by Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) archeologist Fred Reinman in the mid-1960s. Reinman described that access to the area was difficult and required walking along a steep and slippery trail. Because of its limited accessibility, the area was still in a relatively undisturbed state since Osborneʼs visit almost 20 years earlier. The midden of archeological remains began about 25 to 30 meters back from the water and extended all the way to the back of the limestone cliff line. The most heavily concentrated remains were associated with latte sets. [Pottery](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/), tools made of stone and shell, lusong (or mortar stones) were found, along with an abundance of seashells. Reinman noted the upright latte reported by Osborne no longer had its capstone in place. However there are still latte with capstones at Haputo. The thick vegetation included coconut and federico palms, papaya trees and bamboo, along with taro and alocasia plants (elephant ears).
On the north side of Haputo Beach is Haputo Point. Reinman reported a number of rock shelter caves and overhangs which contained an abundance of pottery and other debris. The eroded limestone ends at the water in a low ledge around five to ten meters high. The amount of debris seemed to indicate the area had been heavily occupied in the past.
## Recent archeological research
In the spring of 2000, researchers from the Micronesian Archaeological Research Services and International Archaeological Research Institute, Inc., conducted a survey of surplus Navy lands, including a stretch of land in the Finegayan area, from the coastline and through the limestone plateau, up to Route 3 or NCS Road. The ancient site of Haputo was just outside the area of study to the north. However, nearby Ague Cove was extensively studied.
The Finegayan area covers about 3500 acres and is divided into North Finegayan, which extends 2900 acres, and South Finegayan, which is only 712 acres. The two are separated by a stretch of land once controlled by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), which was the focus of the study. Finegayan lies on the northern limestone plateau, but extends seaward creating a tall cliff line that is indented in two places, forming small coves or larger reef flats. The limestone forest contains primarily evergreen plants and scrub that grow well in salty environments. The flat coastal strip at cliff base has an abundance of coconut plants.
The researchers found that prehistoric settlement of the Finagayan area was concentrated on the coast, including Haputo, which was considered a primary settlement site, along with Pugua and Hilaʼan. A fresh water well at Haputo made it possible to sustain a viable population. Archeologists believe Haputo was occupied almost 2000 years ago–ceramics from the area date in the range of 100 to 400 AD. Changes in the sea level would have allowed people to occupy rock shelters along the area, if only intermittently, during the pre-Latte period. The earliest [pre-Latte pottery](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro_pottery_early_calcareous_ware/) also seem to suggest–by their composite materials that come from different places–that their makers/users traveled considerably between islands. Later Latte era (about 1000 AD) pottery lacks some of the materials found in older ceramics, perhaps reflecting more restricted movement compared with earlier times.
The Haputo settlement had at least 23 latte stone sets, distributed in a semi-circular patter, following the curve of the bay. The site appeared to have been permanently occupied, with fresh water available year round, and an abundance of marine and reef resources. Also, plants in the nearby jungles provided building materials as well as food resources. The cliff face also provided shelter from storms, and, with gentle ocean breezes, a pleasant, cool environment for the siteʼs inhabitants.
North of Haputo is an area called Pugua, which has a rock shelter that contains pictographs. Although Osborne had reported this site had a latte set it was not relocated in the 2000 archeological survey. Another interesting feature of this area is a sinkhole that leads to a chambered cave with a fresh water pool. The walls of the chamber are slick limestone, but has impressions of hand and footholds to access the pool–the first observed case of such prehistoric construction to reach water.
Further south along the coast but outside Navy property is Hilaʼan, located on a large coastal flat north of Tanguisson Point. Hilaʼan has 20 latte sets, numerous caves and rock shelters, two wells and a fresh water pond. There is also evidence of latte period occupation at Ague Cove located just outside the southern border of North Finegayan.
The limestone forest further inland in the Finegayan area shows little evidence of permanent habitation. Few megalithic structures have been found, except for the latte set that is located at the Latte Stone Park. The set includes ten coral pillars, one of which shows damage from World War II, and associated capstones and artifact scatters. Isolated mortars have also been found in Finegayan.
It is believed the ancient Chamorro inhabitants residing in Haputo or even Hilaʼan may have used this upland area for food collecting, gathering and perhaps some dry land farming. Rice could possibly have been grown, but other staples like taro seem more plausible as a preferred food source. The latte set may indicate considerable residential use, although it is more likely, based on traditional patterns seen elsewhere on Guam, that main residences were along the coast. It is also likely that more sets may have existed but were destroyed over time and with development of the area since World War II.
Today large sections of the northern plateau have been developed and are now populated. The jungle limestone forests now include additional plant species, especially tangentangen. But the importance of Haputo and the other sites along the stretch of coast on northwest Guam provide insight into what life might have been like for some of the earliest inhabitants on Guam. Haputo as a heritage site is rich with cultural resources. It is a breathtaking area that few have privilege and opportunity to visit, but those who are able to see Haputo often exclaim it has one of the most beautiful beaches on the island.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Carson, Mike T., ed. “Archaeological Studies of the Latte Period.” *Micronesica* 42, no. 1/2 (2012): 1-79.
Osborne, Douglas. “Archaeology on Guam: A Progress Report.” *American Anthropologist* 49, no. 3 (1947): 518-524.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
–––. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
US Department of the Interior National Park Service. *General Report on Archeology and History of Guam*. By Erik K. Reed. Sante Fe: NPS, 1952.
**Categories:** HASSO’: Remembering Guam’s Ancient Heritage Sites, Heritage Sites, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Haputo (Haputu)
---
### [Hospitals](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-hospitals/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The first medical facilities and dispensaries of the US Naval Era (1898 - 1941) were established shortly after the Spanish American War in 1898, recorded as early as 1899. In this first year, Naval officials estimated that 1,141 indigenous CHamorus received medical care. Since roads remained under developed and hazardous, the Navy also provided a portable clinic that traveled to and from different points around the island.
**Content:**
# Hospitals
#### Table of Contents
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## First facilities
The first medical facilities and dispensaries of the US Naval Era (1898 – 1941) were established shortly after the Spanish American War in 1898, recorded as early as 1899. In this first year, Naval officials estimated that 1,141 indigenous CHamorus/Chamorros received medical care. Since roads remained under developed and hazardous, the Navy also provided a portable clinic that traveled to and from different points around the island.
A “[leper](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/)” hospital that was destroyed by a typhoon in 1892 was rebuilt in 1899 in the western coastal village of Asan; however, a year later it was demolished by a storm. The US Congress appropriated funds for the treatment of leprosy (Hansen’s disease) patients in 1907, at which time 85 people were diagnosed as suffering from the disease. In 1902 a leper colony was established in the Ypao area of Tumon.
## First permanent hospital
In 1901, the first permanent civilian hospital was established in the island’s capital [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Naval Governor Seaton Schroeder’s wife, Maria, spearheaded the development of the facilities, which were later named in honor of her efforts. The Maria Schroeder Hospital served as a municipal hospital until 1910 when it became Ward I of the US Naval Hospital Guam. The medical facility served both CHamoru and military patients though not many CHamorus, besides those from Hagåtña, made use of the facility.
A few years later, another governor’s wife, Susan H. Dyer, made efforts to open a hospital exclusively for the care of women and children. Named the Susana Hospital in Mrs. Dyer’s honor, the facilities were set up alongside the Maria Schroeder Hospital though they were destroyed by an earthquake in 1909. The hospital was rebuilt on the same property in 1910 with money appropriated by the federal government, and became Ward III of the Naval hospital. A second Susana Hospital was built in 1911.
## Outpatient clinics
A 30-bed civilian tuberculosis hospital was constructed in 1916 to relieve the pressure of overcrowding at the main hospital. In 1920 outpatient clinics staffed by Navy corpsmen were erected in six outlying villages. Aid stations staffed by patrolmen or school teachers, trained in first aid, were also established. The civilian tuberculosis hospital was used until 1930 when it became necessary for the tuberculosis patients to return to the hospital’s main facilities. Another two-story concrete structure was being constructed but not completed due to the Japanese invasion in 1941 during World War II.
## World War II destroyed hospitals
Guam’s medical facilities were destroyed during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) except for the tuberculosis wing of the hospital. When Guam was recaptured in 1944 by the American military temporary hospitals were established in the villages of Hågat and in Hagåtña’s outlaying barrio of Anigua. A few years later, the civilian and military wards were moved to Butler buildings in Tamuning.
The civilian ward was renamed [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) in 1946 in honor of Guam’s war casualties. In 1950 the hospital became part of the civil administration. In 1956 the Guam Memorial Hospital was relocated to a reinforced concrete building along Ypao point. The facility has since been demolished. The present-day Guam Memorial Hospital was constructed nearby.
In 1954 the Naval Hospital moved to a 350-bed structure overlooking the city of Hagåtña in the post-war village of Agana Heights. It primarily offers services to servicemen and women, though the Naval Hospital works with civilian authorities of Guam and the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands to address health care needs of the region.
[***By Marguerite Saussotte***](http://www.guampedia.com/marguerite-saussotte/)
## For further reading
DeLisle, Christine Taitano. P*lacental Politics: CHamoru Women, White Womanhood, and Indignity under US Colonialism in Guam*, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2022.
Haddock, Robert L. *A History of Health on Guam.* Hagåtña: Cruz Publications, 1973.
Hadley, Alice E. “[A Brief History of the U.S. Naval Hospital, Guam, 1899-2001](http://www.guam.net/home/ahadley/hyusnhgu.html).” *Guam Virtual Medical Library*, 1996. Last modified 21 January 2005.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health
**Tags:** Hospitals
---
### [Health Services](https://www.guampedia.com/post-wwii-era-health-services/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When the US military recaptured Guam from Japanese forces in July to August 1944, temporary field hospitals were established in secured areas of the Hågat and Anigua beachheads. Both civilian and military wards were later moved to a complex of metal buildings in the village of Tamuning.
**Content:**
# Health Services
#### Table of Contents
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## Establishing health services after WWII
When the US military recaptured Guam from Japanese forces in July to August 1944, temporary field hospitals were established in secured areas of the [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) and Anigua beachheads. Both civilian and military wards were later moved to a complex of metal buildings in the village of [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). The civilian ward, renamed [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) in 1946 in honor of the CHamoru/Chamorro casualties of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), came under civilian administration in 1950 and in 1956 moved into a modern reinforced concrete 236-bed structure nearby. Health services were again organized as they had been before the war, the Department of Health being responsible for all health related services.
The US Naval Hospital moved from its temporary buildings to a typhoon proof 350-bed structure in Agana Heights, overlooking the city of[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in 1954. In addition to caring for active-duty military personnel and their dependents throughout the Western Pacific, it cooperated with civilian authorities of Guam and neighboring islands by providing both routine consultative and emergency services. Effective 1 July 1964 under civilian administration, health service functions were divided between two agencies; the Guam Memorial Hospital and the Department of Public Health and Welfare. The hospital provided medical treatment, certain rehabilitation services and, at a later date, mental health services.
The Division of Public Health of the Department of Public Health and Welfare was responsible for maintaining adequate health standards for the community. This was to be accomplished through immunization programs, sanitation inspections of private and public facilities, special programs to control specific contagious diseases such as tuberculosis and leprosy, and the provision of public clinics for the prevention and early detection of disease.
The Division of Welfare assumed duties which, under the military administration, had been administered by the Guam Chapter of the American Red Cross. Services rendered by the division include old age assistance; medical assistance for the aged; aid to families with dependent children and to the blind or disabled; and general assistance, protective, corrective and counseling activities for young people to curb the problems of juvenile delinquency and school dropouts.
In 1970, the Division of Public Health operated eleven village clinics that provided complete well child and maternal care services as well as cancer detection services, family planning information and home care supervision. Central clinics located in two additional strategically located villages also provided dental health and communicable disease control services as well as chronic disease supervision and some crippled children services.
Further reorganization had occurred by 1971 when the importance of two activities formerly within the Division of Public Health was recognized and each was elevated to divisional status. These became the Division of Dental Health and the Division of Environmental Health Services.
[***By Dr. Robert L. Haddock***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-haddock/)
## For further reading
Haddock, Robert L. *A History of Health on Guam.* Hagåtña: Cruz Publications, 1973.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Health
**Tags:** Health Services
---
### [Post War Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/post-war-era-gallery/)
**Published:** April 2, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Post War or Post World War II Era (1944-1950) Gallery is a collection of images utilized in Guampedia entries.
**Content:**
# Post War Era Gallery
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML203-NAGU03072-Pfc.-Walter-Pillows.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/MARC-028-Bank-of-Guam_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/PC1-9-Adas-Making-Soap.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/0028-ML202-NAGU02002-Aerial-of-Agana-1944.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/0028-ML203-NAGU03056-Orote-in-Ruins.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/NAGU03057-Agana-in-Ruins.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/GC-23652_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/PC8-4-Gazebo-on-Guam.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0007-AH-461-DOCK1948-APRA-HARBOR.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/WAPA-BX09-Tweed_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/PC8-6-3_1024.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0009-M3-060-GC20-658-Ambrosio-Shimizu-home.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/0009-M3-056-GC20-178-Island-Court-edited.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/MC-18-38.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/20-B1-Boys-Karabao-Cart.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/05-PC8-8-2-Young-Women-Walked_ed_1200.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/0028-ML203-NAGU03039-Aerial-of-Agana.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/PC8-2-Agana-Hospital_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/GC65-80-A-336931_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/NAGU02009_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/0028-ML201-NAGU01010-Manuel-Perez-Family-Reunion-1944.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Chamoru-Patriots_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/0028-ML203-NAGU03075-Payoff.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/NH-62425-Nimitz-and-Larsen.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/09/0009-M7-007-Generals.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/0028-ML203-NAGU03073-Cpl.-Hunter.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/19-Tweed-Cave.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/67-Airstrip_1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/GC65-297-525.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/0009-M7-025-Skinner.webp)
[ Explore more images in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623600474805/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** Post War Era Gallery
---
### [Hineksa' Nina'i: Gift of Rice](https://www.guampedia.com/hineksa-ninai-gift-of-rice/)
**Published:** October 20, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Rice was an important ceremonial food during ancient times in the Mariana Islands. At a wedding party, which usually took place in the morning at the bride’s parent’s house, her mother presented the bride to the groom and the couple was officially married.
**Content:**
# Hineksa' Nina'i: Gift of Rice
 *Hineksa' Sinagan* (Wedding Rice Pyramid). Illustration courtesy of Jessica Chan.
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## A wedding gift of rice
Rice was an important ceremonial food during ancient times in the Mariana Islands. At a wedding party, which usually took place in the morning at the bride’s parents house, her mother presented the bride to the groom and the couple was officially married.
Breakfast was then served on pandanus mats under a *palapåla* (temporary shelter). The groom’s relatives were seated, first the women and then the men, in order of their rank. Then the bride’s relatives were seated in the same manner.
The mother of the bride and groom were the highest-ranking guests. They were served *hineksa’ nina’i*, a large pyramid-shaped rice cake, which had been placed on a woven platter called *satghe*, which was supported by a litter carried by two men. The mothers of the bride and groom then presented the *hineksa’ nina’i* to the eldest sisters of their husbands. They, in turn, sent the gift to the eldest sisters of their husbands. The presentation of the *hineksa’ nina;i* continued in this way until it reached the oldest woman of each family. These elders would then serve it to all the relatives that it had been presented to. They alone could serve the rice cake.
Next, the second ranked guests would be served *patcha*, which were smaller pyramid shaped rice cakes. Finally, *hufot,* a small circular rice cake about two inches thick wrapped in a leaf, were presented to the least-distinguished guests.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Marriage, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Hineksa' Nina'i: Gift of Rice
---
### [WWII: Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi, Last Straggler on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-sgt-shoichi-yokoi-last-straggler-on-guam/)
**Published:** July 18, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Hid in Guam jungles. Shoichi Yokoi (1915 - 1997) was a sergeant in the Imperial Japanese Army, stationed on Guam during the Japanese Occupation of the island during World War II (December 1941- July 1944).
**Content:**
# WWII: Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi, Last Straggler on Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Hid in Guam jungles
Shoichi Yokoi (1915 – 1997) was a sergeant in the Imperial Japanese Army, stationed on Guam during the [Japanese Occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of the island during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) (December 1941 – July 1944). Yokoi is best known as one of the last surviving stragglers from the war, having remained hidden in the jungles of Guam for almost 28 years.
## Assignment on Guam
Yokoi was born 31 March 1915 and was raised in the city of Nagoya, Saori, Aichi Prefecture in central Japan. He worked as an apprentice tailor when he was drafted into military service in 1941. Yokoi served in the 29th Infantry Division which was sent to Manchuko (Manchuria) in northeastern China. He was later transferred to the 38th Regiment and was sent to Guam in February 1943. While on Guam the 28 year old sergeant was assigned to the supply corps of the Japanese naval garrison.
In July 1944, American forces returned to Guam and engaged in a bloody battle for possession of the island. Yokoi’s regiment was practically annihilated, and Yokoi himself was presumed dead. In fact an official announcement had been made in 1955 by the Japanese government of his death. With the breakdown of the Japanese command on Guam, soldiers like Yokoi were left to fend for themselves and told “to prefer death to the disgrace of getting captured alive.”
According to Guam historian Robert Rogers, over the next few weeks, Japanese holdouts were hunted down by American soldiers and CHamoru/Chamorro civilians in the [Combat Patrol](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-guam-combat-patrol-hunted-japanese-stragglers/). By September 1944, almost 5,000 holdouts were killed despite US leaflets and broadcasts calling for their surrender. By the end of the war in August 1945, there were about 130 holdouts—individuals or small groups—who did not believe the war ended and continued their struggle to survive despite their dire circumstances. Over the next three decades 114 stragglers surrendered, the rest had been killed, and Sergeant Yokoi, the last straggler, was found on 24 January 1972—26 years after the official end of World War II.
## Captured!
Yokoi’s capture made national headlines and captivated people on Guam and around the world. The army sergeant had survived almost three decades in the hills of the [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) River basin until two CHamoru hunters from Talo’fo’fo, Manuel Tolentino De Gracia, age 36, and Jesus Mantanona Duenas, age 43, were checking their fish traps around 6:30 pm that evening. The hunters noticed a man by the river who, according to their report to the police, they assumed was an individual from their village known for roaming this area. They surprised Yokoi, who charged at them after dropping a homemade net sack containing shrimp traps. Yokoi, already 57 years old at the time, still feared his life was in danger and panicked. According to his nephew Omi Hatashin, Yokoi reached for one of the hunter’s rifles, but in his weakened state, he was no match for the two men. The hunters then subdued Yokoi, and brought him out of the jungle tied and slightly bruised. As he was led through the jungle, the soldier asked to be killed then and there. Treating the straggler with kindness instead, they fed him before they brought him to the commissioner’s (mayor’s) office.
Police lieutenant Mariano C. Cruz described Yokoi as “about 5’6” tall, skinny, pale, appeared weak, short beard, hair roughly trimmed on the back, barefoot and dressed with dirty short pants and shirt.” Yokoi identified himself as an army sergeant and stated that he had been hiding in the area along with two other individuals who had died eight years earlier, likely of starvation. He also pointed out the clothes he was wearing were made of fibers he had woven together himself. Yokoi was interviewed at the Agana Police Headquarters by Honorary Japanese Consul James Shintaku. He gave Shintaku a list of relatives he hoped were still alive in Japan. He also revealed that there were originally ten of them who had escaped into the jungle; he knew the war had ended since 1952, and he even correctly knew it was 1972 (having kept track of time by the phases of the moon), but he had been afraid to come out of hiding.
Yokoi’s remarkable story of hiding in Guam so many years after World War II ended demonstrates the man’s resourcefulness and will to survive. A tailor by trade, he was able to weave hibiscus bark fiber together to make cloth and to sew them into garments he could wear. In the early months after the war, Yokoi and his ten companions learned how to catch, acquire and process local foods from the surrounding environment. They made shoes from materials found in piles of war wreckage. Eventually, they began making their own footwear, such as sandals woven from plant fibers, and even began repairing their clothes with dried toad skins. Three of the group eventually were shot and killed by patrolling American soldiers; two left on their own volition; and tension among the rest divided them into smaller groups.
By 1946, from the original ten holdouts, Yokoi remained with only two other soldiers, Shichi Mikio and Nakahata Satoshi, for several years until the three separated, leaving Yokoi alone for a year. They returned to live with each other around 1950, moving from place to place until they decided to build an underground cave. After several attempts to dig a suitable place–and several residences later–Yokoi finally left the other two in a disagreement over the preparation and storage of food. Recounting this experience, he said, “We dug a cave in a bamboo thicket, but after a few months our food ran out. The others moved to a new hiding place where there was more food. We visited each other.” The three agreed they should limit their contact with each other to avoid being detected.
Yokoi took three months to construct his cave about 500 meters away from the one he left behind. The interior of Yokoi’s cave was about three feet high and nine feet long, and about seven feet underground. The cave was supported by strong bamboo canes, and was accessible through a narrow, concealed hole with a ladder. The floors and walls were covered with bamboo and he even constructed an indoor toilet. The other two soldiers had been his only human contact until about eight years before he was captured, when he found them dead. He buried his former companions in a cave which he revealed to officials after he was captured.
Yokoi himself lived on shrimp, fish, river eels, toads, rats and wild pigs and jungle vegetation such as coconuts, breadfruit, papayas. He even learned how to process *fadang* or federico nuts, which are toxic if not processed correctly. He bathed frequently and avoided getting lice or ringworm or other infections. He moved only at night, covered by darkness and the thick jungle growth.
When Yokoi was captured, his cave was found to contain a shelf which held handmade utensils, rusted metal food and water containers and handmade traps. Two grenades and a 155mm artillery shell were the only weapons, and Yokoi’s rusty and useless rifle, which he had hoped to present to the Japanese Emperor Hirohito. His clothes, made of old burlap sacks, coconut and *pago* fibers were sewn together with handmade needles. The buttons of his suits were made from discarded plastic.
Keeping busy helped keep his mind off his troubles or thinking too much about his family back in Japan. He was desperate to not lose hope, especially when he was truly alone. In 1986, recounting his memories of the time, Yokoi declared:
> The only thing that gave me the strength and will to survive was my faith in myself and that as a soldier of Japan, it was not a disgrace to continue on living.
## A hero’s return
Yokoi returned to Japan in February 1972 to a hero’s welcome. The former soldier, however, found the transition from lone straggler to celebrated hero a difficult one. He arrived in Tokyo where, surrounded by media, he appeared bewildered and unable to answer questions posed to him. His first words, though, were broadcast nationally:
> It is with much embarrassment that I return.
In November 1972, trying to resume a normal life, Yokoi contracted an arranged marriage to his wife Mihoko, 13 years his junior, and the two settled in Yokoi’s home city of Nagoya. According to his nephew, however, Yokoi was like a stranger in modern Japan with its technological advancement and post-war economic development. Heavily militarized before the war, Japan no longer had an army. Nevertheless, Yokoi’s popularity grew and, according to Japanese scholar Yoshikuni Igarishi, he arguably learned to use the media, too, to rework the story of his activities, loyalties and emotions as a soldier/straggler on Guam. He was frequently invited to interviews and speaking engagements at schools and universities across Japan. He became a regular commentator on television programs, and would often regale audiences with tales of his survival skills. Two years after his surrender, he wrote a best-selling book on his experience in Guam in Japanese, and in 1974 he ran unsuccessfully for a seat in Japan’s upper house of parliament.
Yokoi had publicly stated he had wanted to meet the emperor, but although he never met Hirohito (who died in 1989), in 1991, Yokoi had an audience with Emperor Akihito during a reception at the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Overcome with emotion, Yokoi said:
> Your Majesties, I have returned home … I deeply regret that I could not serve you well. The world has certainly changed, but my determination to serve you will never change.
As he got older, Yokoi became more nostalgic and would often recall his past years on Guam. In fact, he returned to the island several times before his death from a heart attack on 22 September 1997 at the age of 82. He was survived by his wife of 25 years, Mihoko. Yokoi was buried in Nagoya with a ceremonial headstone that had been commissioned by his mother in 1955, when he was officially declared dead.
Modern interpretations of Yokoi’s experience on Guam point to a man who struggled first with survival in Guam’s jungles to a man who struggled to find his place in the modern world. While initially hailed as hero, there were times in the following decades of his life where people questioned and criticized his loyalty to the Japanese war effort and his bravery as a straggler of the war. His capture led to a search for other Japanese war stragglers, turning up Hiroo Onoda who led a guerrilla task force in the Philippines for many years after the war and who finally surrendered in 1974, and Teruo Nakamura who was found alone on the Indonesian island of Morotai in December 1974. Onoda’s experience contrasted with Yokoi, who had chosen to remain hidden. According to Irigashi, Yokoi once claimed to have killed two CHamorus to demonstrate his bravery while on Guam, then, realizing the backlash this account received in peaceful, post-war Japan, he blamed his two companions, then finally recanted this story altogether. The trauma of his experience on Guam was never fully revealed, and up to his death, Yokoi struggled with nightmares of being chased by enemy soldiers.
Nevertheless, the tailor-soldier from Japan remains a unique figure in Guam history and is remembered for simply surviving so long in the jungle. In 2006, the Shoichi Yokoi Memorial Hall opened in Nakagawa-Ku, Nagoya. His original cave site in Talo’fo’fo, however, was neglected and left to crumble, but is still marked in Guam tourist maps. Several of his prized possessions from his time in the jungle of Guam and photographs of Yokoi also can be found in the small museum at local business Jeff’s Pirates Cove located in Ipan. The Guam Museum also has featured Yokoi’s story in an exhibit that included original clothing and artifacts and replicas of Yokoi himself and his cave—reminders, perhaps, that World War II ended on Guam, not in 1945 or with the American liberation, but in 1972 with the surrender of Yokoi.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Borja, Paul J., and Joseph Santos Tomas. “[The Soldier Who Did Not Surrender](https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/npswapa/extcontent/lib/liberation28.htm).” *War in the Pacific NHP: Liberation – Guam Remembers*, last modified 11 May 2022.
Herskovitz, Jon. “[Japanese WWII Soldier Who Hid for Decades Dies](https://wanpela.com/holdouts/profiles/yokoi/obituary.html).” *Wanpela.com*, 23 September 1997.
Igarishi, Yoshikuni. “Yokoi Shoichi: When a Soldier Finally Returns Home.” In *The Human Tradition in Modern Japan*. Edited by Anne Walthall. Wilmington: SR Books, 2002.
*Jeff’s Pirate’s Cove*. “[The Story of Yokoi (blog)](https://jeffspiratescove.com/the-story-of-yokoi/).” 23 February 2019.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
*Wanpela.com*. “[Corporal Shoichi Yokoi](https://wanpela.com/holdouts/profiles/yokoi.html).” Japanese Holdouts, last modified 28 February 2007.
*Wikipedia*. “[Shoichi Yokoi](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shoichi_Yokoi).” Last modified 12 April 2022.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Last Straggler on Guam, WWII: Sgt. Shoichi Yokoi
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### [WWII: Guam an Obstacle to Japan's Ocean Empire](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-guam-an-obstacle-to-japans-ocean-empire/)
**Published:** July 15, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** All Micronesian islands under Japan's rule except Guam. In the US Naval Era of Guam (1898-1941), life was generally as it had been for decades. Except for the presence of a small Navy contingent, the PanAm Clipper Service and the Cable Station at Sumai, Guam was basically a land of farmers and fishermen, with people living a simple lifestyle.
**Content:**
# WWII: Guam an Obstacle to Japan's Ocean Empire
View more images for the WWII: Guam an Obstacle to Japan’s Ocean Empire entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157645322575887/).
#### Table of Contents
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## All Micronesian islands under Japan's rule except Guam
In the [US Naval Era of Guam (1898-1941)](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/), life was generally as it had been for decades. Except for the presence of a small Navy contingent, the PanAm Clipper Service and the Cable Station at [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), Guam was basically a land of farmers and fishermen, with people living a simple lifestyle.
When war came 8 December 1941 it was devastating.
The first war to visit the island and its people came during the Spanish colonization. Though [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) had come upon the island in 1521 and the explorer [Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) had “claimed” Guam for the Spanish crown in 1565, it wasn’t until 1668 that the Spanish began to colonize the Marianas.
In that year, the Mariana Islands became the focus of Spanish Catholic missionaries, notably the [Padre Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/), and his accompanying military protectors. The Spanish also wanted the island as a rest and watering stop for the Galleon Trade between Acapulco and Manila.
The effort to bring Catholicism to the island was successful – today, the great majority of the people are Catholics – but the price to Guam and its native people was costly. The resistance of the indigenous people to the Spanish resulted in 20 years of conflict and war with the Spanish military. That and the introduction of Western disease reduced the population from estimates as high as 100,000 down to a low of 4,000.
By the time the United States took Guam in 1898 in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, the native CHamoru/Chamorro population was only about 10,000. The rest of the Mariana Islands were sold to Spain and were later acquired by Japan as the US only wanted Guam.
By 1898, the people and the island were at peace though they had been neglected by Spain for many years as its empire was fading into history. In spite of America’s rise in power and influence around the world, the life of the people of Guam saw relatively little change in the transition from being one nation’s colony to being a possession of another. A great part of the reason for that was the ambivalence, and ignorance, of the United States toward the Pacific and Oceania.
Because Guam was merely looked upon by the Navy as a coaling station for its ships as they sailed the Pacific, the island changed little, although the military did add to the economy by buying from farmers and fishermen and employing people.
Naval administrators of the island ran government departments such as schools, a hospital, courts and police, but overall the island’s lifestyle changed little. Chamorros had not gained in terms of a democratic government; a House of Assembly served as a legislative body but it was merely advisory. [Chamorro self-determination](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/chamorro-quest-for-self-determination/) was non-existent. The naval governor still possessed absolute authority – he was legislator, chief executive and judge.
## Japanese had business community on Guam
Japan, though, was much more active in the region. When the opportunity arose in World War I as Germany was reeling from its defeat in Europe, the Japanese were unfurling the flag of the Rising Sun in Micronesia, formerly German-held islands, above the equator. Their presence in the central and western Pacific was vast, as vast as the area of the continental United States: from the Marshall Islands in the east, to the Carolines, to the Marianas and anchoring the line of Japanese-occupied islands was the Palau archipelago. In the Treaty of Versailles which ended World War I, Japan’s occupation of these islands was formalized under a mandate of the League of Nations. Only Guam was under US control.
The Japanese, which had a strong economic presence in the islands even before World War I, was now sowing its influence upon the islands through schools, agricultural programs, and, what would later prove deadly to American Marines and soldiers, the fortification and buildup of the islands as military installations.
With little political or financial support coming from Congress to fortify Guam, the United States signed an agreement with Japan in 1921 at the Washington Naval Conference. The two nations along with other world powers agreed not to fortify their possessions in the Pacific.
Japan’s designs on the islands began taking on a militaristic tone, however, and by 1935 the country refused inspection of the islands under the mandate and walked out of the League of Nations. The action was typical of Japan in those times as the nation, causing worry and concern for all those in Asia and in the Pacific, was growing more and more committed to a policy of aggression.
Only then did the United States begin thinking of fortifying Guam, and in 1938 a Navy study did recommend that the island’s naval facilities be improved to the point where they could support a fully-equipped and operational fleet to help in the defense of the Philippines. But the price tag – possibly tens of millions of dollars – needed for such a buildup was considered too high.
It was in this atmosphere that in December 1941 the people of the United States and Guam began paying – in blood – for a war that suddenly swept the nation and the island into years of struggle, years of sadness, years of tragedy.
***By Paul J. Borja***
**Editor’s note**: A version of this historical account was originally written for the *50th Anniversary Booklet of Guam’s Liberation in 1994*.
## For further reading
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Price, Willard. *Japan’s Islands of Mystery*. New York: John Day Company, 1944.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII: Guam an Obstacle to Japan's Ocean Empire
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### [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Father Diego Luis de San Vitores (1627 - 1672), a member of the religious order of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits), brought Christianity to the Chamorro/CHamoru people in 1668. He was killed in Tumon, Guam 2 April 1672 just a little less than four years after his arrival, a death that he welcomed because he would be considered a martyr in his efforts to spread Christianity.
**Content:**
# Father Diego Luis de San Vitores
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## Marianas evangelist
Father Diego Luis de San Vitores (1627 – 1672), a member of the religious order of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits), brought Christianity to the CHamoru/Chamorro people in 1668. He was killed in [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), Guam 2 April 1672 just a little less than four years after his arrival, a death that he welcomed because he would be considered a martyr in his efforts to spread Christianity.
In the latter part of the 17th century, as the fervor of the Spanish empire’s expansionism to gain global and economic power and Christian conversion spread, San Vitores came to Guam and established the first Catholic Church in the Marianas, altering the social, cultural and religious landscape of the 15-island archipelago.
Throughout his missionary efforts, the people the Mariana Islands took part in events that transformed their island into the first permanent European Christian settlement in Oceania. [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) became the first European city after the establishment of colonial government and hosted the beginnings of a European educational system in Guam. The CHamorus survived a massive cultural upheaval as many traditional institutions and cultural practices were eradicated and others adapted to Catholic institutions and Spanish cultural practices.
One of the earliest records of contact with the CHamorus of the Mariana Islands and Europeans was when [Ferdinand Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)’s lost expedition (during its search for the Spice Islands) berthed off Guam’s shores in 1521. Although, [Miguel de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) wouldn’t claim the island for the Spanish empire for another 44 years, the Spanish would have no real interest in the islands until 1668, when San Vitores’ five-year-long bid to establish a mission in the Marianas was finally realized.
## Early life
San Vitores was the son of a nobleman. He was born Diego Jeronimo de San Vitores on 12 November 1627 in the city of Burgos, Spain to *Don* Jeronimo San Vitores de Portilla and *Dona* Maria Alonso Maluenda. Diego Luis de San Vitores entered the Society of Jesus as a novitiate at the age of 13 after having overcome opposition from his parents who wished him to join the military and feared that there would be no other son to carry on the family name as his brother Miguel had died at the age of seven. His parents finally conceded, however, to his wishes and he assured them that they would have several more children.
After becoming a member of the Society of Jesus, he changed his name to Diego Luis de San Vitores as it was the custom of the time to take the name of a saint. On 23 December 1651 San Vitores was ordained a priest in Spain at the age of twenty-four.
## Encountering the CHamorus
San Vitores’ first encounter with the CHamorus was in 1662 while he and other missionaries were in transit to the Philippines aboard the Spanish galleon *San Damian*. The ship made a brief stop at the *“Islas de los Ladrones*,” or “Islands of Thieves” as the Marianas were known at the time. (The islands received this unfortunate name after Magellan’s lost, starved, and scurvy-ridden convoy landed there in 1521 and a dispute over a skiff led to a deadly attack on the CHamorus. Before the incident occurred, Magellan initially named the islands “*Islas de las Velas Latinas*” or the “Islands of Lateen Sails,” for the swiftness, agility and maneuverability of the proas that the CHamorus navigated.)
As *San Damian* pulled into the waters off the island of Guam, San Vitores sighted the CHamorus and felt a great desire to “bring the light of Christianity” to what he interpreted to be Godless islanders. He continued on to his mission in the Philippines, but went to great lengths to find a way to begin a mission in the Marianas. He used his father’s influence as a member of the Spanish Crown Treasury to get the support of Queen Maria Ana de Austria for his way to the islands. In 1665, three years after San Vitores first visited the islands, Spain’s King Philip IV, issued a royal *cedula*, or royal decree, ordering the missions to begin in the islands.
Despite the court’s endorsement, San Vitores encountered several setbacks from Spanish authorities in the Philippines and Mexico, which oversaw the funding of overseas expeditions in the Pacific region. The resistance was presumably because the expense to bring the missionary to the isolated islands was economically burdensome and would not yield an economic profit. San Vitores was determined, however, to reach the islands and was eventually successful.
In June 1668, the *patache* (or supply boat) *San Diego* arrived off the shores of Guam’s primary village, Hagåtña, carrying San Vitores and other missionaries to begin their efforts. For her support, San Vitores renamed the archipelago *Islas de Marianas*, the Mariana Islands, in honor of Queen Maria Ana. He subsequently renamed the other islands in honor of Saints; Guam was renamed San Juan.
## Conversion efforts
The first CHamoru baptized was the infant daughter of a CHamoru mother and a Filipino castaway named Pedro Calungsor who lived in the islands for 30 years after the 1638 shipwreck of the *Nuestra Señora de la Concepción* off Saipan’s coast. Calungsor became San Vitores’ lay assistant and translator but later ran away from him. After Calungsor left San Vitores the priest returned to the Philippines and found another assistant with, ironically, the same name but who was about 17-years-old. The younger Pedro Calungsor is also often referred to as Calungsod in historical literature.
The first adult CHamoru baptized was [*Maga’låhi* Kepuha (Quipuha)](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-kepuha-quipuha-3/) from Hagåtña who gave land for the first Catholic Church, which San Vitores dedicated as *Dolce Nombre de Maria*, the Sweet Name of Mary. It was located near to where the present-day *Dulce Nombre de Maria* Cathedral-Basilica stands in Hagåtña.
The CHamorus initially welcomed San Vitores and the other Catholic missionaries and hundreds were readily converted. The nobles of the community may have believed this would elevate their social status while others village elders desired priests for their own village, probably as symbols of status. Some islanders apparently also received the sacrament of baptism more than once for the gifts of beads and clothing they were given.
This enthusiasm for Catholicism did not last long, however, as several factors quickly came into play including the conflicts it created in the hierarchal caste system of the CHamorus. The church preached that once baptized, people were equal in the eyes of God. The missionary’s dogmatic zeal was also not well received as the Jesuits shunned long-standing traditional beliefs and practices in trying to assimilate the CHamorus in Christian doctrine. This included the rejection of the CHamorus long standing veneration of ancestors. As part of the religious practices of CHamoru culture, people had the skulls of deceased family members placed in baskets in places of honor in their homes. The CHamorus believed that this allowed their deceased to have a place to stay and often sought the guidance of their ancestors and favors from them in their daily endeavors.
The missionaries told the CHamorus that their ancestors (including parents and grandparents) were burning in hell because they had not been baptized as Christians. The Christian missionaries also looked down upon and ordered the burning and destruction of *Guma’ Uritao* (men’s houses) because of what was considered institutionalized prostitution. Boys lived in the *Guma’ Uritao* after they reached puberty to learn the life skills they would need as men such as canoe building, navigating, tool making and fishing. CHamorus believed that learning about sex was also a valuable skill for youth. The women who taught the *uritaos* (bachelors) about sex were not forced to live in the *Guma’ Uritaos*, however, and it was considered honorable to become a *ma’ uritao*. Men would leave the men’s houses and, usually, remained married to one woman.
The social and cultural importance of the *Guma’ Uritao* was lost to the missionaries who remained fixated on what they perceived to be sinful acts in the *Guma’ Uritao*. To counter this form of accepted “cultural education,” San Vitores created the beginnings of a colonial educational system by establishing the *Colegio San Juan de Letran* in 1669, a seminary for boys; and later a school for girls, *Escuela de Ninas*.
The tide of discontent continued with the missionaries’ presence. For whatever reason, profit or pride, historical documents pinpoint a Chinese man named Choco, who was living in Guam for about two decades after he was shipwrecked in the Marianas prior to the missionaries’ arrival, as having been the instigator of rumors that would have negative ramifications for the missionaries.
Choco was married to a CHamoru woman from Saipan, and living in the southern village of Pa’a (which has now disappeared in present-day Guam). Choco came to the Marianas when the boat he and other Chinese men sailing from the Philippines shipwrecked.
Choco promoted the rumor that the baptismal water and anointing oils used in religious rites were killing people, thwarting conversion efforts so much that San Vitores would eventually end up confronting Choco at Pa’a. The two were locked into in a days-long public debate (in Chamorro) about religion with Choco supposedly conceding and even receiving baptism, but it did not take long for him to renounce Catholicism.
## Martyrdom
The murder or San Vitores and his assistant occurred at the height of a circulation of Choco’s rumors and festering animosity between the CHamorus and the missionaries. San Vitores and Pedro Calungsor were killed in Tumon on 2 April 1672 after he baptized the infant daughter of [*Maga’låhi* Mata’pang](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/) of Tumon, who was once a Christian convert, without his consent. Mata’pang believed the baptismal waters would kill his child. When Mata’pang discovered San Vitores’ actions he enlisted a warrior, Hirao, to kill San Vitores.
Despite San Vitores’ death, evangelization continued even more aggressively at the expense of the lives of CHamorus and some Spaniards. Defiant CHamorus did not acquiesce to colonial forces, but were eventually subdued by the colonizers’ advanced weaponry. Their plans to rid the island of the Spaniards were thwarted, too, by CHamorus who had chosen Christianity and who defended the Spanish against attacks.
CHamorus from throughout Marianas were forced to relocate to Guam and Rota to live in Spanish-style villages with a Catholic church as a focal point, and forced to abandon traditional ways of life such as seafaring.
## Quest for Sainthood
Today Catholicism is the leading religion in Guam and throughout the Mariana Islands. There is a monument in Tumon, near the site of San Vitores’ death, showing the priest baptizing the chief’s daughter as Mata’pang stands behind him lifting a sword ready to strike the priest. Hirao is also behind he priest while Mata’pang’s wife kneels watching her daughter being baptized.
The Catholic Church in the Marianas, now led by CHamoru priests, has spearheaded efforts to have San Vitores recognized as a saint. This effort was begun by the first CHamoru bishop, Felixberto C. Flores, who was later elevated to archbishop. San Vitores was beatified along with his assistant, Pedro Calangsod, in 1985.
[***By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](https://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/ "Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola")
## For further reading
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. “[Journey of Faith: Blessed Diego of the Marianas](http://www.micsem.org/pubs/articles/historical/frames/journfaithfr.htm).” *Micronesian Seminar*. Last modified 8 May 2019.
Johnston, Emilie G., ed. *Father San Vitores: His Life, Times, and Martyrdom*. MARC Publications Series 6. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vol. 6, Revolts in the Marianas, 1673-1678. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1995.
Risco, Alberto, SJ. *The Apostle of the Marianas: The Life, Labors, and Martyrdom of Ven. Diego Luis de San Vitores, 1627-1672*. Translated by Juan M.H. Ledesma, SJ and edited by Msgr. Oscar L. Calvo. Hagåtña: Diocese of Agana, 1970.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion
**Tags:** Father Diego Luis de San Vitores
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### [Origin of CHamoru/Chamorro as an Ethnic Identifier](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-chamorro-as-an-ethnic-identifier/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** First used in the 16th Century. Inscribed on the Great Seal of Guam are the words “Tano I’ ManChamorro,” or Land of the Chamorros/CHamorus.
**Content:**
# Origin of Chamorro as an Ethnic Identifier
#### Table of Contents
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## First used in the 16th century
Inscribed on the Great Seal of Guam are the words *“Tano I’ ManChamorro,”* or Land of the Chamorros. Referring to the Indigenous population of Guam and the Marianas, the term “Chamorro” is one that has its oldest documented origins in records dating back to the 16th century European expeditions in the Pacific. One of the most widely accepted theories suggests that “Chamorro” is a derivation of the indigenous term *“chamorri,”* which refers to the high caste in ancient Chamorro society.
The term *“Chamurres”* was used by the [Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) expedition of 1565, and appears in other records from the same contact period. By the time of the Jesuit missionary expedition led by[ Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) a century later, the terms ”*Chamorris*” and ”*Chamorros*” were commonly used to refer to the indigenous population.
The word “*chamorro*” is itself a Spanish term that means “bald,” or “shorn.” It is thus another theory that the name was ascribed to the Indigenous population as a direct result of observations of the male physical appearance, which commonly bore the unique characteristic of hair tied in a single knot on an otherwise barren head. Chamorro is also a family name in South America.
And while evidence from the post-contact period may suggest certain origins of the name of this ethnically distinct population, other theories passed on through the culture’s own mechanism for historical preservation – the oral tradition – suggest alternative and equally plausible sources. One theory posits the name evolved during the Spanish colonial period and reflects a combination of the Indigenous term *“cha’”* and the Spanish word meaning “civilized.” Together, the constructed word meant “somewhat civilized,” or “not completely civilized,” and was presumably used to refer to the indigenous population by European observers.
Whether the word that has come to identify the indigenous people of the Mariana Islands had its roots in one or a combination of these theories, what is clear is that the population itself adopted “*Chamorro*,” also spelled “*CHamoru*,” as a self-identifier. Gleaned over centuries, the spelling of the word would ultimately become mired in public controversy by the end of the 20th century – evidence of an increasingly visible articulation of the population’s distinct political, cultural, and ethnic identity in the Pacific.
***[By Gina E. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/gina-taitano/)***
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *Guam: A Nomenclatural Chronology*. Educational Series No. 5. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1985.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Language, Our Heritage, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Origin of CHamoru/Chamorro as an Ethnic Identifier
---
### [Study Guide: Research and Reflect on Guam's Quest for Self-Determination 6](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-6/)
**Published:** December 2, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Research and Reflect on Guam’s Quest for Self-Determination. The United States began its colonial administration of Guam in 1898. Today, more than 120 years later, Guam remains a colony of the US as an unincorporated territory. Because of this colonial status, the island and its people lack full self-government and guaranteed civil rights afforded to other US citizens.
**Content:**
# Study Guide: Research and Reflect on Guam's Quest for Self-Determination 6
 The Commission on Self-Determination 1987. Courtesy of the Department of Chamorro Affairs (DCA).
#### Table of Contents
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*Print version of this study guide [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Research-and-Reflect-on-Guams-Quest-for-Self-Determination-6.pdf) or all six [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Research-and-Reflect-on-Guams-Quest-for-Self-Determination-All.pdf).*
**6 of 6 Study guides for individuals and/or small groups**
**Subjects**
Political Science, Civics, Government, World History, Guam History, CHamoru Studies
**Grade-level**
- High School, 9-12
- College
**Time required**
- Research/inquiry 20 – 40 minutes
- Reflection 60 – 120 minutes
**Materials required**
- Access to Guampedia.com
- Computer
**Note:** Reflection papers can be emailed to instructor to remain paperless
**Objective**
Research and Reflect on Guam’s Quest for Self-Determination.
**Inquiry statement**
The United States began its colonial administration of Guam in 1898. Today, more than 120 years later, Guam remains a colony of the US as an unincorporated territory. Because of this colonial status, the island and its people lack full self-government and guaranteed civil rights afforded to other US citizens.
## CHamoru Efforts
CHamorus/Chamorros have fought numerous battles over many decades toward the attainment of self-government and citizenship with significant success. Yet ongoing debates in the 21st century over whether Guam truly is self-governing and its people equal citizens suggest that the drive for self-government and full US citizenship has not come to an end. The petitions of the early 20th century, with their rhetoric of loyalty to the United States and their call for political rights, would find parallels in the activism and struggle for self-determination and decolonization from the federal government prominent at the end of the century and that continues today.
**I. Documentary**
Independent or group viewing of [Lazaro Quinata’s](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/) Guam’s Quest for Self-determination (run time: 8:00 minutes) and the Cabazon Band Of Mission Indians’ Let Freedom Ring: The Chamorro Search for Sovereignty (8 clips of varying lengths).
- [Self-Determination on Guam](https://vimeo.com/103691616?fl=pl&fe=sh)
- [Let Freedom Ring](https://vimeo.com/showcase/2490049?share=copy)
**II. Entries**
Read aloud designated entries on Guampedia.com
- [OPI-R: Organization of People for Indigenous Rights](https://www.guampedia.com/opi-r-organization-of-people-for-indigenous-rights/)
- [PARA-PADA](https://www.guampedia.com/para-pada/ "PARA-PADA")
- [Sen. Angel Leon Guerrero Santos](https://www.guampedia.com/angel-leon-guerrero-santos/ "Angel Leon Guerrero Santos")
- [Nasion Chamoru](https://www.guampedia.com/nasion-chamoru/ "Nasion Chamoru")
**III. Reflection Questions**
Students assigned to write a 2-3 page paper based on the reflection questions posed. Encourage students to think critically, to *hasso*, and use their imaginations and share their voices. Questions can be specific to the particular exercise or general to the project.
**Suggested reflection**
- What are the issues behind the intense desire for self-determination by the people of Guam?
- What are your thoughts about the actions taken to achieve self-determination in the past?
- Have they inspired you or opened your eyes about these issues?
- Do you hope to see people keep fighting for self-determination for the CHamoru people? Why or why not?
## Guampedia study guides in this series
1. [Early Civil Rights and Non-US Citizenship (1898-1944)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-1/)
2. [Post War Reconstruction and Guam Congress Walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-2/)
3. [Organic Act of Guam (1950)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-3/)
4. [Guamanian Era (1960s – 1970s)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-4/)
5. [Contemporary Era (1980s – Present)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-5/)
6. [CHamoru Efforts](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-6/)
**Categories:** Educational Lesson Plans, Grade-levels, High School, History, Social Studies, Subjects
---
### [Self-Determination for CHamorus and Hawai'ians](https://www.guampedia.com/self-determination-for-chamorros-and-hawaiians/)
**Published:** March 12, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A legal analysis regarding the CHamoru and Hawai'ian right to self-determination was written for the University of Hawai'i Law Review Summer/Fall 1996.
**Content:**
# Self-Determination for CHamorus/Chamorros and Hawaiians
##### Share This
## A legal analysis for non-self governing peoples and Indigenous peoples
A legal analysis regarding the CHamoru/Chamorro and Hawaiian right to[ self-determination](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/chamorro-quest-for-self-determination/) was written for the University of Hawai’i Law Review Summer/Fall 1996 by Jon Van Dyke, a professor of law, William S. Richardson School of Law; Carmen Di Amore-Siah, an attorney at law, who grew up on Guam and earned her law degree at William S. Richardson School of Law, Honolulu in 1989; and Dr. Gerald W. Berkley-Coates, a professor of history at the University of Guam.
They determined that the right to self-determination is a powerful right that reflects the yearning of all peoples for recognition of their unique heritage and values. This right manifests itself in two distinct ways depending upon whether it is asserted by a non self-governing people or an Indigenous people.
All peoples have the right to govern themselves, and all Indigenous peoples also have this right. Non self-governing peoples have the right to become self-governing either by becoming independent, becoming integrated with their metropolitan power, or becoming a freely-associated state with the metropolitan power.
Although Indigenous peoples do not necessarily have the right to secede and become fully independent, they do have the right to enough autonomy and sovereignty to ensure that they are able to preserve themselves as a distinct cultural community and to make the fundamentally important decisions for themselves. By vigorously protecting this right, we can protect the inherent dignity of each group and ensure that the diversity of the world’s populations will continue to enrich the lives of all peoples.
***Read the full research paper here:***
## For further reading
*United Nations*. “United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.” United Nations For Indigenous Peoples, last modified 12 September 2020.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, e-Publications, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Self-Determination for CHamorus and Hawai'ians
---
### [Carlos Pangelinan Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Carlos Pangelinan Taitano (1917 – 2009) was one of the leaders from Guam who brought about the signing of the Organic Act for Guam. He arranged for the crucial media coverage of the Guam Congress Walkout of 1949 that led to CHamorus attaining US citizenship and civil government.
**Content:**
# Carlos Pangelinan Taitano
#### Table of Contents
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## Organic Act role
Carlos Pangelinan Taitano (1917 – 2009) was one of the leaders from Guam who brought about the signing of the [Organic Act for Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/). He arranged for the crucial media coverage of the [Guam Congress Walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) of 1949 that led to CHamorus/Chamorros attaining US citizenship and civil government.
Taitano was also an influential politician during Guam’s first two decades under the Organic Act, as a leader of the [Territorial Party of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/territorial-party-of-guam/) and Speaker of *I Mina’ Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/The 8th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). He had a number of careers—as a captain in the US Army, a businessman, a public servant, a civic leader, and was a tireless crusader for the rights of CHamorus.
## Walkout
Taitano was a young assemblyman in the Guam Congress in 1949, fresh out of his service with the US Army, when Guam’s long, frustrating quest for US citizenship and a measure of self-government came to a boiling point.
As the Guam Congress discussed the latest in a long line of petitions for US citizenship and a request for an organic act, a controversy arose regarding the power of the Guam Congress to subpoena American citizens.
When the Guam Congress and naval governor Charles A. Pownall engaged in a confrontation over the lack of real power given to the Congress, members of the Guam Congress decided to make an issue of it to bring attention to the citizenship and organic act bills.
Meanwhile, Taitano had met earlier in the year with two visiting journalists from the Associated Press (AP) and United Press International (UPI) bureaus in Honolulu. The two newsmen had agreed to send out reports on the controversy in return for exclusive reports from Taitano.
On 5 March 1949, the members of the Guam Congress, in a fury over strong-arm tactics by Pownall, decided to adjourn until the US Congress acted on the Organic Act for Guam. Taitano, without telling his colleagues, rushed to the telegraph office and sent out a report to Honolulu, and the news was relayed to the world. The *New York Times* reported “Guam Assembly Quits” on 6 March and “Congress Walkout” on 7 March.
When Pownall called the Congress into a special session, and the members decided not to attend, Taitano’s reports hit the *Honolulu Advertiser* with the headline, “Guam Congress Revolt Grows.”
The headlines caught the attention of the nation, of the US Congress and of President Harry S. Truman. With members of the US Congress inquiring how the President would handle the situation, Truman decided to end naval rule on Guam, transfer the administration of Guam to the Department of the Interior, and seek the passage of an organic act for Guam.
The Organic Act of Guam was eventually passed, helped by the lobbying efforts of Guam’s leaders as well as stateside sympathizers, and when Truman signed it into law on 1 August 1950, Taitano was the only CHamoru there to watch.
## Early years
Taitano was born on 14 March 1917 to Jose San Nicolas Taitano and Dolores Pangelinan Taitano, and was raised on his family’s farm. He persevered through school while helping on the farm, and after high school, was able to leave to Honolulu to pursue a medical education at the University of Hawaii. He graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in chemistry and took a job as an assistant chemist in the Honolulu Police Department’s criminology division.
Taitano joined the US Army when World War II broke out and served as an infantry officer. He left the Army in 1947 and returned home to Guam as a young military hero. He won a seat in the Guam Congress in 1948. He became an outspoken political leader among more seasoned statesmen, and it was during this first term that he convinced his older colleagues in the Congress to join him in the walkout.
## Political peak
In the aftermath of the Guam Congress Walkout and the subsequent signing of the Organic Act, Taitano decided to enroll in law school at Georgetown University in Washington, DC. While there, he founded the Guam Territorial Society, a civic organization of CHamorus and friends of Guam who live in the Washington, DC area.
After graduating with a law degree in 1953, Taitano returned to Guam once again and won a seat in *I Mina Tres na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/the 3rd Guam Legislature in 1954. Taitano was one of the few candidates in that election who did not run on the Popular Party ticket (it was the only political party on Guam at the time) and ran as an independent—and yet he was the fifth-highest vote getter in the election.
It was during this term in the Legislature that the Popular Party split apart, and eight of the party members joined Taitano and two other independents to elect [Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/) as speaker. The group stayed together and formed the Territorial Party of Guam, and Taitano became one of the new party’s leaders.
During this time, Taitano opened a shop called the Micronesian Village, selling locally produced artwork. In the mid-1960s, Taitano became president and general manager of the Coca-Cola Bottling Company and held this position for six years while still active politically.
The Territorial Party did not win any seats in the Legislature until 1964, when it won a majority of the seats. Taitano was one of the candidates elected, and he was voted in as Speaker of *I Mina’ Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan*/The 8th Guam Legislature.
Taitano was also active as a civic leader, serving as president of the Guam Bar Association and the Rotary Club of Guam and as a board member of the Guam Memorial Hospital and the Guam Chamber of Commerce.
## Later years
After retiring from the political arena following his term as Speaker of the Legislature, Taitano continued to be an outspoken leader for CHamoru political rights and a passionate speaker about the CHamoru indigenous culture.
From a young age, Taitano was interested in music, dancing, and the arts (even teaching dance classes while attending the University of Hawaii). In 1964 he wrote, produced, and directed a pageant about the early CHamrous called “I am Chamorri.” The first-of-its-kind, the play was a huge success.
In the mid-1980s he helped organize Guam’s presentation at the Pacific Festival of the Arts, sponsored by the South Pacific Commission; he did the research and inspired the dances and the writing of many of the chants for the production of “Guahu Taotao Tano’.” The storylines were based on Taitano’s research into the movements and chants of the early CHamoru people, and led to the formation of the Taotao Tano’ Dance Troupe.
His geneological interests generated similar interest and research for a number of clans in Guam. He inspired the first Taitano reunion and brought together various family lines linked to a single ancestor going back over 300 years. He re-emphasized the indigenous cultural and geneological roots of the people of Guam.
Taitano continued to study and research CHamoru history, genealogy, and traditions in song and dance until his death on 25 March 2009 at his home in California. He was an outspoken advocate for the civil and political rights of the CHamoru people and addressed the US Congress on this issue in 1998. He died at the age of 92 in 2009.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” *ISLA: A Journal of Micronesian Studies* 3, no. 1 (Rainy Season 1995): 1-27.
*Hinasso’; Tinige’ Put Chamorro (Insights: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordination Commission, 1993.
*Honolulu Advertiser.* “Guam Congress Revolt Grows.” 11 March 1949.
*Honolulu Star-Bulletin*. “Admiral Steps Into Guam’s New Fight Over Naval Rule.” 11 March 1949.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics
**Tags:** Carlos Pangelinan Taitano
---
### [Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon)](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/)
**Published:** August 27, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam residents seek more self government. In an effort to address deficiencies in Guam’s relationship with the United States, two constitutional conventions were convened by island leaders. Collectively, the conventions are referred to as ConCon.
**Content:**
# Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon)
View more photos for the Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon) entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157633109294370).
#### Table of Contents
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## Guam residents seek more self government
In an effort to address deficiencies in Guam’s relationship with the United States, two constitutional conventions were convened by island leaders. Collectively, the conventions are referred to as ConCon. Since [1898](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1487), Guam has been a possession of the United States. Although the [Organic Act of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18214) afforded the people of Guam limited self-government and American citizenship, the island continues to lack political sovereignty and its people still are subject to US federal oversight. The ConCon was one of numerous efforts that sought to achieve a greater measure of self-government on Guam and address imbalances in power between the US federal government and the local Government of Guam.
## The first Guam Constitutional Convention
The first Guam Constitutional Convention began with the passage of Public Law 9-244 sponsored by the late [Senator Richard F. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18369). The legislation directed that a constitutional convention be held to review and make recommendations on proposed modifications to the Organic Act of Guam. Passed in 1950 by the US Congress, the Organic Act transferred governing powers from the US Navy to the US Department of Interior creating a civil rather than military government for the island. Prior to this, the island had been administered by a [naval government](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-early-american-historical-overview/) since 1898, excluding the World War II years on Guam (1941-1944) when [Japan occupied](http://www.guampedia.com/japanese-occupation-of-guam/) the island.
The Organic Act granted limited congressional US citizenship to residents of Guam and reinforced the island’s [political status](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-political-status/) as an unincorporated territory of the United States. At the time of its passage, the Organic Act was viewed as a significant improvement to what many believed was an unjust colonial situation on Guam. The decades that followed the Organic Act’s passage, however, revealed that many of the concerns among island residents, such as [federal land acquisitions](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18570), uncontrolled immigration, and limitations placed on the Government of Guam had not been addressed by the act.
The first convention was funded by the 10th [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) and met from 1 June 1969 through 29 June 1970 with 43 elected delegates. This first constitutional convention, which did not have any federal authority to convene, recommended 34 changes to the Organic Act of Guam, of which only one recommendation was acted upon. At this point, the aim was to revise the existing Organic Act rather than change the political status of the island altogether. Due to the inability of the first convention to achieve the desired recommendations, it became apparent to many island leaders and residents that a new course of action was warranted.
## The second Guam Constitutional Convention
The second Guam Constitutional Convention was convened on 1 July 1977 to create a constitution for Guam that would redefine the island’s relationship with the US rather than merely modifying the existing relationship. The convention met periodically through 31 October 1977 and drafted a constitution to govern Guam as an unincorporated territory of the United States. The constitution was based on the latest constitutional models in the 50 states.
The proposed constitution incorporated social, economic, cultural, political, and administrative reforms, and departed significantly from the US-written and imposed Organic Act of Guam of 1950. Federal authority to create a Guam Constitution was provided by US Public Law 94-584 (90 Stat. 2899) as amended by US Public Law 96-597 (94 Stat. 3479). These statutes also authorized the US Virgin Islands to create a constitution.
At the time of its passage in 1976, the US was involved in political status negotiations with the Northern Mariana Islands. The Northern Mariana Islands, which was part of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) administered by the US under the mandate of the United Nations, had selected a commonwealth status similar to Puerto Rico. The rest of the TTPI became independent countries and negotiated separate free association agreements with the US. These include the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia (Yap, Chuuk, Kosrae and Pohnpei), and the Republic of Palau.
The [Guamanian](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1510) leadership expressed widespread dissatisfaction with Guam’s status quo and feelings of perceived inequity were caused by direct US negotiations with the Northern Mariana Islands. This dissatisfaction was organized and addressed by [political status commissions](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18691) established in 1973 and 1975, and through informal polls and a plebiscite in 1976, whereby voters of Guam elected to pursue a closer union with the US. Public Law 13-202 was enacted on 10 December 1976 to establish the framework to pursue drafting the constitution, and a non-partisan election was held on 16 April 1977 to elect 32 delegates. US citizens qualified to vote on Guam were eligible to become elected delegates. Although CHamorus/Chamorros and non-CHamorus were elected, only two delegates were women—Judith P. Guthertz and Judith T. Won Pat. Delegates included a retired judge, senators, village commissioners (mayors), bankers, lawyers, students, journalists, public employees, federal civil servants, educators and government officials. [Carl TC Gutierrez](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), who had served as a Senator in the Guam Legislature, was elected convention president.
Over the course of its term, several controversial proposals were discussed and acted upon by convention delegates. These include the following:
1. Future Governors and Lieutenant Governors of Guam must be born on island or be direct descendants of native-born CHamorus (defeated)
2. The rights of the unborn child to be protected (tabled)
3. That pregnant women not be denied the right to abortions (tabled)
4. Guam’s 19 [villages](http://www.guampedia.com/category/villages-historic-island/guams-villages/) be merged into 10 districts with a 22-member legislature (passed)
5. That homosexuals be given the right to marry (defeated)
6. That capital punishment be banned on Guam unless the voters decide otherwise in a referendum (passed)
7. That CHamoru and English be the official languages of Guam and that CHamoru also be used in official actions of public record (passed)
8. That a “Right-to-Work” provision be included in the Constitution (defeated)
9. That persons born of married or unmarried parents have equal rights (passed)
Thirty-four elected delegates signed the Guam Constitution on 15 December 1977 at their offices in the Bank of Tokyo Building in Hagåtña. Witnessing the event were [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), Speaker [Joseph F. Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), and Guam Delegate [Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/), among many others. \[For a list of the 2nd Guam Constitutional Convention Delegates, click [here](http://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/2nd-GU_CONCON-delegates.pdf).\]
Among the provisions included in the Guam Constitution were as follows:
1. Fifteen-year residency requirement for Governor and Lt. Governor
2. Legislature shall consider a Two-Year Budget
3. Sixty-day default approval for all executive appointees unless otherwise rejected by the Legislature
4. Elected Auditor General (single term, non-partisan, restricted political activities)
5. Elected Attorney General (single term, non-partisan, restricted political activities)
6. Order of succession is different, as the Speaker, Vice-Speaker and legislative leadership do not have default duties to act in the absence of both the Governor and Lt. Governor
7. Clear authority to change the allocation of departments and their functions, powers and duties are provided to the Governor (Reorganization)
8. Guam Legislature would be comprised of no more than 27 and no less than 15 members to be elected by 10 districts.
9. Impeachment proceedings would be initiated by the Legislature and then decided by a Judicial Council comprised of attorneys and non-attorneys (no judicial officers would serve on the Council)
10. Elected Boards of Education
11. Official fruit of Guam would be the betel nut and coconut
Governor Bordallo and Convention President Gutierrez presented the Guam Constitution to US President Jimmy Carter. President Carter approved the constitution, as did the US Congress led by Senator Spark Matsunaga (D- Hawaii), Chairman of the Senate Energy Committee, and Congressmen Mo Udall (D-Arizona) and Manuel Lujan (D-New Mexico), Chairman and Vice Chairman of the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. Matsunaga called the Guam Constitution a model for other Pacific territories at US Senate hearings in May 1978.
## Defeat of the Draft Constitution
Although approved at the federal level, the people of Guam roundly rejected the Constitution (82 percent of the vote) in a referendum held in August of 1979, and no new convention has been held pursuant to congressional authority since 1979. Reasons for rejection were that:
1. Constitution was not really a local expression of [self-determination.](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18917)
2. The political status question remained unresolved in Guam.
These primary reasons for rejection stemmed from the imposition of a US federal mandate on the drafting of the constitution that stipulated that any constitution for Guam not violate the existing federal-territorial relationship. Many believed that this ultimately defeated the purpose of adopting a constitution for Guam that sought to change the island’s relationship with the United States.
Political arguments against adoption of the Constitution also included its failure to address CHamoru political status and sovereignty, and that other status options might be closed in the eyes of the United States had the Constitution been ratified. These arguments were articulated by community organizations and political activists led by [Para Pada y CHamorus](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18635) (literally, “stop slapping CHamorus”), a group that advocated the perpetuation of CHamoru culture and language, a return of federally owned land to the indigenous owners, and CHamoru-self government.
As a result of this defeat, the 15th Guam Legislature commissioned the first in-depth assessment of all possible status options for Guam in 1979, including integration with the Northern Mariana Islands and annexation to the state of Hawaii as a county. The study concluded that Commonwealth status based on the Northern Mariana Islands model would be the best option for Guam. Plebiscites were held in 1980 and 1982, and Commonwealth status was selected as the political status to pursue with the United States.
The 17th Guam Legislature established the [Commission on Self-Determination](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18495), and the [Guam Commonwealth Draft Act](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18493) was subsequently approved by Guam voters and introduced in the US Congress. To date, Congress has not acted upon the Guam Commonwealth Draft Act, and the island’s political relationship with the United States remains the same as it did since the 1950 passage of the Organic Act of Guam.
***By*** [***Joshua F. Tenorio***](https://www.guampedia.com/joshua-f-tenorio/ "Joshua F. Tenorio") ***and*** [***James Perez Viernes, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=617)
## e-Publication: Draft Constitution of Guam
Courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, e-Publications, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Guam Constitutional Conventions (ConCon)
---
### [Elective Governor Act 1968](https://www.guampedia.com/the-elective-governor-act-1968/)
**Published:** August 27, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Guam Elective Governor Act was passed by the United States Congress on 11 September 1968 and granted the people of Guam the authority to elect the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of Guam. Known officially as Public Law 90-497, the Elective Governor Act declared that the majority of qualified Guam voters would jointly choose the Governor and Lieutenant Governor and set the first election date for 3 November 1970.
**Content:**
# Elective Governor Act 1968
View more photos for the Elective Governor Act 1968 entry[ here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157633104146211/).
#### Table of Contents
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The Guam Elective Governor Act was passed by the United States Congress on 11 September 1968 and granted the people of Guam the authority to elect the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of Guam. Known officially as Public Law 90-497, the Elective Governor Act declared that the majority of qualified Guam voters would jointly choose the Governor and Lieutenant Governor and set the first election date for 3 November 1970. According to the Act, subsequent elections for these offices would be held every four years, and limited the elected governor to two full successive terms; only after another full term passed could a former governor be re-elected to hold that office again.
## Under a civilian executive branch
The [Organic Act of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18214) established a civilian executive branch of government for the island in 1950. However for the first 20 years after it was passed the President of the United States, not Guam voters, selected the governor. During this time of appointed governors the executive branch was considerably stronger than the legislative branch. This was a carry-over from the many years of [naval rule](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=819), when the [naval governor](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=6781) had near authoritarian power. If a two-thirds majority in the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1518) overrode a governor’s veto, the governor could pass the legislation on to the Secretary of the Interior (the President’s Cabinet post that had jurisdiction over Guam) and ultimately to the President, who could override the legislature. According to former appointed Secretary of Guam (equivalent of lieutenant governor), Kurt Moylan, the appointed governor would follow directives from the Secretary of the Interior. Moylan also noted the very close relationship between the governor’s office and the commander, Naval Forces Marianas (ComNavMar), with whom they communicated on a regular basis. Moylan highlighted the fact that Guam’s governor was closely tied to the federal civilian and military authorities while having no direct political relationship to Guam voters.
From the establishment of the Government of Guam in 1950, members of the Guam Legislature resented this inequality among the branches of local government, but it was not until the 1960s with the advent of the first appointed CHamoru/Chamorro governors, that a push for elected governorship gained momentum. Guam’s first Chamorro governors, [Joseph Flores](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=466) (1960-61) and [Manuel FL Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=16884) (1962-1969) both advocated a move to elective governorship.
Aside from the consensus that Chamorros wanted and asked for the right to elect the island’s governor, historians present differing views as to why the federal government chose to grant this right. According to [Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), “the success of Flores and Guerrero encouraged the Congress of the United States to amend the Organic Act of Guam to allow for the election of the island’s governor and lieutenant governor.” On the other hand, Guam political leader [Carlos P. Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1502) and historians [Robert F. Rogers](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=791) and Penelope Bordallo Hofschneider suggest that, far from being simply a reward for these governors’ competent leadership, the right to elect Guam’s governor was won through a sustained struggle on the part of Guam legislators that involved both [local](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18207) and [national](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18213) politics.
On 30 January 1962, the 6th Guam Legislature sent the first of many petitions lobbying the US Congress for elective governorship. The Legislature argued that Chamorros had demonstrated a level of loyalty, political development, and assimilation to American ideals commensurate with the responsibilities of the self-government of a US territory. However, this and several similar petitions died in congressional committees. A final, ultimately successful, push began in 1965. During this year, former Guam Legislative Speaker [Antonio B. Won Pat](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1512) moved to Washington, DC and began to work as Guam’s unofficial lobby on issues relating to Guam. Won Pat had been elected to this position through a special election on Guam to represent the island in the nation’s capital, but without funding nor congressional standing. In Guam, the newly elected majority [Territorial Party](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1525), selected longtime Guam statesman Carlos P. Taitano as the Speaker of the Guam Legislature.
Taitano immediately began to criticize appointed governor Manuel FL Guerrero for his involvement in local [Democratic party](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1515) politics. It should be pointed out that the appointed governorship was a very politicized position since US presidents appointed governors that aligned with their own national party affiliation. For example, John F. Kennedy appointed Guerrero in part because he was a fellow Democrat. When Richard Nixon was elected US President, Guerrero resigned and Nixon appointed Republican [Carlos G. Camacho](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1554). With shared local and national party affiliations, it made sense that Guerrero would support the Democratic minority in the Guam Legislature. But, because appointed governors answered to the president and not to Guam voters, Taitano argued that Guerrero’s actions constituted “an unfair extension of the power of the White House in local politics to the advantage of the opposition party.”
Taitano, having successfully led the movement for citizenship 15 years earlier, knew how to harness the power of the national media to influence Washington politics. In 1965, he led a three-man delegation across the country, stopping in Hawaii, San Francisco, and even Independence, Missouri, where he met with former president Harry Truman, who had signed the Organic Act in 1950. Everywhere Taitano went, he alerted people to the incomplete democracy that still existed on Guam. He made sure that his actions were publicized in major news outlets including the *New York Times* and *Washington Post* which were read by most members of the US Congress. While the impetus for the trip had been his complaints about Governor Guerrero, he lobbied to fix structural imbalances in the territorial-federal relationship on three fronts: elected governorship; a [representative to Congress](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=18232); and the right to vote for President of the United States.
In Washington, DC Taitano was discouraged to learn that President Johnson would not speak to him in person regarding these issues. At the White House, Interior Department officials “castigated” the Guam delegation, but he found that State Department officials were more receptive to their pleas. It is likely that, just as in the earlier push for US citizenship, the core source of conflict within the federal government was the tension between America’s public face as a champion of freedom and democracy and its strategic needs as a colonial power.
The US military resisted any changes that shifted power from the federal to the local government, but, by 1966, the combined work of Taitano, Won Pat and numerous others who had helped in this effort had raised public awareness in Washington of the lack of true democracy on Guam. According to Taitano, “it was clear that Congress would have to grant more home rule to Guam.” Congress passed the Elective Governor Act in 1968, setting up the first gubernatorial elections in Guam history in the fall of 1970.
## Impact of the Elective Governor Act
The passage of the Elective Government Act fundamentally changed the Government of Guam’s (GovGuam) relationship to the United States. The head of the local government now had to answer to the people of Guam. This was not a power that the federal government gave up lightly. The Act suggests a considerable level of distrust of local rule by giving the Interior Department unprecedented power to audit all GovGuam accounts and tax records at any time.
In another example of give and take, the Act took away the preferential hire status for Chamorros in federal jobs on Guam. This action seems to point to a pattern that was also evident in the political status negotiations of the 1980s and 1990s. The federal government appeared it would only grant Chamorros greater rights as US citizens if Chamorros relinquished rights deriving from their special status as the indigenous people of the island.
Despite these compromises, the Elective Governor Act instituted a more complete form of democracy on Guam. The impact of elective governorship on local politics was immediately evident as former appointed Governor and Secretary, Carlos Camacho and Kurt Moylan made their transition to their new roles as elected Governor and Lt. Governor in January of 1971.
The Guam Legislature was eager to test out its new powers and soon became embroiled in a battle over the right of the military to acquire land for an ammunition wharf at Sella Bay. The agreements between the Camacho administration and the Navy had been settled largely under the appointed governorship, but now the rules had suddenly changed. The Democrat-led Legislature’s successful opposition to the Sella wharf rested on Guam Senator Paul Bordallo’s ability to pass a law in the Guam Legislature that made it illegal for the governor to alienate Government of Guam owned property without approval of the Legislature. Such a law could never have been passed during the period of appointed governorship because the president would have taken the side of the governor and the Navy and vetoed the bill.
In a 2002 interview, Moylan gave a sense of the enormity of the adjustment that he and Camacho went through during these years. He characterized the appointed governor era as “basically a totalitarian type of administration. Washington ran everything. The Navy called the shots for Washington.” Under his new role as elected Lt. Governor he recalled, “when you transition from appointed to elected, you forget that you no longer respond to the Secretary of the Interior. You’re supposed to be working with the Legislature.”
Even with elected governors, the executive branch in Guam retains powers that stem from the authoritarian roots of the position, and the struggle to limit the powers of Guam governors continues to be a point of contention between governors and legislators to this day. Nevertheless, the passage of the Elective Governor Act in 1968 was a victory for the people of Guam, who now participate more fully in a democratic local government.
The story of the Elective Governor Act highlights the reality that even after the granting of United States citizenship through the Organic Act of Guam in 1950, the United States Federal Government was resistant to giving Chamorros full control of the local government. Truly, no rights have been simply “given” to Chamorros under American rule. Each major adjustment in the federal-territorial relationship has been the result of persistent struggle.
***[By Michael R. Clement, Jr.](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=777)***
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph, and Leland Bettis. “The Quest for Commonwealth, the Quest for Change.” *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
Moylan, Kurt. “The Sella Bay Ammunition Wharf Controversy 1969-1975: Economic Development, Indigenous Rights, and Colonialism in Guam.” Interview by Michael Clement, Jr. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Guam, 2002.
Rogers, Robert. “Gibraltar of the American Lake 1945-1950.” In *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
Taitano, Carlos. “Guam: The Struggle for Civil and Political Rights” in *Micronesian Politics.* Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies of the University of the South, 1988.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Elective Governor Act 1968
---
### [Study Guide: Research and Reflect on Guam's Quest for Self-Determination 2](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-2/)
**Published:** December 2, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** As the island entered into a postwar reconstruction period, the two leading causes of conflict between CHamorus and the Navy were land and employment. Many CHamorus found themselves losing land as the US military seized roughly two-thirds of the island’s landmass for military use. Additionally, CHamoru laborers were subject to discrimination in the workplace as they earned only one-fourth the pay rate of American laborers performing identical jobs. US citizenship and self-government were seen as a way CHamorus could prevent further land alienation, job discrimination, and other inequities.
**Content:**
# Study Guide: Research and Reflect on Guam's Quest for Self-Determination 2
 Guam Congress 1949. Sanchez collection
#### Table of Contents
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*Print version of this study guide [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Research-and-Reflect-on-Guams-Quest-for-Self-Determination-2.pdf) or all six [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Research-and-Reflect-on-Guams-Quest-for-Self-Determination-All.pdf).*
**2 of 6 Study guides for individuals and/or small groups**
**Subjects**
Political Science, Civics, Government, World History, Guam History, CHamoru Studies
**Grade-level**
- High School, 9-12
- College
**Time required**
- Research/inquiry 20 – 40 minutes
- Reflection 60 – 120 minutes
**Materials required**
- Access to [Guampedia.com](http://www.guampedia.com/)
- Computer
**Note:** Reflection papers can be emailed to instructor to remain paperless
**Objective**
Research and Reflect on Guam’s Quest for Self-Determination.
**Inquiry statement**
The United States began its colonial administration of Guam in 1898. Today, more than 120 years later, Guam remains a colony of the US as an unincorporated territory. Because of this colonial status, the island and its people lack full self-government and guaranteed civil rights afforded to other US citizens.
## Post War Reconstruction and Guam Congress Walkout (1944-1949)
As the island entered into a postwar reconstruction period, the two leading causes of conflict between CHamorus/Chamorros and the Navy were land and employment. Many CHamorus found themselves losing land as the US military seized roughly two-thirds of the island’s landmass for military use. Additionally, CHamoru laborers were subject to discrimination in the workplace as they earned only one-fourth the pay rate of American laborers performing identical jobs. US citizenship and self-government were seen as a way CHamorus could prevent further land alienation, job discrimination, and other inequities.
**I. Documentary**
Independent or group viewing of [Lazaro Quinata’s](https://www.guampedia.com/lazaro-quinata/) documentary on Guam’s Quest for Self-determination on Guampedia.com (run time: 8:00 minutes).
- [Self-Determination on Guam](https://vimeo.com/103691616?fl=pl&fe=sh)
**II. Entries**
Read aloud designated entries on Guampedia.com
- [Land Ownership on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/land-ownership-on-guam/ "Land Ownership in Guam")
- [National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship](https://www.guampedia.com/national-attention-on-guams-postwar-campaign-for-citizenship/ "National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship")
- [Guam Congress Walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/ "Guam Congress Walkout")
**III. Reflection Questions**
Students assigned to write a 2-3 page paper based on the reflection questions posed. Encourage students to think critically, to *hasso*, and use their imaginations and share their voices. Questions can be specific to the particular exercise or general to the project.
**Suggested reflection**
- Do you think the people of Guam’s rights were taken into consideration by the US government during this historic time in Guam’s history?
- How did what happened after the war impact the CHamoru people?
## For further reading
1. [Early Civil Rights and Non-US Citizenship (1898-1944)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-1/)
2. [Post War Reconstruction and Guam Congress Walkout](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-2/)
3. [Organic Act of Guam (1950)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-3/)
4. [Guamanian Era (1960s – 1970s)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-4/)
5. [Contemporary Era (1980s – Present)](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-5/)
6. [CHamoru Efforts](https://www.guampedia.com/study-guide-research-and-reflect-on-guams-quest-for-self-determination-6/)
**Categories:** Educational Lesson Plans, Grade-levels, High School, History, Social Studies, Subjects
---
### [Cynthia Johnston Torres](https://www.guampedia.com/cynthia-johnston-torres/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Cynthia Johnston Torres (1911-2001) of Nimitz Hill was born July 1911 in Hagåtña, Guam. She was the daughter of two of the island’s most prominent educators, William and Agueda Iglesias Johnston, both of whom are significant figures in Guam’s history.
**Content:**
# Cynthia Johnston Torres
View photos for the Cynthia Johnston Torres entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157633445588380).
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## Educator, businesswoman and senator
Cynthia Johnston Torres (1911-2001) of Nimitz Hill was born July 1911 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam. She was the daughter of two of the island’s most prominent educators, William and [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](http://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), both of whom are significant figures in Guam’s history.
Her father, William, was an English teacher who was later transferred to Japan as an American prisoner of war during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii), where he later died. During his time as an American POW, Johnston kept a diary detailing the discomforts aboard the ship transferring him to Japan. The diary was returned to his family by another American POW who survived the war.
Torres’ mother, Agueda, was an educator and public servant who is considered a pioneer in local education. She was the principal of Guam’s first junior high school, the Almacen Grammar School. Agueda Johnston is remembered as a strict disciplinarian who was constantly engaged in the process of promoting the benefits of education. William and Agueda Johnston are also remembered for risking their lives in order to protect American radioman, [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), during Guam’s Japanese occupation in World War II.
Cynthia Johnston Torres continued her parents’ legacy of service to the island as a successful businesswoman, an educator, and as one of Guam’s first female senators. In 1925, Torres’ father left the island on government business, taking her with him in order to enroll her into an all girls’ private school in Coronado, California. Her sister, Margaret, joined her at the girls’ school two years later.
While in San Diego, Torres was delivered an emergency message to return to Guam via San Francisco. The sisters were to board a Navy transport headed to the island upon news of their father’s illness. In an inspirational talk delivered in 1996, Torres described her mother’s reaction upon seeing her daughters return to Guam from San Diego, explaining that she and her sister returned with “short bobbed hair, short dresses above the knees, heavily made-up faces- lipstick – rouge – mascara eyelashes, narrow shaven eyebrows, and of course, smoking and doing that scandalous dance – the Charleston and Black Bottom.” Agueda Johnston immediately had longer dresses made for her daughters and implemented a new set of rules that were a stark contrast to their lives as young women in San Diego. Make-up was to be used sparingly, smoking was only allowed in their bedrooms, and the Johnston sisters were not allowed out at night, especially without a chaperone.
In 1932, Cynthia Johnston married her childhood boyfriend, Joseph Torres, a highly respected businessman on the island. They had one daughter, Elaine, and reared several others. Cynthia Torres survived life on Guam during World War II. During the 1994 screening of the film, “Liberating Guam: The US Comes Back,” hosted by the [Guam Humanities Council](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-humanities-council/), Torres shared her World War II experience as a panelist. Torres described being taken from her family’s ranch house and tied to a coconut tree. She received six lashes, then 12 for feeding Tweed when he visited them for canned food and whiskey, and two more hard lashes to motivate her to implicate her mother, Agueda.
## Business ventures
After her husband’s death in 1946, Torres took over her husband’s business ventures and quickly became recognized as one of the island’s most successful businesswomen. Under Torres’ care, her husband’s beer and soft drink company expanded to include the manufacturing of colored cement blocks, a construction company, a dress shop, an ice cream parlor, and a ceramic studio – all of which were under the umbrella of Cyntor Enterprises. Torres’ business ventures allowed her a great deal of travel, where she often was unwelcome by men who felt she did not belong in the field of business. However, she was renowned for her acumen, prowess, and the many generous donations she made toward the [American Red Cross](http://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/) and the Guam Heart Association. Her accomplishments within Guam’s business community are of particular significance due to the rarity with which women at the time selected business as a career.
## Politics and women’s rights
In 1954, Cynthia Torres registered to run under the Independent ticket for the 3rd [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). Torres, along with a young lawyer, [Carlos Taitano](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-pangelinan-taitano/), and [Lagrimas “Ama” LG Untalan](http://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/) aimed to break the block voting system that was still practiced during elections. With the block voting process, voters marked a box at the top of a list of candidates. Every candidate on the list would garner a vote if the box was checked. Torres, Taitano and Untalan believed Taitano would not struggle to be elected, but worried that as women, Untalan and Torres might be considered “too presumptuous to run in a general election against so many men.” This motivated them to run as Independents. Untalan and Torres initiated a string of village meetings which were received enthusiastically by Guamanian women. Attendance at the meetings grew and discussions centered upon women’s rights. Women at the meetings discussed serious marital problems and many resisted when their husbands discouraged them from attending.
Torres and Untalan encountered many obstacles during their candidacy. [Popular Party](http://www.guampedia.com/democratic-party-of-guam/) officials pushed for the meetings to be held in school buildings where officials held the keys, instead of within private homes. Untalan and Torres continued to hold their meetings regardless. Some of the women who attended the meetings were the unfortunate recipients of various types of resistance. Women had raw eggs thrown at them and at one point, were even accused of selling their bodies for votes. Reflecting on these events as an older woman in her 80s, Torres explained how she was accused of being seen at some beach with a couple of Marines and rumored to have the backing of business people who were buying votes by giving constituents goods. Torres described the accusations as silly, but noted that in those days they did not seem silly because some people believed them.
The events reached an eventful climax. At [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) and [Agana Heights](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/) meetings some women were reported to have climbed onto the stage and used their umbrellas to beat up a man who was believed to have made the allegations about the two women candidates. Taitano, Untalan, and Torres were relieved when election day arrived. The polls were monitored heavily by police, as some women were fearful of casting their votes under so much controversy. When the votes were tallied, Taitano came in within the top five candidates elected, with Untalan as tenth, and Torres as eleventh.
The resistance and attacks against Torres and Untalan had a surprising effect on voters. Many women and some of the men who disagreed with the attacks voted in their favor because of their distaste for such disrespectful actions taken against their former teachers.
Torres, Untalan, and Taitano initiated significant political changes once in office. During their tenure in the Guam legislature, the [Territorial Party](http://www.guampedia.com/territorial-party-of-guam/) was formed, which was the beginning of the two party system on island. Members of the Territorial Party affiliated themselves with the National Republican Party. Block voting was taken out of the Guam election process, and the doors were opened for women to be elected into the Guam legislature. As a member of the 3rd Guam Legislature, Torres was a member of the Committee on Agriculture and Natural Resources.
## Educational contributions
In 1958, Cynthia sold her business interests and left Guam for California, where she continued her education, spending two years at San Diego State University and earning her Bachelor’s degree from the University of California in San Diego, with a minor in school administration and a major in elementary education. She also earned her Master’s degree in Special Education.
Torres returned to Guam in 1962 and became the consultant, and eventually, the first principal of the only school for the island’s disabled. At the time, families with special needs relatives often kept their loved ones sequestered at home. Torres believed that the island was in need of modern vocational programs and education instead of simple custodial care.
While working to help establish the island’s first school for individuals with special needs, known as The New Brodie Memorial School for Handicapped Children, Torres encountered a new set of challenges. She struggled to convince the island’s legislature that funding should be allocated toward a special needs school. Torres, however, secured federal funding and was recognized by federal agencies as having one of the most successful programs.
Torres spent 15 years working to convince island leaders and residents that there was value in special education. Residents of special needs families report the way in which Torres would go into the village, speaking with families of special needs individuals in order to convince them that it was possible for their loved ones to lead more enriching lives through increased independence, socialization, and education. Torres retired from the Department of Education after 36 years of service.
In 1970, Cynthia Torres was recognized as an “Outstanding Administrator” for the school year 1969-1970. In May of 1981, Torres was presented with an Honorary Doctorate of Law degree from the University of Guam. In 1989, Torres was recognized by the American Biographical Institute for her leadership and service to mankind, and honored by the 20th Guam Legislature in 1990, within Resolution 282, for her outstanding record of service and achievement.
Torres served as a member of the Board of Trustees for the [Guam Memorial Hospital](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/). She also served as a member of the Board of the Marianas Association of Retarded Citizens, the Guam Association of Retired Persons, and as a charter member of the Guam Lytico-Bodig Association.
She died on 6 March 2001.
***[By Desiree Taimanglo-Ventura](http://www.guampedia.com/desiree-taimanglo-ventura/)***
## For further reading
*[Recognition of Women’s History Month, and a Tribute to Senator Cynthia Johnston Torres](
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Cynthia Johnston Torres
---
### [Governor William "Bill" Daniel](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-bill-daniel/)
**Published:** August 1, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** William Partlow “Bill” Daniel (1915-2006) was the fifth appointed civilian governor of Guam serving from 1961 to 1963. He was a lawyer and prominent businessman, as well as a Democratic member of the Texas House of Representatives.
**Content:**
# Governor William "Bill" Daniel
#### Table of Contents
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## Governor of Guam 1961-1963
William Partlow “Bill” Daniel (1915 – 2006) was the fifth appointed civilian governor of Guam serving from 1961 to 1963. He was a lawyer and prominent businessman, as well as a Democratic member of the Texas House of Representatives. During Daniel’s term as governor, the Navy’s[ security clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/) restricting entry into Guam was lifted, allowing for the island’s eventual growth of tourism and trade in the 1960s and 1970s.
## Early life
Daniel was born on 20 November 1915 in Dayton, Liberty County, Texas, to Marion Price and Nannie Partlow Daniel. The Daniels were a prominent, wealthy and prestigious family. As a young child, Bill Daniel had contracted polio; he had also been born with an arm and a leg that were shorter than normal, as well as a curvature of the spine that made him unable to keep up with other children. According to his biographer David Gracy, Daniel’s physical disabilities from childhood made him sympathetic to causes for the disabled. It also made him sympathetic to those he perceived as “the underdog.”
After graduating from high school, Daniel attended Baylor University in Waco, Texas. He later attended Baylor Law School, working as a trainer for the football and baseball teams while completing school. He served as president of his class and was active in several organizations, such as the Baylor Chamber of Commerce. He graduated from law school in 1938. Shortly afterward he met and married Vara Faye Martin, a local music teacher, in 1939.
Daniel began practicing law and quickly became a prominent figure in the courtroom. By 1942 he was elected Liberty County Attorney, resigning shortly afterward to serve in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/.). After the war, he ran and served three unopposed terms in the Texas House of Representatives, from 1949 to 1954. After his stint as governor of Guam, he remained active in trial and appellate law, with offices in Liberty, Romayor and Houston, Texas, and was even a recipient of the Texas Bar Foundation’s “Outstanding Fifty-Year Lawyer Award” for his record as a civil and criminal trial lawyer in State and Federal Courts.
Later in his life as an elder statesman, Daniel was frequently consulted by US presidents and other governors of Texas including Ann Richard and George Bush. In addition, he managed and operated his sprawling Plantation-Ranch, located in Liberty, raising animals and engaging in numerous charitable events and activities for the State.
## Governor of Guam
In May 1961 at the age of 47, Daniel was appointed governor of Guam by Democratic President John F. Kennedy for a four-year term to succeed[ Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/), the first CHamoru/Chamorro appointed governor. Daniel was the younger brother of Texas governor Price Daniel and an avid supporter and friend of then vice-president Lyndon B. Johnson, also from Texas. Their influence likely played a key role in the younger Daniel’s appointment by Kennedy, who had just been elected president and in whose campaign, Bill Daniel had been very active. In addition, [Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/) was named as Secretary of Guam, a position he previously held under[ Governor Richard Barrett Lowe’s](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-richard-barrett-lowe/) administration from 1956-1959.
At the time of his appointment as governor, Daniel was already a colorful public figure who had many accomplishments in his personal and professional life. He was once described as a “lawyer, ranchman, big game hunter, public speaker, rodeo performer, philanthropist, family man, humanitarian, sincere Methodist Churchman, civic leader, ex-serviceman of World War II, former county attorney and state representative.” In addition, Daniel was an actor. In fact, his appointment as governor of Guam came shortly after his appearance in the major motion picture, *The Alamo*, starring John Wayne. He had played three different roles in the film, including the role of Colonel Neill and provided some 300 horses and handled 400 Texas longhorns for the production.
Publicly, Daniel’s appointment was seen by Washington as vital for the United States’ presence and strategic interests in the Pacific region. Locally, Daniel’s appointment was viewed with uncertainty. People had been expecting another Guamanian governor after Governor Joseph Flores and were taken aback that an outsider had been chosen. To quell fears and to learn more about the newly appointed governor, two members of the Guam legislature, Adrian L. Cristobal and Jesus C. Okiyama, traveled to Liberty, Texas, to meet Daniel and inform him of some of the problems he would face as governor. Although the new governor knew very little about the island, he was aware of the security clearance requirement for travelers to gain entry into the territory. He had experienced the restriction himself during his earlier travels around the Pacific before he began his term.
With the visit from Okiyama and Cristobal, Daniel was reminded about the challenge of eliminating the security clearance as well as the island’s economic woes. At the time, he was told, Guam had no industry and imported more than ninety percent of its food. Despite the island having an [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) which was signed in 1950, the territory still had no representation in the US Congress. In addition, the Navy practiced an unfair dual-wage system, whereby CHamorus or other locals were paid considerably less for the same work done by statesiders on Guam on temporary tours of duty. There was also the issue of the military’s control of sizable pieces of land taken after the war for recreation exclusively for military personnel. Daniel saw the island’s people as the underdogs in their relationship with the US Navy, particularly regarding the security clearance issue, the unfair dual-wage system, and postwar land appropriations.
The new governor took to heart the concerns conveyed to him. In his inaugural address on 20 May 1961 to a crowd of more than 3,000 in the Plaza de España, Daniel spoke of how he intended to increase self-government, upgrade educational opportunities and facilities, reinvigorate agricultural production and make Guam a “showcase of democracy.” He urged the people of Guam to demonstrate to the world, especially to peoples of Asia and the Far East, “how free and equal people live and work together through our initiative, industry, love of Guam and kindness to our fellow man.”
## Security Clearance lifted
The Daniel Administration’s most significant accomplishment indeed was the suspension of security clearances for entry into Guam in 1962. The security clearance for all civilian travel to the island was originally put in place by President Franklin D. Roosevelt at the beginning of World War II, and had remained in place through the 1950s because of Cold War era politics and military activities in the Marianas. Besides the new military bases on Guam there was a US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) training base in Saipan known as Naval Technical Training Unit (NTTU) where it is rumored that Chinese and Korean spies were trained. It shut down when security clearance was lifted.
His first experience of the security clearance came in 1960 after shooting footage of his animal handling skills for a Hollywood film set in Africa called *Kwaheri*. He was on his way back to the US when, on a stopover in Sydney, Australia, he tried to get to the closest American soil – Guam – but was rejected because he did not have the proper security clearance to enter the island.
A year later as governor, once again, Daniel experienced the effect of the security clearance on his way to Guam from Honolulu to begin his term in office. Biographer Gracy recounted the story of how, on Daniel’s flight to Guam, a young CHamoru woman was unable to board the plane because her three-week old baby did not have the proper security clearances. In defiance, Daniel took the baby in his arms and carried the infant past the armed naval guard and boarded the plane, followed by the baby’s mother, then his own wife and children.
So opposed to this policy was the governor that Daniel made it his mission to revoke the security clearance requirements. He made his request to personal friend – and fellow Texan – Secretary of the Navy John Connally who agreed to suspend the security clearance. However, three months after it was announced, Connally left office and his successor reneged on the agreement. It was not until 21 August 1962 that the entry restrictions were permanently revoked by Executive Order #11045. The lifting of the security clearance was seen by many as a second Liberation of Guam, and was deemed essential for the introduction of new business opportunities and the buildup of Guam’s economy throughout the 1960s and early 1970s.
Daniel is also remembered for his effort to improve agriculture on Guam through his program called “Operation Guam Friendship.” Believing that the island’s cattle herds could be improved by importing cattle from his home state, he persuaded his brother and other Texas farmers and wealthy stateside friends to donate animals to Guam’s Department of Agriculture. Dubbed “Governor Bill’s Noah’s Ark” in 1962, Daniel acquired a shipment of seventeen prize Texas bulls, as well as a forty quail and six white-tailed Texas deer to be raised on the island. In addition, eight quarter horse stallions, eight milk goats, two boars, four peacocks and a pair of Texas armadillos were brought to Guam. The armadillos were meant to be bred and reduce the giant African snail population that was decimating some of Guam’s food plants. The pair, however, were stolen and presumed eaten.
Daniel also tried to promote food production on Guam by encouraging people to tend their own gardens and reduce their dependence on imported foods. He used the grounds of the Governor’s house to demonstrate gardening and initiated the planting of more than 2000 gardens by individuals and classes at the public schools in a program known as “Return-to-the-Soil.”
Many of Daniel’s challenges had to do with the island’s economy which was experiencing a downturn from the reduction of military spending. When the security clearance was lifted, Daniel pushed through the legislature a package of bills, including one highly unpopular with the business community that increased individual taxes by 10%, in an effort to stave off the impact of the recession as the security clearance went into effect. He also began to focus on tourism as a viable industry for the island. As an outdoorsman, he was taken by Guam’s natural environment. He wanted to capitalize on the beautiful beaches and landscapes, focus on creating a tourist industry, and turn the island into the “Miami Beach of the Orient.” Toward this end, Daniel implemented island wide cleanup programs to remove junk cars and garbage in makeshift dumps along village streets, to try and control the stray dog population, and to clear land of the ubiquitous tangentangen plant.
The Daniel Administration also saw improvements in Guam’s educational system. He signed legislation to fund the College of Guam and allow its transition from a two-year to a four-year institution, alleviating the need for students to travel off-island to receive a baccalaureate education. In fact, Daniel helped develop an AGR 101 course in agricultural management, and often took time to teach the 7 am class to continue encouraging self-sufficiency and improve agriculture on Guam. Daniel also tried to address what he perceived to be a problem in Guam’s schools – CHamoru children unable to communicate well in English. He made personal efforts to institute television classes in basic English targeting young children who spoke only CHamoru at home so their first experience in school would be easier.
Daniel was also interested in increasing opportunities for vocational education, as well as in the welfare of handicapped or disabled children and adults – a reflection of his own charitable work back in Texas. While governor, he invited several hundred young, handicapped children to screen the film *The Alamo* and served them refreshments.
Daniel’s antics and appearance made a lasting impression on many Guamanians at the time, though not always a positive one. According to historian Robert Rogers, Daniel “wore gaudy country-western clothes at public functions and rode a big white horse named Alamo, unwittingly reminding Guamanians of the haughty Spanish governors in the old Juan Malo stories.” He was often photographed with his imported farm animals, including one well-circulated image of himself and two cattle in the governor’s office. Daniel also renamed the governor’s residence, known as Government House, to the Governor’s Palace, and even rode his horse up the residence’s steps. However, the renaming of the residence, biographer Gracy asserts, was part of a larger campaign to instill pride in the history and heritage of the CHamoru people.
Although it was apparent almost immediately that Daniel’s activities and priorities were not a good fit for Guam, it was not until a few months into his administration that critical voices began to emerge from the local press. A scathing editorial in January 1962 by the *Guam Daily News*, for example, asserted that “Your attempt to better Guam would fare much better if, somehow, you could lose the idea that you are dealing with an inferior breed of people.”
Daniel was also criticized for giving a distorted image of the island in his visits to the continental United States and trying to build himself up personally. Another editorial in the *Guam Daily News* accused Daniel of misrepresenting the island when he claimed there were only fourteen head of cattle in Guam and that he was responsible for increasing the breed from contributions by “rich Texas friends.” In the same editorial, it was pointed out that Daniel had been quoted in the *Vallejo News Chronicle* saying that too many Americans had to be recruited to teach in Guam’s schools and that the governor initiated the change of the territorial college from a two-year to a four-year institution. However, this process, the *Guam Daily News* noted, had begun long before Daniel took office.
Rumors about the governor’s resignation reached scandalous proportions. Rogers cites an incident in 1962 in which Daniel tried to use his privilege and power as Governor to obtain three pieces of fur from a local dealer for his wife. Fur, apparently, was less expensive purchased on Guam and was a desirable commodity for wealthy visitors passing through on the way to Hong Kong. Daniel purchased one piece and decided to keep the other two as “gifts.” The dealer, however, insisted on full payment and argued with Daniel, who allegedly grabbed or choked the dealer by his necktie. A complaint was filed with the local police.
Quite possibly to avoid embarrassment, Daniel resigned in September 1962, but his resignation was not effective until four months later in January 1963. Daniel’s biographer contends most people on Guam mistakenly assumed the governor’s resignation was connected to this incident, but that, in fact, the story was used by certain individuals to politically discredit Daniel.
In the months following his announcement, Daniel became a “goodwill ambassador” for Guam until his term ran out, taking several trips off-island. Officially it was stated that while Daniel would have liked to remain in office longer, his resignation would help pave the way for an elected governor for Guam and for the appointment of a Guamanian interim governor. It was uncertain whether his resignation was voluntary or involuntary, however, the *Guam Daily News* asserted that a “graceful exit” for the Governor was being arranged to avoid embarrassment to President Kennedy. Daniel had always been “lukewarm” in his support for a proposed elected governor. In the editorial, Daniel was criticized:
“In any event, it is perhaps just as well that he is vacating the governorship. While he must be credited with some good accomplishments, it has been apparent that all this was designed as much for a personal buildup of himself. His difficulties here appear to stem from the fact that he is primarily a politician, not an administrator; and he brought the wrong kind of politicking gimmicks and a personality that is unconvincing, and invariably suspect. In a word, he was unresponsive to the need to be acclaimed to his environments; rather, he seemed to insist that his environments – especially people – become acclimated to him, all things else notwithstanding. And in the end, it didn’t work well for him or for Guam.”
Daniel’s resignation was not seen as something that would impact Congress as other key lawmakers who expressed similar sentiments for an elected governor were unable to garner Congress’s approval.
Nevertheless, there were others in the Guam community who were supportive of Daniel’s administration and its accomplishments, including his intervention and negotiation for the return of unused federal lands, the development of parks and beaches for public use, improvements to infrastructure, including streets, streetlights and the placement of CHamorus in government jobs.
One thing was certain, his successor would be a CHamoru. Manuel Leon Guerrero was appointed to take over the governorship, a position he held until 1969 and the wheels were set in motion for an elected governor of Guam.
Daniel’s connection to Guam remained even after he left office. In 1968, as part of a personal envoy of President Lyndon Johnson, Daniel and his wife delivered $16 million to Guam and the US Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Micronesia). Earlier, he had set up a $50,000 matching gift account to fund scholarships and other projects at the University of Guam. He regularly sent donation checks to the Governor of Guam and the Catholic Church for relief after the island’s numerous destructive typhoons. Daniel was one of two civilian governors invited back to Guam in 2000 to participate in the celebration of 50 years of the Organic Act and civilian government. He returned the following year in July 2001 as one of the Grand Marshals for the island’s Liberation Day celebration and parade. That same month the museum at the Guam International Airport was dedicated to Daniel and his wife.
Daniel and his wife Vara Faye had four children – William, Vara Ann, Susan and Dani (nicknamed “Toy”). He passed away on 20 June 2006 at the age of 90 at his home in Liberty.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/ "Dominica Tolentino")
## For further reading
Gracy, David B., II. *Texas Tornado Lawyer: Gov. Bill Daniel’s Grit and Benevolences on Guam, 1961-1963*. Austin: University of Austin, 1962.
–––. *Sunrise! Governor Bill Daniel and the Second Liberation of Guam*. Hillsboro: Hill College Press, 2010.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor William "Bill" Daniel
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### [Governor Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/)
**Published:** August 1, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Carl Tommy Cruz Gutierrez (1941 -- ) was the 11th civilian governor of Guam, serving two consecutive terms, along with Madeliene Z. Bordallo, his Lieutenant Governor, from 1995 until 2002.
**Content:**
# Governor Carl TC Gutierrez
View more photos for the Governor Carl TC Gutierrez entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157630616277420).
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## Governor of Guam 1995-2002
Carl Tommy Cruz Gutierrez (1941 – ) was the 11th civilian governor of Guam, serving two consecutive terms, along with [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/), his Lieutenant Governor, from 1995 until 2002. His term, just after an economic expansion in a subsequent downturn, was fraught with both controversy and accomplishment.
Gutierrez was born 15 October 1941, less than two months before Guam was invaded and [taken over by the Japanese](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) on 8 December 1941. The son of Tomas Taitano Gutierrez and Rita Toves Benavente Cruz, he was the fourth child of a family of seven girls and four boys. Gutierrez grew up in Agana Heights and belongs to the (Cueto) Taitano, (Berah) Benavente, and (Fungo) Cruz clans. He was brought up by his mother as a Catholic, while his father’s family was Baptist.
In 1963, at the age of 21 after a six-month courtship, Gutierrez married Geraldine Chance Torres, also from Agana Heights. The couple has three children – Carla, Tommy and Hannah, and four grandchildren.
## Early life
In the first few years of Gutierrez’s life, Guam was occupied by Japan and many CHamorus/Chamorros suffered harsh treatment. Toward the end of enemy occupation in Guam, his family, like many others, was forced to stay at the [Manenggon Concentration Camp](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/). One of his first memories is being carried out of the camp by a US Marine upon the Liberation of Guam in 1944.
Gutierrez dreamed of going to the United States as a youth. His family managed to send him to California to start his sophomore year in high school. He attended MarVista High School in Imperial Beach, California, and graduated from South San Francisco High School in San Francisco. His father died while he was away but they could not afford to bring him home for the funeral.
Within an hour after his high school graduation, Gutierrez enlisted in the United States Air Force and served for five years, from 1960-65. He was stationed in Texas, New Mexico, and then in Guam. This was during the Viet Nam era, and for a while, he was assigned to load bombs on airplanes at Andersen Air Force Base.
During his military service, Gutierrez received training in computer technology, which he used upon discharge from the service when he was asked in 1965 to set up a new Data Processing Center for the young government of Guam.
In 1971, Gutierrez started a construction company with his wife and his brother Ralph, called Carltom Enterprises. He grew this company from two employees to 120 employees, constructing residential homes as well as some large projects such as the Cabras Power Plant and the Fatima Hall in Agana Heights.
## Public service
Gutierrez was first elected as a senator in 1972 serving a total of eleven terms in the [Guam Legislature](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), in both minority and majority roles. Gutierrez was elected to the Speakership of the Guam Legislature twice, in the 17th and 18th Guam Legislatures. His first run for Governor was as an independent in 1978 with University of Guam (UOG) political science professor Dr. Jose Dizon as his running mate.
During this time, Gutierrez was elected to be the president of the federally authorized [Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) held in Guam in 1977-78, which produced a Constitution for Guam that would replace the [Organic Act](http://www.guampedia.com/the-organic-act-of-guam/). The referendum to ratify this Constitution failed due to opposition by some in Guam who felt that the issue of political status should be dealt with before ratifying a constitution.
While in the Guam Legislature, Gutierrez also served as chairman to the Guam Tax Code Commission, president of the Association of Pacific Island Legislatures, and chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. He also was a member of the committee on budget and taxation in the National Conference of State Legislatures, and was executive committee member of the Western Legislative Conference.
While serving as Speaker of the Legislature, Gutierrez and his colleagues were recognized by the Guam Chamber of Commerce as the most pro-business Legislature in the history of Guam. He spearheaded legislation designed to stimulate the economy, authoring more than 270 public laws of Guam, as well as numerous resolutions. The most far reaching of those include the establishment of the Department of Vocational Rehabilitation and the Guam Youth Congress, the construction of 500 low cost homes, the University of Guam College of Education. He also spearheaded legislation for the prohibition of tobacco sales to minors and of smoking on outgoing and incoming aircraft to Guam, both prior to federal prohibitions.
During this time, Gutierrez competed with Governor [Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) during the 1986 primary election, splitting the Democratic Party’s loyalties. Bordallo won the primary but lost in the general election to the Republican team of [Joseph Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) and Frank Blas, who held the office for two terms. After a two-year break in public service, Gutierrez was re-elected to the Guam Legislature.
From 1988-89, Gutierrez was the vice-president of the Guam Visitors Bureau and chairman of GVB’s International Marketing Committee. Gutierrez was also director of GMP Associates, secretary and member of the Board of Directors of United Micronesian Development Association (UMDA), and member of the management committee of Continental Micronesia.
## Governor of Guam
In 1994, Gutierrez and Senator Madeleine Z. Bordallo joined forces to reunify the [Democratic Party](https://www.guampedia.com/democratic-party-of-guam/) in a bid for the governorship. They defeated [Republican](https://www.guampedia.com/republican-party-of-guam/) candidates Speaker Tommy Tanaka and Sen. Doris Flores Brooks.
Gutierrez and Bordallo took office in January 1995, just as Guam’s economy went into a serious downturn. The government was deep in debt without adequate funds to meet payroll or pay its obligations.
Money challenges plagued Gutierrez throughout his term. To avoid payless paydays or layoffs, a drastic and unpopular prioritizing plan was implemented to pay the essentials and eliminate any unnecessary spending. This included the suspension of annual pay increments for classified employees of the government, a reduction of specialty pay and the elimination of government cell phones, private vehicles for agency heads, and a dramatic reduction in government funded travel. A bond of $115M was soon floated to refinance the outstanding debts.
Gutierrez’s management projects, outlined in his Vision 2001 Plan that he put together with leaders of Guam’s business community, included expanding the number of hotel rooms and incoming flights to accommodate 1.2 million tourists annually, increasing Guam’s water and power supply, airport and port expansion, privatizing power producing facilities of the Guam Power Authority, improving roads and constructing schools, and bringing Guam’s schools, libraries and much of the government of Guam into the age of the internet. Latte Stone Park in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) was upgraded and [Puntan Dos Amantes](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-dos-amantes-folktale/) Park (Two Lovers’ Point) was developed as a private-public partnership with Calvo Enterprises. Leases to Chamorro Land Trust land were first let for homes and agricultural development.
During his first term, Gutierrez founded the Council of Micronesian Chief Executives, the first regional organization comprising the heads of Micronesian governments. Gutierrez was also a founding member of the [Association of Pacific Island Legislatures](http://www.apilpacific.com/) (APIL) during his term as a Senator.
Guam suffered more hardships during Gutierrez’s first term as well. Korean Airlines Flight 801 crashed into a hillside in Guam on 7 August 1997 during a heavy rainfall, killing 228 out of 254 passengers. In addition to the devastating human tragedy, tourism also suffered afterwards due to the crash. A few months later, in December 1997, Super Typhoon Paka hit Guam, causing $500 million in damage. An El Niño drought with water shortages and fires followed thereafter. Responding to crises occupied the attention of government agencies; however, some progress was still made.
President Bill Clinton approved Governor Gutierrez’s request for 100 percent Federal Disaster Assistance, and thousands of displaced workers were employed under Federal Disaster Programs to clean up and repair Guam, and millions of dollars in Individual Assistance Grants and millions more for repair projects were approved and initiated.
Compact Impact Funds, provided to Guam by the federal government to offset the costs of educating and caring for Federated States of Micronesia citizens who had migrated to Guam, were directed to fund village infrastructure projects such as addressing flooding in [Malesso’/Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), extending water and sewer lines into housing subdivisions, opening new roads and rights of way throughout the island, and opening easements in Chamorro Land Trust areas.
## Second term
In 1997, between the Korean Air crash and Super Typhoon Paka, Gutierrez and Bordallo ran for a second term, this time against former [Gov. Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) and then Sen. [Felix Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/). Although the Gutierrez-Bordallo team won, the results were challenged by Ada and Camacho. The challenge caused the Guam Election Commission to fail to certify the re-election for more than a year, during which time Republican challengers disputed the election results in court. The election challenge reached the United States Supreme Court, where the Gutierrez-Bordallo victory was ruled final in an unanimous decision.
Gutierrez’s second term in office was marked by political instability caused by the 1998 election challenges, a super majority Republican Guam Legislature (12-3), an unsuccessful gubernatorial recall movement, and the destruction of the island’s infrastructure by Super Typhoon Paka.
Gutierrez, however, soldiered on through these challenges. During Gutierrez’s second term, initiatives were made to privatize Guam Telephone Authority, implement a Solid Waste Management Plan, build a new correctional facility, and place infrastructure in the Ija Subdivision. Many initiatives, however, were frustrated due to direct opposition by the Legislature.
One high point was on 23 November 1998 when President Bill Clinton visited the people of Guam, memorializing the fallen victims of World War II, and addressing thousands of Guamanians at Adelup. People filled the streets to hear Clinton speak on the front lawn of Adelup.
Gutierrez made a significant political effort to raise the national profile of Guam. He addressed the National Press Club in Washington and was a National Co-Chair of the Clinton-Gore Re-election Campaign, raising millions of dollars.
The following year, despite scarce resources, Guam successfully hosted the South Pacific Games in 1999. Athletes from throughout the Pacific vied for medals in dozens of summer games. With the theme of “Shine in ’99,” Guam rose to the challenge of hosting thousands and showcasing the island’s hospitality.
Preservation efforts for historic landmarks such as the Malesso Kumbento, San Dionisio Church, Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral Basilica, St. Joseph Church, and the MG Cook School were completed during this time by the Guam Preservation Trust using funds from building permit fees.
An increase in return of federal lands included Tiyan, Harmon Cliffline properties, Tumon Tank Farm, Australian Cable Housing, and Potts Junction. This allowed economic development on some of the lands, returned land to original landowners on other property, and the addition of new water wells to the GWA system. New roadway projects were undertaken, such as Route 16 underpass, Harmon Loop widening projects, Camp Watkins-Farenholt upgrades, and many others during this time.
The final year of the second term of the Gutierrez-Bordallo Administration was beset by the occurrence of two major typhoons. One occurred in June 2002, Typhoon Chata’an, and the other in December 2002, Super Typhoon Pongsonga. With the continued Asian Economic Crisis affecting Guam for the entire eight years, these interruptions depressed the visitor industry, leaving the island in dire straits.
As soon as Gutierrez left office, he and various cabinet members were indicted multiple times. While charges against Gutierrez were all eventually dismissed, some members of his cabinet were convicted of various white collar crimes, including former Senator Sonny Shelton, Lt. Governor Bordallo’s Chief of Staff James Sablan, and Mass Transit Manager Tony Martinez.
In 2006, former Governor Gutierrez ran again in the primary for the position of Governor with former Chief Justice Benjamin J.F. Cruz, against former Guam Delegate to Congress [Robert A. Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) and Senator Frank Aguon, Jr. Gutierrez and Cruz lost the primary, and later the Underwood-Aguon team also lost the General Election to Republican incumbent governor Felix Camacho and his running mate, Dr. Michael Cruz.
In 2010, Gutierrez was unopposed in the gubernatorial primary election and ran in the general election for Governor of Guam with Senator Frank Aguon, Jr., against the Republican Team of [Eddie Baza Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/) and Ray Tenorio. The General Election resulted in a razor-thin win by the Calvo-Tenorio Team of 487 votes, after a machine recount.
Gutierrez was elected Chairman of the Democratic Party of Guam in 2011. In August 2012 he resigned the position so that he could run as a write in candidate as Public Auditor.
He maintains his residence in Agana Heights with his wife Geri and spends much of his time farming at his family ranch in Fonte with his four grandchildren.
***By [Joshua F. Tenorio](http://www.guampedia.com/joshua-f-tenorio/) and [Shannon J. Murphy](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)***
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor Carl TC Gutierrez
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### [Guam Women in Art](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-women-in-art-by-judy-flores-phd/)
**Published:** December 26, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** This speech was presented at Guampedia’s Chamorro Heritage Series, 5 December 2012, Latte of Freedom Hall of Governors, Ricardo J. Bordallo Governor's Complex, Adelup.
**Content:**
# Guam Women in Art
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** This speech was presented at Guampedia’s Chamorro Heritage Series, 5 December 2012, Latte of Freedom Hall of Governors, Ricardo J. Bordallo Governor’s Complex, Adelup.
## Early descriptions
SI NANA – this term brings powerful images and emotions to those who use the words or hear them spoken. The words embody centuries of respect for the leadership, nurturing and creative abilities of women in Marianas society.
Our contemporary respect for women is living proof of the powerful role performed by our [*maga’haga’* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/)(women’s lineage) over more than 3,500 years. Historical proof of the power of women was written by early visitors and by Catholic missionaries who established their mission in the Marianas in 1668. Ironically, it was perspectives of these Europeans that neglected to see or to report the full impact of *maga’håga* leadership in CHamoru/Chamorro society.
They reported the obvious material productions and the extraordinary or sensational activities of women as they perceived them.
[Fray Juan Pobre](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) described the women as being very skilled at making plaited mats which were used as mattresses, blankets, eating and food drying surfaces, as wrappers in which to present gifts, and to fashion into various kinds of hats. These were made out of *akgak* (*Pandanus tectorius*) leaf, using right angle or diagonal plaiting styles. Other types of baskets and hats were made of coconut fronds. They made roofing thatch from *nipa* or pandanus leaves which were individually folded over a bamboo strip and sewn in place. Needles used to sew the thatch were probably made of bamboo. Less durable, temporary thatch was made of mature coconut frond which was split down the middle and diagonally plaited. A small container called *katupat*, used to cook individual portions of rice, was woven from a single immature coconut leaf in the shape of diamond or square. After the little bags were woven, they were half filled with grains of rice and placed in boiling water. The rice swelled to fill the cavity, making a convenient way to carry food for a journey. This practice is also found in the Visayan Islands of the Philippines and in Indonesia, and is called by the same name.
While most fishing was done by men, women fished in shallow lagoons and tidal pools, feeling among the rocks and catching the fish by hand. They also gathered shellfish, molluscs, crabs and lobsters from the reef.
In the Chamorro system of [matrilineal](https://www.guampedia.com/i-man-chamorro/chamorro-culture-matrilineal-systems/) inheritance, a woman’s children, because they belonged to her clan, would have a close, loving relationship with her brother–their uncle (mother’s brother). A man’s eldest sister as well as his mother’s eldest sister were held in high esteem because their children were in the line of inheritance after his younger brothers.
The fact that the women had great power in Chamorro society is documented in the following examples:
> In each family the head is the father or elder relative, but with limited influence. Thus, a son as he grows up neither fears nor respects his father. As with brute animals, the father has this advantage: he has the place where he gives them their food. In the home it is the mother who rules, and the husband does not dare give an order contrary to her wishes or punish the children, because if the woman feels offended, she will either beat the husband or leave him. Then if the wife leaves the house, all the children follow her, knowing no other father than the next husband their mother may take.
>
> … if a man leaves his wife, it costs him a great deal, for he loses his property and his children. But women can do this at no cost, and they do it often out of jealousy, because if they suspect some unfaithfulness, they can punish them in various ways. Sometimes the aggrieved woman summons the other women of the village. Wearing hats and carrying lances they all march to the adulterer’s house. If he has crops growing, they destroy them. Then they threaten to run him through with their lances. Finally they throw him out of his house. At other times, the offended wife punishes her husband by leaving him. Then her relatives gather at his house and they carry off everything of value, not even leaving a spear or a mat to sleep on. They leave no more than the shell of the house and sometimes they destroy even that, pulling it all down. If a woman is untrue to her husband, the latter may kill her lover, but the adulteress suffers no penalty.
>
> Francisco García, SJ
Upon reaching puberty a young man became *uritao* (bachelor) and moved to his mother’s clan, under the supervision of his mother’s brother. He moved into the [*guma’ uritao*](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/), or “bachelor’s house” of the clan, which served as his home from the time of puberty until his marriage. The *uritao* carried walking sticks which they called *tuna* \[*tunas* – meaning straight\] which were “curiously carved and colored with the root of a plant called *mangu* \[turmeric\]. At the head of this they affix through a hole three streamers half a yard in length made from the soft bark of the trees with heavy threads in the form of tassels,” (García, \[1683\] 1994: 408).
An account by Gonzalo de Vigo \[1526\] who stayed in the islands for four years, describes the use of the sticks as he observed:
> One custom they have in these islands is that all the unmarried men who are ready for women carry two rods in the hand \[R. Lévesque says, “Oviedo, quoting Urdaneta himself, says that the lads carried one, not two, small rods that were painted, or white”\]. All of them, men and women, generally carry with them, and always so along the footpaths, some mat baskets, very well crafted, and inside them they carry the *pinanco* \[betel wad\] that I have said they ate earlier. The bachelor Indians who carry the rods have such a freedom that they may enter the house of whatever married Indian whose wife pleases them and make use of her for whatever they like in complete confidence. If by chance, at the time the lad wants to come in, the husband happens to be at home, then, as soon as the other enters, the *pinanco* baskets are swapped, the husband goes out, and the lad stays inside. The husband cannot go home until he learns that the other one has left.
These accounts tend to give an extreme example, although one which was observed on more than one occasion. There undoubtedly was respect and love among husbands and wives as well as between children and their father. The tenderness Fray Juan Pobre observed with which both parents disciplined their children is an example of the balance created by this type of social structure. This passage, however, points out that men lost a great deal when their wives left them, and it would cost his clan dearly to gather wealth for another bride price should he wish to remarry. Therefore, husbands tended to treat their wives with respect, and his family encouraged his good behavior because of their stake in the marriage as well. Fray Juan’s earlier reference stated that the man gives the woman a dowry, which can be construed as a bride price, except that there is no return of the valuables if she decides at any time to leave her husband. In addition, he provides a house for her on his clan land, to which they move when they marry.
Descriptions of men and women repeatedly state that the natives were virtually naked:
> They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The women do not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats, baskets, and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes, birds, . . . \[bananas\], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut . . . oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves . . .; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats. They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. . . . (Nowell, 1962 \[1521\]: 130)
The description of the Chamorro practice of coloring their teeth red or black was a reference to their chewing of [betel leaf](https://www.guampedia.com/betel-nut-cultural-and-social-aspects/) (*Piper betel*), areca (betel) nut (*Areca catechu*), and quicklime, which produces a bright earthy red juice and stains the mouth red. Over time the juice stains the teeth black. Archeological research has found a few examples of blackened teeth with incised decorations. An account from the Loaysa expedition in 1526 stated that Chamorros blackened their teeth with the sap of a certain plant. Dutch Jesuit priest Father Pierre Coomans described the process of staining a woman’s front teeth which was practiced in the 1670s:
> In order to do this, they spend some sweat; they mix black coloring with some gum to make it long lasting. They often reserve an entire day to anoint that one tooth; nevertheless, this care and above all this time, taken for this unction will take up as many as 14 days, during which time the teeth must not touch anything. That is why they suffer a continuous torment, with only a funnel, to give sustenance to their body, so as not to die. When the effect has been obtained, the neighbors and friends organize a formal feast, as if as many Ethiopians as teeth had come into the world. (Lévesque, \[Coomans, 1673\] 1992, VI: 75)
The Loaysa account of 1526 further elaborates on the description of the natives:
> The men have good and hard bodies. They walk around naked in the flesh, exhibiting their natures, the women as well as the men, except that the women cover their privy parts in front with some tree leaves in the following manner, by tying a string around their waist and from that string they hang the leaf that swings from side to side in front of their nature. Because sometimes the wind carries away that leaf, they always carry other leaves as spares. Both women and men wear their hair very long and loose.(Lévesque, \[Urdaneta, 1535\] 1992, I: 467)
Sancho, a shipwreck survivor, told Fray Juan about the customs of the people . . . as he observed them in 1602, including the following comment:
> . . . The men like their hair to be very black; the women, however, have very flaxen hair, which is naturally so since they do not use lye nor bleaches to make it blonde, unlike the sad and miserable women in our country who are not content with what God has given them. (Driver, \[1602\] 1983: 207)
Since Pigafetta’s account states that both the men and women wore their hair long and black, it must be assumed here that the “flaxen-haired” women of 1602 were practicing a fashion of that particular period, 80 years later. Father Pierre Coomans’ description of the 1670s describes the way women bleached their hair:
> They anoint the whole head and their hair with a mixture of lime and oil, then expose themselves to the burning rays of the sun at noon, for hours, rather, for days on end. Whenever the head is burning hot, they sprinkle it with sea water, if you look at it, you show your appreciation. (Lévesque, 1992: VI: 75)
It is believed that women practiced the art of healing as *[suruhånus](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/)* with herbs and massage, while the position of *makahna*, one who intervened on behalf of the spirits for healing and other assistance, was generally held by men.
These descriptions of the Chamorro people span a period of over 150 years, beginning with Pigafetta’s account of 1521 and encompassing Garcia’s writing which described the early missionization period of 1668 to 1681. An analysis of the various descriptions can give us a general picture of continuity and change within the culture over several generations, during the time when Westernization had not yet changed practices to a great extent.
To summarize, the general consensus throughout these accounts was that Chamorros were generally light-skinned, the men being darker than the women because of their exposure to the sun. They were generally robust and healthy people, who were somewhat larger than the average European. Although hair fashions changed, accounts throughout this period emphasize that blackened teeth were considered beautiful. It is not clear whether men also consistently blackened their teeth throughout this time span, although constant betelnut chewing would create this effect in both sexes. By 1670, it seemed to be a prevalent practice among women, although that does not rule out men from also participating. Observations in 1521 described both men and women as wearing their hair very long and black. Beginning in 1602, women were observed with bleached hair, a practice that persisted until at least 1670.
Throughout this time span, men were described as being completely naked. Women were sometimes described as naked, but usually were observed wearing at minimum a leaf (*tifi’*) attached to a cord around their waist, or a piece of paper thin bark (*gunot*) which covered their private parts. In 1596 they were observed wearing a piece of matting which covered them from the waist down. The use of turtle shell plates as an apron suggests that status determined some forms of body adornment. Fragrant flower garlands for women and the use of coconut oil for both sexes indicate that smell as well as visual enhancement of the body was valued.
## Art as practiced in the Marianas
Art, as defined in the Western tradition, does not exist in many Pacific societies. In the Western tradition, art is set aside from daily life, placed in museums, performed in elite venues, hung on walls and bound in books. Artistic productions by Pacific peoples were historically not categorized as separate from other facets of their lives, and appear in the form of utilitarian productions, ritual objects, exchange valuables and in oratory, song, dance and poetry. Additionally, tattoo, body painting, masks, and body ornamentation serve important functions in the cultural context of each particular society.
A cross-cultural definition of art which encompasses all the productions described above is “the concern for elaboration far beyond the point justified by the functions of conveying mere information, the concern to display mastery within the rules of the medium, the concern for endless repetition of a simple message in ever more elaborate, ever more beautiful terms” (Forge, 1979: 283).
In anthropological terms, art is “any cultural form that results from creative processes that use or manipulate words, sounds, movements, materials, scents, or spaces in such a way that they formalize the nonformal in much the same way as poetry intensifies the formulation of language” (Kaeppler, 1992: 313).
“In general, the peoples of Micronesia have not been noted for their artistic accomplishments and most of their material objects are routinely utilitarian.” The carving of canoes and wooden tackle boxes, the weaving of complex designs into *tër* (*lavalava*), and the beauty of intricate lashings on houses and canoes combine great skill with aesthetic sensitivity. This transforms the commonplace into aesthetic objects which enrich this world because they are beautiful (Steager, 1979: 347).
## Overview of Marianas arts and artifacts
The most visible and well-known prehistoric artifact in the Marianas is the [*latte*](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/) monolith. Ruins of these stone columns consisting of a pillar and cup-shaped capstone grouped in parallel sets can be found in sites throughout the Marianas. The houses which were constructed on top of these stone foundations were described by [Miguel López de Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) in 1565, when he stopped in Guam and claimed the Mariana Islands for Spain:
> Their houses are tall, well built and finished, raised one level above the ground on top of some big stone pillars, and upon those they build the granary and have their living room, with rooms and divided areas on either side of the living room. Their sleeping areas are matted like \[our\] camp beds. As for their high attics where they store their household and personal effects, and the small windows in their rooms, everything is well crafted, something worth seeing because they are made without any tools.
Beads of various shapes have been found–perforated through the center of a round section of cone shell or at each end of a cone shape. Rectangular and tubular shapes have also been found. An especially interesting Pre-latte site for the study of ornamental objects is Chalan Piao, located on the west coast of Saipan. Conus shells were the primary material found in excavations of the [pre-latte period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/). Disk-shaped beads, rings, armlets and bracelets were made, some which retained elements of the original shell while others were highly polished
Numerous disk beads varying in diameter from less than a half centimeter and smaller have been recovered from Chalan Piao and other pre-latte sites in the Marianas. Comparison of these beads to those manufactured in the Caroline Islands south of the Marianas in historic times indicate that the disks were strung on fiber cord in either uniform sizes or graded from small to larger beads at the center of a strand. These were possibly used as exchange valuables among Micronesian societies.
The use of [Spondylus shell](https://www.guampedia.com/art-architecture-body-adornment-music-and-food/body-adornment/) became more prevalent during the Latte period (Circa 900 BC – 1690 AD). Although rare, contemporary artists have reported finding this orange-colored spiny molluscs on Guam beaches, and they do grow in certain bays. Burial excavations dated to the Latte and early-contact periods indicate that the shell was used as women’s decoration, probably indicating high status and wealth. A particular burial excavated at Ipao was dubbed by the archeological team as “the Princess of Ipao” because of numerous Spondylus beads located on her cranium, throat and in strands from the waist, suggesting that she wore a fiber belt or apron decorated with the beads. Additionally, she was flanked by two “warriors,” one who had a spear point imbedded in his shoulder. The Ipao burial also showed that Spondylus disks were paired according to size and shape so that the concave disks faced each other in a string, with graded sizes from smallest at the back to largest being at the center of the necklace. An early-contact period burial excavated at the Hafa Adai Beach Hotel site in Saipan revealed a female with a belt encircling her lower waist made of large Spondylus disks. Their position indicated that they were probably affixed to a fiber belt. Above this strand, encircling the waist, was a belt of smaller Spondylus beads. A survey of latte sites in Guam yielded a pendant fashioned from the lip area of the Spondylus shell, triangular in shape, with the base filed into a scalloped edge.
A rare account of women’s body adornment collaborates the findings of archeologists and provides some additional information:
> The women have their special feasts, for which they adorn themselves with ornaments on their foreheads, some of flowers like jasmine, and some of valued trinkets and tortoiseshells, hung from a string of red shells that are prized among them as are pearls among us, and of which they make also some waistbands with which they gird themselves, hanging around them some small, well-formed coconuts on some string skirts made of tree roots, with which they finish their costume and adornment, and which seems more bird-cage than dress. (Lévesque, 1992: V: 68)
Spondylus shells have been described in various accounts as red, orange or pink. Although these descriptions are from outsiders, it is worth noting here that the word red, *agaga’* in Chamorro, is used to describe a variety of warm colors. For example, the yolk of an egg is called *agaga’*, as is the blood red of a hibiscus flower or the embarrassed blush on one’s face. It is one of the few colors which retain the indigenous Chamorro name rather than adopted Spanish designations, the others being white, *apaka’*, and black, *atilung*. These are traditional colors used to paint canoes.
The thick hinge portion of the [giant clam shell](https://www.guampedia.com/hima-conserving-a-cultural-heritage/) (Tridacna) measuring about three to five inches long and an inch thick has been found in burials. It is shaped like a quarter moon (sometimes described as a canoe shape) with holes drilled at each end through which cords could have been attached. Since it was of giant clamshell which is an extremely dense, strong material and usually reserved for making adzes, it may have been used as an exchange valuable. This specific object has taken on significance in contemporary art, and is currently worn as a neck piece or incorporated into other Chamorro jewelry designs. Written accounts do not describe their use at the time of contact. [Hans Hornbostel’s](https://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-and-hans-hornbostel/) notes of 1924 state he was told that Governor Georg Fritz in Saipan (1904) found a series of 12 of these objects linked together by a fiber cord, which were taken to a Berlin museum. Six huge objects, presently called *Sinahi*, were on display in the Berlin Museum für Volkerkunde when I visited in 1998. These fine specimens measure over 6 inches from tip to tip.
Missionary accounts tell about the value placed on turtle shell as an item of exchange to ensure peace between warring clans. A *chamorri* (high class) woman displayed her wealth with Spondylus bead necklaces and by wearing a large plate of turtle shell as a *tifi’* apron, tied around her waist by cords attached through holes cut in the top and bottom of the shell. The value of turtle shell depended upon the way it was obtained. For example, a turtle caught on the beach was not as valuable as a turtle caught in the open ocean under more difficult circumstances. All turtles were first presented to the highest woman of the clan who in turn presented it to the chief, who decided the value of the shell and marked it by cutting circular holes in the segments of shell. Smaller holes had different meaning than larger holes, and the number of holes was also significant. Smaller plates of such shells might have been used as pendants, while larger ones could have been used as *tifi’* for women or breastplates for men. They could also have been used for ceremonial belts.
The holes cut from plates of turtle shell were used to make necklaces by punching a hole in the center and stringing the disks close together to form a cylindrical tube. The length of the tube and the size of the disks determined the value of this necklace. It could have also been used as a belt, as has been documented in the islands of the Carolines south of the Marianas. In the Latte and early-contact periods regular trading voyages took place between the Marianas and these atoll islands, and turtle shell could have been an item of exchange between them. The possibility that turtle shell was formed into little boxes is indicated in a brief account by a visitor to Guam in 1590, who described the offer of these apparently highly-valued objects in trade for a sword coveted by a group of Chamorros in canoes:
> As it were, everybody wanted it \[the sword\] for himself and for this they offered me with signs all the water, fruits, fish and more. One who thought he could get it for himself took out from below many mats and some curious little chests \[Lévesque’s footnote says ‘they were called “agu” in Chamorro …and were probably made of tortoise shell’\]. (Lévesque, II: 618, quoting the Boxer Codex of 1590)
Chamorros had shell money called [*ålas*](https://www.guampedia.com/alas/) that was used for ceremonial exchanges and as an indication of wealth. Spondylus and turtle shell were the main types of shells used as valuables. The[ Louis de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) account of 1829 records a type of *ålas* called [*guinahan famagu’on*](https://www.guampedia.com/guinahan-famaguon-childrens-wealth/) which was considered priceless. It is described as a string of unpolished turtle shell disks of varying thickness which measured about one inch in diameter at one end and gradually increased to about six inches diameter at the other end. The French de Freycinet scientific expedition that visited Guam in 1819 is the only source, which describes Chamorro exchange valuables. They were helped by a very well-educated *mestizo* Chamorro named Luis de Torres, who apparently obtained the knowledge from elders of his time. A drawing from the expedition contains an illustration of this *guinahan famagu’on*, which Freycinet apparently saw or collected.
Such post-dated information is open to question; but the explanations are so detailed and supported by illustrations, with information obtained from a native historian/ethnographer, that I tend to give them credence. *Guinahan famagu’on* literally translates as “children’s wealth,” and was given by a family to someone who had rescued or saved their child. The rescuer had the right to accept the gift and thus re-establish reciprocal balance, or refuse it and become an honorary in-law. The latter united both families and accorded the rescuer kinship rights to land and other favors. Therefore, if the rescuer was of higher status than the child’s family, the precious *guinahan famagu’on* would probably be chosen, while a lower-status person would benefit more by becoming an honorary in-law. One who gave a great gift of knowledge to a child, such as teaching him to be a navigator or *makana*, could also be offered the *guinahan famagu’on*. It was worn by men on very special occasions, draped around the neck.
Stone artifacts of the Mariana islanders include *latte*, mortars, adzes, [slingstones](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones/), grinding implements, net and line sinkers and others.
> Among the most commonly seen artefacts on Guam are large stone mortars (associated with the Latte Period), called lusong, usually of dark grey igneous rock. Types with a single grinding hole were the most common, although multi-holed forms were frequently seen…Several hundred were noted during the survey, (Reinman, 1977: 96).
These large heavy boulders and other smaller ones can be found today in isolated areas as well as in ranches and village yards. There was probably at least one in every cooking or food preparation area at the time of contact, used for pounding or grinding rice and other foods. *Lusong* were also used to grind medicinal herbs. Both practices are within the living memory of 20th-century Chamorros. Elders at the Lanchon Antigo cultural village site in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) in the 1970s demonstrated how they used the *lusong* to pound rice when they were youngsters. The ritual involved a rhythmic chanting in the ancient numbering system whereby two to four persons standing upright around the stone alternated the pounding in a single hole with long wooden pounders, “*hacha*, *hugua’*, *tulo*, *fatfat*, …” Small portable mortars and stone pestles are still used for grinding medicinal herbs and for grinding betelnut for toothless elders to chew.
Bone artifacts include spear points, awls or pins, fishhooks, needles and other perforated objects. Spear points made of both human bone and fish bone have been recovered from archeological sites. The human bone spearpoints are intricately worked with two and sometimes three barbed edges. Other than short fragments displayed in the [Guam Museum](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/) and in private collections, the oldest surviving example of a human bone spearpoint is housed in the Museum für Volkerkunde in Berlin. It was collected in Saipan by German Governor Georg Fritz in 1904. One of three well-preserved human bone spearpoints which were found in Saipan in the 1980s had orange Spondylus shell inlay at its base. The fine craftsmanship and use of Spondylus shows a sense of artistic pride in its creation as well as being an effective weapon. An early missionary account published in 1683 describes the lethal nature of these weapons:
> The arms they use are stones and lances are not tipped with iron but with long human bones. These are sharpened to three or four points. They easily pierce the flesh, and then some of the points break off, and remaining in the wound, inevitably cause death. (Garcia, \[1683\] 1994: 170)
No known accounts exist which explain the rituals for disinterment involved in collecting long bones for making spearpoints. An account by Father Coomans (1667-1673) mentions that bodies were buried on their backs with the legs extended upwards, close to the surface. The leg bones could be recovered later on, by pulling on a rope that had been fastened to the ankles at the time of burial.The custom of burying bodies near the home existed to prevent their enemies from “getting at the leg bones of the dead (to make spear points)” (Lévesque, \[Coomans, 1673\] 1992: V: 18, 49).
Archeological reports point to the large number of pottery sherds found in latte sites throughout the Marianas. [Pottery](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/) was made in the Marianas in the pre-latte period (1755 BC to AD 800) as well as the Latte period (AD 800 to 1521), which would indicate that pottery making stopped before the missionary period \[beginning in 1668\]. Missionary accounts do not mention pottery making. Recent archeologists designate four major cultural periods based on changes found in pottery construction and design. These phases, described by Moore in 1983, are the early pre-latte phase (1755 BC to 500 BC), the intermediate pre-latte phase (500 BC to AD 1), the transitional period (AD 1 to AD 500-1000), and the Latte period (AD 1000 to AD 1521). Each period is connected to a distinct pottery style exemplified by changes in rim form, shape, wall thickness, decorative motifs and techniques through time. The pre-latte pottery is usually referred to as “Marianas Red” because of the red clay used in its production. Pre-latte clay was tempered with coral sand and the pieces were more finely executed and decorated, although smaller, than the Latte period.
Pre-latte pottery is characterized by small, thin-walled vessels with flat as well as rounded bottoms, occasional shoulders, and parallel-sided simple and everted rims. A particular style of the pre-latte period, beginning about 1755 BC, was the lime-impressed pottery, which had stamped impressions, usually of circles, lines and wavy patterns, into which quicklime was rubbed to create a white contrasting design. This type of pottery can also be found in the central Philippines. Pottery of the Latte period, called “Marianas Plain” was tempered with black volcanic sand and generally was better fired but lacked the fine decoration, burnishing or slipping found in the earlier pottery. Pieces were characterized by larger, heavier, round bottomed vessels with thickened simple and everted rims, which indicate they were used for cooking. The larger jars were used for storing food and water. Crosshatched designs found on Latte period pottery were not lime-impressed, nor were they as finely executed. Marianas Plain ware is characterized by unpolished smooth and roughened surfaces of combed, cord or paddle-marked textures.
Anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) analyzed the Honolulu Bishop Museum’s Hornbostel collection of pottery sherds from Guam, Saipan, Tinian and Rota, and published the results in 1932. Of the more than 1500 pieces in the collection, there were none that could be reassembled to form a complete pot. However, her analysis of the pieces revealed patterns of design that can give us some idea of the ways designs were applied and of the designs in use at the time. The impressions of plaited pandanus mats, showing both check and twill designs, have been found on some sherds. The fragments are too small to determine whether the impressions were made on the bottom of the pot as it rested upon a mat during construction, or if it was a more deliberate, overall pattern, indicating that clay was pressed into a basket mould. Some pot rims are bordered with fingerprints, and double rows of curved marks have been made by fingernails across the surface of some potsherds. The most common method of surface decoration consists of parallel lines or grooves incised over the exterior surface of the pot. Most lines are vertical, and a few are curved, horizontal or crosshatched. Anthropologists suggest that the change in pottery construction and design was a result of an increased population which accompanied the Latte period, requiring the manufacture of many large storage jars and cooking vessels. While earlier pre-latte vessels were probably used as serving bowls as well as for ceremonial and exchange use, the roughly-finished Latte-period pottery may have been a response to utilitarian needs.
One sherd which was found in a plowed field in the Ajayan Bay area suggests that limited pottery production may have continued into the missionary period. Etched into the fragment is a line drawing which looks like two human figures, wearing clothing indicated by fringe marks on each side of their bodies, and carrying a figure on a stand supported on their shoulders. The figure in front is holding a staff with what may be a cross at the top, although the fragment breaks cleanly at the crossed position. The style of drawing is not the same as anthropomorphic figures found in cave drawings, although there are some similarities. An alternate interpretation of this drawing proposes that this was an ancient Chamorro funerary procession, with the figure on top being the deceased and the fringes of “clothing” being coconut leaf body decorations.
One material example of Chamorro art exists in drawings found in caves and rock shelters in Guam, Rota, Tinian and Saipan. These drawings appear to have been painted with lime paste or charcoal on the rock surface. The drawings show weapons, animals, and environmental features. Frequently they seem to be action-packed drawings of human figures, drawn in a style that resembles Chinese characters. The age of these drawings has not been determined.
A recurring symbol in several sites shows what looks like a shield with a cross on it. This might possibly indicate a Spanish shield or banner, which would place the drawings in the contact period. Another symbol repeated several times is an ellipse with a horizontal line drawn through it. The Chugai cave in Rota shows a different drawing style of realistic-looking turtles, marlin and other figures drawn with black pigment on white limestone walls. From an artistic perspective, a series of line drawings in lime centered within a colorful mineral-leached ceiling area of a northern Guam cave suggest that the artist took special care in the aesthetic placement of these figures.
## Celebrations and body adornment
The celebrations of the ancient Chamorros involved feats of physical skill, dancing, singing, and great debates with poetic recitations. Food was always an important part of the festivities:
> During the year, they get together at special times or for festive occasions. These gatherings include not just the people of a particular village, but those of others as well, and they reciprocate with festivities and banquets, saving their salted fish for such occasions. Two or three thousand people gather for some of these feasts, though usually not more than one or two hundred, possibly a thousand, depending upon the resources of the fiesta’s host. They also get together to hold debates: those representing one side meeting in certain barn-like structures \[*kamarines*\], those of the other side, in others. One debater will get to his feet and begin to argue, or to make up ballads, or to poke fun at those across from him, who are from another village. When the first group has finished, someone from the opposing side gets up and begins to argue against the first side. In this fashion, as I have said, people from many villages get together to debate from eight o’clock in the morning until two in the afternoon, when they eat. Some individuals bring food, but the usual thing is for the people of the village where the gathering takes place to provide the food. From these debates, animosities are apt to develop (as happens with all disputes) especially when they want to appear as if they know it all. The wisest of the indios gather for these debates, some will have learned the skill, called mari, when very young. These debates are the most spirited of all their events; consequently, dissensions arise, which result in one village challenging the other. When this happens, they proceed to an agreed-upon spot, either quite peacefully or lunging at each other, then they skirmish with their slings, and sometimes they throw darts at each other. Since I have been among them, I have seen several disputes, but all have been settled peacefully. (Quoting Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, Driver, \[1602\] 1983: 211)
We do not know if the Chamorro word *gupot* was used in ancient times. Used today, *gupot* means a gathering in which a large amount of food preparation and consumption is involved. The ability to command and organize the successful presentation of an abundant food table determines and reaffirms the status of a family. As is the case today, the *gupot* was probably used to mark a life cycle event such as a birth, a marriage or a funeral. Father Coomans’ 1673 reference to the organization of a feast after a woman had undergone a teeth-blackening process indicates that this was an important event in a woman’s life. The importance of *mari* (debate and poetry) in Chamorro society as shown in the above account may be another reason for such gatherings, where prestige was garnered by those who excelled in this art form. García remarked in 1668 that “they admire poetry, and consider poets men who work wonders,” (\[1683\] 1994:169). This love of debate and poetry, together with a tendency towards mockery, characterized Chamorros of the pre-colonial times, and can be traced to present-day practices.
Their festive activities are reported in more detail in an account from the Jesuit annual report for 1669 to 1670:
> In their most ceremonious gatherings and solemn feasts, they eat rice, of which there is goodly abundance. At their meals, they are very moderate; and at the feasts there are no excesses in eating or drinking, nor do they use any liquor that causes drunkenness, a thing that has impeded the introduction of the Faith and Christian customs into so many lands. Their celebration on these occasions is nothing more than recounting their histories, wrestling, and throwing spears; and during these entertainments they pass about for refreshments some cakes of morisqueta, tamales \[Editor’s note: some rice and corn cakes, respectively\], fishes, coconuts, plantains, sugarcane, and, in place of chocolate, a drink made of atole \[rice gruel\] and grated coconut. The women have their special feasts, for which they adorn themselves with ornaments on their foreheads, some of flowers like jasmine, and some of valued trinkets and tortoise-shells, hung from a string of red shells that are prized among them as are pearls among us, and of which they make also some waistbands with which they gird themselves, hanging around them some small, well-formed coconuts on some string skirts made of tree roots, with which they finish their costume and adornment, and which seems more bird-cage than dress. Twelve or thirteen \[women\] join together to form a circle, remaining in one place, singing in verses their histories and antiquities, with point and harmony of three voices, sopranos, contraltos, and falsettos, and with the tenor taken by one of the principal men, who attend these entertainments; and they accompany the singing by movements of the hands, with which they flourish some half-moons on the right, and on the left some boxes with bells and shells which serve them as castanets, and all this so rhythmically, and with slapping, and with actions so well suited to words that it causes no little admiration to see how quickly they learn the things they apply themselves to. (Lévesque, \[quoting Jesuit annual report for 1669-1670\] 1992: V: 6)
The materials used in the adornment of women for their dances included natural materials and trinkets, which could have been glass beads as mentioned in García’s version of this account. The following passage, written by Father Coomans in 1673, is analyzed by Lawrence J. Cunningham, indicated by the bracketed portions with the initials – ‘ljc.’ This analysis discusses other exotic beads and their possible sources:
> …they cover themselves from the naval down to the knee with a skirt, and they usually decorate themselves with some rather long nerves from leaves, then prepare wreaths with small flowers that look like hyacinths to place on their forehead, and they also add a precious-looking collar made of discolored glass beads \[ljc – keep in mind that Chamorros had contact with Europeans for over 150 years in 1673\], or if none are at hand, some local stones in any case yellow, but this they very rarely wear…\[ljc – Lévesque’s footnote states: This color could perhaps be translated as ‘yellowish,’ or ‘golden.’ The wife of a Carolinian chief, who had drifted to the Philippines about a decade earlier, carried such a collar of beads, described as made up of material unknown to Europeans, but resembling amber. They are no doubt related to similar beads still preserved in Palau, but by no means unique to those islands then. (ljc – Palauan women, of high status, still wear these. The large bead looks like yellow plastic but it is a natural substance not found in Palau…)\] On their chest, as well as on the back, they hang some tortoise shell, with some small pieces of coconut shells artistically crafted…\[ljc – Lévesque’s footnote states: The expression ‘as well as’ could also be translated ‘rather and.’ I think that Father Coomans is describing two pairs of half-coconut, or pieces of tortoise shells tied both on the chest and on the back of a dancer. A similar coconut-shell dance is still performed in the Philippines today. In any case, the shells on one’s back are used by one’s partner in a dance, to make rhythmic noise.\] Through the left arm they slip in a piece of wood in the shape of a half moon, and from the fingers of the right arm hang…some castanets,…\[ljc – Lévesque’s footnote states: I imagine that some small stick was tied to each right-hand finger, and the fingers tapped upon the wooden half-moon on the left arm. (ljc – other accounts say the castanets were lots of shells tied to a stick that was rhythmically shaken.)\] (Cunningham, 1998a: 3-4)
Women’s use of pendants on their foreheads, which hung from a string of red beads, supports the use of Spondylus beads as found on the cranium in burials mentioned earlier. The “Princess of Ipao” burial showed strings of Spondylus from the waist, indicating that they were affixed to a fibre cord or perhaps a plaited apron. The use of turtle shell has been noted in many accounts, as an exchange valuable as well as for adornment. This material would have decayed relatively quickly in a burial, so we do not have archeological evidence of its use as ornaments. “Pendants of small coconuts beautifully arranged” could indicate anything from the small buds on the coconut flower, to the daddek \[immature coconut without meat or water\] which could range from acorn size to that of several inches in diameter. Since they were described as pendants they were probably arranged in strings of various patterns and sizes. The description of the skirt as being made of hanging roots of trees that “looked more like a cage than a dress” is open to wide interpretation. Perhaps they were the aerial roots of the banyan tree, which range in thickness from that of course hair to that of thick rope. However, it was noted that the skirt didn’t hide the body, but looked more like a cage through which the body could still be seen. Further attempts at interpretation based on the scant but intriguing description would only be conjecture.
The description of the women’s dance is quite detailed as far as movement. The purpose of their dance was to repeat their legends and other ancient beliefs, using rhythm and hand motions to reinforce the words of the songs. Measured time and swaying movements while the dancer remained in place would indicate a rather slow, graceful dance. However, the remark about the liveliness with which they performed allows for possible variation in tempo, and the vague mention of slapping further increases the rhythmic possibilities. The small boxes which they shook to keep time could be made of woven material, or carved from wood. The sound produced by these different materials would be distinctly different, so that interpretation of the dance is open to many variations. It is possible that Spanish castanets had already influenced rhythmic instruments. It is interesting to note that the singing was in three-part harmony, a practice that seems to have carried through in the surviving song-verse making genre.
The status women in society is given substance in the fact that the death of “a chamorri or of a well known matron” caused similar expressions of grief pointed to the high status of women in Chamorro society. Women, especially if they were among the oldest in the clan, had important roles in funeral and other rituals. In addition to key roles in rituals, women were the makers of mats and other containers used, for example, in funeral wrapping and rice presentation.
The practice of laying pieces of tree bark or of painted paper on top of the body is significant. Material of this kind has not survived, so this documentary notation is the only evidence we have that Chamorros made some type of bark cloth. Tapa, made from the paper mulberry tree inner bark found in Polynesia is not found in Micronesia. However, there is evidence that a form of bark cloth was made from the breadfruit tree in the islands of Chuuk (formerly called Truk), five hundred miles south of Guam. There is evidence of trading between these two areas, so the technique was probably known to the Chamorros. Furthermore, the “paper” was painted, indicating a decorated type of bark cloth. Women who used this paper in funerary ceremony could also have been involved in painting them.
## Summary
This reconstruction of Chamorro life at the time of early contact provides a picture of their daily practices and beliefs. It also gives us a look at their material culture, their technology, and their ways of celebrating and commemorating important events in their lives. I have tried to tease out from these descriptions what role women had in the production of art. With the evidence available to us we know that women played a significant leadership role in ancient Chamorro society. We can therefore surmise that they also had the freedom within that society to express their creativity in whatever way they chose. It is recorded that women worked in the home, producing finely-woven mats, baskets and other objects that were admired for their beauty beyond mere utilitarian use. We know that they had dances specific to women for which they adorned themselves with Spondylus, turtle shell and flowers. We do not know if women practiced the art of making the stone, bone and shell ornaments that we today admire and replicate in their honor. Their society produced large quantities of clay pots and cooking vessels for ritual and utilitarian use. Surely the women had a role in this production, but there is no written documentation to describe what they did. They chanted the personal histories of deceased members, from which we can assume that they passed on the history of their people through storytelling and songs. We are told that the people greatly admired the poets among them, who used their talents of spontaneous call-and-response impromptu verse to bring honor to their clan. It is safe to assume that women as well as men were honored for these talents.
A recognized “neo-Chamorro” society has survived from ancient times. Artistic elements from that ancient society have survived through continued use or adaptation through new methods or materials. Today we honor our women of Guam for traditional art forms that they have perpetuated and perfected with their own talents and skills. Pandanus and coconut leaf weavers [Elena Benavente](https://www.guampedia.com/elena-cruz-benavente/), Dolores Paulino, Lucia Torres, Rosabella Quinata, Maria Crisostomo and [Floren Paulino](https://www.guampedia.com/floren-paulino/) are among those who have been officially honored for their exceptional skills. Rosita San Nicolas is the one woman recognized for her skill in weaving shrimp traps from bamboo.
[Kantan Chamorita](https://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/) singers kept the skills of spontaneous verse-making alive through the voices of Angelina Camacho, Marcella Aguon, Lourdes Taitague, Maria Crisostomo, Asuncion Cruz and others. Storyteller [Clotilde Castro Gould](https://www.guampedia.com/clotilde-ding-castro-gould/) used her talents to inspire a wide following of today’s storytellers who include many women of all ages. Suruhanas (healers) and Techas (prayer leaders) are recognized in every village and parish for their respective skills in physical and spiritual healing.
Yet to be recognized are the present generation of artisans who are honoring their heritage by reproducing objects from ancient Chamorro art, based on artifacts and historical references. While this art has been dominated by men, Jill Quichocho Benavente is one woman who shares her talents in working with stone, bone and shell with many younger men and women. SI NANA continues to embody centuries of respect for the leadership, nurturing and creative abilities of women.
[***By Judy Flores, PhD***](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/)
## For further reading
Amesbury, Judith R., Darlene R. Moore, and Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson. “Cultural Adaptations and Late Holocene Sea Level Change in the Marianas: Recent Excavations at Chalan Piao, Saipan, Micronesia.” In *Indo-Pacific Prehistory: The Chiang Mai Papers*. Proceedings of the 15th Congress of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association, Chiang Mai, Thailand, 5-12 January 1994.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1989.
Forge, Anthony. “The Problem of Meaning in Art.” In *Exploring the Visual Art of Oceania. Australia, Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia*. Edited by Sydney M. Mead. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1979.
García, F., SJ (\[1683\] 1994). *Life and martyrdom of the venerable Father Diego Luis De San Vitores of the Society of Jesus*. Madrid: Ivan Garcia Infanzen. Partially translated by Margaret Higgins. First history of Guam.Guam Recorder, o.s., 13, 14, and 15 (Sept. 1936 – July 1939). The Higgins translation was edited into a single unpublished volume by the Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library in Hagåtña, Guam, 1985. Books 1,2, and Chaps. 1-4 of Bk. 3 of García’s history were also translated by Sister Felicia Plaza for MARC, 1980, with the unpublished manuscript in the RFT-MARC Collection. Father McDonough (edited the complete Guam Humanities Council unpublished volume in 1994, from which the pages were referenced.
Kurashina, H. and Clayshulte, R. *Site formation processes and cultural sequence at Tarague, Guam*. Mangilao, Guam: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1983.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents*. Vols. 1-6. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 1992-1995.
Nowell, Charles E., ed. *Magellan’s Voyage Around the World: Three Contemporary Accounts*. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1962.
Kaeppler, Adrienne Lois. “Epilogue: States of the Arts.” *Pacific Studies* 15, no. 4 (1992): 311-318.
Reinman, Fred. *An Archaeological Survey and Preliminary Test Excavations on the Island of Guam, Mariana Islands, 1965-1966*. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1977.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Marianas Prehistory: Archaeological Survey and Excavations on Saipan, Tinian and Rota*. Fieldiana: Anthropology. Vol. 48*.* Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum, 1957.
Steager, Peter W. “Where Does Art Begin on Puluwat?” In *Exploring the Visual Art of Oceania. Australia, Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia*. Edited by Sydney M. Mead. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1979.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Our Heritage, People, People and Places, Women in Guam History, Women's Roles
**Tags:** Guam Women in Art
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### [Rosa Perez Salas](https://www.guampedia.com/rosa-perez-salas/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Educator and advocate. Rosa Teresita Perez Salas (1926-1998) was an educator and vocal advocate for the physically and intellectually disabled, as well as the elderly. Salas earned her reputation as an accomplished leader and for improving Guam's educational system, particularly as it affected children with disabilities.
**Content:**
# Rosa Perez Salas
View more photos for the Rosa Perez Salas entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157633445557156).
#### Table of Contents
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## Educator and advocate
Rosa Teresita Perez Salas (1926-1998) was an educator and vocal advocate for the physically and intellectually disabled, as well as the elderly. Salas earned her reputation as an accomplished leader and for improving Guam’s educational system, particularly as it affected children with disabilities.
Salas, nicknamed “Beta,” was born on 8 October 1926 to Remedios LG and Juan Diaz Perez of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). She grew up during the [United States Naval Era ](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-seven-historical-eras/)(1898-1941) before World War II as a typical CHamoru/Chamorro girl, chaperoned, and protected. She wanted to become a teacher like her mother, who was a noted educator. Although there was some initial resistance from her family regarding her plans to travel abroad to study after high school, Salas’ uncle, former Senator Pete Perez, Sr., along with her aunt and music teacher, former [Senator Lagrimas LG Untalan](https://www.guampedia.com/lagrimas-leon-guerrero-untalan/), spoke strongly on her behalf and influenced her parents to allow her to go.
After graduating as Salutatorian in 1946 at George Washington High School, Salas began her career as an elementary school teacher just prior to furthering her education off-island. Salas first studied at *La Escuela, Inter Americana de Verano* in Satillo, Mexico. With a government honor tuition scholarship (1947-1950), she then enrolled at the College of Saint Catherine at Saint Paul, Minnesota, where she earned a Bachelor’s degree in English with a minor in elementary education in 1950.
Homesickness was almost unbearable for Salas but she eventually returned home to her family in Guam. Shortly afterward she married G. Ricardo “Ric” Salas following years of a long distance courtship while both were attending college. They were married on 26 November 1951 in a ceremony officiated by Father Cyril Langheim, OFM, Cap., at the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral in Hagåtña.
Salas taught English and music classes for five years at George Washington High School, spent three years as an instructor at the College of Guam, and then became assistant principal at [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) Elementary School for two years where she developed an interest in special education. She wondered how the educational system could help a child from having to spend years in the same grade or what to do with a hyperactive child. These questions challenged Salas to get special training to provide answers.
Once again, Salas went abroad, this time with a government scholarship to attend Los Angeles State University (now UCLA) where she received her master’s degree in Special Education in 1962. Returning to Guam, her career took off as she moved from teacher into administrative duties as acting Superintendent of Schools (1962-1963); first Headstart Director (1963-1964); Associate Superintendent of Curriculum and Instruction (1964-1966); and Associate Superintendent of Elementary and Special Education (1966-1969), which was the post her mother vacated when she retired in 1957. This last position involved the supervision of 22 elementary school principals and 20,000 elementary school children.
Following her mother’s colorful 49-year service in education, Salas went a step further when she was appointed Chief of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation in 1969 by Governor Carlos G. Camacho. During this period, Salas started the School for the Deaf at New Piti School in 1969 as the first locally-funded program for the intellectually disabled and the deaf. Before this local funding was found, teachers would voluntarily take extra students so that children with special needs could be taught separately. Salas was ecstatic when the Elementary Secondary Education Act, Title I, provided federal funding for bilingual and culturally different children.
In a *Pacific Daily News* interview, Salas explained her excitement:
> What was often thought of as mental retardation was actually cultural deprivation and language handicaps. The goal of Vocational Rehabilitation is to channel handicapped persons into work-a-day world. And this we shall do. The first step is evaluation – medical and psychological.
Seven years later, Salas lobbied to make the division a separate Government of Guam department. She was met with success and became the first director of the Department of Vocational Rehabilitation (1976-1979), as appointed by [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/).
With the election of a new administration in 1979, however, she was asked to resign, but her achievements did not go unrecognized. In Resolution No. 261 authored by Senator Francisco R. Santos of Sinajana, the Fifteenth [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) commended Salas for her outstanding service to the people of Guam and service to the Educational and Vocational Systems.
This temporary retirement also did not slow Salas down. She kept active in the family business, the Salas Agency, and took her grandchild, Richard Conrad, Jr., on a round-the-world tour. She served as president of the Soroptomist of Hagåtña, an international organization of business and executive women, and was a member of the Hagåtña Municipal Planning Council and the Advisory Council for the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences at the University of Guam.
Salas was a devout Catholic and long served the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in Hagåtña as an organist for 32 years, since 1950 until 1982. In 1974, she was awarded the most elite women’s honor in the Catholic Church, *the Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice* Award by Pope Paul VI.
In 1984, Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo re-appointed the veteran administrator as director of Department of Vocational Rehabilitation, a post she held until 1990.
On 21 June 1990 [Governor Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) issued Proclamation No. 90-75 proclaiming 30 June 1990, as “Rosa T. P. Salas Day” for her outstanding public service, as she retired due to health reasons. “Such service is vital in the rehabilitation of the physically and/or developmentally disabled, to enable these persons to lead happy, productive, and useful lives within the community of Guam” stated the Proclamation.
Salas believed she did her best to help people understand that handicapped people can earn a living and do not have to be a burden on their families or the government, and made efforts to help the disabled find viable employment. However, she faced obstacles to her goals of getting jobs for the handicapped, such as exorbitant costs, lack of trained personnel and the problems of wheelchair accessibility during her tenure as director. Nevertheless, she derived great satisfaction in creating rehabilitation programs, and found the opportunity to serve the people very rewarding: “That’s really the whole thing – loving and helping your neighbor, especially those who are less fortunate than me.” Salas indicated that the highlight of her tenure was raising vocational rehabilitation from a division within the Department of Education to its present status as a separate department.
Salas contributed to several journals of education and spoke at various conferences locally and nationally on the topics of mental retardation and occupations for the elderly. She was an active member in numerous community and religious organizations, with a particular focus on the [Lytico and Bodig](https://www.guampedia.com/lytico-bodig-on-guam/) Association and the Marianas Association for Retarded Children.
She died on 15 July 1998.
***[By Marilyn Manibusan](http://www.guampedia.com/marilyn-manibusan/)***
## For further reading
Grace, H. Ted. “Education in Guam Marches On.” *Peabody Journal of Education* 44, no. 1 (July 1966): 37-39.
Salas, Rosa Perez. “Vocational and Social Aspects for the Mentally Retarded on Guam.” Report presented at the Second Asian Conference on Mental Retardation – Japan League for the Mentally Retarded, Tokyo, Japan, 1975.
–––. “Guam Department of Vocational Rehabilitation.” *Educational Perspective* 15, no. 4 (December 1976).
“Rosa Perez Salas.” In *I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Education, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Rosa Perez Salas
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### [Cecilia Cruz Bamba](https://www.guampedia.com/cecilia-cruz-bamba-2/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Cecilia Cruz Bamba (1934 - 1986) was a community organizer, senator, businesswoman and mother of 10 whose legacy is manifested in her involvement in numerous civic organizations that remain active today.
**Content:**
# Cecilia Cruz Bamba
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## Community organizer, senator, business woman
Cecilia Cruz Bamba (1934 – 1986) was a community organizer, senator, businesswoman and mother of 10 whose legacy is manifested in her involvement in numerous civic organizations that remain active today. She also is remembered most notably for her championing of the cause of war reparations for the CHamoru/Chamorro people who suffered or died during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). Bamba worked tirelessly to obtain just compensation for lands taken from the Chamorro people after the war. As a result of her efforts, an additional $37 million was awarded to individuals who lost their land.
Bamba was born 14 November 1934 to Rosa Rosario and Jose Leon Guerrero Cruz. As a child, Bamba, known as “Chilang,” lived with her family in the capital village of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Bamba was preparing to receive her First Holy Communion on 8 December 1941 when the Japanese began to bomb Guam during World War II.
[Guam’s occupation by the Japanese](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) led to life-altering losses for the young Bamba as she was orphaned by the time she was nine years old. Her mother died from hemorrhaging after giving birth to a stillborn baby after being beaten by a Japanese soldier at a check stop in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). Bamba witnessed the violence against her mother, who was near-term at the time. Then, in late 1944, just before the war ended on Guam, Japanese enemy forces beheaded Bamba’s father for helping an American pilot escape from a downed US military plane. After his death, Bamba and her younger brother, John, were raised by their maternal grandmother and great-grandmother in the village of Agana Heights. The US Marines never allowed them back to their family home to claim their personal belongings in what is now Naval Communications Station (NCS).
In 1949, Bamba graduated from George Washington High School and shortly afterward, at the age of 16, she married 20 year old George Mariano Bamba of Agana Heights, who became a businessman and a politician, serving several terms in the [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). Together they had 10 children. The couple also raised John, Bamba’s younger brother.
In the early 1950s, the young mother attended the Territorial College of Guam. As the devoted and supportive wife of a civic leader, politician and entrepreneur, Bamba became an active community member herself, which allowed her to fine tune her own community activism, business sense and organizational skills. Bamba credited her grandmother and great grandmother for her successes, for instilling values and helping her raise her children, and supporting her throughout her endeavors. Bamba later received an honorary degree in humanities from the University of Guam in 1970.
[Dr. Laura Marie Torres Souder](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-t-souder/) wrote in her doctoral dissertation that Bamba was a “Lady Extraordinaire.” Her professional resume shows that she was, indeed, an organizer extraordinaire.
In 1972-1973 Bamba was recognized for her work in the *National Register of Prominent Americans and International Notables*, a prestigious national and international acknowledgement. The Register listed prominent men and women for their outstanding achievements in “their business, profession, community, state or country.” Others from Guam included in the Register were [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/), Jesus B. Guerrero, Frederico Taitano Gutierrez, William Albert McAlister, Sister Jean Marie Menke, [Dr. Simon Angeles Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/) and [Dr. Antonio Carbullido Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/guamanian-era-antonio-c-yamashita/).
Bamba was a businesswoman, joining her husband in his enterprises, and eventually became the owner of Bamba’s Insurance and Oceania Consultants. She also had interests in other businesses such as Cetti Bay Development Company.
Initially Bamba was a member of the Popular Party of Guam, forerunner of today’s [Democratic Party of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/democratic-party-of-guam/), but later, she became a member of the [Republican Party](https://www.guampedia.com/republican-party-of-guam/). After her husband’s death in 1976, Bamba successfully vied for a senatorial seat in the 15th Guam Legislature in 1978.
## War reparations advocate
Her organizational skills were a boon as a policy maker. She sat on more than a dozen legislative committees and served as chairwoman of the Committee on Governmental Operations, Military and Veterans Affairs. It was during this time that she introduced legislation to establish the [War Reparations Commission](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-world-war-ii-war-claims-legislative-history/), collecting testimonies from hundreds of people who lived and suffered through the Japanese Occupation of Guam during World War II. In her capacity as senator, she also went before the US Congress, becoming first Chamorro woman to testify before Congress to argue for recognition for atrocities suffered by the people of Guam during World War II. Her efforts were the catalyst for recognition and justice that are still being sought today.
She organized meetings of Chamorros living in the continental United States who had suffered brutalities, torture and death during World War II and traveled to meet with them at her own expense. These wartime firsthand accounts were donated to the [Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/) at the University of Guam as her family believes that the stories of atrocities committed must never be forgotten and must be passed on to each generation.
Other civic organizations where Bamba led the charge or had notable participation in include the Guam Girls Scouts, the [Guam Chapter of the American Red Cross](http://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/), the Guam Chapter of the American Cancer Society, the [Guam Women’s Club](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-womens-club/), the Guam USO Council and the Guam Beauty Association. She was a founder of the Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteers Association, the Muscular Dystrophy Association and the Jerry Lewis Telethon, and the Guam Landowners Association, among many others.
On 30 September 1986, Bamba passed away at Sequoia Hospital in Redwood City California at the age of 51, after a long fight with cancer. Meanwhile, the struggle for war reparations continues.
***[By Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)***
## For further reading
Bamba, Cecilia Cruz. *An Interrupted Interlude*. Hagåtña: Guam War Survivors Exhibition, 2010.
“Cecilia Cruz Bamba.” In *I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
Leon Guerrero, Victoria-Lola. “[War Survivors Continue to Die Without Restitution](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/index.php/latest-news/39-war-survivors-continue-to-die-without-restitution).” *Guam War Survivor Story*, 2007.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. “New Perspectives on the Chamorro Female Experience: Case Studies of Nine Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers.” PhD diss., University of Hawai’i, 1985.
–––. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam: Economics, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Wars and Factors of Peace, Women in Guam History, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Cecilia Cruz Bamba
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### [Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan](https://www.guampedia.com/mariana-leon-guerrero-lujan/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan (1914 - 2006) was one of a cadre of dedicated educators who began teaching during the US Naval Era (1898-1941). Before World War II, she taught at the Guam Post Office, Leary School and Padre Palomo schools.
**Content:**
# Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan
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## Dedicated educator
Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan (1914 – 2006) was one of a cadre of dedicated educators who began teaching during the [US Naval Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) (1898-1941). Before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/), she taught at the Guam Post Office, Leary School, and Padre Palomo schools. After the war she became the principal of [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/) Elementary School, [Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) Elementary School, Price Elementary School and [Talo’fo’fo Elementary School](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/).
Lujan was born 12 November 1914 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), Guam. She was one of nine children born to Maria Manalisay Manglona and Vicente Aguon Leon Guerrero.
On 29 November 1941 she married fellow educator Manuel Ulloa Lujan. The two shared a special bond beyond careers in education. When the couple were courting Mariana would ride her bicycle behind the fence of the baseball diamond in Hagåtña when Manuel was playing baseball. Distracted by her presence, Manuel who was the pitcher would inevitably throw a wild pitch. Mariana had that effect on Manuel throughout their lives. The couple had five children: Vincent “Sonny,” Rudolph, Ramon, Ronald and Raymond; and three reared children: Maria R. Leon Guerrero, Leonard Sablan, and Ana R. Cruz. Her son, Vincent, said, by her presence she could “make my dad melt.”
A lifelong educator Mariana Lujan retired after 41 years of dedicated service. In recognition of her and her husband’s contribution to the island the Yona Elementary School was renamed “[Manuel U. Lujan Elementary School](http://www.guampedia.com/namesake-school-m-u-lujan-elementary/)” on her 62nd birthday in 1975. On 25 October 2006 the 28th Guam Legislature passed Resolution No. 202 recognizing the accomplishments and contributions of Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan.
Lujan was greatly involved in the community through various associations. She was a lifelong member of the [Guam Memorial Hospital Volunteer Association](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital-volunteers-association/), a member of the Catholic Daughters of Americas, the Soroptimist organization, the Secular Franciscan Order, and served as president of the Confraternity of the Christian Mothers in Yona. She also served as president of the St. Francis School PTA, was the secretary of the PTA at Father Duenas Memorial School, and vice-president of the island-wide Christian Mothers Association. In recognition of her service to the Catholic Church she was awarded a Papal Award in 1960 by [Bishop Apollinaris W. Baumgartner](http://www.guampedia.com/bishop-apollinaris-william-baumgartner/).
Lujan’s service to the community extended to politics where she was one of the first women to serve in the [Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/). She was elected in 1948 as the representative from Yona and served in the 9th and 10th Guam Congress. She also served as Legislative secretary.
She died on 20 October 2006.
***[By Jillette Leon-Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Education, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Post WWII: Education, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Education, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Mariana Leon Guerrero Lujan
---
### [US Navy War Crimes Trials in Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/u-s-navy-war-crimes-trials-on-guam/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Some months before the end of the Pacific War, the US Navy impaneled a war crimes commission for Guam. The responsibility of the commission, a national one rather than an international one as at Nuremberg and Tokyo, was to bring to trial suspected Japanese and native war criminals.
**Content:**
# US Navy War Crimes Trials in Guam
View photos for the US Navy War Crimes Trials in Guam entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622401492151).
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## Begun in late 1944
Some months before the end of the Pacific War, the US Navy impaneled a war crimes commission for Guam. The responsibility of the commission, a national one rather than an international one as at Nuremberg and Tokyo, was to bring to trial suspected Japanese and native war criminals. This was in response to reliable information that enemy forces, both German and Japanese, had carried out illegal practices unprecedented in past conflicts.
The US Navy War Crimes Commission in Guam (commonly called the Guam war crimes trials) functioned like a grand jury and Captain (later Rear Admiral) John D. Murphy was appointed director of the commission in October 1945, although the commission began its work in late 1944. Murphy was a lawyer, a member of the federal bar, co-author of a manual on international law relating to naval warfare, and had pre-war military service in Asia. His first order of business was to have his staff carry out research regarding:
- procedures for investigation of alleged war crimes
- laws and authorities concerning such crimes
- jurisdiction
- types of tribunals
- powers and procedures for tribunals
- judgments and their execution
- control and treatment of suspected war criminals and witnesses
The purpose of this research was to establish a fair and legal method of operation, knowing full well that the Navy commission and its work would be criticized as one of “victor’s justice.”
Because Japanese troops in the Pacific had been repatriated as quickly as possible after hostilities ended, it was necessary for Murphy to confer with General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Allied Commander, in Tokyo in order to expedite evidence gathering and apprehension of suspects. There was at least one suspect, Lt. Col. A. Miyazaki, who was found and detained for his role in the execution/murder in Palau of six [Jesuit](http://www.guampedia.com/jesuits-society-of-jesus/) missionaries, the Hondonero-Untalan family of parents and two children, and probably three or more US B-24 airmen in Ngatpang, Palau, in September 1944. Miyazaki, however, committed suicide in Japan before he could stand trial in Guam.
These factors led to the establishment of a liaison office in Tokyo to coordinate the search for suspects and, equally important, the recruitment of Joseph Keenan as the chief prosecutor of the Tokyo International Tribunal for service with the Navy Commission at Guam.
## Strove for impartiality
The Navy Commission was a national court and its members represented every branch of the US military. The commissioners were continually changed “in an effort to preserve impartiality, and provide divergent backgrounds…and stable emotional qualities.” Like a court, the commissioners heard cases, listened to arguments of both prosecution and defense, deliberated, and recommended punishment.
While the Navy provided prosecutors, the defendants, mainly Japanese, had defense attorneys both American and Japanese. The latter were cleared through General MacArthur’s headquarters and were leading Japanese civilian attorneys. The Navy provided them with transportation, meals and housing, but these defense attorneys worked without compensation. The commission conducted its trials in an large “elephant” quonset on Nimitz Hill. Although the Quonset is gone, its site is now on the National Register of Historic Places with the US Department of the Interior.
## Some CHamorus/Chamorros tried
The Guam Commission tried 51 ases involving 144 persons during the span of the trials – 1944 to 1949. Of this total, 127 were Japanese, 13 were Chamorros from Saipan, two Chamorros from Rota, one was a Chamorro from Guam and one a Chamorro from Palau. In the investigation and evidence gathering process, some 550 suspected war criminals were identified but 404 of that total were not charged with any specific crimes. Of the 144 tried, eight were acquitted and two committed suicide. This resulted in some 47 cases that charged some 134 individuals of murder, torture and cruelty, assault and mistreatment, starvation and neglect and other violations of the law and customs of war, violation of Guam criminal law, violation of Japanese criminal law or violation of international law.
The cases most relevant to Guam were those involving Chamorro from Saipan who had been drafted by the Japanese to serve as assistant policemen or interpreters during the thirty months of Japanese occupation of Guam. These were the very first cases processed from July to November 1945, and most of the individuals tried were Chamorros from Saipan who had grown up during the Japanese mandate and territorial rule of Micronesia, were Japanese speaking, and more loyal to their colonial rulers than to their fellow Guam Chamorros. There were at least thirteen Saipanese convicted of murder, torture, cruelty, assault or mistreatment.
Much of this criminality took place in relation to the Japanese search for US Navy radioman [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/). Because the Japanese high command believed Tweed was in radio contact with the American military, their search was very intensive and investigative techniques harsh and brutal.
Of the thirteen Saipanese arrested for committing war crimes in Guam, five of them—Juan Reyes, Antonio Camacho, Manuel T. Borja, Luis C. Crisostomo and Juan Villagomez—were initially sentenced to death or life in prison. Upon review of their cases at levels beyond the commission, four of the death sentences were commuted to life in prison. It is not known how many years each of them in fact spent behind bars. Reportedly, they were “exiled” to Saipan.
The one Chamorro from Guam tried and found guilty of assaults and mistreatment was Miguel A. Cruz. His case was the fourth processed in March 1945. Cruz served as a Japanese district official at the time of his offenses and was sentenced to one to ten years imprisonment.
## In a time of chaos
Most of the criminality of the Saipan Chamorros against the Guam Chamorros took place before July 1944. The two- to three-week period in July 1944 that preceded the American invasion was marked by near total chaos: round the clock bombings, a breakdown of military morale, discipline and communications, and shortages of food and war supplies. This was the time when much of the killings and brutality against the Chamorros by the Japanese military took place; including the murder of [Father Jesus Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), his nephew and two other men; the murder of sixteen Chamorros at [Tinta](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-cave-massacres/) (14 Chamorros survived by playing dead); and 30 at [Faha](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-cave-massacres/); the brutalization and attempt to kill nearly 90 Chamorros at the [Fena](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/) caves where 32 perished and 57 survived; the senseless killing of 11 men, women, and children in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) on July 20; the rape-murder of nearly a dozen teenage Chamorro girls in [Hågat](http://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), and on or about August 8 or 9; the beheading of 45 young Chamorros who had carried war supplies to [Yigo](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/) for the Japanese military.
## Chamorro murders not investigated
Ironically, personnel from the war crimes commission did not investigate these murders. Apparently, charges were not filed or brought forward to the commission because case files on these crimes do not exist. The war had left the Chamorros in complete shock, fear, and social disruption. How would they eat? Where would they live? Who was missing? When would life be normal again? Answers to these questions were first and foremost. Under these conditions filing charges was not a priority. Another part of the explanation must be that the Japanese responsible for this criminality were, themselves, killed during the intense fighting. There were relatively few Japanese survivors of the battle for Guam.
Remembrance of Chamorro sacrifices takes place each year at Tinta and Faha in Malesso’, as well as more recently at Fena in Sånta Rita-Sumai. However, the 45 Chamorro youth who were beheaded in Yigo were nearly forgotten. It was only in early 2001 when former [Congressman Robert Underwood](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/) tracked down the names of 38 of the 45 Chamorro youth and began talks with the US Air Force regarding construction of a monument in commemoration of the sacrifices of these young people at the place where they died. Unfortunately the September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York City interrupted this effort.
Even though much of the Japanese criminality in Guam was apparently not reported to the Navy Commission, a number of horrendous crimes committed on other islands in the Pacific were reported, investigated, tried and punished.
## Death by hanging
For war crimes committed against American prisoners of war (POWs) or civilians working for the military (as at Wake Island) in the Marshalls, Chuuk, Wake Island, and Chichi Jima, the commission processed some twenty-three cases resulting in convictions and thirteen death sentences. The sentences were carried out by hanging in 1947 and 1949 reportedly at the Commander Naval Forces, Marianas Headquarters (COMNAVMAR).
Twelve of the 13 men were Japanese Army or Navy officers. Their trials were locally sensational and made front-page coverage in the Navy News and, later, the Guam News. Included among those hanged in 1947 were Lt. General Tachibana and Lt. Col. Ito. They were found guilty of torture, murder and cannibalism on Chichi Jima. Another Japanese officer of some repute, Rear Admiral Sakaibara, was found guilty of the murder of ninety-eight civilian POWs, most were Chamorros from Guam, on Wake Island in 1943. Additionally, Surgeon Captain Hiroshi Iwanami was found guilty of murdering ten American POWs. Rear Admiral Shimpei Asano and Surgeon Commander Chisato Ueno were found guilty of torturing and murdering four American POWs at Chuuk and Kwajalein. Evidence was found that Iwanami, Asano, and Ueno had allowed or conducted medical experimentation and mutilation of the bodies of the POWs.
Finally, in 1942, the Navy Commission determined that Vice Admiral Koso Abe ordered and supervised the beheading of nine US Marine commandos on Kwajalein. He, too, was found guilty of murder. All seven high-ranking officers, Tachibana, Ito, Sakaibara, Iwanami, Asano, Ueno, and Abe were hanged and buried in unmarked graves on US military land in Guam.
## Evidence put aside
It should be noted that the US Navy had considerable evidence of the [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) murders, sometimes called a massacre, and direct, eyewitness testimony of the murderous act of a Japanese naval reserve lieutenant in killing some 16 Chamorros using hand grenades and bayoneting at Tinta. Inexplicably these crimes were not brought to trial. Excepting the mass murders at Wake Island, it could be argued that crimes against American servicemen were taken more seriously—and punished more severely—than Japanese and Saipanese crimes against Guam Chamorros.
[***By Donald R. Shuster, EdD***](http://www.guampedia.com/donald-r-shuster/)
## For further reading
Addison, Paul. “U.S. War Crimes Trials: One Man’s Story.” *Journal of the Pacific Society* 18, no. 3 (November 1995).
Erickson, George E. “United States Navy War Crimes Trials (1945-1949).” *Washburn Law Journal* 5, no. 1 (Winter 1965): 89-111.
Higuchi, Wakako. “The Japanese Military Occupation of Guam, 1941-1944.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2000.
Maga, Timothy P. “Judgment on Guam.” In *Judgment at Tokyo: The Japanese War Crimes Trials*. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001.
Mercer, Scott A. “The Guam War Crimes Trials: A Re-Examination Through a Comparison with the Yamashita and Homma Trials in Manila.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2001.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Wibur, George. “Five Japanese Military Criminals Executed on Guam for Atrocities: Hanged Quietly in Interior of Guam.” *Navy News*, 26 September 1947.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Politics, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era, WWII/Japanese Era: Politics
**Tags:** US Navy War Crimes Trials in Guam
---
### [Beatrice Flores Emsley](https://www.guampedia.com/beatrice-perez-emsley/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Beatrice Peredo Flores Emsley (1929-1995) is best remembered as a survivor of the Japanese Occupation on Guam during World War II, and subsequently, as the voice of fellow Chamorro survivors with her powerful testimonies for the Guam War Reparations Commission in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
**Content:**
# Beatrice Flores Emsley
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## Influential voice of a survivor
Beatrice Peredo Flores Emsley (1929 – 1995) is best remembered as a survivor of the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) on Guam during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), and subsequently, as the voice of fellow CHamoru/Chamorro survivors with her powerful testimonies for the Guam War Reparations Commission in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Her experience of brutality and survival at the hands of the Japanese revealed the atrocities suffered by the Chamorro population and brought national and international attention to the issue of compensation for Chamorro survivors.
Born Beatrice Peredo Flores on 16 December 1929, Emsley was raised in [Yigo,](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) Guam, and was 12 years old when the Japanese occupation began on 10 December 1941. Under Japanese military rule, life for many Chamorros had become difficult and uncertain. Emsley lived at her family’s ranch in Ta’i, [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) (where Father Duenas Memorial School now stands), along with her uncle, Baldumero T. Peredo, who worked at the Naval Hospital. In 1944, at the age of 14, Emsley worked as a house girl to Japanese soldiers for one month. She was paid 30 yen for her services.
The events Emsley described in her testimonies before the War Reparations Commission began in July 1944, just a few days before the American invasion that liberated Guam from Japanese rule. Emsley’s uncle was missing during the Japanese census of the ranch, where three other families also were seeking shelter. An officer threatened to have the families killed if Peredo was not found immediately. Emsley, whose mother had just given birth to a baby girl, volunteered to search for her uncle. She was given a signed paper of permission from the Japanese officer in order to pass security stations throughout [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
By this time, Hagåtña largely had been abandoned as residents had relocated to their *lanchos* (ranches) or were hiding in the island’s jungles. Emsley bowed repeatedly toward Japanese soldiers and was finally chased away when she showed them her pass. She broke through thick jungle foliage, calling for Peredo, even searching a foxhole her mother thought her uncle might be hiding. Finally, she heard the sounds of his breathing.
Emsley found her uncle lying in a trench. He had fallen and badly wounded his leg. He was filthy and his leg was infected, leaving him unable to walk. Emsley pleaded with Peredo to attempt the walk back to the ranch. Peredo, however, insisted he could not, even if his niece dragged him. The minutes lost persuading Peredo to return with her placed the young girl and her uncle in a precarious position as the Japanese did not want any Chamorros to be in the area while they were preparing for battle with the Americans.
## Attempted beheading
Within minutes of finding Peredo, Emsley heard the stomping footsteps of Japanese soldiers marching in Hagåtña. Suddenly, some of the soldiers pushed through the jungle, and she and her uncle were discovered. Emsley presented the soldiers with her permission pass, but the paper that once granted safety was pushed aside. The Japanese accused Emsley and her uncle of knowing the American Navy radioman [George Tweed](https://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/), the only American soldier who was able to remain hidden from Japanese forces and survive during the Japanese occupation. In spite of Emsley and Peredo’s arguments that they had never known Tweed, the two were taken by the soldiers toward San Ramon Hill, below where the Government House stands today, amid flares and bombing by American planes. When the flares had passed, they were forced into one of three tunnels cut into the hillside below where the Archbishop’s residence is currently located.
There Emsley discovered other Chamorros assembled by Japanese soldiers. She saw a group of seven men, among them Juan Cabrera, age 16. Later, they were joined by a group of three young women who were crying as the soldiers pushed them into the tunnel. For two days without food and water, the group of Chamorros were held against their will.
As the night waned and daylight approached the interrogation wore steadily on. The Japanese repeatedly accused the group of lying and slapped the Chamorros across their faces, even after the Chamorros agreed with the untrue accusations.
At dawn, the Japanese officers demanded the group line up and stand before a string of Japanese soldiers, dressed in full uniform and armed with bayonets. An officer divided the men and women into two groups. The men were led off into the jungle with the soldiers, while the women were ordered to wait and remain standing in a straight line. Before the men were led away, Emsley’s uncle reached out and pulled at her, but the two were forced apart by the soldiers.
In her formal testimony before the US Congress on 27 May 1993, Emsley recounted what happened next: “All us four girls hear is like somebody chopping down the forest, and moaning for God, for mother, and I’m dying, and all that. Since then, Mr. Chairman, I didn’t have any feeling. I’m standing there like I’m just out in a cloud. So then after they finish and everything is quiet, they \[the soldiers\] come back and went by us and they all have a bloody uniform. Their rifle and everything are all \[covered in\] blood.”
Emsley then witnessed the Japanese soldiers execute the other Chamorro women. In her words from the 1993 testimony: “They finally start calling Diana Guerrero, the oldest woman, who walked up to this officer, and the only thing I seen, and it start to get blurr\[y\], was he cut this front and start sawing off her breast. Then the sister next to her came running up to try to help. They do just everything they can with what they got. And the third one was Toni, because I was the youngest and the last. They march her up, and the only thing they did is sliced down her stomach and everything come out. When it comes to me, when they took me out, I was walking in air. As soon as they let go of me, I fall down to the ground.”
The Japanese officer’s attention focused on Emsley. After briefly questioning her, the officer pushed her head down and he hit the back of her neck with his bayonet. Emsley fainted from the impact as the bayonet cut through her neck muscles. The gash from the bayonet was four inches deep. The Japanese officers then pushed her into a nearby hole they had dug as a grave. Emsley’s body fell on top of the other women.
## Buried alive
When Emsley awoke she found herself buried with the bodies of those executed before her eyes. Phasing in and out of consciousness, Emsley began trying to dig herself out. At one point, she recalled Toni, still alive, moaning beside her asking for water. The two managed to drink something wet on the ground nearby. Emsley passed out again and when she awoke, Toni had already died.
Emsley crawled out of the dirt grave during daylight, after the Japanese had left the scene and hidden themselves. She stumbled away from the area, half crawling when she was conscious and fainting after she had exhausted her limited energy supply. She went to where she had heard the other Chamorro men and recognized her uncle’s wounded leg because of the filthy pants he had been wearing. As she described in the 1993 statement: “I don’t know where I’m going. I don’t know what happened to me. I don’t know nothing. I just keep going.”
Time passed for Emsley. Making her way through the jungle she spotted a ranch and began approaching it. She hid when she heard Japanese soldiers already at the ranch removing whatever they could find. When the soldiers finally left, Emsley went around the other side of the building and found Juan Cabrera, who had also survived the attempted execution. Cabrera had suffered five deep bayonet wounds. Emsley called to the boy and asked if he had food or water. Cabrera called her to him and he gave her some coconut to eat. Together, the two continued to search for food, drinking swamp water to quench their thirst. At Cabrera’s urging, they made their way to a house in Hagåtña where Cabrera knew his mother had left some rice and salted fish.
As the teenagers struggled along in search of help and medicine, they looked at the remains of the old Naval Hospital but could not find anything. Meanwhile, Emsley had developed a high fever and chills.
At the Hagåtña house, Cabrera began to prepare rice, leaving Emsley to watch it cook while he went out. Cabrera returned running, having encountered some Japanese soldiers and was now being chased by them. As Cabrera escaped the soldiers, a dog started to chase his pursuers. Reaching the house, he grabbed Emsley and the two ran to the back of the destroyed chapel in the San Antonio district, waiting quietly until the barking sounds stopped.
Emsley and Cabrera then made the long trek toward [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/) where other Chamorros had been taken to a concentration camp set up by the Japanese. They found an abandoned ranch and were elated to discover six large drums of rainwater, as well as star apples and bananas. The two ate until, as Emsley recalled, she got a stomach ache. They set off again to search for their families and came across an abandoned house where they stayed for a few days.
The two were eventually found by one of Emsley’s uncles and another man who had left the Manenggon camp to search for food they had hidden away from the Japanese. Emsley’s uncle, however, did not recognize her at first. He brought the two teenagers with him to Yona where they met up with soldiers of the Third Marine Division, part of the invading American forces. The Americans, however, were unable to treat her or Cabrera’s wounds because of the fighting. The three Chamorros then made their way back to the Manenggon camp. After sneaking the teenagers into the camp, Emsley and Cabrera were finally able to receive medical care.
Two Chamorro nurses cleaned the survivors’ wounds for the first time. Emsley recounted that she felt maggots moving across the gash on her neck and that she guessed these maggots had eaten away some infection from her injuries. When American soldiers finally entered the concentration camp, Emsley was taken down the long trail to Asan where she was cleaned up and received more medical treatment for her wounds aboard one of the US ships.
## Life after the War
Like other war survivors, Emsley focused on trying to pick up the pieces of her life and survive the devastating aftermath and reconstruction of the island. She attended school for a while, but could not continue as she had been too traumatized.
She eventually married Charles Emsley, a former private in the US Army. Together they had ten children, including Karen Emsley Guerrero. In spite of the trauma she had suffered, Guerrero recalled her mother’s forgiveness towards the Japanese officers and soldiers responsible for her attempted beheading: “She always told us, ‘In order to be forgiven, you must learn to forgive.”
Emsley became an influential community leader because of her emotional and candid War Reparations testimony in front of the US Congress. She spoke about her experiences openly, despite the tendency among other Chamorro elders to keep quiet about stories that reveal the harsher side of their lives during the occupation.
Emsley died on 6 August 1995 at the age of 65. She was honored with a state funeral attended by various local senators, military and Japanese officials. Over one hundred mourners were lead in prayer. Emsley was buried at the Guam Veterans Cemetery.
## A symbol of Chamorro strength and resilience
Beatrice Emsley often is seen as embodying the Chamorro people’s suffering during the Japanese occupation; she has been named the “symbol of Chamorro strength and resilience,” among other titles, by the media. The symbol, however, belies the broken woman who suffered from this experience the rest of her life.
Emsley struggled with a lifelong nervous disorder as a result of her near death and the violence she witnessed. She never did go back to school and relied on her mother to teach her how to manage her household. Interviewers constantly noted the detached way in which Emsley processed words when recounting her story. For example, Howard Handleman, while writing for the July 1964 issue of the Pacific Profile, wrote about Emsley: “The girl showed no emotion as she talked. Her almond eyes show neither a reflection of the terror that was past nor a hint of happiness (……).”
Emsley relayed her memories in a factual manner, recalling the names of people and friends she saw tortured, while her face remained a stoic mask. A reporter noted in a 1952 article in the Guam Daily News: “Beatrice tells her story to a Daily News reporter in a flat voice without emotion. Tonelessly she continues.”
This was an essential part of Emsley’s psychology – her defense tactic for surviving war atrocities and relaying her story. Emsley apparently built a wall between her present self and her memories.
But her experience as a survivor and as an advocate for war reparations for the Chamorro people remains her contribution to Guam history and its people. Her closing words of her 1993 testimony captures the conflicted feelings of so many Chamorro survivors – grateful for the American liberation, loyal to the American nation, but wanting to be acknowledged for their suffering and sacrifice: “All I am trying to ask Chairman Ron de Lugo – Recognize us, please. We are American.”
[***By Samantha Marley Barnett***](https://www.guampedia.com/samantha-marley-barnett/ "Samantha Marley Barnett")
## For further reading
*Guam Daily News*. “Three Guamanians, Beheaded by Japanese, Still Alive.” 21 July 1952.
Handleman, Howard. “Condemned, ‘Executed’ By Japanese Headsmen, Guamanian Boy, Girl Escape Guam Grave: Youths Were Charged with Aiding Yankees.” *Pacific Profile* 11, no. 7 (July 1964): 17 & 46.
*War in the Pacific National Historical Park: Hearing before the Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands*, 103rd Cong. 111 (1944).
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, Women in Guam History, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Beatrice Flores Emsley
---
### [Elena C. Benavente](https://www.guampedia.com/elena-cruz-benavente/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Traditional weaver. Although weaving was once a practice in which nearly all CHamorus participated, a select few have been singled out over the past few decades due to their exemplary skill and commitment to perpetuation of the craft.
**Content:**
# Elena C. Benavente
#### Table of Contents
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## Traditional weaver
Although weaving was once a practice in which nearly all CHamorus/Chamorros participated, a select few have been singled out over the past few decades due to their exemplary skill and commitment to perpetuation of the craft.
Elena Cruz Benavente (1905 – 2005) was a master folk artist, recognized for her skill in weaving natural materials such as coconut palm and pandanus leaves.
Born in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña") on 17 December 1905 to Maria Fraga Hernandez and Pedro Guerrero Cruz, Benavente learned how to weave coconut and pandanus (*ük’gak*) leaves as a child, as many island residents did. By the age of 16, she had learned to weave more complex items, such as sleeping mats (*guaffak*), round and square baskets (*kottot*), and lunch bags (*kostat tengguang*).
Weaving is an important cultural practice in many Pacific societies and CHamorus were known as being particularly skilled. Many utilitarian items, such as food baskets and traps, mats for sleeping and ceremonial use, and thatching for houses, were produced by hand. Weaving was also important to the cultivation of community life. In a time before contractors built houses, villagers made their own homes. This meant that they had to work together during the dry season to fix or make new thatch roofs. A typical 18 to 20 foot-long roof could use up to 1,000 coconut leaves and take up to a month for a village to craft. Many people were needed—not just to weave, but also to climb trees, trim leaves, and prepare materials for assembly. Thus, a thatching party, like other community activities such as fiesta preparation and church celebrations, was one component of CHamoru life that not only produced goods, but whose very practice exemplified and transmitted CHamoru values like [*inafa’maolek* ](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/ "Inafa’maolek: Striving for Harmony")and [*chenchule’*.](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/ "Chenchule’: Social Reciprocity")
Thatching roofs were an entry point to the weaving practice. Typically, once a person could reliably weave thatch, that person had enough experience to move on to basket craft, and later, pandanus weaving. In other words, making thatch roofs was a beginner’s way of becoming a weaver. Making a thatch roof required that the elders taught and mentored younger community members how to weave.
The changes in CHamoru society following World War II, however, would affect weaving traditions, both in functionality and perpetuation. In the four to five years immediately after World War II, people rebuilt their houses using wood and thatched coconut leaves. But with the importation of manufactured materials and military surplus like concrete and tin in the 1950s, house building—and the accompanying community traditions like thatching parties—changed. One reason for gathering together—making a thatch roof—was no longer essential to how people made their homes. The decline of these thatching parties also meant that weaving skills declined. With the demand for that basic skill decreasing, peoples’ weaving skills also weakened.
But while others gave up the practice due to changing times leaving less demand for weaving skills, Benavente kept up the practice and eventually passed it on to the next generation. She married Jose Quichocho Benavente from [Dededo ](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/ "Dededo (Dedidu)")and together they had eight children, Elisa, Jose, Jesus, John, Priscilla, Elena, Manuel and Pedro. Throughout this period of change into the modern world, Benavente continued her weaving amidst (or perhaps because of) the demands of raising eight children, supporting her husband, and caring for a house. Ever the CHamoru traditionalist from her dress (a *mestisa*) to familial duties, her weaving did not stray from the forms and materials she had known since she was a little girl.
Benavente passed this traditional craft to those of her children who wanted to learn. Remarkably, she cultivated her own plants, harvested the leaves and used traditional drying and storing techniques to prepare the leaves before weaving. Benavente practiced and had perfected her craft of pandanus weaving as well as coconut leaf plaiting throughout her lifetime and was renowned for her skills in creating art from these traditionally utilitarian objects.
Her method of teaching others her craft was also faithful to pre-World War II traditions. While formalized, Americanized schooling emphasized strict adherence to schedules, lectures, and mandatory attendance, Benavente would accept students at their request and at mutually agreeable times. Students would first observe her, attempt to weave on their own, and ask the all important question of “*taimanu?*” (how?) when needing help. A student would progress from making fans, to thatched roofs, on to baskets, and, if interested, on to the demanding, labor-intensive craft of pandanus mat weaving. There was no money exchanged for teaching, although bartering or sharing things—again, in the tradition of *chenchule’*—was acceptable.
Beginning in the late 1960s when her son, John Benavente, returned to Guam from the United States, the two found more of a demand for their skills, although it would not grow to the pre-war demand in her lifetime. A resurgent interest in CHamoru-specific traditions and bilingual education, embedded in larger social forces of political change, took hold in the local community, facilitated by the beginning of cultural fairs, such as those held at Jeff’s Pirate Cove in Ipan. Meant initially to promote the business, over time these fairs helped shape a market for CHamoru cultural products as well.
Because of her abilities, Benavente was selected to represent Guam at the Second Festival of Pacific Arts held in New Zealand in 1976. She was honored with the Maga’lahi or Governor’s Art Award for Lifetime Cultural Achievement for her role as one of Guam’s master folk artists in 1989 and 1991.
Traditional weaving evolved from a skill of necessity to an art form, over the course of Benavente’s 99 years of life on Guam. She died a few months shy of her 100th birthday, in 2005, leaving a legacy of dozens of weavers, including her grandson Mark Benavente, and a greater appreciation among the Guam community for her talent, generosity, and her contributions to the preservation of CHamoru culture.
***[By Marie Ada Auyong, MA](https://www.guampedia.com/marie-auyong/ "Marie Ada Auyong")***
## For further reading
“Elena Cruz Benavente.” In *I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Artists, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, People, People and Places, Traditional Craft, US Naval Era, Women in Guam History
---
### [Filipinos on Guam: Cultural Contributions](https://www.guampedia.com/filipinos-on-guam-cultural-contributions/)
**Published:** October 2, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Close contact between Guam and the Philippines after Spanish rule brought not only Filipinos to Guam, but also flora, fauna, food, and other cultural goods and practices.
**Content:**
# Filipinos on Guam: Cultural Contributions
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## From goods to dishes
Close contact between Guam and the Philippines after Spanish rule brought not only Filipinos to Guam, but also flora, fauna, food, and other cultural goods and practices.
## Fauna
Perhaps the most popular animal brought from the Philippines is the [carabao](https://www.guampedia.com/karabao-water-buffalo/) (in Tagalog *kalabaw*) or water buffalo. Filipino farmers traditionally use these very strong, lumbering, water-loving, slow-moving animals to pull carts for travel, to draw soil tillers in rice and other farm cultivation, and to provide very rich and creamy-tasting milk. Because Filipino conscript laborers were also Guam farmers, they were most probably instrumental in bringing the animal over, though some are recorded to have been brought to Guam from Malaysia.
Filipino farmers most probably also brought with them the practice of cockfighting around the first half of the 19th century even though the CHamoru/Chamorro word for it is the Spanish gallera, whereas Filipinos call it *sabong*. Other betting terminologies used in this practice are most probably from the Philippines. CHamorus and other locals raise cocks and hold cockfights in cockfight in private farms and properties, though the practice has been outlawed in the United States.
## Food and flora
CHamorus speak fondly of “carabao” mangoes, a special species of mangoes brought over to Guam from the Philippines. CHamorus developed a taste for these fragrant and sweet golden yellow fruit after they were brought to the island. Unfortunately, super typhoons destroyed most of the trees. Today, local supermarkets import carabao mangoes from Guimaras Island, Iloilo, Philippines.
Filipino farmers introduced the making of *tuba*, or coconut sap liquor, to Guam. In tuba making, farmers cut off the coconut tree’s inflorescence tip in increments to allow the sap to drip into a bamboo container. This results in about four quarts of collected sap daily. When allowed to ferment, the sap becomes sweet tuba liqueur. Left to ferment longer, the sap turns to vinegar.
CHamorus also distilled *tuba* to produce *aguajente* (from Spanish *aguardiente*), described as similar to raw rum served during fiestas and other festivities. Another sweet concoction is what old CHamorus called *Almibad*, prepared by boiling sweet coconut juice.
Guam’s dialect of English has numerous borrowed words for food that reflect the island inhabitants’ rich and varied backgrounds and diet. A number of these words are Filipino in origin. Among the fruit that probably came from or via the Philippines are *atis, siniguelas, kayomito, balimbing* or *bilimbinis, duhat*, and *camachile*. Younger CHamorus may no longer familiar with *duhat* or *camachile*.
Among the dishes brought to Guam by Filipinos are *[pancit](https://www.guampedia.com/pancit-filipino-noodle-dish/)*, Chinese noodles introduced to Guam from the Philippines; *[lumpia](https://www.guampedia.com/lumpia-filipino-eggrolls/)* or fried spring rolls; *lechon* or pit-fired whole roast pig; *paksiw*, meat or fish boiled in water with vinegar, salt and hot pepper; banana *lumpia* for *turon*; and *[potu](https://www.guampedia.com/potu-tuba-rice-cakes/)* for white rice cakes.
Other Filipino dishes and pastries served in Guam’s hotels and restaurants, or sold in local stores, have not yet been fully integrated into Guam’s dialect of English. Among them are: *karekare*, the Filipino version of the Spanish *callos*; *halo halo*, a dessert made with sweet preserved fruit and beans, served with shaved ice and milk; *leche flan* or the Spanish crème brulé; sticky rice cakes and puddings of various kinds – *kuchinta, maja blanca, pichipichi, bibingka*; pastries called *ensaimada; mamon;* and the Filipino pungent caviar called *bago’ong*.
## Modes of dress and games
In the 19th century up to prewar Guam, Filipinos and Guamanians dressed alike in the Spanish-influenced “Filipino” *mestiza* style of dress, with its bell-shaped, transparent, sometimes richly beaded blouse made of pineapple fiber (piña), and long cotton skirt. Both people’s mode of dress became more “American” after 1898, but older women in both places still dressed in the Spanish-influenced traditional way up to the 1980s. Worn with this dress was footwear made of the natural fiber called *abaca* or richly beaded colorful slippers that much older women still wear today.
*Tschongka*, a game played with small shells placed in a carved oblong wooden board with seven facing holes and two big holes on either end, most probably came from the Philippines too. Many of these boards are carved from solid pieces of wood in the Philippines’ Mountain Province. Filipinos call this game *sungkâ*.
## Religion
Iglesia ni Kristo (Church of Christ) is a Filipino independent church that has a very active congregation on Guam. Established by Felix Manalo in the Philippines in 1914, Iglesia is one of two groups that separated from the Filipino Catholic Church. About three percent of the Philippines’ 76 million population belong to this church. CHamoru members of the church on Guam are those married to Filipino members.
## Celebrations held on Guam
Filipinos on Guam celebrate the Philippine Independence Day on June 12th. On this day, Philippine dignitaries visit Guam to give speeches to various Filipino ethnic and provincial organizations, as well as the umbrella group, The Filipino American Community of Guam.
Additionally, each May, the Santa Cruzan, a religious folk parade, is celebrated along Ypao Road, with young men and women participating. Sometimes, local organizers fly in beauty queens and performing artists from the Philippines to give the celebration parade an extra boost and appeal.
The University of Guam’s Fieldhouse, as well as local hotels, have been typical venues for visiting Filipino performing artists, designers, and groups. Past performers include the Ateneo Choir, Broadway artist Lea Salonga, Filipino singers Sharon Cuneta, Pops Fernandez, Philippine designer Pitoy Moreno, and the renowned Bayanihan Dance Group.
[***By Clarisa G. Quan, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/clarisa-quan/)
## For further reading
Achútegui, Pedro S. de, and Miguel Bernad. *Religious Revolution in the Philippines: The Life and Church of Gregorio Aglipay, 1860-1960*. Vol. 2. Manila: Ateneo de Manila, 1960.
Alkire, William H. *An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia*. 2nd ed. Menlo Park: Cummings Publishing Co., 1977.
Campbell, Bruce L. “The Filipino Community of Guam (1945-1975).” MA thesis, University of Hawai’i, 1987.
Hezel, Francis X., SJ. *From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Marianas 1690-1740*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1989.
**Categories:** Modern Guam Rises, Non-CHamoru Ethnicity
**Tags:** Filipinos on Guam: Cultural Contributions
---
### [Candelaria Taitano Rios](https://www.guampedia.com/candelaria-taitano-rios/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Candelaria Flores Taitano Rios (1932-2009) was an accomplished public servant in many sectors of the community. She was a leader in the development of educational programs, the Democratic Party of Guam, and for numerous civic organizations and public events.
**Content:**
# Candelaria Taitano Rios
View more images for the Candelaria Taitano Rios entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157633445523376/).
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## Educator, public servant
Candelaria Flores Taitano Rios (1932 – 2009) was an accomplished public servant in many sectors of the community. She was a leader in the development of educational programs, the[ Democratic Party of Guam,](https://www.guampedia.com/democratic-party-of-guam/) and for numerous civic organizations and public events.
Rios was born to Rosario Sablan Flores and Juan San Nicolas Taitano on 22 February 1932. She married Joseph Leon Guerrero Rios as a young woman and together, they had five children: Joleen Rios Siguenza, Joseph, Jr., Rose, Helen, and John. Family was very important to Rios. She was known to the community as “Auntie Candy” or “Auntie Lala.”
Rios graduated from George Washington High School and received her Associate degree in elementary education from the College of Guam in 1961, followed by a BA in the same subject in 1967 and then a Master’s in education in elementary administration and supervision from the University of Guam in 1971.
She began her teaching career at a time when there was a real need for qualified teachers on Guam. The government had put out a call to encourage public service in education and Rios responded. She was a long time educator, working as an elementary teacher and as an assistant principal at New Piti Elementary School, and was principal at the CL Taitano Elementary School.
While Rios worked at CL Taitano she introduced and then became the project director for the Hawai’i English Program, an educational approach to teaching English to second language speakers. When she retired from teaching in 1976, she opened and managed a daycare center until she returned to work for the government in 1982. Rios held positions in the Government of Guam including deputy director for both the Passport Office and the Government of Guam Retirement Fund from 1983-1986.
Rios was a volunteer for the Catholic Church, the Democratic Party of Guam and other civic organizations. She also helped in organizing community events, such as [Pope John Paul II’s historic visit to Guam in 1981](https://www.guampedia.com/pope-john-paul-iis-historic-visit-to-guam/) and the *Fiestan Guam* (Liberation Day) celebrations. In addition, she participated in organizations such as the Latte of Freedom Foundation and the Guma Mami board of directors.
Rios helped raise funds for the Mentally Retarded Adults Association; Chief Kepuha and the Sirena Statute Projects; Committee for President Ronald Reagan’s visit in 1985; Vocational Education Advisory Council; Retired Education Association; Guam Elementary Administrators Association; Inetnon Famalaoan and the Retired Employee Association.
## Democratic Party of Guam leader
Rios was a notable leader in the Democratic Party of Guam and a founding member of the Women’s Democratic Party of Guam. She was responsible, along with her brother, [Richard F. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/), for leading village organizations at the grassroots level to expand Democratic values and beliefs. Rios held numerous positions for the Democratic Party on Guam, and was a Delegate to the National Democratic Convention in 1988 and 1992.
She was also a member of the National Federation of Democratic Women; a charter member of the Democratic Women’s Organization of Guam and vice-chairperson of the Democratic Party of Guam. n these capacities, she supervised the Democratic Party Gubernatorial and Senatorial Canvassing; acted as chairperson for the Committee to Elect [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/) for Senator, and was the chairperson for the Jefferson-Jackson Celebrations. She also was the president of the Women’s Democratic Party of Guam at various times.
Rios was a staunch advocate for Government of Guam retirees and their survivors. She passionately led retirees in a class action suit demanding that the government of Guam fulfill its obligations in paying for the Cost of Living Allowance (COLA). She was relentless in the pursuit of her goals. At the end of her long and accomplished life she was able to witness the approval by the court and the payments of the cost of living allowance lawsuit for retirees that began decades earlier.
She passed away on 5 January 2009 at the age of 77.
***[By Anthony C. Blaz](http://www.guampedia.com/anthony-crisostomo-blaz/)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Education, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Education, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Candelaria Taitano Rios
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### [Emilie Green Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/emilie-green-johnston/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Emilie Green Johnston (1924-2011) is a significant figure to historians and researchers of Guam history. Along with Guam historian/professors Paul Carano and Marjorie Driver, Johnston helped found the College of Guam’s (now the University of Guam) first research center.
**Content:**
# Emilie Green Johnston
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## Archivist and historian
Emilie Green Johnston (1924 – 2011) is a significant figure to historians and researchers of Guam history. Along with Guam historian/professors[ Paul Carano](https://www.guampedia.com/paul-carano/) and[ Marjorie Driver](https://www.guampedia.com/marjorie-g-driver/), Johnston helped found the College of Guam’s (now the University of Guam) first research center. Today, the Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) is a world-class repository of materials including maps, documents, photographs, and other archived collections about Guam and the islands of Micronesia. In her multiple roles as bibliographer, writer, librarian and curator with MARC, Johnston contributed greatly to making historical knowledge of the region available to the public.
Emilie Johnston was born on 30 March 1924 in Mendenhall, Pennsylvania, to Rowena Bernette Pierce and Joseph Clifton Green, a successful plumber and skeet champion. The oldest of three children, she graduated from Centerville High School in 1941.
Johnston then moved to Baltimore, Maryland, to attend the Maryland Institute of Art. In 1944 at the age of 20 she graduated at the top of her class with a certificate in Costume Design and Clothes Construction. Along with a partner, she opened a dress shop in Baltimore that sold her designs. A year later she moved to New York City where she was a designer and finisher at a French-Italian couturier shop located on Fifth Avenue. It was here that she met the sisters of her future husband.
CHamoru/Chamorro educator [Agueda I. Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/) had sent her daughters, Marion and Cynthia, to New York on a trip to the United States. Mrs. Johnston asked family friend Father Hugh F. Costigan, a Jesuit priest, to look after her daughters while they were in New York. Costigan, uncomfortable with looking after the beautiful young ladies, enlisted Emilie Green to entertain them. The girls became close friends. Before departing the sisters asked Emilie if she would look after their brother, Herbert, who would be visiting New York. Emilie agreed and when the two met, they fell madly in love.
Emilie married Herbert J. Johnston on 16 November 1946 in New York. Father Costigan presided over the ceremony; the priest eventually went on to found the Ponape Agriculture and Trade School in the late 1950s and remained a close family friend until his death in 1987.
The young couple moved to Guam in 1947, the same year that Johnston gave birth to her first child, to make their home there. The Johnstons were heartbroken when the infant only lived 23 hours. Around this time Franklin, Herbert’s son, came to live with them and won Johnston’s heart. She adopted him and raised him as her own. Two years later she gave birth to her second child, Rowena. In the ensuing ten years, Johnston bore five more children: Anita, Elizabeth (Libby), Herbert, Jr. (Bert), Melanie and Diana.
Raising seven children in postwar Guam most certainly must have been a challenge to Johnston, but she was tenacious, a trait that served her well throughout her life. Those close to her say she never gave up once she started something.
## A founder of RFT-MARC
Although she began her professional life in 1943 as a designer, Johnston’s life’s work began in 1967 when she started collaborating with Carano and Driver to create the Micronesian Area Research Center. The trio spent the early years building the collection of historical material that, today, spans more than 150,000 pages dating from 1521 to the present. Johnston, meanwhile, attended the University of Guam where she received a Bachelor of Arts degree and graduated *summa cum laude* in 1972.
Johnston started out as a bibliographer/librarian at MARC and was promoted to curator in 1972, a position she held until failing eyesight forced her to retire in 1982.
During her tenure she not only helped build the collection and fulfilled the role of librarian, but she also authored or edited numerous articles, bibliographies and publications that still serve researchers today. She contributed articles to local publications like the *Guam Recorder*, *Micronesica*, *Umatuna si Yu’us* and the *Pacific Sunday News Magazine*. Much of her work focused on topics in Guam history and culture, such as “Medical Services for the Island Guam Until World War II;” “References to the Latte of the Mariana Islands;” and “Chamorro Tools: Implements and Utensils.” She also supervised the preservation of historical documents regarding water resources and ecological surveys, as well as research materials about the Catholic missionary Father Diego Luis de San Vitores and American era historic sites on Guam.
Johnston also compiled guides for the thousands of photographs at MARC. Indeed, it was Johnston who started the image archives at the research center. She also privately wrote and published *A Saga of Agueda* about the life and work of her mother-in-law, Agueda I. Johnston, for whom the Ordot-Chalan Pago school is named.
Herbert J. Johnston passed away on 5 May 1993, just six months shy of their 47th anniversary.
After retirement, as tenacious as ever, Emilie Johnston continued to collect and archive historical material despite her failing eyesight. Around this time Jose Babauta became her assistant and caregiver. It was Johnston, Babauta said, that encouraged him to start researching his family’s genealogy.
“She was a remarkable lady,” Babauta recalled. “Even though she couldn’t see, she knew where each document was. She’d say, ‘Go look in the second drawer behind the folder and you’ll find the document.’ When I said I couldn’t find it she would say – ‘Use your eyes’ – and I’d look again and it would be there!” Along with Babauta’s help Johnston continued collecting and archiving different materials, and would entertain researchers and their questions until her last days. She was generous with her time, and after a day-long visit from researchers she would say, “I think they left happy.”
Johnston was active in civic and public organizations at a time when these groups made significant contributions to the welfare of the island’s population. She joined the Guam Women’s Club in 1953 only two years after it was created and remained an active member throughout her life, eventually earning the status of Life Member. Her talent at costume design served her well when preparing for the organization’s annual Mardi Gras gala. For many years her designs won the event’s costume contest.
As a member of the Guam Women’s Club, Johnston also served as co-chair of the Parks, Monuments and Museum Committee. The Guam Women’s Club and the committee were responsible for re-establishing the Guam Museum after World War II as well as the establishment of many of the island’s public parks.
Johnston also served as a board member of the Nieves M. Flores Memorial Library, and participated in various University of Guam activities and Committees. She served as President of the Guam Girl Scout Council and was a member of the Guam Archaeology Society, Guam Fine Arts Society, Chamorro Cultural Association, Guam Teachers Association, Guam Environmental Council, Guam Recreation and Parks Association, Guam Library Association, Pacific Studies Association, American Library Association, National Trust for Historic Preservation and the Guam Sewing Circle.
As a parent she was active in Parent-Teacher Associations of Adelup and Piti Elementary Schools and Hågat Junior High.
Although Johnston passed away on 8 August 2011, her legacy lives on in her children and the thousands of pages of historical documents and images that she collected, archived and published. In 2010, the 30th [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) awarded her a Legislative Resolution memorializing her contributions and dedication to the Guam community and the preservation of Chamorro culture and history. The University of Guam’s RFT-MARC also honored her that year at an annual dinner event.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](https://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## For further reading
Guam Legislature. *Relative to Memorializing and Acknowledging Emilie G. Johnston…* Resolution 300-30. 30th Guam Legislature. 10 March 2010.
*I Manfayi: Generations of Public Servants*. Vol. 4. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Division of Research, Publication, and Training, 2003.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Education, Education, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Education, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Emilie Green Johnston
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### [Tsunami and Earthquake History and Potential for Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/tsunami-and-earthquake-history-and-potential-for-guam/)
**Published:** December 11, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Since the devastating earthquake and tsunami that ravaged Japan’s coastline in March 2011 and sent thousands of Guam residents looking for higher ground, questions about the vulnerability of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands to an equally dangerous tsunami have been raised.
**Content:**
# Tsunami and Earthquake History and Potential for Guam
#### Table of Contents
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## Marianas a part of the Ring of Fire
Since the devastating earthquake and tsunami that ravaged Japan’s coastline in March 2011 and sent thousands of Guam residents looking for higher ground, questions about the vulnerability of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands to an equally dangerous tsunami have been raised.
Guam is no stranger to the effects of some of nature’s most destructive forces, including earthquakes and typhoons, but tsunamis hit only rarely.
## What is a tsunami?
In simplest terms, a tsunami is a large, extensive, open ocean wave or series of waves caused by an earthquake or an underwater landslide. Tsunamis may also be caused by volcanic eruptions, or by large chunks of ice breaking away from a glacier, or by other phenomena that cause large displacements of ocean water.
The word tsunami originates from Japan, where it means, “harbor wave.” Japan is a country made up of many islands and the coastline is dotted by numerous harbors that, historically, are particularly vulnerable to earthquake-generated tsunamis. As evident in the recent Japan earthquake in 2011, the 2004 Indian Ocean Earthquake in Sumatra, Indonesia, and the 2009 earthquake in American Samoa, tsunamis can be extremely destructive in coastal regions.
Although sometimes used interchangeably, tsunamis should not be confused with tidal waves. Tsunamis are also different from surface tides and tidal surges, although these waves may have similarly destructive effects on coastlines. The term tidal wave is used in reference to ocean waves caused by the gravitational pull between the moon and the earth. Surface tides are caused by wind blowing across the surface of a large open body of water, such as an ocean, lake or river. Surface tides range from small ripples, to large swells. Tidal surges are particularly destructive waves caused by strong winds that are generated by typhoons and hurricanes. When tidal surges break on shore or over land they can cause significant damage to property and endanger coastlines.
## Earthquakes and tsunamis
Tsunamis are commonly caused by earthquakes. The hard rock surface of the earth, or the crust, is made up of plates that move on top of a liquid rock layer underneath, or the mantle. This is the idea behind the theory of plate tectonics. When two plates come in contact with each other, they may rub against each other laterally or side by side. This site of contact may be apparent on the earth’s crust as a fault line, like the San Andreas Fault that runs along the length of California.
Sometimes the earth’s tectonic plates spread apart, like the mid-Atlantic Ridge. Or, one plate may sink beneath the other. This is called subduction, and an area where this occurs is known as a subduction zone. As one plate sinks, the other plate is lifted up. Mountain ranges, islands and deep ocean trenches can form in subduction zones. For example, the Mariana Islands lie on the edge of the zone where the Pacific Plate sinks beneath the Philippine Plate, forming the Marianas Trench, the lowest elevation on the earth’s surface. Around 43 million years ago, the release of magma from volcanic activity in this area resulted in the formation of Guam, the oldest of the Mariana Islands chain.
Though not always detected by humans, the earth’s plates are continuously moving, and they experience a considerable strain at these points of contact. When the strain becomes too great, they move in a way that can be detected at the surface as an earthquake.
Scientists measure the strength of an earthquake using an instrument called a seismograph. The strength or magnitude of an earthquake is designated with a numeric ranking on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0-10. Typically, stronger earthquakes that can be felt and cause damage measure between 5.5 and 8.9 on the scale.
The earthquake that caused the March 2011 Japan tsunami measured 9.0 on the scale. The memorable earthquake that struck Guam in August 1993 measured 8.1, although some sources recorded it at 7.9. The earthquake in American Samoa that caused a tsunami in September 2009 also measured 8.1. American Samoa, Japan and Guam experience frequent earthquakes. This is because they are located in a region geologists commonly refer to as the Ring of Fire.
The Ring of Fire is an area in the Pacific Ocean where the movement of the earth’s plates causes frequent earthquakes and volcanic activity. The ring extends along the edges of the large Pacific plate, from New Zealand, through Indonesia, past the Mariana Islands and Japan, and along the Aleutian Islands in Alaska. The ring continues further along the whole west coast of the North American continent, Central America and South America to the southernmost point in Chile. These coastal areas are particularly vulnerable to the effects of tsunamis even if the epicenter of an earthquake is located thousands of miles away.
When an earthquake occurs in the ocean, the energy released from the movement of the plates on the earth’s crust can generate a series of waves on the ocean surface. The waves radiate outward from the center of the quake (or epicenter). The effect resembles the rippling waves caused by throwing a stone in a still pond. Offshore, tsunami waves have a short height (or amplitude), but a very long wavelength (or the distance between waves).
Under normal conditions, oceanic wavelengths are about 30 to 40 meters, but a tsunami may have wavelengths several hundred kilometers apart. In deep water, the effect of a tsunami is hardly detectable because of this huge wavelength. However, as a tsunami approaches a shoreline where the waters are shallow, the waves slow down. This causes the wavelength to shorten and the wave height to grow enormously. The destructive force of a tsunami, though, occurs not only when the wave crashes into the shoreline at high speed, but also by the receding of the water as it goes back towards the ocean, dragging buildings, vehicles, trees and other debris out to sea.
According to geologists, a tsunami may feature multiple waves, and sometimes it may take several hours for the waves to travel thousands of miles across open water. In fact, not all earthquakes will produce tsunamis that actually make it to a shoreline. Whether a destructive tsunami is generated after an underwater earthquake is difficult to detect.
Sometimes, an indicator of an impending tsunami is the drawback of water on the shore, exposing fish, coral and other features that would normally be under water. When such a drawback of the ocean occurs, it is a good idea for people to head inland or move to higher ground. Today, sophisticated instruments are used to monitor changes in sea level, especially after an earthquake, and to alert coastal zones of impending danger from destructive tsunamis. Guam receives its information from the Pacific Tsunami Warning Center, which has detectors on buoys located throughout the Pacific Ocean. The PTWC is based in Honolulu, Hawai’i, and operated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, an agency of the United States government.
By virtue of the island’s location along the Ring of Fire, it is not surprising that Guam is the site of regular earthquake activity. In fact, earthquakes occur every day on Guam, but the majority of them are imperceptible without a seismograph. Occasional destructive force earthquakes occur every few years, as evidenced in the landscape and geological record, as well as in historic accounts.
The volcanic activity in the region causes much of the earthquake activity on Guam. In addition, there are thousands of fault lines that zigzag across the island, resulting from the collision (and subduction) of the Pacific plate and the Marianas plate. A major fault line divides the island geologically between the limestone plateau of the north, and the mountainous volcanic region in the south. Named the Adelup-Pago Point fault, the fault line runs roughly between Pago Bay on the east coast of the island, to [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) on the west—near the location of the Governor’s Complex in Adelup.
The [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/)-Yigo fault moves south-southwest from Mt. Santa Rosa in [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/), along Latte Heights, past the airport and to the boundary between Tamuning and East Agana. Further south, the Cabras Fault runs from Facpi Point (which lies about five kilometers north of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/)) and moves northeast along the west coast toward [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/) Bay. In addition, a number of smaller fault lines run along the valleys of southern Guam. It is no wonder, then, that Guam should experience so many earthquakes during the year.
## Historic accounts of Guam’s seismic events
Accounts from the [Spanish Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and the early [American period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) provide an interesting record of historic earthquake activity on Guam, and at least one report of a devastating tsunami. At least four earthquakes of magnitude 7.0 or greater on the Richter scale occurred between 1849 and 1911. Unconfirmed reports of earthquakes in the late 1700s include events in 1767, 1769, 1779 or 1799. Major earthquakes have been reported, in 1809, 1810, 1822, 1825, 1834, 1837, 1849, 1892, 1901, and 1909.
### Guam has had 3 tsunamis large enough to cause damage
A 2002 study by geologists James Lander and Lowell Whiteside of the University of Colorado and Paul Hattori from the US Geological Survey Guam Geophysical Observatory examined the history of tsunami events on Guam over the last 200 years. Based on historic accounts, they determined that Guam has had only three tsunamis that were large enough to cause damage—in 1849, 1892 and, most recently, in 1993. Another two to six events may have been recorded, but are not verifiable as true tsunamis. Waves originating from further away include those produced during the 1952 Kamatchka, Russia, and the 1960 Chile earthquakes.
One of the earliest records of an earthquake and destructive wave activity on Guam was a description by [Louis Claude de Freycinet,](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) a French explorer who traveled to the Marianas in 1819. He wrote:
> An earthquake made itself felt, on May 7 at 1:30 pm. With surprise and fright together, we saw the earth itself undulating form north to south for a period of perhaps thirty seconds. The residence cracked in every part, tiles came hurtling down and one would have thought that the entire structure was about to collapse around our heads. All inhabitants fled, some into the streets, others into gardens. No further disaster befell us all, however. Passed on from the land to the sea, the upheaval was felt aboard in the guise of violent shakes.
In late 1837 a series of strong earthquakes coincided with strong storm causing major flooding, landslides and damage. Four of the Caroline Islands were submerged, forcing residents to migrate to Guam and eventually settle in Saipan.
Twelve years later, another devastating tremor struck the island. A graphic description of the earthquake and tsunami of 1849 was presented in a letter by then-Guam governor Pablo Pérez. The island was in the wake of a flu epidemic that had taken many lives. In his letter, he recounted not only the earthquake and aftershocks, but also the extensive devastation caused by ground rupture and a tsunami that killed one woman and injured her niece:
> On 25 January last, at 2:49 in the afternoon, there was a great temblor, or earthquake, on this island that lasted one and a half minutes…The shocks continued all afternoon at very short intervals of approximately four, six and eight minutes. At eleven o’clock that night, they ceased until 2:30 in the morning, then continued on the following days…In addition to the repeated shocks, we felt something like a subterranean boiling, and we thought we were atop a volcano that would send us flying through space when it exploded. After nine days, the continual boiling-like rumbling stopped, but the tremors continued…A pilot and several seamen who were on the beach reported and swore they had seen two flashes of fire leap from the surf as it crashed on the reef off this port. The flashes were preceded by two sharp cannon-like reports.
>
> The earth opened in several places. Large fissures appeared in the center of the city; fourteen walls opened, gushing water, sand and fish… That afternoon, in my presence, the wells were sounded with a rod and found to have a depth of from one to six *varas* (one *varas* is 33 inches). On the following day I had them filled to obliterate the horrible sight, also because four of them were beneath houses, causing some to tumble, others to tilt. Many boulders have tumbled along the shore and from the interior hillsides. The shaking was so severe that bottles and other small receptacles on floors and shelves fell.
>
> The fissures were even more frightening because of the release of fumes.
>
> The sole tragedy involving loss of life was the death of a woman, who was at her ranch near the beach and was swept away by one of three tidal waves. The two-year old niece who was with her received bruises on her face when the sea carried her forty yards before depositing her among the rocks.
The woman’s name was reported as Josefa Lujan, from the village of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). Lujan was walking from her[ *låncho*](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/) in [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) toward [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), when she was swept away by a giant wave which washed over the road. Her body was never recovered, although her niece survived with minor injuries.
The vertical run-up of the tsunami was about 11.5 feet (3.5 meters). Governor Perez described many structures being damaged, including the tile roofs on several administrative buildings, as well as the Humåtak church. The church in Hagåtña lost its bell tower, while the boys’ school, the [*Colegio de San Juan de Letran*](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-colegio-de-san-juan-de-letran/) was almost completely destroyed. So far-reaching were the effects that, in fact, the captain of a whaling frigate informed the Governor that he felt the quake a thousand miles east of Guam.
In the Caroline Islands, it was reported that some of the atolls were actually submerged for several hours by the tsunami caused by the earthquake. Several survivors from the islands of Satawal and Lamotrek managed to escape, migrating to Saipan in the northern Marianas some two months later.
[Father Aniceto Ibáñez del Carmen](http://www.guampedia.com/father-aniceto-ibanez-del-carmen/), an Augustinian priest and parish chronicler living on Guam in the mid-1800s, also wrote a description of the 1849 earthquake and tsunami, similar to Governor Perez’s account. In addition to recounting general happenings in the island during his stay, he also chronicled a number of earthquakes that occurred. Ibáñez, for example, noted that occasional tremors took place in 1855, which, along with illnesses and typhoons, made for a memorable year. He was more descriptive regarding an earthquake in 1862. Ibáñez wrote:
> On 1 July 1862 at 7:48 in the morning…a small though quite perceptible quaking was felt—up and down—and then a strong oscillating movement from North to South. The force of the earthquake was such that practically all the thatched roofs collapsed. This tremor or earthquake lasted between forty-five and fifty seconds, more or less.
Ibáñez also mentioned two “terribly strong” earthquakes striking on 13 May 1870 around 3:27 pm. That same year on June 14th, another strong earthquake was felt at 2:55 am.
In May 1892 a tsunami in Hagåtña was recorded from an earthquake that struck Guam, although no measurements of its height or damage were available. Landers et al (2002), however, state that a drop in water level was reported and damage occurred in the old San Antonio district (near the current CHamoru/Chamorro Village).
Strong destructive quakes also were recorded in the early years in the 20th century. On 22 September 1902, a tremendous earthquake struck the island at 11:24 in the morning. The Hagåtña church lost its bell tower and one of the church walls collapsed. Bridges on the Hagåtña -Piti road caved in, along with many coral masonry ([*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/)) structures. The wooden Humåtak church of San Dioniso was destroyed, as it was earlier in the 1849 quake. One child was killed by falling debris. Tremors continued for an entire week, and public schools were closed for nearly two years.
The damage was extensive enough to cause US naval governor [Seaton Schroeder](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-leaders-from-1899-1904/#toc-seaton-schroeder-july-19-1901-nov-2-1903) to issue an order implementing new construction standards to make buildings safer. Although the Hagåtña church was rebuilt under the new standards, it was destroyed again following an earthquake in 1909. This quake, centered on Guam, as well as one recorded in February 1903, which occurred in the Philippines, generated tsunamis, although no information was available about the vertical run-up for each event.
Other small tsunami events may have occurred throughout the 20th century from earthquakes generated away from the Mariana Islands. A 2008 report from the National Geophysical Data Center mentions that in March 1952 an earthquake in Hokkaido, Japan, produced a tsunami in Apra Harbor with a vertical slope of 0.03 foot (0.1 meter); eight months later an earthquake in Kamchaka, Russia, generated a similar sized tsunami that made it to Guam. An earthquake in the Aleutian Islands off of Alaska caused a 0.03 foot tsunami in March 1957, and a May 1960 Chilean earthquake produced a 0.07 foot (0.2 meter) tsunami. Two more quakes, one off the Kuril Islands, Russia, in October 1963, and another off the Alaskan peninsula in March 1964, each produced a 0.03 foot (0.1 meter) tsunami on Guam.
Other notable tremors include a 6.7 earthquake that occurred in October 1936, originating approximately 80 miles southwest of Guam. More than 25 aftershocks were reported, exacerbating the damage to plaster walls and tile roofs by the original quake. A 6.2 temblor was recorded in the same place as the 1936 earthquake in September 1970, while a 6.2 earthquake occurred in November 1975, causing almost $1,000,000 in damage. Another 5.2 earthquake struck in January 1978 near the east coast of the island with considerable damage. No tsunamis, however, were recorded with any of these occurrences.
### Strongest quake was in 1993
The strongest recorded earthquake struck in August 1993. It was measured at a magnitude of 8 and lasted a full minute. Although no deaths were reported, 71 people were injured and several hotels suffered extensive damage. The southern part of the island experienced numerous landslides and rockslides, and more than $250 million in structural and property damage was sustained to roads, homes, buildings and cars.
Another seismic phenomenon as a result of earthquakes is liquefaction. Liquefaction occurs when water saturated sediments (such as sand or soil in a manmade landfill) lose strength and stability and act like a liquid. During the August 1993 earthquake liquefaction occurred at the commercial port in Apra Harbor and in downtown Hagåtña causing large cracks and fissures in the ground.
Interestingly, there were reports of individuals who witnessed unusual wave activity and a minor tsunami in Pago Bay. In the *Pacific Daily News* Sunday edition Tony Guerrero recounted walking to his parked truck and noticing the calm waters about 15 yards beyond the normal water line. As he tried to enter his vehicle, the waves came in and covered his legs. A second wave rising as high as his windshield swept him and his truck about 30 feet from the shore, making him unable to open his door until the water receded.
## Risk of tsunamis on Guam
Because of the recent devastating earthquakes and tsunamis in Japan, Samoa and Indonesia, the question of Guam’s risk of tsunamis has been raised. The notion that Guam is largely protected by the deep waters of the Marianas Trench and the reefs surrounding the islands is commonly accepted, although this idea has been refuted by some geophysicists for a number of reasons.
According to Gerard Fryer, a geophysicist from the Pacific Tsunami Warning Center, in an interview with the *Pacific Daily News* shortly after the Japanese tsunami he stated that the depth of the trench gives islanders a false sense of security. The deep waters along Japan’s east coast, for example, did little to protect that country from the devastating tsunami. In addition, he stated that while the presence of strong, deeply sloping fringing reefs do provide some protection by causing tsunami waves to reflect off them and dissipating their energy before they can get to the shore, gaps in the reef still may provide an opening for destructive waves to come through and cause coastal damage. Furthermore, the wavelengths of tsunamis are usually very long; if a large enough tsunami were to strike Guam the waves potentially can wrap around the edges of the island, causing flooding on exposed shorelines.
The authors of the 2002 Lander et al. report also considered the risk of destructive tsunamis on Guam. They asserted that a locally generated tsunami would most likely occur on the east coast of the island, where the Marianas Trench is situated and the known origin of many earthquakes felt on Guam. Additionally, a tsunami that originated further south could possibly impact both the east and west coasts of the island with the wrap-around effect.
However, the Lander report argues that because of the age and relatively slow rate of subduction of the Pacific plate underneath the Philippine plate, there should be fewer earthquakes and therefore, less chance of tsunami. This has been the case for most of the Marianas archipelago. Guam, though, is situated along the trench where, nearby, there are differences in depth and heights of the subducting plates. It seems in areas where the waters are shallower, there is an increased amount of seismic activity, which may account for some of the earthquakes felt on Guam.
In the models Lander et al cite, there are other factors to consider—the steepness of the fault lines, for example, or vertical vs. horizontal movements of the plates, as well as the occurrence of secondary movements from liquefaction and landslides during a seismic event. Nevertheless, they assert, the incidence of destructive tsunamis is rare because of the extreme depth of the trench and the slow rate of subduction, and that the two significant tsunamis of 1849 and 1993 were the result of quakes that centered on the more shallow dipping areas of the plates. In these cases, the earthquakes occurred on the eastern side of the island, producing waves that impacted Guam’s east coast.
Although the likelihood of tsunamis is low, if they do occur, it is more likely they will occur on the east coast of Guam. Southern Guam may be vulnerable, but more heavily populated areas in the central, western parts of the island are less likely to be negatively impacted by tsunamis.
## Cultural responses
In the course of the long history of human habitation of the Mariana Islands, the people who live in this part of the world have adapted to survive a host of potentially hazardous forces of nature. Along with the physical challenge of surviving earthquakes, typhoons and tsunamis they dealt with the human need to understand and give some kind of cultural meaning to these phenomena.
The ancient CHamorus, for example, explained wind, waves and fire as part of the activities of the spirit-god [Chaifi](http://www.guampedia.com/chaife-folktale/). Prayers to ancestral and natural spirits were invoked to ensure success in human projects of navigation, farming and fishing, as well as protection from the earth’s destructive forces. When Christianity was introduced, the power to control the forces of nature was placed in the hands of God, and the Virgin Mary became the great intercessor to turn to for protection and aid.
American anthropologist [Laura Thompson](http://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/), who studied CHamoru culture on Guam in the late 1930s, documented two solemn [novenas](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/), a type of Catholic prayer devotion and ritual that takes place over the course of nine consecutive days, specifically for protection from earthquakes. According to her informants, the *Nobenan I Promesa pat I Nobenan I Linao* originated in fulfillment of promises made by the people of Guam after a destructive earthquake that occurred in April 1858 and the 1902 temblor that destroyed the cathedral in Hagåtña. Although most people on Guam understand and accept plate tectonics theory, it is not uncommon for many to return to rituals of prayer when natural disasters occur.
## Typhoon and earthquake connection under study
Interestingly, the Lander report also considered the seemingly apparent connection of large earthquakes and typhoon activity on Guam. For example, the August 1993 earthquake was closely associated with Typhoon Steve. Perhaps, the authors suggest, the winds generated from typhoons, along with appropriate high stresses in earthquake regions, can trigger an earthquake. Or, pressure changes from the extreme low pressures associated with typhoons can hypothetically cause the land to rise under a reduced load and result in an earthquake.
The model for this seems to work for an earthquake that occurs under land, but for an earthquake under the ocean, there may be another mechanism involved. In the case of the August 1993 quake, the eye of Typhoon Steve, an area of relative calm, passed 80 km north of the island, with winds pushing Guam and the Philippine plate to the northwest. This movement, the Lander studies asserts, may have reduced the friction between the Pacific and Philippine plates which resulted in the strong earthquake. Furthermore, in a look at the history of earthquakes and typhoons on Guam, Lander et al observed that far more earthquakes occur within one day of the arrival of typhoons, than any other day in the 10 days before or 10 days after a typhoon has passed Guam at its nearest approach to the island.
Regardless of the risk of tsunamis on Guam, the Government of Guam has tried to arrange for a tsunami preparedness program and warning system which includes signage and public announcements, but no sirens are found in other tsunami-prone areas. Although there are criticisms of the warning system currently in place, in an island that has experienced periodic natural disasters including typhoons and earthquakes, residents are always at a level of preparedness that exceeds other locales vulnerable to such phenomena.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *History of the Mariana Islands to Partition*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Public School System, 2011.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *Uranie et Physicienne Voyage*. Paris: Chez Pillet Aîné, 1825.
Martratt, Joyce I. “[With all the recent earthquakes, has Guam ever experienced tsunami?](https://www.andersen.af.mil/News/Commentaries/Display/Article/416919/with-all-the-recent-earthquakes-has-guam-ever-experienced-tsunami/)” *Andersen Air Force Base News*, 1 October 2007.
Repetti, William C., SJ. “Extracts from Catalogue of Earthquakes Felt in Guam, 1825-1938.” *Guam Recorder* 17, no. 1 (1940): 25-26, 38-39.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Tolentino, Dominica. “[Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/).” In *Guampedia*. Last modified 19 May 2021.
US Department of the Navy and Joint Guam Program Office. “Geological and Soil Resources.” In *Final Environmental Impact Statement Guam and CNMI Military Relocation*. Pearl Harbor: NAVFAC, 2010.
**Categories:** Natural Environment, Natural Resources
**Tags:** Tsunami and Earthquake History and Potential for Guam
---
### [Poetry/Spoken Word](https://www.guampedia.com/poetryspoken-word/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam traces its beginnings to the collaborative effort of three Chamorros imbued with a burning desire to cultivate spoken word among the island community.
**Content:**
# Poetry/Spoken Word
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Sinangån-ta: Our spoken word
Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam traces its beginnings to the collaborative effort of three CHamorus/Chamorros imbued with a burning desire to cultivate spoken word among the island community. With a wish to spit conscious poetry and the realization that a regular venue for poetry slams had yet to be established on Guam, [Melvin Won Pat-Borja](https://www.guampedia.com/melvin-won-pat-borja/), [Kie Susuico](https://www.guampedia.com/kie-susuico/), and Jovan Tamayo set out to create this space, where local lyricists would find recognition and appreciation among a willing audience.
The three consulted with Jay “Sinångan” Pascua and decided that the word *sinangån-ta*, which organizers translate as “our spoken words,” was a fitting description for the intent of the slams.
The purpose for this monthly event is not simply for show, but to provide the community with a forum for mutual education and free expression, to resurrect the art of poetry and place it into a lively setting. Citing an oral tradition that dates back nearly 5,000 years, Susuico explained the concept of *sinangån-ta* as a modern form of storytelling rooted in indigeneity, a link to the customs and beliefs of the first peoples to settle these islands now known as the Marianas.
Susuico has a preference for the conscious pieces, the poems about resistance sovereignty. While storytelling has been a part of Chamorro heritage, the Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam is also a way of creating Guam’s history in the now.
The main goal of Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam is to encourage youth participation through writing workshops and the eventual formation of a slam team that will be enabled to compete at the annual U.S. National Poetry Slam Finals.
Since 2007, the Sinangån-ta Poetry Collective has conducted outreach events at John F. Kennedy High School, Southern High School, the University of Guam, the Micronesian Youth Services Network 2008 Conference, and Sanctuary, Inc. helping to develop an island community of conscious writers.
In 2008, Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam was awarded a grant by the Guam Humanities Council to initiate “Spoken Word: the New Generation of Native Tongues,” a free after-school writing program for youth. Though it is but one drop in a spoken word movement that has found popularity worldwide, Sinangån-ta Poetry Slam has managed to blaze a pathway for island poetry enthusiasts seeking a place to practice this unique form of art.
Those attracted to the power of the spoken word are invited to participate, whether they be singers, songwriters, “emcees”, dancers, actors, novelists, or storytellers.
A slam is an interactive event that showcases poetry and its crucial component, performance. Although a slam may vary from time to time, its basic structure consists of an open mic, guest performers, and a competition.
Poets who want to compete in the slam register on a sign-up sheet and must adhere to a set of rules:
- The poet must perform original writing.
- The poet may not use props, costumes, or musical instruments.
- If the poet exceeds the three-minute time limit, points are deducted from his or her score.
Five members from the audience are randomly picked to serve as judges and score each poet on a scale of one to ten. The three highest scoring poets move to a second-round finals to determine who is worthy of being deemed slam champion. Ultimately, it is the content, the style of poetry, and the performances that make or break a slam.
The fact that the audience can be actively involved by making noise if they hear something that they like or dislike evokes the system of call and response that is characteristic of Chamorro oral narration, challenging all participants to listen and to think critically.
***[By Fanai Castro](https://www.guampedia.com/fanai-castro/ "Fanai Castro")***
## Poetry Slam samples
### *It’s Not Love…* By J-Rae Tedtaotao
**It’s Not Love…**
When I was 13 I experienced loss before love
and for that I never stepped up to love’s challenge
since then I have been running from it,
and now I can feel it catching up and
its breath on my neck
but I am too scared to turn around.
Though my back is towards love
my face is facing you and
all I can see are stars around my head
like I have fallen.
All I can feel are butterflies in my tummy,
not like the first day of kinder, but the day before that.
I look at you and I see laughter in my day
even though im being robbed of my roots
by this new way of living.
I cannot breathe when I am with you
I cannot breathe when im without you
it feels as if i have died and gone to heaven
and all the angels want to take my hand
but the only one I want to hold hands with is you
when I am with you, my world stops and turns the
other way making more sense and being senseless
at the same time, if that made any sense at all…
When I talk to you my words are all jumbled inside
me and it is just amazing how you hear it so clearly
when it comes out.
Some would say I am too young to fall in love
but time is running out and the more
I live the shorter life gets and plus,
it does not take a rocket scientist to know you
love someone.
I think its very strange how people ask,
‘How do you know when you’re in love?’
Hello? It’s the same way you know when you need the bathroom
you feel it..
You can say all you want that I don’t
know what I am talking about but remember
not every scientist knows why h2o is water
not every mathmetician knows why pi is 3.14
not every english teacher know why i comes before e
except after c it’s like
what the heck makes all the other letters so special
that c has to be excluded.
Where I am going here is that
not all of us always know what we
are talking about, but that is no reason
to not speak at all.
Maybe I do not understand love but hey
I don’t understand 99 percent of the things
our leaders are doing to us so
what the heck makes love any harder to have in life
but just to shut people up
and get them off my back.
I will not call this love, no..
this is you and I, or me and you
however the heck they fit to see it
all they need to know is that
it is us against them
because I have your back
and you have mine
and even though I have never stepped
up to the challenges of love
all that time I have been running I have seen other relationships
fall and I have learned what not to do to you.
And now it is catching up and
I can feel its breath on my neck
but since I am standing
face to face with you
I don’t have to worry about
turning around……..
***By J-Rae Tedtaotao***
### *Mine*. By JN Sarmiento
**Mine**
He’s thinking I double crossed him, that I went behind his back
But how can he think a sort of thought when I told him straight out like that
I made it a rule to respect every person I came across and we crossed
paths since back in the day
And I’m sorry if my pursuit of happiness ushered a bond to be broken
because this bond was bound to be made
To an extent I’m ashamed
But what people need to realize is that this girl has got me amazed
And I choose not to let this go because it feels too great
I want that chance to see two people look at each other in that certain way
Actors in a comedic romance do on the big screen
I want to take that opportunity that just falls on your lap, wrapped
in red wrap and you got to rip it open because it’s the only way to react
That opening you see but wasn’t trying to see but when it was seen
you had to stick yourself in because if you didn’t,
someone else would have
and you’d be left saying, “that could have been me”
That hand; I’m taking it because I have a reputation,
but not one for the public to see
It’s a private image of myself carefully constructed in my head by me
That image involves me having a big smile on my face, being happy
It involves my heart beating so fast that I can’t feel it beating at all
That image involves me having to carry a burden because I know I’ll
get criticized for being with her, I’ll have my back up against another wall
But I don’t care because she’s worth it.
She’s what I call that breath of fresh air that everybody needs
She’s my light in the dark corners that illuminate my streets
She’s super
And all I have left is one question
But just so you know the purpose of this poem was to get you to listen
And Sim, I hope I’ve got your attention
Would you give me the chance to be your man, to take your hand and
walk with you through a bit of this life
To tame your troubles through turmoil and strife
To make you angry, after you’re done working at ColdStone and smell of
ice cream at the end of the night
To say silly things just so we’d fight?
But don’t worry, because I’ll do more than make you mad
I promise I’ll be the one of the best guys you’ll ever have
I’ll make you happy. You see that smile stretched across your face,
I promise to try and keep it there
I’ll do all the simple and complicated things to show that I care
And I’ll even deal with the pain when you’re in pain from your
menstrual cramps and pounding headaches.
I’ll deal with you falling asleep on me when we’re texting each other
at night because I understand that you’re tired
When you’re sick I’ll drive all the way from Dededo to Tamuning just
to throw some Campbell’s chicken noodle soup into a pot on a fire and
pretend I knew how to cook and got the recipe from a book
I’ll understand that you’re a hard working woman and work demands a
lot and you won’t have all the time in the world for me
It only means I’ll have to be an even harder working man and not be
overly demanding
I can see that you’re this much of a woman, and your family expects
this much from you which means I’ll only be getting this much of you
But I’d rather have that than nothing at all
And I’ll deal with your little self slinging harsh words at me at
times when I don’t even deserve ‘em and at times when I probably do.
I guess what I’m trying to say is that, I want things official because
when things are official they’re more meaningful, and meaning is what
I see in you.
I’ll come out with it plainly, and I hope I come out with it right
Sim Jeia Rose Bareng Quinzon, what would you say if I asked you to
give me the honor of officially calling you mine?
***By JN Sarmiento***
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Performance Arts
**Tags:** Poetry/Spoken Word
---
### [Nginge': Showing Respect](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Nginge’ is a term that describes the smelling or sniffing of the back part of an elder’s slightly raised right hand. Elders, or manåmko, collectively understood to have wisdom, are called mañaina.
**Content:**
# Nginge': Showing Respect
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Honoring elders
*Nginge’* is a term that describes the smelling or sniffing of the back part of an elder’s slightly raised right hand. Elders, or *[manåmko](https://www.guampedia.com/manamko/ "Manåmko’")*, collectively understood to have wisdom, are called *mañaina*. The Chamorro/CHamoru practice of smelling or sniffing was a way of taking in the essence of one’s spirit and pre-dates colonization.
A kind of ritual among Chamorro people, this “smelling of the hand” is still often done upon meeting, as recognition of the importance of showing respect and honor toward elders.
In a slightly bowed position, the giver of this gesture utters either “*ñora,”* derived from the Spanish “*señora”* or “*ñot,”* derived from the Spanish “*señor,”* for female and male elders, respectively. When this is done, the receiver responds by saying, “*Dioste ayudi”* or “God help you.”
In recent times, this custom of showing respect has evolved to include sniffing or kissing the cheek of an elder with the same greeting and response.
This custom symbolizes a living cultural institution of respect in Chamorro society.
***[By Julian Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/ "Julian Aguon")***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Forbes, Eric, OFM Cap. “[Man Nginge’](https://paleric.blogspot.com/2016/04/the-man-nginge-espanol.html).” *paleric* (blog), 21 April 2016.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. “Death: The Expression of Grief.” In *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Nginge': Showing Respect
---
### [Mamåhlao: Shame](https://www.guampedia.com/mamahlao-shame/)
**Published:** November 26, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The phrase Chamorro/CHamoru parents say to their children that best illustrates the core CHamoru value of respetu (respect) is “Mungga na un ma’ mamåhlao.” (Don’t bring shame to our family.)
**Content:**
# Mamåhlao: Shame
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Part of a code of conduct
The phrase CHamoru/Chamorro parents say to their children that best illustrates the core CHamoru value of *respetu* (respect) is “*Mungga na un ma’ mamåhlao.*” (Don’t bring shame to our family.)
*Mamåhlao* is the code of conduct for CHamorus that spells out how respect is practiced, and how harmony and balance are achieved in the conduct of its people. The concept of shame in CHamoru culture ensures that every person, no matter what rank, has a part in creating harmony through their actions.
Harmony, or [*inafa’maolek*](http://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/), is the foundation of the CHamoru culture. Everyone has a rank according to social position and age. This is how a sense of order is established, and that respect is shown to those in positions of authority especially the *manåmko’*, or elders.
## To have shame
A person who shows proper cultural respect understands the value of *mamåhlao*, and is called *gaimåmålao* (has an understanding of having shame and showing respect). A person who is *taimamåhlao* is lacking this value.
For everyone in ancient CHamoru society, from the lowliest person to the [*maga’låhi* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)(chief), *mamåhlao* was an underlying code that guided social interaction. Even the *maga’låhi wa*s expected to appear humble, and not be boastful.
A show-off or a loud egotistical and obnoxious person, is considered *banidosu.* When they bring unwanted attention to themselves, or are impolite, this is *taimamåhlao.*
CHamorus are expected to be respectful even today. One simple action that shows an understanding of being *mamåhlao* is to refuse the offer food or drink when first offered. The host or hostest should offer two or even three times before food or drink should be accepted.
To further illustrate this practice, in times past, it was expected that students would not want to be the first to raise their hand when a teacher posed a question to the class. Students would wait to be called upon by the teacher. To shame someone else in public, or act as though you know everything and seek attention to yourself is considered *taimamåhlao.*
If a person was inconsiderate of others’ needs or acted like the only thing that mattered was his or her self, he or she was considered greedy or selfish. To act this way would probably cause people to say that you are *taimamåhlao*, and that your family, especially your elders, didn’t raise you properly.
In more modern situations, the term “CHamoru borrow”, is an example of *taimamåhlao*. The *taimamåhlao* person would “CHamoru borrow” something and wouldn’t return it to the owner, or they would keep it until the owner asks for it back. A person who is *gaimåmålao* understands that this is socially-rude behavior.
[***By Art De Oro***](http://www.guampedia.com/art-de-oro/)
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*Inafa’ maolek: Chamorro Tradition and Values*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Mamåhlao: Shame
---
### [WWII-Japanese Era Gallery](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-japanese-era-gallery/)
**Published:** April 2, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** View images of Guam's World War II/Japanese Era featured in Guampedia.com.
**Content:**
# WWII-Japanese Era Gallery
[ ![Japanese in Micronesia]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/4003101365_389eecff00.jpg "After World War I, the powerful and ambitious Japanese swept through German Micronesia.
Northern Mariana Islands/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Saburō Kurusu]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2434/3986034848_ec5a1766b1.jpg "Saburō Kurusu, tipping his hat, and special convoy after meeting President Roosevelt at White House, 1941.
Wikipedia") [ ![President Franklin D. Roosevelt]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2423/4002723597_5fa1b8f712.jpg "Baltazar J. Bordallo and Francisco B. Leon Guerrero presented gifts to President Roosevelt and spent an hour with him, mostly engrossed in a discussion about fishing. Afterwards, the President wished the delegates luck in their endeavor to get citizenship.
Wikipedia
") [ ![Captain George J. McMillin]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2466/3985278213_c09cc3f984.jpg "Captain George J. McMillin, Governor of Guam before the Japanese invasion, battled less than an hour before surrendering on December 10, 1941. Photo from the Naval Historical Center courtesy of Don Farrell.") [ ![Maria and Robert O'Brien]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3989443752_97befbdb15.jpg "Maria Santos Inouye and Robert O'Brien pose as a couple before World War II.
O'Brien Family") [ ![Japanese Occupation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2633/3988842061_5cdfd8a1f9.jpg "During the Japanese occupation village homes and churches were seized for use by the Japanese.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![CHamoru Nurses and Japanese Administration]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2636/4002383183_73f968041a.jpg "CHamoru/Chamorro nurses worked during the Japanese occupation.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Dai Ichi Gakko, 1943]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/52572239856_2b963d967a.jpg "1943 - Hagåtña/Agana: Dai Ichi Gaddo (No. 1 School) during Japanese occupation Teacher aides in front: Maria Castro Ada, Ignacio M. Reyes, Owasi, Sanchez, Francisca Q. Franquez.
Sanchez collection") [ ![Japanese Sentry in Hagåtña]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2552/3985277465_28b3455118_n.jpg "Soon after the Japanese seized Guam, they established posts in both public and private facilities throughout the island. Photo from the Sanchez collection courtesy of Don Farrell.
") [ ![Apra Harbor 1941]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3198/3986556576_52aff0b6e4.jpg "A view of the Transpacific Cable Station with Apra Harbor in the background, shortly before Japanese invasion in 1941. Photo from the US Naval Institute courtesy of Don Farrell.") [ ![Sånta Rita-Sumai/Santa Rita]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3989596206_44d7972145.jpg "Sånta Rita-Sumai’s village name is taken from its patron saint, St. Rita of Cascia. The village was established in 1945 to accommodate the residents of Sumay village on Orote Peninsula who were evicted by Japanese occupying forces and the US Navy during World War II.
William D. Pesch") [ ![Agueda Johnston and Tweed]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3517/4003492455_e8d926f76a.jpg "Agueda Johnston, far right, is shown here with George Tweed after World War II. She was in contact with Tweed during the Japanese occupation while he was hiding from the Japanese.
Johnston Family Collection/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Frs. Calvo and Duenas]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3988841219_33637b3286.jpg "During the Japanese occupation the only priests on Guam were Frs. Oscar Calvo and Jesus Duenas. A Baptist minister, Reverend Joaquin Flores Sablan, was the only other clergy on island.
Capuchin Order, Guam") [ ![Father Jesus Baza Duenas]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3986741450_49edace6da.jpg "Father Duenas is a hero to the CHamoru/Chamorro people for his courage and selflessness during the Japanese occupation of Guam. A boy's high school, started by the Stigmatine order, is named in his honor.
Don Farrell collection") [ ![General Takashina]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3446/3986222614_0b9384b8e7.jpg "On July 10, General Takashina, the Japanese commander, ordered all CHamorus/Chamorros throughout the island to be evacuated from their villages and marched to Manenggon Concentration Camp in the southern interior of the island.
National Park Services") [ ![Geus River Valley, Malesso’]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2548/3986168232_9fdc9d5bee.jpg "On July 1944, Japanese soldiers gathered the residents of Malesso’/Merizo in the Geus River Valley.
Pictorial Review/Guam Museum") [ ![Manenggon]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3985275767_693afa1e82.jpg "CHamorus/Chamorros survived the Japanese occupation by reverting back to traditional activities such as washing in the rivers and living on the farm. Photo from the Sanchez collection courtesy of Don Farrell.") [ ![Lt. General Hideyoshi Obata]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2500/3988841871_5c3b4638b0.jpg "Lt. General Hideyoshi Obata, 31st Army Commander, took command of the defense of Guam.
Capuchin Order, Guam") [ ![George R. Tweed]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2593/3986032722_966eb1a51e.jpg "Navy man Tweed is the only American soldier who evaded capture and survived the Japanese occupation.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Agueda I. Johnston]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2506/3992426172_e5318f0a34.jpg "Agueda I. Johnston is considered a pioneer in education on Guam. She began teaching in 1910 and is remembered for promoting teaching and learning and for being a strict disciplinarian.
Johnston Family Collection/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Msgr. Calvo and Dr. Sablan]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3988842199_175d35c3b1.jpg ""Pale' Scot" Calvo with Dr. Ramon M. Sablan just after World War II. Both played crucial roles in caring for the people of Guam during this period.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Fr. Petero Komatsu]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2568/3989596488_a68e5ac086.jpg "Fr. Komatsu and Msgr. Fukahori performed all the rituals of priests, but were considered spies of Japan.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Father Duenas]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3985276213_182281e1b7.jpg "During Japanese occupation Father Jesus Baza Duenas participated in the underground radio network and in the latter period was accused and executed for harboring American Navy man, George Tweed. Photo from the Nieves Flores Library courtesy of Don Farrell.") [ ![Father Jesus Baza Duenas]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2537/3986187710_8b3fbc7b35.jpg "Photo from the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC), University of Guam.") [ ![Attorney Eduardo Duenas]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3470/3986031240_b54b09fc13.jpg "Attorney Eduardo Duenas and uncle Father Duenas were arrested, tortured, and later executed for withholding the location of American Navy man, George Tweed. Photo from the Nieves Flores Library courtesy of Don Farrell.") [ ![George Tweed's View]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2441/4004254258_120a2383cd.jpg "Antonio Artero situated Tweed in a cave on an isolated cliff on their property, overlooking the ocean, in October 1942.
National Park Services") [ ![Prisoners of War]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3669/11444156826_723d794056.jpg "550 Americans were taken prisoner on Guam and forced to live in prisoner of war camps in Kobe, Japan for the duration of World War II. Half the men in this picture survived. Photo courtesy of Don Farrell from his book The Sacrifice of Guam, 1919-1943 (The Pictorial History of Guam). ") [ ![Initial Landing, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3985274721_fb792a1209.jpg "American forces' initial landing before recapturing Guam from Japanese military forces, July 1944.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Three Malesso’ Survivors]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3060/3985411619_44281f6492.jpg "These three men from Malesso’/Merizo were found by the U.S. Navy during the American invasion of Guam in 1944. They had escaped from the Japanese.
Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Japanese Surrender, 1945]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3478/3986029972_50cecfea9c.jpg "The document containing several Japanese Commanders signatures of surrender in September 07, 1945.
National Archives/Shannon Murphy") [ ![Lieutenant Commander RF Armknecht]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3896/14487532550_347c9f8b44.jpg "Lieutenant Commander RF Armknecht, kneeling in center, had been a public-works officer on Guam before the war. Armknecht constructed a large-scale plaster model of Guam’s invasion beaches for training purposes. His moving account of the October 1941 departure of the last American dependents appeared in the Guam Recorder. Photo and caption from the Naval Historical Center and by Don Farrell's Liberation-1944 and The Sacrifice of Guam, 1919-1943 (The Pictorial History of Guam).") [ ![Major General Tomitara Horii]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3861/14487971117_f656fa492c.jpg "Major General Tomitara Horii was the commanding officer of the Japanese expeditionary forces charged with capturing Guam. Photo and caption from the Naval Historical Center and by Don Farrell's The Sacrifice of Guam, 1919-1943 (The Pictorial History of Guam).") [ ![Wake Island Pan Am Hotel]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3836/14527626217_36043ee203.jpg "Copyright (C) 1936, 2005 William B. Voortmeyer, Carol Nickisher.") [ ![Japanese WWII Caves Plaque]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/751/32494166124_9feccaa185.jpg "Japanese WWII Cave Plaque in the Senator Angel LG Santos Memorial Park or Latte Stone Park.
Guampedia") [ ![USS SHAW Exploding]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48060122402_d025c6c494.jpg "126. " USS SHAW exploding during the Japanese raid on Pearl Harbor." December 7, 1941. 80-G-16871. National Archives Identifier: 520590") [ ![Battleship Row]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48060040131_5ed8003771.jpg "December 7, 1941. Battleship Row, Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Photo courtesy of the War in the Pacific.") [ ![Manenggon, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078247998_e75b1a00d2.jpg "In a rare photo of Manenggon in 1994, people are shown milling about the camp. The hardships of war and the occupation only served to intensify Guamanians' desire for a better future and for control of their own destiny. Photo courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).") [ ![Refugee Camp]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078255363_a270587c87_n.jpg "A child peers out of makeshift shelter in another rare photo of the Manenggon camp where Japanese forced Guamanian to stay prior to the Liberation. Photo courtesy of the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC).") [ ![Japanese Barracks]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078562017_3a536fc474.jpg "Japanese flag over the Marine Barracks in Sumai. Photo courtesy of the War in the Pacific.") [ ![Pillbox Search, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078516716_2df7643f8f.jpg "July 24, 1944. Assault Engineer demolition squad of the 22nd Marine Regiment shown examining a Japanese pillbox before blasting it.(USMC 91382)") [ ![Tiyan Airstrip, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078565961_3e15b0e2b1.jpg "67 August 12, 1944. Airstrip (Tiyan) built by the Japanese about three miles northwest of Hagåtña/Agana. USS Indianapolis (CA 35)
National Archives 80-G-248089") [ ![Japanese Admin. Guam: Rice Cultivation]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/52503115644_10e7bb0d78.jpg "CHamoru/Chamorros in Asan Rice Paddies with Japanese monitoring (WAPA-043)
From Dr. Wakako: Commander in the reserve Homura Teiichi, a Minseibu (Department of Civil Administration) chief, inspects CHamoru/Chamorro workers planting rice shoots in Asan. Japanese Navy's news photograph (1942).") [ ![Survivors]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/52575174118_aa0236bd12.jpg "Juan Cabrera and Beatrice Flores were buried alive in Japanese Massacre. Bal Aguon collection.") [ ![Nimitz and Larsen on Guam, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51949115776_77763dd6c5.jpg "Admiral Chester W. Nimitz, CINCPAC, and Major General H.L. Larsen, USMC (Guam Island Commander) stand by a Japanese monument on Aulton Mt., Guam, 11 August 1944. The Japanese inscription is "The Day of Bestowal by Imperial Edict, July 1942." Catalog #: NH 62425. Naval History and Heritage Website") [ ![President Harry S. Truman Announces Japanese Surrender]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51672697967_dfaf865278.jpg "President Harry S. Truman (standing at desk) announces the surrender of Japan to the media. First row, left to right: Admiral William D. Leahy, Chief of Staff; Secretary of State James F. Byrnes; President Truman; and Cordell Hull, Secretary of State under Franklin Roosevelt. Second row, left to right: Julius Krug, Chairman, War Production Board; Leo Crowley, Administrator of the Foreign Economic Administration; Major General Philip Fleming, Administrator, Federal Works Agency; William Davis, Director of the Office of Economic Stabilization; John Snyder, Director, Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion; Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal; Secretary of the Treasury Fred Vinson; Attorney General Tom C. Clark; Secretary of Labor Lewis Schwellenbach; John Blandford, Administrator of the National Housing Agency; and Postmaster General Robert E. Hannegan. Date: August 14, 1945. Harry S.Truman Library and Museum collection.") [ ![Brave Men of Malesso']() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078776946_5681136a0d.jpg "Malesso’/Merizo uprising. A small group of Malesso’ men led by Jose "Tonko" Reyes, killed several Japanese guards and freed their families, relatives and friends from possible massacre. The Malesso’ co-liberators in the postwar photo, are Jose "Tonko" Reyes, front center; Vicente Meno, Patricio Taijeron, Nicolas Ada, Mariano Nangauta, Jose Nangauta, Juan Naputi, and Jesus Barcinas. Photo and caption from the Sanchez Collection.") [ ![Pillbox, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/48078585311_a0d13a45ae.jpg "October 5, 1944. A Japanese reinforced concrete pillbox along the Hagåtña/Agana-Pago road (Nat Arch 80-G- 247903).") [ ![Japanese Submarine]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7286/8724184549_bb464cd7d0.jpg "Gerald Keedwell Wyman Collection") [ ![Japanese Submarine Display]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7278/7756389500_39e617ef9d.jpg "Chaplain Gerald Keedwell Wyman Collection.") [ ![Japanese Submarine Display]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/8298/7756389270_3fc0aa922b.jpg "Chaplain Gerald Keedwell Wyman Collection.") [ ![Rosa Roberto Carter]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/7181/6906710467_5d75364146.jpg "In 2003, Rosa Roberto Carter testified for the Guam War Claims Review Commission. Carter shared her family's experiences during the Japanese occupation in World War II.
Photo provided by the Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation.") [ ![Emsley's Scarred Neck]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/6867825661_33373c865f.jpg "The Japanese attempted to behead Beatrice Perez Emsley. The scar from her neck wound is shown here. Emsley provided powerful testimonies for War Reparations for CHamorus/Chamorros, making her a symbol of Chamorro strength and resilience.
War in the Pacific NHP") [ ![Japanese Submarine]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/6226/6262691645_e22293d9f1.jpg "Chaplain Gerald Keedwell Wyman Collection") [ ![Wrecked Japanese Plane]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/6173/6167511031_440df0bb2c.jpg "Remains of Japanese plane on Orote Peninsula, Guam in the Marianas. Near airport. 1 August 1944.
Micronesian Seminar (MicSem)") [ ![Orote in Ruins]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/6155/6168046790_868d5ece45.jpg "Damaged buildings on Orote Peninsula, Guam, destroyed when Japanese took the island in ‘41. Remains of large building near airfield. 1 August 1944.
Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Exploding Japanese Pillbox, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/6177/6168045830_f2ba28a6be.jpg "WWII-US Troops blast a Japanese pillbox on Orote, Peninsula.
Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Wrecked Japanese Plane]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/6165/6167509725_4459c86721.jpg "Marines examine a wrecked Japanese plane on the Orote Peninsula airfield, Guam Island, one of the many damaged by aerial bombings and naval shelling, before the field fell to the Leathernecks. 1944.
Micronesian Seminar") [ ![1945 Japan Surrender on Truk]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/5185/5609171356_9ac01bb558.jpg "1945 Japan Surrender on Truk Island. Cmdr. John Charles Poshepry far left-looking grim.
Catherine Johnson") [ ![Japanese Straggler's Sandals]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4135/4928861914_027a635223.jpg "Archaeologists found a Japanese straggler's sandals constructed of rubber from a tire.
Boyd Dixon") [ ![Guam Combat Patrol, 1945]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4100/4928861764_98bf2f49f6.jpg "The Guam Combat Patrol is a volunteer corps of armed CHamoru/Chamorro civilians.
Lon Bulgrin/Boyd Dixon") [ ![Remnants Found in Rock Shelter]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4097/4928861632_4a18976e66.jpg "A rock shelter with items from Japanese stragglers.
Boyd Dixon") [ ![US Metal Mess Kit Used by Japanese Stragglers]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4117/4928861482_6407778cd7.jpg "A mess kit with "New Georgia" inscribed on the upper left corner is one of many items left behind by Japanese stragglers.
Boyd Dixon") [ ![Canteen Found in Japanese Stragglers' Cave]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4073/4928267211_db20cfee96.jpg "A canteen with "1918" inscribed is one of many items found in a Japanese straggler's shelter.
Boyd Dixon") [ ![Cavern Map]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/4136/4928861188_10bbbdb331.jpg "A map of a cavern floor explored by archaeologists in 1998 near Fena Reservoir.
Boyd Dixon") [ ![War in the Pacific]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2506/4003100513_1b5616d73f.jpg "Guam was lost to the Japanese, and three and a half years later America stormed across the Pacific from Hawai'i and Australia to reclaim the island.
Andersen Air Force Base
") [ ![A Walk Through the Ruins]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/4003047309_a8c0435d42.jpg "Two young CHamoru/Chamorro women walk through the ruins of Hagatña shortly after American soldiers swept the area. WWII bombing during the retaking of Guam by the US from Japan, destroyed the island's capital.
Dave Morris") [ ![Bishop Miguel Olano]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3988841553_d6120c9f2e.jpg "Bishop Olano, a Spanish Capuchin, was in midst of mass as news of the bombing spread through the congregation. He was taken prisoner and sent to Japan for a time but returned after World War II.
Capuchin Order, Guam") [ ![Personal Effects, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3499/3986426990_827365d64c.jpg "Capt. D.V. Sandager, in charge of Guam’s prison stockade, Sgt. Marvin Anderson, and Sgt. David Dunne go through effects of Japanese prisoner in November 1944.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Prisoners, 1945]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3434/3986426730_3104e19fa0.jpg "Japanese soldiers sit in a Prisoner of War camp on Guam, in September 1945.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar
") [ ![Captured, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2504/3985671553_65bc55c08b.jpg "A newly captured Japanese soldier is questioned by navy officers and enlisted assistants at Guam prison stockade in November 1944.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Japanese Prisoners, 1945]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2584/3985671299_af30a4ddf5.jpg "Hundreds of Japanese seated on the ground at a Prisoner of War camp on Guam in September 1945.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar
") [ ![Sentencing]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2544/3985671043_85a048e444.jpg "A Japanese solider and war criminal is sentenced to death.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar
") [ ![Japanese Soldier, 1947]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3485/3986425692_746189f47b.jpg "A Japanese soldier is escorted to the gallows in Guam, June 19, 1947
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Court Sentencing]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3463/3985670549_20e16f64ce.jpg "A Japanese solider being sentenced for his war crimes.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Prisoners, 1944]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2573/3985670327_ac62210d89.jpg "The Japanese captives in Prisoner of War Camp on Guam after the island was liberated in August 1944.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![War Crimes Commission, 1948]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/2572/3985670071_f6b6a43ab5.jpg "Former Japanese Admiral Chuichi Hare at the War Crimes Trial Building, 1948.
U.S. Army/Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC)") [ ![Japanese Prisoners]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/3523/3986029656_fb9188b41f.jpg "These Japanese prisoners became laborers for holding camps and some were brought to war crime trials.
National Archives/Micronesian Seminar") [ ![Marines at Tarawa]() ](https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/3973766162_8d9e97faa8.jpg "The wartime military production, Marines at Tarawa, is an official U.S. Maine Corps film that won a 1944 Academy Award. It documented the military retaking Tarawa and Guam after the Japanese occupation.
Louis Hayward/Internet Archive")
View images in Flickr for more information [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157623581449107).
[ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/58-Marine-Barracks-WAP-0381100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/58-Japanese-School_edit1100.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/NAGU02016-Initial-Landing-1944.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/6-a6m2zeros_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/18-Japanese-troops-raise_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/63-Guam-occupation-Chamorros-in-Asan-Rice-Paddies-with-Japanese-monitoring-WAPA-043.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/49-80-G-332701_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/47-NH-66189_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/44-90-119780_5mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/40-USMC-94048_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/39-80-G-251387_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/38-GC-23323_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/37-USMC-90914_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/35-USMC-87283_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/31-80-G-216022_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/30-80-G-217624_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/29-SC-188839_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/27-26-G-3046_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/11-SC-265357_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/12-SC-190409_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/16-NH-73600_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/17-80-G-701869_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/21-80-G-32366_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/23-NH-78232_5Mid.webp) [ ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MerizoUprising_tpz1100.webp)
[ Explore more photos in Flickr ](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157623581449107/)
**Categories:** Photo Galleries
**Tags:** WWII-Japanese Era Gallery
---
### [Mangkalamya: Skilled Artisans](https://www.guampedia.com/mangkalamya/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In ancient Chamorro/CHamoru society, each CHamoru was expected to possess knowledge and ability in a wide range of skilled, but unspecialized tasks, generally dictated by gender. For example, women were expected to be skilled in the weaving of many objects, and men were to be skilled at fabrication of basic tools. All CHamorus were expected to know many different fishing and farming techniques.
**Content:**
# Mangkalamya: Skilled Artisans
##### Share This
## Skilled artisans
In ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society, each CHamoru was expected to possess knowledge and ability in a wide range of skilled, but unspecialized tasks, generally dictated by gender. For example, women were expected to be skilled in the weaving of many objects, and men were to be skilled at fabrication of basic tools. All CHamorus were expected to know many different fishing and farming techniques.
*Mangkalamya* could be anyone who was well versed in the trades assigned to their gender, but would more appropriately describe someone who was proficient in the tasks of the opposite gender, such as a man who was good at weaving.
With the Spanish introduction of specialized trades such as *[herrero](https://www.guampedia.com/blacksmithing-3/)*, or blacksmithing, a CHamoru could be a *kalamya* if they were skilled in this trade as well as those expected from anyone else in the community. During the American period, this type of person would be called a “jack of all trades.”
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Mangkalamya: Skilled Artisans
---
### [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Apra Harbor is a deep water port located on the west coast of Guam. It is home to both the commercial Port of Guam and Naval Station Guam.
**Content:**
# Apra Harbor
View more images for the Apra Harbor entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622373290421/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Home to port and Naval station
Apra Harbor is a deep water port located on the west coast of Guam. It is home to both the commercial Port of Guam and Naval Station Guam.
## Meaning of name
Apra is a corruption of the CHamoru/Chamorro word “*apapa*” which means “low.” *Apapa* is the original name for what is now known as Cabras Island. During Spanish times a saint’s name was added and the area became known as the port of San Luis de Apra.
## Geography
Apra Harbor is framed by Orote Peninsula in the south and the Glass Breakwater and Cabras Island in the north. There are several streams that flow into the harbor from the hills of the villages of [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/) and[ Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/). The harbor is divided into several smaller bodies of water. The Commercial Port of Guam is located in the northeastern part of the harbor on Cabras Island and adjacent to the Piti Channel. South of the port is Sasa Bay, a recreational area and marine preserve. Naval Station Guam is located further south at the Inner Harbor. The larger body of water to the east is called Outer Apra Harbor.
## History
Apra Harbor, with its rich fishing grounds, was home to many CHamoru/Chamorro villages in ancient times. However, during Guam’s early Spanish era (late 17th and early 18th centuries) the southern village of [Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) and central village of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) were the preferred ports.
Apra Harbor was not used to its full potential because of its many reefs and coral heads. Apra Harbor did, however, become a preferred site for foreigners who wanted to avoid Spanish authorities. The British privateer [John Eaton](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurers-john-eaton-and-william-cowley/) is reported to have anchored there in 1685 to barter with Chamorros. Others would follow in attempts to yield economic profit.
In response to [pirates or privateers](https://www.guampedia.com/pirates-on-guam/) that threatened Spain’s profitable [galleon-trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) and missionary efforts, several fortifications were built not only to protect from enemy attack, but also as a harbor that provided protection from inclement weather. From 1737 to 1801, the Spanish government ordered the construction of three fortifications to defend the harbor.
In 1710, Fort Santiago was built atop Orote Peninsula, followed in 1734 with the opening of an anchorage near what would become [Sumay village](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), and in 1737 Fort San Luis was built to protect this new anchorage. Around 1800, Fort Santa Cruz was built on a reef near the present day entrance of the Inner Harbor.
## Development under the Americans
Apra Harbor became more important in the 19th century when the ports of the villages of Piti and Sumay came in to more frequent use. Piti was the primary port for the people of Hagåtña, while Sumay was a popular stopping place for whalers. At its height in the 1840s as many as 60 [whaling](https://www.guampedia.com/whaling-influence-in-the-marianas/) ships stopped at Apra Harbor per year. In fact, while Hagåtña was the capitol of the island, Sumay developed into a commercial and financial hub during the 19th century.
During the whaling period, early in the century, Apra Harbor was considered to be among the few outstanding ports throughout the Pacific, a sentiment later shared by American sea captains during the Pacific war period. However, by the end of the century, the whaling era was coming to an end and the island’s economy was in decline. When US Naval Captain Henry Glass came into Apra Harbor on 20 June 1898 to claim the island for the United States he soon learned that forts Santiago and Santa Cruz had long been abandoned.
During the early 20th century, the US Navy began to develop the harbor, but even then, Apra Harbor was treacherous for large ships making it necessary to use launch boats to navigate the coral reefs to get to Piti and Sumay. With the coming of [US Naval Government](https://www.guampedia.com/politics_and_government/politics-and-government-entries-by-era/us-naval-era-politics-and-government-entries/) was an accompanying detachment of US Marines and the establishment of a marine barracks at Sumay. In 1903, Sumay became the site of a [telegraph cable station](https://www.guampedia.com/early-transpacific-telecommunications/) which linked Guam with the rest of the world.
During the Naval administration Apra Harbor was used as a coaling station for ships coming from the US to Asia, and by the 1930s with the arrival of [Pan American Clippers](https://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) transformed the island’s communication and transportation patterns. In 1935, Sumay became the site of the Pan American Hotel and seaplane base which brought business and high profile visitors. Pan Am ran flights from San Francisco to Manila and included layovers in Honolulu, Midway, Wake, and Guam, and the airlines also operated a 20-room hotel in Sumay. These flight routes made Guam the “Hub of the Pacific,” so the routes also extended into Macao, Hong Kong and Shanghai. The flight routes also provided for increased mail delivery by 50 percent that were only interrupted by [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
In the 1930s Japanese crew and captains also docked at Apra Harbor. Leading up to World War II, Japan closed all of its mandates to outsiders and increased fortifications. Japan continued to trade in Guam, however, with the tactical advantage of obtaining useful geographical data about the island through trade. With a strategic eye, US Navy Rear Admiral Arthur J. Hepburn recommended that fortifications begin in Guam as an air and submarine base to the tune of $200 million with plans for improvements to Apra Harbor in 1938.
The US Naval General Board balked at the price tag, lowering it to $5 million, and designating recommendations primarily for Apra Habor infrastructure. The US Congress, not wanting to threaten Japan in the increasingly tense times, rejected all plans and instead rescinded docking rights to foreign boats. The decisions not to fortify the harbor would later have disastrous consequences for Guam as its ability to defend itself had been utterly compromised.
With the American recapture of Guam from the Japanese in July and August, 1944, all of the land abutting Apra Harbor was taken over by the US Navy as the island was transformed into a military fortress. The villagers of Sumay were relocated to a new village named Sånta Rita-Sumai and other parts of the island while the village of Piti was also relocated so that today it no longer fronts the Piti Channel. The Inner and Outer Harbor underwent extensive dredging and the Glass Breakwater was constructed on *Luminao* (earthquake) Reef and the Calalan Bank.
## Apra Harbor today
Today, most of Apra Harbor remains under US Naval control. However, some areas such as Sasa Bay, the Piti Channel and parts of Glass Breakwater are accessible to the public. The land where the commercial port is located was transferred to the Government of Guam in 1969.
Apra Harbor today is not only an important port but also a popular recreation area for personal watercraft user, boaters, and surfers. Apra Harbor is also home to several shipwrecks that are popular with scuba divers. The two most well known wrecks are the World War I-era German merchant ship, [SMS *Cormoran*](https://www.guampedia.com/the-journey-of-sms-cormoran-ii/), and the World War II-era Japanese freighter, *Tokai Maru* which lie side by side on the ocean floor.
***[By Marie Ada Auyong, MA](http://www.guampedia.com/marie-auyong/)***
## For further reading
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Pacific Wrecks. “[Apra Harbor](https://pacificwrecks.com/provinces/marianas_apra_harbor.html).” Last modified 31 August 2020.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
US Naval Research Laboratory. *Typhoon Havens Handbook for the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans*. Edited by Sam Brand. Report NRL/PU/7543-96-0025. Washington, DC: NRL, 2008.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Transportation, Technology, and Communications, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Apra Harbor
---
### [Postal History of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/postal-history-of-guam/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When the Americans arrived in Guam in 1899 they brought a supply of United States stamps overprinted “GUAM.” These stamps were used for about one year after which regular US postage stamps were used.
**Content:**
# Postal History of Guam
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Spotty beginnings
When the Americans arrived in Guam in 1899 they brought a supply of United States stamps overprinted “GUAM.” These stamps were used for about one year after which regular US postage stamps were used.
Postal services were initially provided aboard the USS *Yosemite*, which was probably the first American floating post office. When Naval postal operations ceased, a room in the governor’s house in the capital of[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) was converted into a post office in 1901. Appointed US Navy Governor of Guam[ Seaton Shroeder](https://www.guampedia.com/schroeder-general-orders/) appointed A.T. Perez as postmaster, who was succeeded by Charles Stimson in 1902, Pedro Duarte in 1904, and James Underwood in 1915.
There were no branch offices in the other villages of the island nor was there any delivery service to outlying areas. Beginning in 1906 US Marines carrying official messages between the various military installations on the island also carried private correspondence, but eventually the volume of private mail increased to such an extent that it interfered with official duties and the courtesy service was discontinued. People then had to depend on the cooperation of a neighbor traveling in the right direction to have messages delivered or to receive incoming correspondence.
Another difficulty during the early years of postal service was that many people in the US mainland did not know Guam was a United States territory, and many letters and other correspondence were posted with several stamps, enough to send the letters to foreign countries. To some extent, this remains true today.
The movement of mail was only as fast as the available transportation of the day. Before the advent of air transportation, it took months to communicate with those in the United States and foreign countries.
## Guam Guard Mail
There the matter rested until 11 June 1929, when Commander [Willis W. Bradley, Jr.](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) took office as the 29 American governor of Guam. Bradley instituted a number of reforms in the island government including authorizing a general election, the first ever held in Guam under American rule to select members of the advisory 2nd Guam Congress, defining Guam citizenship (as the entire island was considered a US military base, only US military personnel and citizens of Guam could leave and enter freely), proclamation of a “Bill of Rights” for Guamanians and support of the local economy by contracting with local businessmen to provide some public services such as the maintenance of roads and telephone lines.
Bradley also devised a system whereby a local bus company would pick up and deliver mail from the offices of village mayors. This service was initially provided for free, but later, when it was clear that the operation could be self-supporting, a contract for $5 per month was negotiated. Funds for the local mail service were derived by requiring that all correspondence carried be franked with postage stamps issued for local use only.
When US postal authorities refused to authorize Bradley to overprint US stamps for this purpose, he obtained an initial supply from Philippine postal authorities (who, in turn, had received their stamps from Washington). The first mail franked with these stamps was delivered on 8 April 1930. This service was the Guam Guard Mail started by Bradley in the 1930s to provide a method of home delivery to the civilian population which was served by only one post office. It was funded through the local stamps and served the villages of Hagåtña, [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/), [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), and [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/).
Originally called the Guam Postal Service, the name was changed to Guam Guard Mail when the US Post Office objected to use of the term “postal.” The project proved so successful that the initial supply of overprinted Philippine stamps was exhausted before it could be replenished. This situation was remedied by printing an issue locally (released on 9 July 1930) using the design the recently adopted official seal of Guam. A third and then fourth and final issue of stamps were issued later in 1930 when additional supplies of Philippine stamps arrived.
Spurred into action by the success of their upstart stepchild, the US Post Office announced its intention to provide mail delivery to all major villages by 8 April 1931 and on that date the Guam Guard Mail went into retirement.
Forty-five years later [Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/), second elected governor of Guam and son of the Guamanian businessman whose bus service carried the first Guam Guard Mail letters in 1930, reactivated this unique institution of US postal history as a bicentennial project to commemorate Guam’s historic past.
## Early post masters
Among the early post masters were:
- James Underwood
- Tommy Santos
- Aleandro Cruz
[***By*** ***Dr. Robert L. Haddock***](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-haddock/)
## For further reading
Clark, Lawrence S. “The Guam Guard Mail of 1930.” In *1970 Congress Book,* \#36. Chicago: American Philatelic Congress, 1970.
Murphy, Robert T. *A Postal History/Cancellation Study of the U.S. Pacific Islands (including the Trust Territories)*. State College: American Philatelic Society, 1983.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Transportation, Technology, and Communications, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Postal History of Guam
---
### [George Tweed](https://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** George R. Tweed (1902 - 1989) – was an American Navy man who was able to escape capture from the Japanese during their occupation of Guam in World War II, and the only American to survive the entire occupation in hiding.
**Content:**
# George Tweed
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## US Navy radioman
George R. Tweed (1902 – 1989) – was an American Navy man who was able to escape capture from the Japanese during their occupation of Guam in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), and the only American to survive the entire occupation in hiding.
Tweed became a figure of controversy, both during and after the war. Historian [Pedro C. Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), writing about Tweed in later years, called him the lone “symbol of hope” for many CHamorus/Chamorros during the war. But at the same time, Tweed was held responsible by some for the torture and deaths of a number of CHamorus by the Japanese, who made strong attempts to locate Tweed throughout the war.
Tweed was hidden and aided by many CHamorus during his years of being a fugitive, and throughout the war, the Japanese tortured CHamorus if they suspected they had knowledge of Tweed’s whereabouts. Tweed refused to give himself up to Japanese authorities, despite a number of CHamorus calling for him to do so.
He managed to stay alive and escape the Japanese searching for him by moving to the homes and ranches of sympathetic CHamorus. He came out of the war a hero…as well as a controversial figure. Tweed remains a legend of the World War II era on Guam, a man who held out against the Japanese and evaded their desperate search for him for two and a half years.
## Going into hiding
When the Japanese invaded Guam in December 1941, six Americans were able to escape capture as they fled inland into hiding: LL Krump and CB Johnson of the USS Penguin; and A. Yabolonsky, Al J. Tyson, LW Jones and Tweed of the Communications Office in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
The morning of the Japanese invasion, Tweed and Al Tyson, along with CHamoru Navyman Vicente Guevara who worked at the Communications Office, headed up San Ramon Hill to [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) in Tweed’s car while avoiding Japanese fire. Guevara got off in Ordot to join his family while Tweed and Tyson went on to [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/), abandoned the car and headed into the jungle.
There they were helped by Yona farmer Francisco Ogo, and Tweed and Tyson met the four other Americans in hiding on the farm of another Yona farmer, Manuel Aguon. They were able to stay there for several days, with several CHamorus visiting them in the jungle and bringing them food, water and other supplies.
Tweed and the five other American refugees believed the American forces would rescue Guam from the Japanese within a matter of six weeks at the most, and figured they could hold out in hiding for that long. It would be more than two and a half years before American forces returned.
## Aided by CHamorus
Soon so many CHamorus knew about the Americans’ hiding spot that the Japanese authorities caught wind of the information. They organized a search party of up to 200 CHamorus, forming a long line to comb the search area as Japanese troops marched behind them. However, the Americans easily escaped the search party as the CHamorus deliberately made so much noise the Americans could hear them from a distance.
The Japanese came close to finding the Americans by forcing bits of information out of CHamorus by torture, but the Americans barely missed capture and decided to split up as it would be easier to move in stealth in small groups than in one large group.
Tweed and Tyson left the other four. Manuel Aguon, who had helped the six fugitives at his ranch, was arrested and tortured by the Japanese, but refused to divulge any information. His brother, Vicente, met up with Tweed and Tyson, who at this point were growing weary of hiding and considered turning themselves in. Vicente Aguon, however, told them that he learned that it was too late to turn themselves in – the Japanese were planning on killing them no matter what.
Tweed and Tyson soon after split up themselves. Tweed went to the ranch of Juan Cruz, an acquaintance, and stayed there for several days. There he received a .45 caliber pistol from Hagåtña businessman Joaquin Limtiaco.
Tweed then lived for several days in a cave on the property of Manuel Cruz in Yona, where he received food from many CHamorus who risked being caught by the Japanese. While there, Tweed received a radio and a generator from two CHamorus, and used news from the radio to compile a typed one-page version of *The Guam Eagle*, the Navy newspaper, over the next four months. He made five copies and circulated them among CHamorus. One of the CHamorus who helped circulate this copy of *The Guam Eagle*, Ben Pangelinan, was nearly caught while showing a copy to others at the home of Joaquin Limtiaco in Hagåtña. The Japanese raided Limtiaco’s home, and Pangelinan, who had helped the six American refugees by supplying them with clothes and other necessary goods, escaped capture by flushing the newspaper down the toilet.
During the rest of his time in hiding, Tweed was aided by many CHamorus, including several he came to count as close friends. He moved around the island, hiding on the property of a number of people.
## The long search
In Upper Tumon, he was helped by brothers Juan and Joaquin Flores, who were among many who fed him, including future senator Tomas Tanaka, Mrs. T. Dejima, and local businessmen and brothers Felix and Jose Torres. The Flores brothers were later arrested and tortured when the Japanese suspected them of hiding Tweed, but they never gave away his location.
Tweed was also aided by Joaquin Limtiaco, who had taken him to the Flores brothers’ property. When the brothers were being tortured, Limtiaco took Tweed to Chalan Pago to Jesus Reyes, a pre-war agriculture instructor. Reyes took Tweed to stay with the Santos family in Ta’i, and one of the Santos sons, Wen Santos, became Tweed’s “most trusted friend” in Tweed’s words, because he never let on that he knew Tweed’s whereabouts during the war.
Tweed later moved to Toto, at the ranch of Jose Lujan, with the help of Tommy Tanaka. Not long after, when Lujan met a man who asked to meet the American, Tweed moved back in with Wen Santos in Ta’i.
During his stay with Jose Lujan in Toto, Tweed heard rumors that the Japanese had captured and killed three Americans. He later confirmed from Agueda Johnston, through his friend Wen Santos, that the Japanese had found Jones, Yablosnsky, and Krump in Manenggon and beheaded them.
With the capture of the first three Americans, the Japanese intensified their search for the remaining three: Tweed, Johnson and Tyson. A large number of CHamorus in the central part of the island were accused and tortured for several weeks, and during this time Tweed decided to move once again. Wen Santos moved him to a cave in Fadian and told no one, but finally had to tell the owner of the property (Francisco Pangelinan of the Abin family) because people began to get suspicious when Wen would bring food to Tweed. Pangelinan relieved Wen of this duty to avoid suspicion.
Not long after, Tweed narrowly avoided escape from a Japanese search party with the help of a coded message from Perez. With the help of his friend, Joaquin Flores, and a retired Navyman, Juan Pangelinan, Tweed went north to the home of Antonio Artero, son of Don Pascual, a Spanish businessman who was one of Guam’s largest landholders. It was here that Tweed would hide until the Americans returned a year and a half later.
## Artero's Yigo ranch
With the approval of his father, Antonio Artero took Tweed to a cave on a cliff on their property, overlooking the ocean, in October 1942. Three days after arriving at the cave, Tweed received the news from Artero that the two other remaining Americans, Tyson and Johnston, were caught and killed by the Japanese only two miles from where he was hiding.
Tweed was now the lone American holdout. Artero supplied him with food and other necessities, and except for one trip that he took to Barrigada to look for his radio, Tweed remained in that hiding spot until his rescue on 10 July 1944. Japanese search parties continued to search for him every day the entire time he was in hiding. And while many CHamorus were tortured during this search, only a few people knew of his actual whereabouts, thanks to Artero’s discreteness – he told his father, his wife, and his brother Jose, but no other family members or friends.
## Rescued
Just a few days before the Marines landed in [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) and [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) on 21 July 1944, Japanese authorities sent Joaquin Limtiaco, Tweed’s friend to fetch Artero or any member of his family, and Limtiaco brought along Juan Flores. They found Artero at his ranch in what is now known as the NCS area of Dededo, and told Artero that the Japanese knew he was helping Tweed and wanted to punish him. Artero and his family decided to hide until the Americans recaptured the island, and Limtiaco went back to the Japanese authorities in Agana Heights and reported that Artero and his family had left their ranch.
Artero and his wife and eight children hid in Tweed’s cave, but Tweed had gone, leaving behind a note that said that a destroyer was sending a boat to take him on board.
Tweed had made two signal flags himself, and earlier, when he saw two American destroyers off the northwestern coast of Guam, he grabbed the signal flags and a pocket mirror, climbed to the top of a cliff, and signaled one of the boats. He sent them messages, giving them information about Japanese guns at Adelup Point, and asking them to take him aboard. Within five minutes, a boat dropped into the water next to the destroyer, and Tweed left the note for Artero and headed down the cliff to the beach to his rescue.
He had spent thirty-one months in hiding in the jungles of Guam.
## Controversy
When Tweed first heard about the torture of people suspected by the Japanese of knowing the whereabouts of the Americans, early on in the war, he considered turning himself in to save further punishment of the CHamorus. He told this to [Agueda I. Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), the CHamoru educator and the island’s most respected woman, during a get-together at her ranch in mid-1942. Tweed reported in his book that Johnston told him not to turn himself in because he was a symbol of hope to the CHamorus.
Later in the war, as more people were tortured because of him, Johnston pleaded with Tweed to turn himself in, but he ignored her plea. Japanese Catholic priest Father Komatsu also wrote a letter asking Tweed to give himself up, and several copies were distributed, although it is not known whether Tweed actually saw the letter. Komatsu promised, in the letter, that Tweed would not be killed by the Japanese but would be treated well as a prisoner. He added:
> As a priest, I ask you in the name of the natives here, to give yourself up and thus relieve the suffering and anguish of the CHamorus.
One of the most celebrated CHamorus to help Tweed was Father Jesus Baza Duenas. While Tweed was being rescued by the Americans at Urunao, Duenas was being brutalized by the Japanese in Inalåhan for a number of crimes, among them helping Tweed. Duenas was another of the war’s heroes, and was beheaded at the end of the war at Ta’i in Mangilao along with Vicente Baza and Juan (Mali) Pangelinan who were also suspected of helping Tweed. To this day, Father Duenas is seen as a martyr by most CHamorus.
The question of whether Tweed should have turned himself in to save the suffering and deaths of CHamorus was a controversy for most of the war, as well as after the war.
## Post-World War II
Tweed survived the war and was promoted in rank, later retiring from the Navy. Not long after leaving Guam, Tweed published a book entitled, “Robinson Crusoe, USN” that recounted his time in refuge in Guam.
He returned to Guam in 1945, bringing a Chevrolet sedan as a gift to Artero as a gift from the president of General Motors.
On arriving on Guam, however, Tweed was greeted by protesters (the first ever such protest on Guam), denouncing him for controversial statements he had written in his book.
In a newspaper interview at the time, Limtiaco explained why he and other CHamorus were willing to undergo torture to aid and protect Tweed:
> Tweed was a symbol of the United States which was fighting in the war for a great cause. We were determined to fight, too, in our own way, and to die if necessary.
[***By Leo Babauta***](https://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*Guam War Survivors*. “Home.” Last modified 27 June 2021. https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Uncle Sam, Please Come Back To Guam.* Tamuning and Hagåtña: Pacific Island Publishing Company and Star Press, 1979.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** George Tweed
---
### [Kumpaire/Pari'](https://www.guampedia.com/kumpairepari/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Kumpaire or pari’ is a religious and social term used to describe the relationship between parents and their child’s godfather. The word kumparie was borrowed from the Spanish term compadre adapted and appropriated into CHamoru cultural tradition.
**Content:**
# Kumpaire/Påri'
View more images for Baotismo: Baptism [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622582054830/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Relationship term: godfather and child's parents
*Kumpaire* or *påri’* is a religious and social term used to describe the relationship between parents and their child’s godfather. The word *kumpaire* was borrowed from the Spanish term *compadre,* adapted, and appropriated into CHamoru/Chamorro cultural tradition. In the Christian rite of baptism, an intricate relationship is formed between the child’s parents and godparents. This initially religious relationship becomes a strong social relationship, enabling the expansion of CHamoru familial social networks, prestige, and resources.
For CHamorus, who are predominantly Catholic due to a history of [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) that dates back to the 17th century, the religious and social relationship established between a child’s godparents and parents correlates with the social worldview of [*inafa’maolek* ](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)(for the common good). The *påri’* relationships become part of a larger social system that contributes to the social wellbeing of the entire clan by expanding the family’s social network. Responsibilities of raising a child are shared, spreading the ethic of accountability within the larger clan.
The *kumpaire* is chosen by the parents whose infant is to be baptized in the Christian faith through the Catholic tradition. Traditionally he would be from the family–a sibling of a parent, cousin, aunt, or uncle–and is selected through careful discernment by one or both parents. Today, a close friend, neighbor, or co-worker would most likely be added to this list of prospective godparents.
Unlike his female counterpart, a *kumpaire* plays somewhat of a symbolic role in the religious and social formative life of the godchild. This may be due to the matrilineal nature of CHamoru life. He might provide moral support and guidance to his godchild as he or she receives the necessary church sacraments such as Holy Communion, Confirmation, marriage, and in some cases Anointing of the Sick and Ordination. In terms of socialization and enculturation, he would be present in the personal and significant events of the godchild’s life, e.g., birthdays, Christmas, graduation, and other achievements.
Although roles and responsibilities associated with the *kumpaire* today vary from family to family, at the root of this system is the CHamoru worldview of *inafa’maolek* which is necessary for the perpetuation of CHamoru culture.
***By Antonio Salas, MA***
## For further reading
*Catechism of the Catholic Church*. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1993.
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Jorgensen, Marilyn A. *Guam’s Patroness: Santa Marian Kamalen.* N.p., 1994.
Quan, John F. “The Compradrazgo System of Guam*.*” PhD diss., Marquette University, 1976.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era, Spanish Era Changes
**Tags:** Kumpaire/Pari'
---
### [Padre Jose Bernardo Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Padre Don Jose Bernardo Palomo y Torres (1836 - 1919) was the first CHamoru priest. He is most often referred to as Father Jose Torres Palomo or Padre Palomo.
**Content:**
# Padre Jose Bernardo Palomo
#### Table of Contents
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## First CHamoru/Chamorro priest
Padre *Don* Jose Bernardo Palomo y Torres (1836 – 1919) was the first CHamoru/Chamorro priest. He is most often referred to as Father Jose Torres Palomo or Padre Palomo.
Palomo was born 19 October 1836 in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to Don Silvestre Inocencio Palomo y Rodriguez, a man of Spanish-CHamoru ancestry, and Dona Rita de Torres, the daughter of [Luis de Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/luis-de-torres/). He was baptized by the village parish priest [Padre Don Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo](http://www.guampedia.com/ciriaco-de-espiritu-santo/), who was praised for his ministry to numerous natives even while falling sickly.
Palomo’s godfather was Fray Bernardo del Rosario, the superior of the Augustinian Recollect friars. Palomo spent his youth under the tutelage of Augustinians and was particularly influenced by Padre Pedro Leon del Carmen, Palomo’s first teacher and the pastor of Pago village. He later continued his studies under Augustinian superior, Padre Aniceto Ybanez.
In 1856, when Palomo was 20, his parents died during the small pox epidemic along with 5,532 others in Guam. The terrible epidemic, which killed 60 percent of the population in less than one year, convinced Palomo to enter the priesthood.
According to Palomo, the epidemic could have been avoided had a vessel, whose crew had thrown a smallpox victim overboard a day before entering Apra Harbor, been quarantined. Instead, passengers were allowed to disembark, causing the epidemic which Palomo estimated reduced Guam’s population from 9,065 to about 4,000 people.
## Small pox epidemic
According to other accounts, Don Silvestre was ill during a trip from the Philippines and may have unknowingly brought the disease to Guam. Both Palomo and Padre Aniceto attended to the sick and dying during the 1856 small pox epidemic that eventually wiped out Pago village where the epidemic had begun.
Shortly after the epidemic, Palomo began his studies for the priesthood at the San Carlos Seminary in Cebu, Philippines where his previous studies in Guam under Padres Del Carmen and Aniceto enabled Palomo to complete his studies at San Carlos within about a year. Palomo was ordained a priest on 11 December 1859 at the private chapel of Bishop Romualdo Jimeno of the Cebu diocese. Bishop Jimeno visited the Mariana Islands six years later, traveling to several Mariana islands in a canoe. The bishop’s visit prompted greater Augustinian attention to Saipan, Tinian, Rota, and the Caroline Islands.
Although first assigned to the village of Hagåtña upon his return to Guam in 1860, Palomo was reassigned to Saipan as a result of this renewed attention. He returned to Guam two years later where he ministered for 16 years after which he was again assigned in 1887 to work on Saipan, Tinian and Rota until 1895. He again served Guam, first at [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) and then more permanently in Hagåtña.
## Influential and respected
Father Palomo’s respected standing among CHamorus in Guam was evident in a complaint by Governor Luís Santos Fontordera (1891-1892) that CHamorus would wait until they had consulted with Palomo before they would respond to and obey official orders from the governor. Palomo was widely regarded as one of the wisest and most educated men in Guam and was fluent not only in Spanish and CHamoru but also in English, French, and Carolinian languages.
Throughout his career he was dedicated to the welfare of the CHamoru people. Although Palomo and other prominent individuals in Hagåtña accepted into their homes several condemned Cavite Mutiny deportees, including 10 Catholic priests, who arrived from Manila in 1872, Palomo considered most of the hundreds of other deportees who followed to be:
> the very scum of Spain, 90 percent of whom could neither read nor write . . . wretches who only were good to corrupt the morals of the natives.
And during a convoluted episode in 1872 regarding contradictory stories about an alleged desire of Rota residents to relocate to Humåtak village in Guam following a typhoon, those opposing the move delivered a letter in the CHamoru language to Palomo. The letter sidestepped Spanish authorities and placed the trusted Palomo into the role of an intermediary. Because of the apparent economic motivations of one individual and various other issues, the move never took place.
On 20 and 21 June 1898, [US Captain Henry Glass](https://www.guampedia.com/captain-henry-glass/) of the USS *Charleston* seized Guam on his way to reinforce the American Navy in the Philippines during the Spanish-American War. At the time, no one in Guam was aware that Spain and the United States were at war. When the Charleston’s canons fired upon the abandoned Santa Cruz fort in Piti, Spanish authorities took it to be a salute and quickly ordered a canon to be brought from Hagåtña to Piti in order to return the salute.
Meanwhile, Palomo and a few other men went out to the Charleston in a boat owned by naturalized American citizen Frank Portusach and were the first in Guam to learn about the Spanish-American War. Portusach would soon be recognized and vigorously supported by Palomo and several other prominent CHamorus in Hagåtña as the legitimate acting governor of Guam, instead of the only Spanish official who remained after Glass’ departure, Treasurer Jose Sisto who claimed the title and soon drained the island’s treasury.
Although declarations of [who was Guam’s legitimate acting governor](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-leaders-from-1899-1904/) until the first official American governor arrived changed with the interventions of passing Naval officers, Palomo’s important role in local politics was evident. It was at Palomo’s residence that Palomo and several other CHamoru leaders rejected and dismissed Sisto from office and named Venancio Robert as the governor of Guam.
The intervening arrival of various Naval officers led to more changes in leadership. Lieutenant Vincendon L. Cottman reappointed Sisto and then left while Commander Edward D. Taussig arrived shortly afterwards and appointed Hagåtña *gobernadorcillo* (mayor) Joaquin Perez as acting governor. Palomo helped to initiate an elected senate in July 1899 consisting of himself, Juan Torres, an American named Romberg and a lower house with six CHamorus.
By that time another American naval commander, Lieutenant Louis A. Kaiser had replaced Perez following a disagreement over Spanish ordinances left in Guam with part-Samoan William Coe. Coe was supportive of this initiative toward self-governance although this effort was thwarted with the arrival on 7 August 1899 of Captain Richard P. Leary, the first of many naval governors of Guam.
## Fostered understanding
When the Americans assumed control of Guam after the Spanish American War in 1899, the first Naval governor of Guam, Richard P. Leary, asked the Spanish priests on the island to leave. Lieutenant Cottman had already considered Father Palomo and the Spanish priests to be the moral lepers and recommended that Palomo be sent to another island. Leary however allowed Palomo to remain in Guam. As the Recollect Friars prepared for their departure from Guam, Fray Francisco Resano del Corazón de Jesús, a man who made a great contribution to the Spanish mission in the Marianas, passed on the spiritual administration of the Hagåtña parish to Palomo.
Leary proposed to Palomo that he should found a schismatic church in Guam, independent of Rome. Leary offered to help Palomo even saying the American government would pay him a pension and grant him all the privileges of the officials of the Naval station for cooperating. Palomo indignantly refused.
Palomo became friends with Leary’s aide Lt. [William Edwin Safford](http://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/), furthering American understanding of the CHamoru people and history of the island. Safford functioned as the lieutenant governor of Guam during and after Leary’s three month long stay onboard his ship as the governor’s palace was fixed and refurbished. Safford was fluent in Spanish and quickly integrated himself into the CHamoru community, learning the CHamoru language and becoming friends with Father Palomo, Juan Torres, and others.
While Safford was also burdened with numerous administrative tasks, he also held what were probably the first English classes in Guam in the evenings from his home and, with the assistance of Palomo, wrote a CHamoru grammar and compilation of CHamoru words. Palomo also gave Safford a vocabulary list compiled many years previously by a priest on Rota that included indigenous terms not found in later vocabularies.
Safford also noted in his compilation first published in the American Anthropologist that both Palomo and another contributor to the grammar, Juan de Torres, were decedents of Luis de Torres who was an important source of information in Guam and the other Mariana islands to European explorers Otto von Kotzebue, Louis de Freycinet, and others in the early nineteenth century.
## Named Papal Chamberlain
In 1909, St. Pius X named Padre Palomo the first CHamoru priest to hold the title of Papal Chamberlain, with the title of Very Rev. Monsignor, on the occasion of the his Golden Jubilee in the priesthood. This honor was conferred in recognition of the superhuman effort he made to preserve the faith in the island at the beginning of the century.
And while administrative tactics during the early US administration in Guam that were more rigid than those employed by the Spanish resulted in social tension, Palomo was instrumental in easing these tensions. Although these American Naval governors did not consider the CHamorus capable of governing themselves, they nevertheless called upon the advice of several CHamoru elders, particularly Palomo who was looked upon as a key representative of the people’s voice.
Palomo’s Catholic ministry continued throughout Guam, Saipan, Tinian, and Rota. He died after a massive heart attack on 3 July 1919. Father Palomo was 82.
A park is named in his honor along the beach in Hagåtña, next to the Naval Cemetery.
By [***Audreya JP Taitano, MA***](http://www.guampedia.com/audreya-taitano/) ***and*** [***Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy)
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G., trans. *The Augustinian Recollect Friars in the Mariana Islands 1769-1908.* MARC Educational Series no. 24. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
Safford, William E. *The Chamorro Language of Guam: A Grammar of the Idiom Spoken by the Inhabitants of the Marianne, or Ladrones, Islands*. Reprinted from the American Anthropologist, 1903-1905. Washington, DC: W. H. Lowdermilk & Co., 1909.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Religion, Spanish Era, Spanish Era: Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Padre Jose Bernardo Palomo
---
### [Expulsion of the Augustinian Recollects](https://www.guampedia.com/expulsion-of-the-augustinian-recollects/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In April 1898, war broke out between Spain and the United States. On 21 June 1898, Lieutenant Colonel Juan Marina, Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands, surrendered Guam to the control of Captain Henry Glass of the US Navy.
**Content:**
# Expulsion of the Augustinian Recollects
#### Table of Contents
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## Americans unhappy with Spanish influence
In April 1898, war broke out between Spain and the United States. On 21 June 1898, Lieutenant Colonel Juan Marina, Spanish Governor of the Mariana Islands, surrendered Guam to the control of [Captain Henry Glass](https://www.guampedia.com/captain-henry-glass/) of the US Navy.
Guam was taken as a US possession under the terms of the Treaty of Paris (10 December 1898) which ended the Spanish-American War. The first official American Governor of Guam, [Captain Richard P. Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/), arrived in Guam the following year, on 7 August 1899.
Three Spanish Augustinian Recollect friars were working in Guam as missionaries when Leary arrived. Father Francisco Resano was pastor in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and superior of the entire Marianas mission, Father Ildefonso Cabanillas was priest in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), and Father Crisogono Ortin was priest in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/).
On 30 August 1899, the three Recollects were given notice from Leary that Navy transport was being furnished for them to depart for Manila. The Recollects took it as a polite request from the Governor to leave the island permanently. The friars went to see Lieutenant [William E. Safford](https://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/), secretary to the Governor, who explained to them that if the request was not honored, the Governor would remove the friars by force.
According to the friars’, the reason for the expulsion was the fear the Navy had of the priests’ influence over the people. Leary had previously abolished all political rights the clergy had historically enjoyed under Spain, and then forbade the public celebration of Catholic feasts just at the time that the village of Hågat was to celebrate the feast of its patroness, Santa Rosa de Lima.
All three Recollects left Guam on 7 September; Father Resano departed for Saipan, Fathers Cabanillas and Ortin went on to Manila. The Recollect friars, who had served in the Marianas more years than the pioneer Jesuits, would not serve in Guam again for another 70 years.
One month after leaving Guam, Father Resano tried to gain permission to return to Guam, but Leary denied the request. For a little less than two years, Father [Jose Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/padre-jose-bernardo-palomo/), the first and only CHamoru/Chamorro priest at the time, was the only Catholic priest ministering in Guam. In August 1901, two Spanish Capuchins came to the help of Palomo and ushered in a new era of continued Spanish missionary work in Guam.
[***By Eric Forbes, OFM Cap.***](http://www.guampedia.com/eric-forbes/)
## For further reading
Cabanillas, Ildefonso, and Crisogono Ortin. “Memoria: A description of the events that have taken place on this Island of Guajan, Mariana Islands, since 20 June 1898.” In *The Augustinian Recollect Friars in the Mariana Islands, 1769-1908.* Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
Sinajaña, Eric de, OFM Cap. *Historia de la Misión de Guam de los Capuchinos Españoles.* Pamplona: Curia Provincial de los Capuchinos, 2001.
Sullivan, Julius, OFM Cap. *The Phoenix Rises: A Mission History of Guam.* New York: Seraphic Mass Association, 1957.
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Religion, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Religion
**Tags:** Expulsion of the Augustinian Recollects
---
### [Fort Santo Angel](https://www.guampedia.com/fort-santo-angel/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Fort Santo Angel was the second of four Spanish fortifications built in the southern village of Humåtak/Umatac in the midst of the galleon trade era. The fort was constructed on top of a large rock structure that is situated at the entrance to Humåtak Bay.
**Content:**
# Fort Santo Angel
#### Table of Contents
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## Fort Santo Angel c. 1756
Fort Santo Angel was the second of four Spanish fortifications built in the southern village of [Humåtak/Umatac](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) in the midst of the [galleon trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) era. The fort was constructed on top of a large rock structure that is situated at the entrance to Humåtak Bay. From this vantage, the fort could defend the anchorage and the channel entrance to the bay from the increasing number of non-Spanish ships navigating through the Mariana Islands.
By the early 18th century, Great Britain, Holland, and France had increased their presence in the Pacific. To allay this threat, Spain launched a naval expedition in 1716 that captured six illegal French merchant vessels. With Great Britain and Holland still a threat in the Pacific, Spain initiated plans to improve Guam’s defenses. An earlier incident on Guam had also alarmed the island’s governor Juan Antonio Pimentel (1709 – 1720). In March of 1710, four war ships, under the command of English privateer Captain Woodes Rogers, anchored off of Humåtak Bay with 200 well-armed and battle-ready crew members.
Pimentel, knowing his forces could be overwhelmed, struck a deal that allowed the privateers to replenish their ships in return for the release of Spanish prisoners that were held aboard the English ships. Pimentel would later have to answer for his hospitality toward Spain’s enemies.
## Improving defenses
This episode, however, encouraged Pimentel to write Spanish authorities regarding the importance of defending Guam as a last line of defense before the Philippines. With the increasing presence of foreign ships with well-trained crew members skirting the island, Pimentel recommended that a fort be built at Humåtak in addition to the existing shoreline battery. The plan for Fort Santo Angel was realized sometime within the next three decades. The earliest historical record of the fort was made by British Commodore George Anson in 1742 through information he received while anchored at Tinian.
## Fort rebuilt
In 1756, Governor Enrique de Olavide y Michelena (1749 – 1756 and 1768 – 1771) rebuilt Santo Angel after he observed that the artillery emplacement there was merely protected by ditches in the rock. The new fort was also built atop the 50-foot high rock-like promontory and was accessed by steps cut into the rock. On the top of the promontory was a flagstone *esplanade* that measured 40 by 24 feet. Surrounding the *esplanade* was a one-foot-high and 18-inch-thick [*mampostería*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/), stone and mortar, wall.
Separating the *esplanade* and the stone steps was a 30-foot-long entranceway. A *mampostería* guard room measuring 10 feet by 15 feet was also erected on the bay side of the entranceway. Santo Angel was built to house three cannons that could effectively damage ships, but its wall was low which left soldiers and gun-carriages exposed to enemy fire.
Over time, the fort suffered damage to its foundation from years of pounding waves. Governor Alexandro Parreño (1806 – 1812) determined the fort to be unsafe and had it dismantled. The existing structure, without its guns, was used to hold piles of wood which, when lit, provided safety for ships at night. Today, ruins of the fort can still be seen along Humåtak Bay’s north entrance. However, thick vegetation covers much of the site.
***[By Daryl A. Haun](https://www.guampedia.com/daryl-a-haun/ "Daryl A. Haun")***
## For further reading
Degadillo, Yolanda, Thomas B. McGrath, SJ, and Felicia Plaza, MMB. *Spanish Forts of Guam.* MARC Publications Series 7. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1979.
Driver, Marjorie G., and Omaira Brunal-Perry. *Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam: From the Holdings of the Servicio Historico Militar, Madrid.* MARC Educational Series no. 17. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1994.
*Guam Department of Parks and Recreation*. “[Guam State Historic Preservation Office](https://historicguam.net/department-of-parks-and-recreation/).”
Ruth, H. Mark, Jack B. Jones, and Morris M. Grobins, eds. *Guidebook to the Architecture of Guam*. Taipei: Guam and the TTPI Chapter of the American Institute of Architects, 1976.
**Categories:** Architecture, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Heritage Sites, Historic Eras of Guam, Historic Structures, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Fort Santo Angel
---
### [Blacksmithing](https://www.guampedia.com/blacksmithing-3/)
**Published:** October 3, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Herreron CHamoru. Blacksmithing, in the form that it is most known today, has only existed on Guam for a few centuries. On the surface blacksmithing on Guam might appear to be something which was introduced by the Spanish.
**Content:**
# Blacksmithing
#### Table of Contents
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## Herreron CHamoru/Chamorro
Blacksmithing, in the form that it is most known today, has only existed on Guam for a few centuries. On the surface blacksmithing on Guam might appear to be something which was introduced by the Spanish. In reality however, the origins of CHamoru/Chamorro blacksmithing are much more complex and has its roots in Indigenous technologies prior to colonization by the Spanish and the desire of CHamorus to adapt to new introductions and innovations.
The role of the *herreron* CHamoru, or CHamoru blacksmith in the life of CHamorus, making the tools to support their lifestyle, reached its apex during the pre-war period of Guam’s history, but has in the time since all but disappeared from Guam.
## Ancient Guam Era
CHamoru society, prior to the arrival of Europeans in the 16th century, was supported through the farming of staple vegetables such as *suni* (taro) and *fa’i* (rice), and depending upon your social caste, either fishing in the *tåsi* (ocean) or fishing in the island’s inland streams. CHamorus made tools from shell, *to’lang* (bone), *håyu* (wood), *åcho’* (stone) and *guafi* (fire) in order to make tools to suit these needs and others including, the building of structures and defense.
The bones of humans, in particular the shin bone, would be taken after someone had long been dead and carved to make spear tips or *se’se* (knives). Stone would be used to create *lusong* (grinding stone) for food and medical preparation, or sharpened to make the heads of *higam* (axes). Wood was used to make *topong* (handles) and longer pieces were fashioned into *damang* (swords) or implements for picking fruit, planting and weeding (*dagua*). Shells would be carved to making weaving tools (*si’i*) and also tools for cleaning rice (*sainan dogas*).
In this period, there was no single occupation which was responsible for the fabrication of all these tools. Because of the lengthy amount of time required to create some of these tools, there may have been very specialized individuals with these skills. This trade would have been passed on from generation to generation within the family. It is likely, however, that anyone could have made some of the simpler tools such as the *dagua*, which was just a long stick with a sharpened tip.
## Arrival of the Spanish
When Europeans arrived in the Marianas in the 16th century, CHamorus immediately recognized the value of some of their technology particularly *lulok* (iron). Spanish vessels passing through the Marianas Islands were often [met by hundreds of CHamorus who were eager to trade](https://www.guampedia.com/the-matao-iron-trade-part-i-contact-and-commerce/) water and food for small pieces of iron such as nails or small metal tools such as axes. According to one traveler during this period:
> So many boats go out to meet them that they quite surround the ships. The natives try to trade water and the products of their islands for iron, the substance they esteem the most.
Although CHamorus recognized the value of the *lulok*, they were far from enchanted by the Spanish, and were more than willing to cheat or trick them in order to get the iron. [Miguel de Legazpi,](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) during his 1565 stopover in Guam, noted a common trick made by CHamorus was to trade for iron with heavy bags of what appeared to be rice, but in reality only had rice on the top layer, while the rest of the bag contained stones and coconut shells.
The incorporation of this new technology would lead to the swifter and more efficient completion of tasks. Iron was more durable than shell or stone, especially when it came to such crucial but also laborious tasks as canoe building/carving. But given the centrality of tasks such as this to CHamoru society, not just as a means for traveling or obtaining food, but also as a social activity, one in which an individual or a family was according respect or shame based on their performance, the desire for iron and improved technology wasn’t tied only to being more efficient. As CHamoru clans and villages constantly competed with each other for prestige and resources, the presence of this technology within a particular village or clan could radically affect those competitions.
Choco, a Chinese man brought to the Marianas Islands in 1648 by a storm, married a CHamoru woman from Saipan and later settled on Guam and became a *maga’låhi*, chief, of the southern *songsong* (village) of Pa’a. It is said that his rise to prominence among CHamorus was spurred by his knowledge of metallurgy and that he may have became the first blacksmith in the islands.
## Emergence of the Herero
With the end of the Spanish CHamoru Wars in 1695, CHamoru lives were radically altered due to massive death from disease, and new oppressive policies of removal and Christianization by the Spanish. CHamorus were forcibly relocated by the new regime from their ancestral lands into newly established villages in Guam. They were also largely cut off from the *tåsi* (sea) and their navigational culture by the Spanish in order to limit their mobility and improve Spanish control over the population. CHamorus slowly reconfigured their life to escape the gaze of their new colonizer, placing farming and work on communal *gualo’* or *[lancho](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/)* (farms) at its center.
It was during this period that blacksmithing in the form that is known today emerged, with shell and *åcho’* (stone) eventually completely giving way to metal tools. In order to meet the needs of CHamoru farmers, CHamoru artisans adapted their existing assortment of tools with the new blacksmithing technology and skills being brought into Guam. They became known by the Spanish word for blacksmith, *herrero*, and their products: *ramenta* (tools).
The [Jesuits](https://www.guampedia.com/spanish-era-jesuit-administration-of-the-marianas/) stationed in Guam had blacksmithing knowledge and tools, and taught CHamorus these skills. In 1771, Governor Mariano Tobias in an effort to improve the lives of Guam’s people, brought instructors to Guam to teach CHamorus blacksmithing, in addition to the art of salt panning, carpentry and the wheelwright. In addition to these forms of outreach, blacksmithing knowledge was also brought to Guam by migrants from the Philippines, Mexico, Japan and other countries, who settled on Guam, set up shops and took on apprentices.
The basic equipment that a blacksmith needed were the *frågua* (forge) in which the metal was heated, and bellows for increasing the intensity of the flame. *Mattiyu* (hammer), *masu* (sledge hammer), *tinasa* (tongs), *senset* (chisels) and *guantes* (gloves) were all used at different points in order to shape the metal. Prior to the Spanish colonization, CHamoru utilized *guafi* in order to help with the shaping of shaping and the creation of holes in shell. As blacksmiths they continued this trend albeit within metal *frågua*.
These tools were used to produce an enhanced version of existing *ramenta* used by CHamorus, albeit now with metal replacing shell and *åcho’*. The *si’i*, once made with *håyu* or shell, was soon remade as a long, triangular sliver of metal. The *akoa*, which was used for *gumuaguaddok* (digging), and was made from a long wooden pole approximately five feet long with a sharpened stone blade attached, was updated as *pala*, with metal replacing stone. The *fosiños*, a tool introduced early on by the Spanish was modified by local blacksmiths and soon replaced the *dagua* as the ideal tool for weeding, picking fruit, breaking dirt clods or planting seeds.
The *fosiños* is a sharpened oblong horizontal blade that features a skinny neck attached to a long wooden pole. The *damang* was remade as a machete and became the most critical tool in the life of CHamorus during this period. It could be used for hunting, for slaughtering livestock and for all activities that required the cutting or trimming of wood.
Guam had no mines or local sources of *lulok* and so all tools and blacksmithing materials needed to be imported. Government stores were the primary source of these items, but their quantity and quality were both limited. This scarcity of raw materials and implements limited in turn the quantity and quality of CHamoru made products during this period. Any large pieces of metal from discarded ship parts or cannons, or bayonets were used to make *ramenta* during this period.
With the introduction of *guakka* (cows) and carabao during this period, bullcarts soon became the preferred form of transportation on island for long distance travel to visit relatives, attend church services or trade goods. Blacksmiths were integral in the building and repairing of both types of common carts found on Guam, *karetan trosu* and *karetan guakka/karabao*.
Because of the lack of money and regular wage jobs on Guam, blacksmiths made their living during this period primarily by bartering with farmers for their products.
At the end of the 19th century, the blacksmith and his tools were not just essential to keeping the stomachs of CHamorus full, but were also symbols of status and responsibility. CHamoru men were known to carry them at all times. The machete in particular was not just a tool for cutting trees or killing livestock, but was something through which a man was judged by those around him. A man with a good reliable machete was understood as someone who was serious about providing for his family, someone who could be trusted to take care of others. The machete of a man was even taken into consideration when families considered possible suitors for their daughters.
## Time of the Blacksmiths
The takeover by the United States in 1898 represented an upsurge in CHamoru blacksmithing. Although Guam continued to be a nascent colonial position under the Americans, as it had under the Spanish, and thus the Navy’s presence in Guam was habitually underfunded, its presence in Guam provided the materials and means through which a great number of CHamoru blacksmiths could be trained and supported.
By 1930 Guam boasted several dozen actively practicing blacksmiths. This increase can be attributed to several things. First, with the arrival of the 20th century the importation of the tools and raw materials a blacksmith would need on Guam had become far easier than in previous centuries. Second, the US Navy in Guam made it a practice to hire CHamorus to work for them as welders, machinists and blacksmiths. Third, CHamorus who had joined the navy and left the island as *marinu* (sailors) sometimes returned with blacksmithing skills. Both of these groups of CHamorus who were trained by the navy either established shops of their own or simply did repairs or made tools on the side. Lastly, the navy’s presence in Guam offered a bonanza of discarded materials, *lulok* and *katbon* (coal) which could be used to heat a *frågua* or make *ramenta*. As cars became more common on Guam, the leaf spring became a preferred material for making machetes.
The machete was still a status symbol for CHamorus during this time. The proliferation of CHamoru blacksmiths made the competition over which machete made by which blacksmith was of better quality even more fierce. One test by which the quality of a machete and by extension its maker was measured was to see how well it sang. *Tingteng* is the word for the noise a well made machete makes after it is hit against something. One common way of testing was to place your fingernail on the edge of the blade and then strum it as if it were a guitar string.
Miniature machetes were also made during this period and given to naval officers or visiting Americans as gifts.
It is ironic that while a renaissance of CHamoru blacksmithing was taking place, at the same time, the seeds of its decline were also being sown. Throughout the pre-war period in Guam, the navy pushed to “modernize” the island’s economy, most notably by getting CHamorus to give up the bartering system and instead work for wages and farm for profit. CHamoru blacksmithing, however, remained largely exempt from this as blacksmiths continued to barter for their goods. In the meantime the importation and purchasing of imported *ramenta* had slowly begun.
Changes in transoceanic trade and travel had not only made it easier for CHamorus to import the raw materials and tools for blacksmithing, but also finished goods as well. These tools found ready places in the plethora of small businesses which had sprung up throughout Hagåtña in pre-war Guam. These businesses, which sold everything from groceries to tools to clothes, were supported by the increasing number of CHamorus who were participating in the island’s new wage economy, most prominently those working for the naval government as civil servants, teachers or sailors.
Nonetheless, CHamoru blacksmiths continued to thrive during this period because of the high demand for their products and the fact that their tools hadn’t yet been full incorporated into the wage economy. This was due to the high social value that still came with the purchase of hand-made tools which had yet to be overwhelmed by issues of price.
## Disappearance of the blacksmiths
In the decades since [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) CHamoru blacksmithing has been almost completely eclipsed by imported tools made in China, the Philippines and the United States. The disappearance of the CHamoru blacksmiths is intimately tied to the disappearance of their most important customer, the CHamoru *lancheru* or *guagualo’* (farmer).
The reasons for the disappearance of the CHamoru farmer are numerous. First, the massive land displacement of CHamorus following WWII enacted in order to transform the island into several modern military bases, prevented many CHamorus from returning to the farming lifestyle of the pre-war period.
Second, with the destruction of much of the pre-war landscape and CHamoru way of life, the United States pumped money into the re-building of the island to modernize it. The result was an expansion of the cash economy that had been started prior to the war, but also a widening of the occupational opportunities for CHamorus. There were far more jobs which CHamorus could undertake in order to make their living and there was also increased educational opportunities.
Third, further drastic changes in technology brought newer technologies into Guam, such as tools for the maintenance of houses and yards. Similarly tools used for activities such as weaving or food preparation, were either replaced with cheaper imported versions, or in the case of *tinifok* (woven materials), both the tools and the activities soon became obsolete.
Lastly, there was a shift in attitude amongst CHamorus because of all of these new opportunities and technologies, which made occupations built on manual labor less appealing. Furthermore, as farming moved into the cash economy, the profit appeared to be marginal compared to other occupations which required far less labor and investment.
As CHamorus stopped being a people who survived primarily by bartering and subsistence farming, their need for good quality tools ceased as well. Thus tools such as machetes or *fosiños*, which were once thought of as indispensible to the life of a CHamoru family, were now absorbed into Guam’s new cash economy, where they became just another commodity to be purchased and were made to compete against far cheaper and lower quality imported tools. Those who continued to farm, and those who continued to need the tools that blacksmiths once made, would now turn to hardware stores in order to meet their needs.
As time passed, CHamoru blacksmiths slowly went out of business, due to the high cost of continuing their trade. They did not pass on their skills to subsequent generations, often for lack of interest.
[Joaquin Flores Lujan](http://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-f-lujan/), or Tun Jack was a third-generation blacksmith (*Familian Bittot/Katson*). After making a promise to his father soon before his death to keep this tradition alive for future generations, Tun Jack made tools and sold them at his shop in The CHamoru Village in Hagåtña. He trained more than a dozen apprentices before he died in 2015.
The social importance of these handmade traditional tools has not been lost however. Items such as *fosiños*, machetes or *kamyo* (coconut grater), are no longer necessities, but continue to occupy a special role in CHamoru culture, as gifts and family heirlooms.
***[By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)***
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Benavente, Ed LG. *I Manmañaina-ta: I Manmaga’låhi yan I Manmå’gas; Geran Chamoru yan Españot (1668-1695)*. Self-published, 2007.
Carano, Paul, and Pedro C. Sanchez. *A Complete History of Guam*. Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1964.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Nelson, Evelyn Gibson, and Frederick J. Nelson. *The Island of Guam: Description and History from a 1934 Perspective*. Washington, DC: Ana Publications, 1992.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Vara de Rey y Rubio, Joaquín, Luis Santos Fontordera, and Luis Cadarso y Rey. *Reports Concerning the Mariana Islands: The Memorias of 1890-1894.* Translated and annotated by Marjorie G. Driver. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Spanish Era, Traditional Craft, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Blacksmithing
---
### [Mannakhilo’ and Mannakpåpa’](https://www.guampedia.com/mannakhilo-and-mannakpapa/)
**Published:** December 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Under Spanish colonial rule, the introduction of Spanish customs, social systems and land tenure disrupted traditional practices of land ownership and social class structure of the Chamorro/CHamoru people.
**Content:**
# Mannakhilo’ and Mannakpåpa’
 Agriculture on Guam. Freycinet collection, 1824. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Upper class and lower class
Under [Spanish colonial rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), the introduction of Spanish customs, social systems and land tenure disrupted traditional practices of land ownership and social class structure of the CHamoru/Chamorro people. Previously, traditional CHamoru society was divided into two castes with three distinct social classes. The higher caste consisted of the upper class *matao* and the middle class *acha’ot.* The lower caste consisted of the lower class *manachang*. In the years of Spanish administration, male primogeniture replaced the matrilineal system of inheritance. A new land ownership system was introduced which included the taking of land by the Spanish government for official purposes. Although CHamorus still held onto their communal ancestral lands, a new social order developed with distinct social class divisions known as *mannakhilo’* and *mannakpåpa’*.
The *mannakhilo’*, or “high people” emerged from the *principalia* class, a class which replaced the upper class *chamorri* in traditional CHamoru society. The *principalia* were essentially CHamoru leaders who had converted to Christianity, and who were given civic duties and placed in positions within the Spanish government. Because the Spanish colonial administrators wanted to encourage the use of Spanish over CHamoru, these public offices were given only to those who spoke Spanish. CHamorus from the lower classes, therefore, were motivated to learn Spanish, as they saw this as an opportunity to advance their social status and obtain prestige over the upper class CHamorus who could not speak it. Subsequently, the *chamorri* class was replaced by the *principalia* class.
From the *principalia* class emerged a small group of elite, property-owning families who were descendants of CHamoru nobility that had united with the Spanish. These were the *mannakhilo’*—a privileged group of about 12 families that lived primarily in the village of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) in *[mamposteria](https://www.guampedia.com/mamposteria/)* (coral masonry) constructed houses. They adopted Filipino and Spanish styles of dress and manners, and although they spoke Spanish, they continued to speak CHamoru at home. They intermarried with the Spanish and had become *[mestizos](http://www.guampedia.com/mestizo-mestisu/) (or mestisu)*, or of mixed heritage. They owned most of the private land, and donated substantial amounts to the Catholic Church. They formed intimate bonds with the Catholic priests and socialized with Spanish administrators. The *mannakhilo’* refused to associate with the *mannakpåpa* heir lands. The upbringing of children was strict, with private tutors and arranged marriages to other sons and daughters within the upper class.
During the American era, the influence of the *mannakhilo’* in government was diminished. According to[ Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/), the arrival of the naval government introduced a new economic system and compulsory education in public schools which allowed for members of the lower classes to attain wealth, education and prestige in competition with the upper class. In addition, the Americans formed their own social clubs that excluded the CHamoru elites, so although the *mannakhilo’* remained the largest landowners in Guam, they did not have the same kind of influence or exclusivity that they had enjoyed under Spanish rule.
The *mannakpapa’* represented the least privileged and the poorest population on Guam during the Spanish era. Predominantly CHamoru, the *mannakpåpa’* did not own land. They were socially denigrated by the *mannakhilo’*, who refused to associate or intermarry with them. The *mannakpåpa’* leased or worked the land owned by the *mannakhilo’* or the Spanish government crown lands. In 1900, the first US naval governor, [Captain Richard Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/), eliminated the practice of the *mannakpapa’* paying debts to the *mannakhilo’* with labor.
Whereas traditional social order among the CHamorus had depended on the social ranking of matrilineal clans, the order under Spanish colonization was based on affinities with the ruling Spanish administrators and officials of the Catholic Church. It is suggested, however, that the *mannakpåpa’* and the *mannakhilo’* classes represent the extreme social positions in CHamoru society—the elite and the poor. Indeed, the majority of the population was comprised of a middle class, who fell somewhere in between these two extremes, and for which there is no CHamoru term.
Many of these families did have access to some of their ancestral lands, which had been passed on through the generations, though most still lived on the periphery of Hagåtña and in rural areas. They maintained small ranches or *lanchos* in which they grew fruits and vegetables, and raised animals for subsistence and barter. Most of their heavy work and other activities that involved communal labor such as house-building, harvesting or roof-thatching, was done by related households and paid for through feasts. Wealth in the form of money was not accumulated and basic food and material needs were met through trade with relatives.
[ ***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Brunal-Perry, Omaira. “Nineteenth-Century Spanish Administrative Development in the Province of Guam.” In *Guam History: Perspectives*. Volume One. Edited by Lee D. Carter, William L. Wuerch, and Rosa Roberto Carter. Mangilao: Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1997.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Organization, Social Stratification, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Mannakhilo’ and Mannakpåpa’
---
### [Linechen Birenghenas: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/linechen-birenghenas-recipe/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** This recipe is from Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, Y Inetnon Famalao’an (Women’s Association).
**Content:**
# Linechen Birenghenas: Recipe
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## Eggplant with coconut milk and lemon
**Ingredients**
- 20 eggplants, barbecued a little over charcoal
- 3 ½ onions, chopped
- Hot pepper (optional)
- 3 cups coconut milk
- 3 cups water
- Lemon juice (optional)
Broil (or grill) the eggplant until cooked. Hold eggplant under running water while peeling the skin.
Place in a bowl, gently mash and then add remaining ingredients, adding the coconut milk last.
Serves 12 people.
[***By Madeleine Z. Bordallo***](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/ "Madeleine Zeien Bordallo")
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Linechen Birenghenas: Recipe
---
### [Maria Anderson Roberto](https://www.guampedia.com/maria-roberto/)
**Published:** March 12, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Maria Anderson Roberto, born in 1880, was a CHamoru woman who had been employed as a chaperone for the Native Nurses program in Guam from 1914 to 1924 during the early United States Naval administration of the island. Her role was crucial for the success of the program and the training of young CHamoru women as nurses for the naval hospital.
**Content:**
# Maria Anderson Roberto
#### Table of Contents
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Maria Anderson Roberto, born in 1880, was a CHamoru/Chamorro woman who had been employed as a chaperone for the [Native Nurses](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-school-for-nurses/) program in Guam from 1914 to 1924 during the early [United States Naval administration](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) of the island. Her role was crucial for the success of the program and the training of young CHamoru women as nurses for the naval hospital. Her work with US Navy medical officials, her eventual contraction of Hansen’s disease while employed at the naval hospital, and her departure to the Culion Leper Colony in the Philippines, reflect the larger political, cultural and social complexities and contradictions of life in Guam as a new American, military territory in the early 20th century.
Little is known about Roberto but there are a few accounts by American nurses who worked alongside her, as well as by *manåmko’* (the elderly) who shared their experiences and attitudes pertaining to Naval health policies, particularly policies related to Hansen’s disease and the Navy’s Native Nurses program.
## Health practices in early 20th century Guam
The US Navy, in addition to other changes to the social and cultural fabric of life in Guam, undertook efforts to transform Guam’s healthcare system which was reliant primarily upon the wisdom of local herbal healers (the *[suruhånu](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-guam-suruhanu-yan-amot-healers-and-medicine/)*), traditional massage techniques, Catholicism, and women’s health remedies that were administered by midwives (*[pattera](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-guam-pattera-nurse-midwives/)*). Services provided by local healers had evolved into a unique brand of healthcare tailored to the CHamoru people’s Indigenous heritage and their contact with Spanish customs. Traditional healers held no formal licenses and were not required to adhere to established guidelines.
In addition, unlike Western healthcare, traditional healers did not operate within a formal structure that required monetary compensation. Instead, CHamorus who sought traditional care paid practitioners with other valuable commodities, such as rice, produce, and livestock. Concern regarding the lack of a formal structure, a formalized payment system, and licensing or certification programs prompted the Navy to create, promote, and in some instances, enforce policies and programs that discouraged traditional methods and guided the local population toward Western models of care and healing.
The native population held the *suruhånu* and the *pattera* in high esteem. While traditional healers were both male and female, the level of respect shown toward female healers was most apparent to the Navy. As the Navy sought to secure a safer environment for American families and servicemen working in Guam, they began to stress the importance of Western health practices and regulations throughout the island. Fear of contracting exotic diseases and the desire to contain epidemics motivated the Navy’s campaign against the loosely structured health care system implemented of the CHamorus. In order to advance their argument in favor of the American health regime, *suruhåna* and *pattera* were the focus of many early efforts to influence healthcare preferences in Guam.
## The Native Nurses program
The Navy began the Native Nurses program in 1907 in order to provide CHamoru midwives with a type of “systematic instruction” that the Navy believed would create an improved rate of mortality during births and prevent the spread of various infections and diseases. The Native Nurses program was promoted as an opportunity for CHamoru women to learn a new skill, help others in need, and establish an income that could be used to help their families within the new military economic model. However, the Navy struggled to attract CHamoru women to the program due to cultural norms and strained relations between Americans and locals.
In her tribute to Roberto, Della V. Knight, a Navy nurse who worked closely with Roberto, stated that when she first arrived in Guam in 1914, she became aware of the need for more Native nurses to help patients in the hospital and at the medical stations in the other villages. She believed that the “better class” women on the island were “anxious to do this work, but there was an objection on the part of some parents.” CHamorus, being heavily influenced by [Spanish occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), subscribed to many beliefs and practices regarding the protection of the reputations (and bodies) of unmarried women.
The Native Nursing program required that women leave their homes and board at the naval hospital, and work alongside American men–all of which was unfamiliar and uncomfortable for CHamoru women. Unmarried CHamoru women, in those days, required a chaperone while away from their homes. The chaperone was usually a male within the family or an older female. Enrollment and interest in the Navy’s nursing program was low due to scrutiny that could arise from perceived social impropriety. Knight explained that in order to ensure the program was more successful, it became clear that the Navy would “have to first obtain a chaperone for the native nurses.” Knight had heard about Maria Roberto and offered her a position at the hospital.
## First nurse chaperone
Maria Roberto was born in 1880 to Felix Roberto and Rosa Anderson. Both of her parents were half-CHamoru. Maria was the youngest of their five children who included Juan Lino, Juana, Andres and Jose. Roberto did not have the advantage of a school education. She did not marry and lived with her brother Andres. She adopted an orphan named Lorenza. It is not clear, but according to Knight, Roberto may have received some initial training in the hospital for the care of sick women and children, but had left the hospital when she adopted Lorenza to make a home for her.
Nurse Knight described Roberto as tall, well-built and graceful, with a good character, keen mind and deep sense of honor. However, when Knight offered the position as chaperone for the Native Nurses Program, Roberto turned the offer down, saying she had an adopted child to care for and “the pay was not sufficient.” Knight persisted and discussed the pay with the Commanding Officer who agreed to provide a better salary for Roberto.
Knight and another nurse, Elsie Brook, describe Roberto as coming from a “better class” of CHamoru women and appealed to them because of her position within the CHamoru community, as well as her fluency in both CHamoru and English. According to local historians, affluent families from the [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) areas were influential, making Roberto an ideal candidate for convincing local families of the program’s legitimacy. Families could trust a woman like Roberto to watch over the reputation of their daughters. In her book on US Naval health policies, [Dr. Anne Perez Hattori ](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/)explained that the employment of Roberto “had been an important concession made by health officials, who realized that their nurse-training program would suffer from a lack of participation without a culturally appropriate CHamoru matron to live at the hospital and look after the nursing students.”
Roberto was employed at the naval hospital from 1914 to 1924, where she played the role of both chaperone and surrogate mother for women enrolled in the program, keeping a watchful eye over romantic indiscretions and behavior that would have been frowned upon within the CHamoru community. She walked students to and from their homes when they visited their families. Knight described, with amusement, an incident wherein Roberto disciplined a young woman and a “native policeman” who had been caught flirting.
Indeed, Roberto was described as a woman who was received with the utmost respect from the women under her charge. She was also well respected among the other American medical personnel as her fluency in English made her a valuable asset as an interpreter for delivering instructions or orders. According to Knight, Roberto was skilled in obstetric nursing which was a great help to the doctors. Knight also described how Roberto helped the naval doctors deal with the issue of the *pattera*:
> When the Commanding Officer of the hospital ordered that all midwives pass an annual examination in order to keep their licenses to practice, there was much protest on the part of those who could not meet the requirements of the examination, which was entirely practical. This action on the part of the Commanding Officer resulted in a great decrease in infant mortality and blindness. Again Maria Roberta’s (sic) usefulness became evident, in that she knew personally all the midwives, were they practiced, how they did their work, whether they were meeting in requirements set by the medical officers,–and to Maria these requirements were unconditional. She had a way of appearing just at a time to get first hand information, and, –well, the midqwives knew that nothing stood between Maria and her duty. Knowing this, they respected her.
Tragically, in 1924, Roberto contracted [Hansen’s disease](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/) (leprosy) at the Naval Hospital. Roberto’s contraction of Hansen’s disease was met with great sorrow by both Navy personnel and the CHamoru community.
## Transfer to Culion, Philippines
Another area of health care, dealing with patients with Hansens’s disease, was a source of tension between the Navy officials and the CHamoru people. The CHamoru people wanted to care for relatives who suffered from the disease, providing them with affection and allowing them to remain part of their daily life without added social stigma. However, Western medical circles believed Hansen’s disease patients needed to be separated from the rest of the population in order to contain the illness. Fear of contracting Hansen’s disease by Americans stationed on the island was high.
Naval officers, such as [Governor Richard Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/), General Mack Stone, and Lieutenant Vincedon Cottman, wrote in great detail about the discomfort they felt regarding the presence of Hansen’s disease on the island. On a more global scale, encounters with Hansen’s disease in the Pacific by American servicemen had prompted confinement areas throughout the Pacific, with the leper colony in Moloka’i, Hawaii being the most widely referenced.
CHamorus struggled to accept the Navy’s policies regarding the care of Hansen’s disease because they entailed the seclusion of individuals and their separation from the *familia*, the extended group of relatives. Within her summary of naval accounts discussing leprosy, Hattori highlighted the great concern Navy officials felt when they found that CHamorus had been allowing lepers to live in the “midst of a friendly community.” CHamorus also often hid relatives who had (or may have had) the disease, fearing separation from them.
The Navy designated confinement areas in scenic locations, such as Ypao in [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), and viewed this as a benevolent way to confront the threat of the disease. Unfortunately, these areas of confinement were places of particular horror for CHamoru people, despite their picturesque locale. CHamorus patients experienced great emotional trauma, some attempted to escape on several occasions. Despite barbed wire, an enforced curfew, and armed guards, family members were persistently finding new ways to see their loved ones.
Cultural and economic difficulties in sustaining the confinement areas in Guam caused the Navy to seek alternative options. In December 1912, the naval governor received official orders to transport lepers in Guam to Culion Island in the Philippines. Roberto was one of the unfortunate CHamorus who was forced to leave her home en route for Culion after becoming a victim of the dreaded disease. After 10 years of serving as a well-respected chaperone and translator for CHamoru nurses within the Navy’s Native Nurses program, Roberto was deported in 1925.
Her departure was described with great sorrow by both CHamorus and Naval nurses. Roberto was credited for having held together the Native Nurses program. The care she provided to her young charges and children within the hospital made her beloved by many. Navy nurse, Elsie Brook, explained that a large portion of the island had come to say farewell to Roberto and the CHamorus who were to be taken to Culion. Brook wrote that “great indeed was the grief of all who were associated” with Roberto “at the Naval hospital and, in fact, all over the island.”
Roberto’s fate upon reaching Culion, like the others who were sent to the Philippine colony, has remained shrouded in mystery. Naval accounts described Culion as a place where CHamoru Hansen’s disease sufferers struggled to adjust. Despite the perceived similarities between Filipinos and CHamorus held by Navy officers, it became apparent that CHamorus in Culion experienced a great deal of depression and stress being away from their island and surrounded by foreign languages, such as Tagalog, French, Polynesian languages, English, and Spanish.
Hattori describes the reports of George W. Calver, a naval officer sent to investigate the Culion colony. In observing the lepers in Culion, he wrote that the CHamorus “found communication with the rest of the colony difficult and as a result felt the isolation more severely. Again transplanting of these natives into an entirely new environment caused considerable homesickness.”
The fate of CHamorus deported to Culion has been difficult to determine for a number of reasons. The lack of records and the absence of individually marked graves, and the lack of news reported to family members in Guam could have resulted from the great sense of shame many CHamorus associated with the disease. The creation of Naval confinement policies created an atmosphere of inhibition and fear.
Upon traveling to Culion decades later in search of information about his grandfather, who was also deported after contracting Hansen’s disease, the late Legislative Speaker Antonio Unpingco could only find a mass grave. He returned to Guam from Culion without a date of expiration. One can only assume that the absence of information regarding Roberto’s fate is the result of similar circumstances.
## Bridge between cultures
Because of her work with the US Navy, Roberto was viewed by some CHamorus as a Navy collaborator, a woman who assisted the Navy in promoting a health care structure that undermined traditional ways of healing and caring for individuals in need. However, Hattori suggests a more likely explanation for Roberto’s willingness to participate within the Native Nurses Program. She explains that Roberto was probably “motivated by the desire for material advancement in a military economic system that otherwise constricted opportunities for women.”
Regardless of the motivation for promoting and participating within the Native Nurses program, it is clear that Roberto was an exceptional woman who made a profound impact on the lives of those with whom she came in contact. In all the accounts written about her, little is said regarding her contraction of leprosy. Instead, she is written about as an intelligent, dignified, and beautiful woman who made it possible for two cultures to better interact with one another in order to take care of those in need. As Knight stated in her tribute to Roberto in 1922:
> Service changes make frequent changes of the Navy personnel at this station. It is Maria Roberta (sic) who remains, and who holds together the fabric of the work built up by the Navy nurses.
***[By Desiree Taimanglo-Ventura](http://www.guampedia.com/desiree-taimanglo-ventura/)***
## For further reading
Brooke, Elsie. “Maria Roberto: A Further Tribute.” *US Naval Medical Bulletin* 23, no. 3-4 (1925): 284.
Cruz, Karen A. *The Pattera of Guam: Their Story and Legacy.* Hagåtña: Guam Humanities Council, 1997.
DeLisle, Christine Taitano. “Delivering the Body: Narratives of Family, Childbirth and Prewar Pattera.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2000.
–––. P*lacental Politics: CHamoru Women, White Womanhood, and Indigeneity under US Colonialism in Guam*, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2022.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Knight, Della V. “[Maria Roberto – A Tribute](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3406400).” *American Journal of Nursing* 22, no. 9 (1922): 736-738.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Maria Anderson Roberto
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### [Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule](https://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Throughout the 19th century, northern Guam had always had about five times more residents than did southern Guam, largely due to the population concentrated in Hagåtña, and in the 20th century, the north continued to support many more people than the south.
**Content:**
# Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule
View more images for the Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622525200972/).
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** The Historic Resources Division of the Guam Department of Parks and Recreation contracted Micronesian Archaeological Research Services to compile an architectural history, utilizing archival research and oral history interviews, of Guam’s eight postwar resettlement villages, Agana Heights, (New) Hågat, Barrigada, Dededo, Sånta Rita-Sumai, Sinajana, Talo’fo’fo, and Yona. The following is a condensed version of their report which focuses on the villages that were resettled after the war. The full report is available at the Guam Department of Parks and Recreation.
## Villages relocated after World War II
**Resettlement Village Histories**
Throughout the 19th century, northern Guam had always had about five times more residents than did southern Guam, largely due to the population concentrated in [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), and in the 20th century, the north continued to support many more people than the south.
The first three decades of American rule saw slow growth in Guam’s population in all the villages, recovering from several devastating epidemics in the 1800s. In 1901 the island had 9,676 persons, and in 1910 the population had increased to 11,806. In 1920 it had grown to about 13,500 and in 1930 it was 18,509.
By the 1920s, eight municipalities had been established by the naval government. These were Hagåtña (which contained present Agana Heights, Barrigada, Chalan-Pago-Ordot, Dededo, Hagåtña, Mangilao, Mongmong-Toto-Maite, Sinajana, Tamuning, and Yigo); Hågat (which contained part of what is presently Sånta Rita-Sumai); Asan; Inalåhan (which contained present-day Talofo’fo’); Malesso’ (which contained present-day Humåtak); Piti; Sumai; and Yona. Thus, of the eight resettlement villages in the present study, only Yona was considered a single municipal entity at this time.
In 1939, Guam’s population of about 22,843 people lived in 15 municipalities. After the war, two municipalities were lost, the land taken by the US military for various facilities. The lost municipalities were Machanao in the northern end of the island, with a dispersed population of 274 in 1940, and Sumai on Orote Peninsula, with nearly 2,000 residents in 1940.
Even greater changes happened in Hagåtña, the most populous of Guam’s municipalities before the war, with about 10,000 residents in 1940. Declared off-limits to resettlement, former Hagåtña residents moved into the areas where they had maintained *lanchos* (ranches) before the war, especially Agana Heights, Sinajana, and Barrigada.
Just before the outbreak of World War II, in 1939 Guam’s population had risen to 22,843. Among the resettlement villages for which separate populations were distinguished in 1939, Hågat had 1,126 persons; Barrigada 724; Dededo 1,529; Sinajana 1,180; Talofo’fo’ 512; and, Yona, 720.
As noted above, these villages had undergone considerable changes in population by 1950. In 1946 the totals were: Hågat and Sånta Rita-Sumai combined (reflecting the loss of Sumai) 2,620; Barrigada 3,231; Dededo (with Tamuning) 1,818; Sinajana (reflecting displaced Hagåtña residents) 7,547; Talo’fo’fo 726; and, Yona 1,156.
Following the war, the resettlement process increased the population totals in several villages without upsetting the steady increase. However, Hagåtña, unlike Guam’s other villages, was radically depopulated after the war. Accordingly, the percent population decrease in Hagåtña from 1940 to 1950 was -92.0. In contrast, the percent increase in population over the same decade in Hågat was 338.4, in Barrigada it was 1,218.2, in Dededo it was 438.5, in Sinajana it was 641.8, in Talo’fo’fo it was 100.2, and in Yona it was 111.4.
Each of the eight resettlement villages had undergone the resettlement process according to its own unique socio-cultural, historical, and physical circumstances, just as each individual and family had unique personal experiences during this time. Accordingly, the brief village histories provided here contain a variety of information, not always comparable from one to another. Nonetheless, a shared demographic, economic and political history also unites the villages of Guam.
## Agana Heights
Before the war the area known as Tutujan as well many scattered ranches, some owned by people who maintained residences in Hagåtña, were located where [Agana Heights](http://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/) is now. Coconut palms were abundant in this part of Agana Heights before the war and people in Hagåtña often came to the area (presumably to their ranches) to cut fronds to use as roofing material and for other purposes.
A landmark located in Agana Heights is the Spanish Fort, [Fort Agueda](http://www.guampedia.com/fort-santa-agueda/), also known locally as “Ft. Apugan.” Overlooking Hagåtña, it was used by the Japanese during World War II. The fort has been restored and is now a tourist attraction. *Apugan* in the CHamoru/Chamorro language (native language of Guam) means ashes and refers to the custom of burning fires to help guide canoes into Agaña Bay.
During the immediate resettlement period, the US Island Command headquarters was located in Agana Heights along with a stockade that held Japanese prisoners of war. The stockade was in the vicinity of the present Naval Hospital Guam. Tony Palomo described the stockade:
> A large enclosure, surrounded by a double twelve-foot wire fence…, about a hundred yards from the Island Command headquarters. About fifty tents and two watch towers were built within the enclosure, and an administrative and interrogation office were constructed near the entrance to the stockade.
[War crime trials](http://www.guampedia.com/u-s-navy-war-crimes-trials-on-guam/) were held in Agana Heights after the war, and the court and the stockade were closed in 1949. The navy governor’s house was located in the present naval hospital area as was the armed forces radio station. On Apugan and Tutujan, above Hagåtña, US Navy and Marine Corps officers and enlisted men assigned to work for civilian affairs pitched their tents and commuted daily between Hagåtña and their camp site.
The Catholic Church in Agana Heights, Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament, was the first modern concrete church to be built on Guam after the war. It had a tin roof and ifil wood inside. One of the first baseball fields was built in Agana Heights. The Elks’ Club and the Scottish Rite Temple in Agana Heights were first built in the 1950s.
## Hågat
Before the war, [Hågat’s](http://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) population lived in the area now known as old Hågat. In 1939, the village had a population of 1,126 people. They lived in the village and farmed outlying areas including Fena. The Catholic church, Mt. Carmel, was located on the site of the present-day 76 gas station. Across the street from the small Spanish-style, stone-based church was the public elementary school, built on land donated by Catholic Bishop Elias. The old cemetery is situated on the shoreline south of the former school, where the Togcha River presently debouches. On the beach just north of the old cemetery was the only public bathroom in Hågat before the war. It was on land owned by the Carbullido family. When the Japanese took over in 1941, soldiers lived in the Carbullidos’ house. The shoreline from the Namo toward Nimitz Beach is called Salinas, from the pre-war custom of making sea salt by boiling. The process was carried out in little shacks along the beach.
After the war, several parts of Hågat were taken by the military government and utilized for various purposes. In the summer of 1944 a refugee camp was created at Camp Bright, on Orote Peninsula and along the shoreline north of Hågat. A few weeks later the people at Camp Bright were moved to the Gaan Point area where they built A-frame houses with one or two rooms from a variety of materials.
For example, supports were posts cut from [*ifit*](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-trees-ifit/) (Intsia bijuga), *gagu* (Casuarina equisetifolia) and other trees, coconut tree trunks, and old telephone poles. Roofs and sometimes the walls were woven coconut fronds or pandanus. Some of the houses had walls of rough lumber and scrap wood, referred to locally as “*dunnage* lumber,” obtained from military shipping pallets. The houses were laid out in rows in three residential sections. Floors were elevated about two feet off the ground, and there was no plumbing.
Gaan Point camp was occupied from 1944 to 1946. Various government facilities were built at the camp, closer to the shore than the houses. There was a school and a church and a long building that had a dispensary at one end and government offices at the other. One of these offices was that of the “time keeper,” who kept track of government workers’ hours; many people worked for the military at this time. Three laundries, one for each of the three camp sections, were located near the government offices. The navy put up latrines near the beach in what is now called a pillbox, one for women and one for men. Former Mayor Tony Babauta recalled that because the latrine was so far from the houses, it was next to impossible to reach it in time when one had diarrhea, and many suffered from that affliction then.
When Typhoon Querida was about to hit Guam, the people at Gaan Point were bused to safety to what was called Base 18 in Apra Heights. Not all the houses at Gaan Point were destroyed by Querida, but by then the block system was being laid out. Village commissioners decided which family would be assigned to a given lot.
Other military facilities created in the area after the war include the US Naval Supply Depot, which took up vast areas of land around [Apra Harbor](http://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/) and Sumai, and military encampments at the present Nimitz Beach and by the present Seventh-Day Adventist Church on the inland side of Route. 2. The supply depot employed many civilians from Hågat and Sumai early in the postwar period.
Later, to accommodate thousands of Filipino laborers working on military construction projects,[ Camp Roxas](http://www.guampedia.com/filipino-migration-to-guam-1945-1975/) was built adjacent to Naval Station, on land formerly owned by the Bordallo family. The camp was abandoned in the 1950s, but many of the Filipinos who had lived at Camp Roxas became American citizens and eventually built homes in the old Hågat area, where their families live today.
The construction and expansion of the naval magazine at [Fena](http://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/) and the building of Fena reservoir, took much of the farming and collecting areas that had been used by Hågat families before the war.
Island Commander, Marine Major Gen. [Henry L. Larsen](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-henry-larsen/), and the City Planning Commission devised a plan for the rebuilding of Hågat. The plan was reported in an illustrated article in the *Navy News* Sunday supplement on 10 February 1946. In the article, Hågat was to be “the first village to be reconstructed under the plans to rebuild Guam.” A 180-acre tract of land in New Hågat “opposite the site of the existing village” was to be used, and three house designs were suggested, “designed objectively for Guamanians” by Navy Commander Allan T. Squire. According to the announcement in the *Navy Times*, these houses would be built as models.
The “Type A” model house was a simple tin-roofed wood frame house without indoor plumbing, estimated to cost between $700 and $1,350. “House Type B’ was a typhoon-proof house built of concrete blocks and concrete slab roofing, with indoor plumbing and estimated to cost between $1,700 and $2,400. “House Type C” was to be larger, also typhoon-proof, built of concrete blocks and wood with a concrete floor with indoor plumbing and estimated to cost between $1,800 and $2,700.
A large plaza overlooking the ocean was planned for New Hågat as well; the plaza would contain buildings to house a bank, post office, commissioner’s office, dispensary, library, primary school for 300 pupils and auditorium/municipal hall; stores would include a barber shop, beauty shop, cobbler shop, bakery, general provisions, and restaurant with bus terminal; even an outdoor theater, to be built with private funds, was included in the plan. The houses were to be financed through loans made with the Bank of Guam (then run by the Navy), amounting to about 60 percent of the total cost of house and lot; loans were to be amortized over five to twelve years.
Typhoon Querida struck in September of 1946 and many of these plans were shelved.
The *Navy News* article stated that road construction in New Hågat had begun and that lots could be allocated within four-to-six weeks. The lot allocation system would give priority to Old Hågat residents and those who had owned land in the 180-acre tract.
In the grid-like layout of New Hågat, which was typical of the military housing designs beginning with the first refugee camps, a series of twenty-nine blocks was created on relatively flat land on the inland side of Rt. 2, formerly known as Cereen Street. Individual lots within the blocks were numbered and were assigned to families by the village commissioners (generally the same individuals who had been in office prior to the war). Family members tended to request adjacent lots, perpetuating the pre-war village residence pattern (possibly an even older cultural preference) wherein the dwellings of extended families tended to cluster in space, forming compounds.
During the 1950s, people were building houses using a variety of means, including private contractors (some from the ranks of skilled carpenters and masons brought from the Philippines to work on government projects) and family members and friends with carpentry skills. There were three construction contractors operating in Hågat in the 1950s: Lapid, Quitugua and Samar. These houses were small, single-storey, flat-roofed concrete structures, to which people could add over time as their means permitted.
## Barrigada
In 1940 [Barrigada](http://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) was an agricultural area and had a population of 875 people who lived in widely dispersed farms. At that time, Barrigada’s church, school, and Guam’s first drilled well, with a concrete water reservoir, were located on the road (Route 8 ) that now leads to the former Navy golf course in the area known as Radio Barrigada.
In mid-1943, farmlands in Barrigada, as elsewhere in Guam, were taken over by the WWII Japanese government, to grow food crops for Japanese soldiers. Farms were opened or expanded around schools, where the teachers and students labored to increase vegetable production. There was a garden around the Barrigada School where beans, yams, breadfruit, and coconuts were planted. Throughout the war, many families stayed on their ranches in Barrigada, where they managed to eke out a living from the land.
During the resettlement period, Barrigada’s population increased from its pre-war figures. This was largely due to the fact that some of Hagåtña’s pre-war population moved to this village, in part because they probably had ranches in this area before the war. The population increased from 875 people in 1940 to 3,231 in 1946, a 270 percent increase.
At first people returned to the area where they had been before the war, in the area now known as Radio Barrigada. During the immediate resettlement period, people constructed shelters from a combination of salvaged and local materials.
In addition to homes, a number of small businesses, including stores and restaurants, were built along the road (now called Route 8). However, as the military took land for military facilities, a golf course, and the antenna field, displaced people settled within the area around the present San Vicente Catholic Church and the mayor’s office. In this area the navy laid out new streets and lots.
Although the navy intended to condemn all of the land in Old Barrigada, some local families persuaded the navy to let them retain some of their land.
The first San Vicente Church, built of wood, was dedicated on 13 April 1947. To cover the cost of building the wooden church, the people of Barrigada raised funds, the village men donated labor, and the women cooked and fed them. This wooden structure was later replaced by a modern concrete structure.
In 1948 private land in parts of Old Barrigada, adjacent to what is now known as Radio Barrigada, part of the Navy’s communications facility was released back to private owners, but much of the former farm land was retained by the government.
## Dededo
Prior to WWII, the village of [Dededo](http://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) proper was located south of its present location near the old San Miguel Brewery on Route 16. In 1940, it had a population of 1,196 including Tamuning.
During the resettlement phase, when the military decided it needed the former village area for Harmon Airfield and associated facilities, they moved the village center to its present location in an area known as Liguan where a few scattered ranches had been located. In this area was built a mayor’s office, fire-station, church (Santa Barbara Catholic Church) and school.
In 1946, the population of Dededo had grown to 1,818 people (including residents of Tamuning).
In addition to Harmon Airfield, with its military dependents’ housing in the Upper and Lower Harmon areas, there were several other military camps in the Dededo area. For example, the army had a military establishment in the area now known as Marbo. Camp Edusa, built adjacent to the Marbo camp, housed the Filipino workers brought to Guam to work on military projects in the 1940s and 1950s. Many of these people stayed on Guam and eventually settled in the Dededo area.
## Sånta Rita-Sumai
Before the war, the area of [Sånta Rita-Sumai](http://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/) was unoccupied and the land was owned primarily by the Bordallo family. The village was built to house the former residents of [Suma](http://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/)i. The farming areas for the Sumai residents were the Atantano River Valley and the Piti area. During WWII, the people of Sumai municipality, the second largest pre-war town on Guam with close to 2,000 people, were forced to evacuate their village on Orote Peninsula.
When the Japanese took over Sumai, the people were told to tear down their houses and move, or rebuild them in Apla, an area was located on the isthmus of Orote Peninsula.
After the recapture of the island in 1944, the Sumai people were initially housed in military tents at Camp Bright (on Orote). From there they were moved to the Hågat Refugee Camp. The refugee camps were established to keep people safe from attacks by armed Japanese stragglers.
Once the US military decided to use the Apla area for military purposes, the displaced people of Sumai were told to move to the village of New Hāgat. However, because of old rivalries with that village, they demanded another location. The military authorities agreed and in 1945 the Sumai people moved to a new village, Sånta Rita-Sumai, which was located up the hill some distance away from Hågat.
About half the people who had lived in Sumai moved to Sånta Rita-Sumai and the other half moved to the [Toto/Mongmong](http://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-to%E2%80%99to-maite%E2%80%99/) area. Those that moved to Sånta Rita-Sumai worked for the navy at Orote Peninsula. Those who moved to the Toto/Mongmong area worked in navy camps in that area. It was the Fifth Field Depot that covered much of the Maite, Mongmong, Toto area in 1944-45. Elephant Quonset huts were erected all along Route 8 (the Hagåtña-Barrigada Road). The workers at Toto stayed in large tents.
Sånta Rita-Sumai was laid out in blocks and lots, although the hilly terrain resulted in less regularity in lot shape than the New Hågat lots. Lots within the blocks were assigned to families by the village commissioners. The hilly terrain was not really suitable for a village site in that there were drainage problems that caused erosion and land slumps.
The first houses built in Sånta Rita-Sumai were duplexes made of scrap lumber, some gathered from the military. Some of the scrap lumber came from military ammunition crates. The navy built a shower and laundry structure for the villagers and fresh water came from a pre-war waterline. The marines had a Quonset-hut office in the village and they were assigned to provide security to the villagers. The first post-war church in Sånta Rita-Sumai, Our Lady of Guadalupe, was also built of scrap lumber and everyone in the village pitched in to help build it.
## Sinajana
Before the war people lived in the [Sinajana](http://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) area and the village had a population of 1,236 in 1940. Most of the houses were on either side of the main road (now known as Route 4), approximately located from the area of the present-day Ace Hardware south to the present-day Butler family buildings. Sinajana used to be a planting/farming area for residents of Hagåtña.
The Catholic Church, St. Jude’s, is located where it has always been. The church was built in this locality so that its steeple could be seen from almost anywhere in the village. After the war, the village developed around the church with the mayor’s office and the fire station built nearby.
During the resettlement period, the population increased so that the village became the largest post-war village with a population of 7,547 in 1946. Part of the reason for the population expansion was the number of Hagåtña families who relocated to Sinajana from 1944 to 1946.
## Talo'fo'fo
Before WWII people lived on scattered ranches in the [Talo’fo’fo](http://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) area. At the time, San Miguel Catholic Church was located in the vicinity of where Notre Dame High School now stands. The pre-war naval government established the village of Talo’fo’fo (formerly included within the Inalåhan District) as an “agricultural community.”
During the resettlement period, a refugee camp was set up in Talo’fo’fo and it accommodated 13 families, comprising 105 people on 11 September 1944. Although the exact location of the camp is unknown, it may have been located in the As Lucas area of Talo’fo’fo. Approximately 142 laborers were brought in and billeted at the camp on 18 September 1944. Bags of drinking water were brought in and latrines were dug, but a shortage of lumber made it difficult to finish the latrines. In 1946, Talo’fo’fo was still considered to be an agricultural area and it had a population of 726.
During the resettlement period the village center was moved to its present location and the navy built a concrete structure to serve as a dispensary. That structure now houses the village mayor’s office, perhaps one of the oldest buildings in the village.
There are still concrete sentry post, entrance gates, and concrete slabs that once formed part of Camp Dealy located in Ipan in 1944-45. The Cruz family now lives in several concrete houses in the Camp Dealy area on Beck Ping Road.
Farther north, in the area now known as Pirate’s Cove, there was a Pilot Rehabilitation Camp, probably called Camp Ethridge. In April 1945 this camp consisted of a beer garden, softball diamonds, volleyball courts, and horseshoe pitching fields. By October 1945, the camp had expanded to include a swimming pool, a basketball court, a theater, picnic areas, and a skeet range. After the camp was abandoned by the military, an Ipan man, Jimmy Cruz, operated a bar called Pirate’s Cove in one of the old wooden buildings. Jeff Pleadwell took over this facility in 1979 after Cruz died, and rebuilt the structure now known as Jeff’s Pirate’s Cove.
## Yona
Pre-war [Yona](http://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo%E2%80%99-na/) residents lived on scattered ranches in the area and coconut plantations were abundant, especially in the area later taken over by the military for Camp Witek. According to Mayor Jose “Pedo” Terlaje, Santiago Leon Guerrero Cruz had a big coconut plantation and oil production facilities (for soap, cooking and medicinal oil) in the area now known as Witek. In 1940, the population of the village was 656. In 1946, the population increased to 1,156.
During the resettlement process, the village center remained near its former location which was near the present-day St. Francis Catholic Church fronting Route 4.
The mayor’s office and a fire-station are located on the opposite side of the street from the church. When the mayor’s office was first set up after the war, it was in a Quonset hut, along with the dispensary.
Camp Witek was located seaward (east) of Route 4 on the elevated portion of Yona proper and it served as a station for members of the First Provisional Marine Brigade and the First Provisional Combat Service Group. The base consisted almost entirely of Quonset huts that housed military personnel and their dependents. At its peak, a total of 3,798 Marines were stationed at Camp Witek. The base was abandoned in 1950. Portions of the camp later served as a housing area for government employees. Eventually the property was returned to its original owners.
In addition to creating the large facility at Camp Witek, the US military partially built, but then abandoned, a large complex of concrete barracks and support facilities at the Torres (Aguilat) property in Yona near today’s Windward Hills Estates and Baza Gardens subdivisions.
Manenggon Concentration Camp, later the Manenggon Refugee Camp, was located along the Ylig River, southwest of Yona proper. Living at the camp in September 1944 were as many as 2,800 Chamorros. The exact date of the camp’s closure is unknown, but one internee, Catalina Baza, claims to have lived at Manenggon approximately three months, which would have been until early October 1944.
***By Micronesian Archaeological Research Services***
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Resettlement Patterns Under American Rule
---
### [Rebuilding from the Destruction of War](https://www.guampedia.com/rebuilding-from-the-ashes-of-war/)
**Published:** May 31, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Post War Guam. The atrocities of World War II had a major impact on the CHamoru people. They had suffered much under Japanese rule and, therefore, were largely appreciative and loyal to the Americans for their liberation from the Japanese. However, after the war, many CHamorus were displaced from their ranches and residences.
**Content:**
# Rebuilding from the Destruction of War
View more images for the Rebuilding from the Destruction of War entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157709119149928/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Post War Guam
The atrocities of World War II had a major impact on the CHamoru/Chamorro people. They had suffered much under Japanese rule and, therefore, were largely appreciative and loyal to the Americans for their liberation from the Japanese. However, after the war, many CHamorus were displaced from their ranches and residences.
The retaking of Guam by the US and the push to end the war allowed for the influx of more than 200,000 US military personnel into Guam. This increase in military also brought many new people to Guam who fell in love with the island and its people and stayed. Some came for business opportunities, or to work with the naval government; others came to entertain the troops. Workers were also brought in from the Philippines and lived in large camps such as Camp Roxas to help rebuild the island. Some of these workers also stayed and began families of their own on Guam.
During the American invasion, the major villages of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) and [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) had been heavily bombed, leaving CHamorus to face a devastated island. Large tracts of land were taken to support the larger US military presence. Sumai was absorbed as part of Naval Station and its residents were placed in the newly established village of [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/). Much of the debris from the bombing of Hagåtña was pushed out into the bay to create what is now the Paseo, where the baseball stadium and CHamoru Village are located. However, many families who had to give up their land were not adequately compensated by the US military; some also refused to accept money in protest of their lost land.
Schools, churches and public administrative buildings were rebuilt and reopened. At the request of the American bishop on Guam, religious sisters from the United States were brought in for the first time to set up schools and assist in the development of the island’s Catholic school system. They also set up convents for young women who wanted a vocation in religious life. The first [Liberation Day](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-liberation-day/) commemorations began as solemn religious affairs but gradually became more celebratory, with parades, carnivals and a Liberation Queen.
Land issues and the struggle for human rights compelled the CHamorus to once again try to gain political control of their island home. A newly appointed Guam Congress struggled with the naval leadership and eventually walked out of session decrying the lack of democracy. A like-minded group of people in Washington DC, the [Institute of Ethnic Affairs](https://www.guampedia.com/institute-of-ethnic-affairs/), helped lobby for the passage of an organic act. President Harry Truman finally signed the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) on 1 August 1950, which solidified Guam’s status as an unincorporated territory, and essentially established the Government of Guam while granting American citizenship to the local CHamoru population.
## Political and Social Change
At the end of World War II, Guam was again placed under the control of the US Navy. Guam remained politically separated from the Northern Mariana Islands, which were placed with Japan’s other Micronesian territories of Palau, Yap, Pohnpei, Kosrae, Chuuk and the Marshall Islands under a United Nations trust to form the US Trust Territory of Pacific Islands (TTPI) to be administered by the US.
By the 1950s, with a new civilian government in place and the end of naval rule, the people of Guam began to forge a new direction towards modernity, urbanization and enjoying the opportunities of an American way of life. The term “Guamanian” reflected a new kind of identity and outlook for the people of Guam, who had survived the atrocities of war. Civilian governors were appointed by the president of the US. However, Cold War politics after World War II increased the US’ strategic and military interest in the region, and so Guam maintained large military bases on different ends of the island.
In 1952, the Territorial College of Guam was established by Governor Carlton Skinner. The college moved to its present location in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/), and became the University of Guam in 1965.
In 1960,[ Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/) was appointed the first CHamoru governor of Guam and served a one-year term. In 1962 President John F. Kennedy lifted the [security clearance](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/) that had restricted entry into Guam since 1941. With this order, the island was opened up for tourism to blossom as an industry. The easing of military restrictions for entering Guam and the establishment of a local, civilian government, made the island an ideal place for people from all over the world to visit, go to school, find jobs or pursue a variety of economic interests.
In 1963, under the second CHamoru [Governor Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), the Guam Tourism Commission was established. The Guam International Airport opened in 1967, and the first flights from Japan via [Pan Am](https://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) arrived on-island. By the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s,[ Tumon Bay](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) became the focus of a new wave of construction for numerous high-rise hotels, condominiums and entertainment venues. Other large housing developments popped up in a construction boom that coincided with Asian economic prosperity of the 1980s. Today, next to the Government of Guam, the tourist industry is the second largest employer of the local population.
On the political front, the end of the 1960s saw the US Congress pass laws allowing gubernatorial elections on Guam, and elections for non-voting congressional representatives for each of the territories. In 1970 Guam elected its first governor, [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/), and in 1972, its first congressional representative, [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/).
## Challenges and the Future
The decades following the war brought new challenges for Guam. With population changes came numerous social, political and economic issues for the local community to face. One such issue was the need to assess and protect CHamoru culture and language. CHamoru language was introduced into school curricula and public building signage. Inspired by other Pacific Islanders, local artists, writers and musicians began exploring ways of including or expressing CHamoru cultural motifs in their works. In some respects, the influx of visitors to Guam and the desire to feature and showcase the island’s unique attributes has advanced the tourist industry and caused a resurgence or renaissance of CHamoru culture and history.
Another challenge has been the strain on local resources with the increase in population. In the 1970s and 1980s, the US had entered into political compacts of free association with the former trust territory islands. The compacts allowed their citizens to enter Guam and the US in search of better education and employment opportunities. While many of these individuals work and pay taxes into the local economy, the federal government has not adequately compensated places like Guam for the impact the compacts have had on the island community.
Unlike these islands, though, Guam’s political status has remained an unresolved issue. Island leaders pursued commonwealth status with the US government throughout the 1980s and 1990s. However, the [Commonwealth Act](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-commonwealth-act/) was never accepted by the US Congress. Since then, the people of Guam have not been able to show a united front on issues of political status or address decolonization and forge a different relationship with the US.
Today, the island must navigate a future that includes a large military buildup that has the potential for significant economic, environmental and social benefits and impacts on the people, the landscape of Guam and the rest of the Mariana Islands. If history has revealed anything, however, it is that the people of Guam are resilient even in the face of such formidable challenges, but also, that they cannot afford to forget the lessons of the past when deciding the future of our island.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/ "Dominica Tolentino")
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII
**Tags:** Rebuilding from the Destruction of War
---
### [Rita Franquez](https://www.guampedia.com/rita-franquez/)
**Published:** December 9, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Rita Franquez had a short but fruitful role with the Guam Museum. The former teacher was the assistant director of the Guam Public Library in 1991 when Governor Joseph F. Ada signed Executive Order 91-17 which the created a Cultural and Historical Working Committee under the direction of Tony Mariano, the director of the Department of Parks and Recreation.
**Content:**
# Rita Franquez
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Rita Franquez had a short but fruitful role with the [Guam Museum](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-museum/). The former teacher was the assistant director of the [Guam Public Library](http://gpls.guam.gov/) in 1991 when [Governor Joseph F. Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/) signed Executive Order 91-17 which the created a Cultural and Historical Working Committee under the direction of Tony Mariano, the director of the Department of Parks and Recreation.
Franquez, along with the members of the committee, were concerned that the museum needed some serious attention. The collections had far outgrown the small decrepit building at the Plaza de España in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), which had been the home of the museum since 1954. The Guam Museum had been placed under the Guam Pubic Library in 1960.
The Committee hired a museum planner, Mary McCutcheon, of the Smithsonian Institution, to create a comprehensive planning document for a Guam Museum facility. Franquez thought it best to separate the museum from the library as the museum planning document recommended. When the library board rejected this idea, Franquez made her case with Governor Ada, a move that she said made her unpopular among her peers. However, Public Law 21-118, which separates the museum from the library, was signed into law by Ada in 1992.
Ada then moved Franquez to Adelup as a special assistant, where she created a museum exhibit on the upper floor of the multi-level facility. Without using government money, Franquez made the facility work by asking people to contribute their time, knowledge and skills, and even managed to get display furniture donated.
Another notable effort by Franquez was her work to repatriate items from the [Hornbostel](http://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-and-hans-hornbostel/) collection at the [Bernice P. Bishop Museum](http://www.bishopmuseum.org/) in Hawai’i. These artifacts from the Mariana Islands had been at the Bishop Museum since the 1920s. Several crates of artifacts were returned to Guam and were displayed at Adelup. They are now a part of the Guam Museum’s permanent collections.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Rita Franquez
---
### [Umayute’: Divorce](https://www.guampedia.com/umayute-divorce/)
**Published:** November 21, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Divorce. The earliest information known about the Ancient Chamorro/CHamoru style of divorce comes from the notes of Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora.
**Content:**
# Umayute’: Divorce
 Umayute’: Divorce illustration by Raph Unpingco.
#### Table of Contents
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## Divorce
The earliest information known about the Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro style of divorce comes from the notes of [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](http://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/). Zamora was a Spanish Catholic brother who jumped ship on Rota in 1602 in an early attempt to Christianize the CHamoru people and stayed for seven months. He had visited Guam once before in 1594 when he was first assigned to the Philippines, and came back a third time in 1609 on his last trip to Manila from Acapulco and Spain. A Spaniard named Sancho who had been in the Marianas for several months due to a shipwreck helped him to understand the language and the people.
Zamora used his knowledge about the CHamorus for sermons and lectures once he returned to Spain. Among Pobre’s accounts was one concerned with a woman’s decision to divorce her husband:
> When a man and woman marry and live together in a house, although they may have been married twenty or thirty years, if the husband is unfaithful to his wife, or takes a mistress, and if it should anger his wife, she will leave the house, taking the children and all the household furniture and effects, and will go to the house of her parents or of other relations where she will remain. During all this time, the children will not acknowledge their father, even though he might pass very close to them. Before the wife will return to the husband, his relatives will have to go to great lengths because it is easier to obtain the husband’s pardon since this sin is considered less serious for the women than for the men.
Other early accounts by [Luis de Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/luis-de-torres/), a government officer of CHamoru-Spanish descent, as told to French scientist [Louis Claude de Freycinet](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) who visited Guam in 1819 say that if a husband committed adultery, the wife and her family had the right to kill her unfaithful husband. But what she was more likely to do was gather her friends who adorned themselves as men and made fun of the man. The wife and her friends might destroy the man’s garden and house and had the right to do so as well as take his possessions as these items were given to the woman when she married.
If a wife committed adultery, however, the penalties were less severe. The husband’s relatives would usually insist that he forgive her though he may have lost status for doing so. If he chose to banish her for having an affair he could not take the children from her. The children belonged to the mother.
[Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](http://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) started a Catholic mission on Guam in 1668 and the conversion of the CHamorus to Christianity began. Once conversion took place Catholic rules regarding matrimony became the norm.
Though discouraged by the church, CHamorus still divorced or at least stopped living together if for some reason they no longer wished to be together. However, the cultural practice of the children belonging to the woman remains today, for the most part.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Marriage, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Umayute’: Divorce
---
### [WWII Profiles of Officers in Command](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-profiles-of-officers-in-command/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** These American and Japanese men led the battle for Guam in 1944. Admiral Chester W. Nimitz, US Navy. Lt. General Takeshi Takashina, Imperial Japanese Army.
**Content:**
# WWII Profiles of Officers in Command
#### Table of Contents
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These American and Japanese men led the battle for Guam in 1944.
## Admiral Chester W. Nimitz, US Navy
Admiral Nimitz was Commander in Chief, United States Pacific Fleet at the time of the Liberation of Guam. Born in 1885 in Fredericksburg, Texas, he graduated from the Naval Academy in 1905. He served on various ships in the Pacific and was once court-martialed for running the Decatur aground. Prior to his appointment as CinCPac, Nimitz was in charge of the Bureau of Navigation in Washington, DC. On 31 December 1941 he assumed command of the Pacific Fleet. He commanded the Fleet until the end of the war. At the end of the war, his headquarters was at Fonte Plateau, now called Nimitz Hill, in Guam. He later was promoted to Fleet Admiral and served as Chief of Naval Operations. He died in 1966 and is buried in Golden Gate National Cemetery in San Francisco.
## Admiral Raymond A. Spruance, US Navy
[  ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/80-G-225341-Spruance_768.jpg)
Admiral Spruance was Commander, Fifth Fleet at the time of the Liberation of Guam. Thus, he commanded the US Navy ships offshore of Guam and in the Battle of the Philippine Sea. Born in 1886 in Baltimore, he graduated from the Naval Academy in 1907. He served on several battleships with his first command being the destroyer Bainbridge. At war’s beginning, he was in command of a cruiser squadron. Spruance was then in charge of the US Navy forces at the Battle of Midway. Later he alternated the command of the fleet with Admiral Halsey. After the war, he became Commander of the Pacific Fleet, later ambassador to the Philippine and died in 1969.
## Vice Admiral Richmond K. Turner, US Navy
Admiral Turner was Commander Joint Expeditionary Force, and thus responsible for taking the three principal Mariana islands invaded. Born in 1885, he graduated from the Naval Academy in 1908. Turner was a gunnery officer in the First World War, qualified as a naval aviator in 1927, and at the time of the Pearl Harbor attack was director of the War Plans Division of the Navy Department. In 1942, Turner was appointed commander of the Amphibious Force of the Pacific Fleet. His first assault was the invasion of Guadalcanal. He later directed American attacks in the Solomons, Gilberts, Marshalls, Marianas, Iwo Jima, and Okinawa. He was promoted to admiral in 1945, retired in 1947, and died in 1961.
## Lt.General Holland M. Smith, US Marine Corps
General Smith was in charge of all American troops ashore in the invasion of the Mariana Islands. He was born in 1882 and in the years prior to the war was director of operations and training at Headquarters, Marine Corps, Washington. In August 1942, Smith assumed command of the Amphibious Corps, Pacific Fleet, later re-designated V Amphibious Corps, Thus, Smith directed the landings in the Marshalls and the Marianas. Smith later commanded the Fleet Marine Force, Pacific and the Training and Replacement Command at Camp Pendleton. He retired in 1946 and died in 1967.
## Rear Admiral Richard L. Conolly, US Navy
Admiral Conolly was commander of the Southern Attack Force, that was responsible for supporting the assault troops on Guam. He was born in 1892 and graduated from the Naval Academy in 1914. Conolly began the war with the rank of captain and served in both Europe and the Pacific. Prior to the Marianas operations, Conolly commanded a major amphibious task force in the invasion of Sicily in 1943 and in the Marshalls. After Guam’s liberation, Conolly played a role at Leyte Gulf and in the liberation of the Philippines. He died in 1962.
[  ](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Richard-Conolly-13b_tpz_768.webp)
## Maj. General Roy S. Geiger, US Marine Corps
General Geiger was commander of the III Amphibious Corps that was assigned the responsibility to land on Guam for the Liberation. He was born in Florida in 1885 and graduated from Stetson University. He was an early marine aviator and commanded a squadron in France in 1918. Between the wars, Geiger commanded aviation squadrons in Central America. In 1942, he commanded all aviation units at Guadalcanal and the I Amphibious Corps in the invasion of Bougainville. After the Guam invasion, Geiger commanded amphibious operations at Peleliu and Okinawa and became the first Marine general lo command an army. He died in 1947.
## Lt. General Takeshi Takashina, Imperial Japanese Army
Lt. General Takashina was commanding general, 29th Division and Southern Marianas Army Group. He arrived on Guam in March 1944 and was responsible for the defense of Guam. He was killed at Fonte, Guam by Marine machine gun fire while in the process of retreating from his command post on 28 July 1944. After the death of Takashina, Obata assumed direct control of the remaining Japanese forces on Guam.
## Lt. General Hideyoshi Obata, Imperial Japanese Army
Lt. General Obata commanded the 31st Army and was responsible for the defense of the Marianas, Bonins and Carolines. His headquarters was on Saipan. However, he was forced to stay on Guam during the invasion of Saipan in June 1944. He supervised the defense of the Marianas from Guam, but left the defense of Guam to Takashina until the death of Takashina. Obata then conducted the defense of northern Guam until he committed suicide at his command post at Mataguac, Yigo, Guam on 11 August 1944 at the current site of the South Pacific Memorial Park.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted, with permission, from *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, published in 1994.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII Profiles of Officers in Command
---
### [We Are Guåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/we-are-guahan/)
**Published:** August 28, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 2006, the United States and Japan signed an agreement known as the Roadmap for Realignment Implementation. This bilateral agreement initially involved the realignment of some 8,600 marines from bases in Okinawa, Japan to the US territory of Guam in what would be the largest military buildup in the region since World War II. In addition to the relocation of marines, land would be needed to accommodate live round weapons training, as well as housing for military personnel, families and laborers.
**Content:**
# We Are Guåhan
#### Table of Contents
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In 2006, the United States and Japan signed an agreement known as the Roadmap for Realignment Implementation. This bilateral agreement initially involved the realignment of some 8,600 marines from bases in Okinawa, Japan to the US territory of Guam in what would be the largest military buildup in the region since [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). In addition to the relocation of marines, land would be needed to accommodate live round weapons training, as well as housing for military personnel, families and laborers.
The military buildup has the potential to impact many different aspects of life on Guam, including culture, society, economy and environment. Although the details of the planned buildup has since evolved in scope and scale—largely because of political maneuvering and contentious discussions of defense budgets in Washington, DC, and protests in Okinawa—the people of Guam have attempted to voice their concerns and positions—both for and against—the buildup and its impact on the island’s future. One of the most vocal groups to emerge contesting the plans of the US-Japan realignment agreement is We Are Guåhan (WAG).
## Draft Environmental Impact Statement and WAG
In November 2009, the Department of Defense (DoD) released a 10,000 page Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS) outlining the plans and anticipated impacts of the proposed military buildup on Guam. A group of community members including mothers, educators, artists, lawyers, business owners, and students collaborated to read through the DEIS and to collect their findings. This group later would come to be known as We Are Guåhan.
For its part the DoD began a public campaign to gather comments about the DEIS and set up several community meetings in different places around the island. The public initially had only 45 days to comment on the DEIS. Eventually, the deadline was extended to give the public a total of 90 days to comment after it became clear that 45 days was too short for the community to read through and digest the extensive volumes of information contained in the DEIS.
To facilitate going through the DEIS, the members of We Are Guåhan, after having read through the document, began sharing fact sheets that summarized information taken from the DEIS at public hearings held by DoD. The fact sheets focused on and highlighted the negative impacts that the proposed military buildup would have on the island, including the destruction of more than seventy acres of coral reef and the construction of a firing range complex on and around [Pågat village,](https://www.guampedia.com/pagat/) an ancient indigenous village and burial site. The group also emphasized the lack of mitigation measures contained in the DEIS to address the significant impacts on Guam’s schools, hospital, traffic and affordable housing.
To ensure that there would be enough local public response to the DEIS, We Are Guåhan organized a DEIS comment drive. More than 10,000 comments were submitted, outlining community concerns and problems with the proposed plan. Through this effort, We Are Guåhan became the most well known activist organization on Guam in opposition to the proposed military buildup.
## Other education and outreach activities
We Are Guåhan’s education and outreach efforts utilize a hands-on approach to understanding the anticipated impacts of the proposed military buildup. The group has organized educational tours to different culturally or ecologically significant areas where the buildup is expected to have the greatest effect. One such tour was to the specific area of coral reef that would be damaged by the Navy’s planned expansion of Apra Harbor to accommodate increased cargo traffic, and another was to Guam’s Northern Aquifer, which supplies most of the water to the northern part of the island. The group also organized a hike series called “Heritage Hikes,” which took hikers to various sites that are part of the history of military land-taking on Guam or were being considered for the site of DoD’s proposed firing range complex.
As public concern over the proposed buildup grew, President Barack Obama was scheduled to make a stopover in Guam at Andersen Air Force Base on his Asia tour in March 2010. In less than three weeks, We Are Guåhan organized a petition campaign, collecting over 11,000 signatures and insisting that President Obama leave the base and enter into the community to address the growing and urgent concerns regarding the military buildup. The White House offered We Are Guåhan 80 base passes to a rally that Obama would hold on base on 22 March 2010. The group organized an event called “We Are Here” to be held outside of the military fence. However, President Obama’s Guam trip was canceled a few days before he was scheduled to arrive.
In April of 2010, We Are Guåhan began creating and distributing the “Grey Papers,” which were summaries of findings made by the DoD and Government of Guam agencies on topics including tourism, affordable housing and schools. The group also created a summary sheet of reasons why the US Environmental Protection Agency rated the DEIS “environmentally unsatisfactory” for the anticipated impacts the proposed military buildup would have on Guam’s drinking water, waste water system and coral reefs. These information sheets were used and referenced by media outlets, public officials and teachers for stories about the military buildup.
The Record of Decision (RoD), a document that authorized the DoD to proceed with its proposal in the EIS, was issued in September 2010. We Are Guåhan held its own ROD rally, ROD standing for “Realize Our Destiny.” The community gathering was held on the lawn of the Ricardo J. Bordallo Governor’s Complex in Adelup, and was visited by various local political candidates, including gubernatorial candidates.
## Save Pågat campaign
Currently, the DoD controls about 37,088 acres or more than twenty-eight percent of the entire island of Guam. When considering areas to locate the firing range complex, the DoD initially identified two alternatives: Pågat village and Sasayan Valley. Because of Pågat’s significance as an ancient CHamoru/Chamorro village site, Guam’s elected officials and the community urged the DoD to leave Pågat alone. However, when DoD released its Final Environmental Impact Statement (FEIS) in July 2010 they maintained their “preferred alternative” of building a firing range complex at Pågat Village. Because of time constraints the DoD was forced to issue its Record of Decision in September 2010, and confirmed again that its “preferred alternative” was the area that included Pågat Village. DoD has tried to define Pågat as a small area that includes the hiking trail, Pågat Cave and the Pågat Arch, but fails to acknowledge that Pågat is a village complex that extends much further, and includes Pågat Point, an area that also has evidence of habitation by Chamorros.
We Are Guåhan, the Guam Preservation Trust and the National Trust for Historic Preservation sued DoD in November 2010 arguing that DoD had failed to consider all “reasonable alternatives” for its firing range complex. We Are Guåhan also initiated a campaign to educate the community on the significance of Pågat Village. This campaign included a number of media appearances, a series of cleanups, bus stop paintings, a newspaper ad, production of t-shirts, and a “sticker up” day. A year later, DoD conceded they were at fault for not considering other alternatives, and agreed to prepare a Supplemental EIS (SEIS).
In July 2011, federal officials met with local officials and visited the ancient Pågat village. We Are Guåhan organized a demonstration to both send a message and to educate the federal visitors on the significance of the area. More than 400 demonstrators surrounded the entrance to the ancient site holding signs, yelling, chanting, and singing. Later that year, We Are Guåhan began planning the production of a short educational film entitled, *We Are Pågat*. This production outlined the importance of the historic village and the efforts to save it.
## Current activities
We Are Guåhan has maintained its commitment to education and outreach with the launch of the Guam Alumni of the Public School System (GAPSS) program in 2011. Since then, the group has awarded approximately 20 scholarships for high school juniors to take the SAT college admission exam.
We Are Guåhan has continued to table the SEIS scoping meetings, and in 2012, launched the Not One More Acre campaign. The purpose of this campaign is to give voice to the community’s opposition to DoD acquiring more land. In 2012, We Are Guåhan’s short film, *We Are Pågat* was selected for the 2012 Guam International Film Festival, and was later featured on Guam’s PBS channel.
As of March 2013, We Are Guåhan has been working on behalf of the Guam community for over three years. With relatively little funding, the group’s programs, actions and events have been run completely through volunteer hours with resources donated by the island community.
***By [Cara Flores-Mays](https://www.guampedia.com/cara-flores-mays/ "Cara Flores-Mays") and [Leevin Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/leevin-camacho/ "Leevin Camacho")***
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, People and Places, Politics and Government, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** We Are Guåhan
---
### [Pacific World War II Timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/pacific-world-war-ii-timeline/)
**Published:** June 10, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Contributed by the War in the Pacific National Historical Park. Images accompanying brief description of WWII events.
**Content:**
 Artwork by Antonelli Q. Salayon of Simon A. Sanchez High School. Featured in the 75th Liberation publication, 2019.
# Pacific World War II Timeline
**Editor’s note:** Contributed by the War in the Pacific National Historical Park. Photos from the Micronesian Area Research Center, National Archives, Naval History and Heritage Command, The Japan Times, War in the Pacific, and Wikimedia Commons collections. Download the timeline for more information on the images **[here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Pacific-WWII-Timeline-Downloadable.pdf).**
#### Timeline
##### Share This
## 1940
26 July 1940
Relations between Japan and the United States deteriorate as America initiates first trade embargo on war-related goods to the Asian nation. Image information: *Hull, Nomura, and Kurusu*.
[](https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hull,_Nomura_and_Kurusu_on_7_December_1941.jpg)
27 July 1940
Japan declares the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere concept desiring to ensure its dominance in Asia and the Pacific and its ability to take raw materials from its neighbors. Japan’s determination to realize the concept through a policy of expansion through aggression would lead to direct conflict with numerous nations, particularly the United States and Britain. Image information: *Map of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere 1941*.
[](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_Greater_East_Asia_Co-Prosperity_Sphere_1941.jpg)
## 1941
17 October 1941
US Navy dependents and civilians are evacuated by US Navy Captain George Johnson McMillin. They boarded the USS Henderson for [Hawai’i](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-hawaii/ "POP Cultures: Hawai’i"). Image information: *USS Henderson*.
7 December 1941
Aircraft of the Japanese navy launch a surprise strike on US military facilities on Oahu, Hawai'i. The attack cripples the navy at [Pearl Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorus-die-in-pearl-harbor-bombing/ "CHamorus Die in Pearl Harbor Bombing") as the US is thrust into World War II. Killed were more than 2,500 Americans, 21 warships were either destroyed or damaged, 169 aircraft demolished. The attack and others nearly simultaneous across the Pacific, including [Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-rising-sun-dawns-on-guam/ "WWII: Rising Sun Dawns on Guam"), and Asia would eventually net Japan an empire of more than 20 million square miles. Image information: *USS SHAW Exploding During the Japanese Raid on Pearl Harbor*.
8 December 1941
Across the dateline and shortly after the Pearl Harbor attack, Japanese dive-bombers from bases in [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI"), the [Marshalls](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls"), and Formosa, strike Guam, [Wake Island](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-45-chamorros-caught-in-wake-invasion/ "WWII: 45 CHamorus Caught in Wake Invasion"), and the Philippines. On this day in the US mainland, President Roosevelt, elected 5 November, describes the attack on Pearl Harbor as “a date which will live in infamy.” US formally declares war on Japan as do Canada and Great Britain. Image information: *Japanese Offensive, December 1941*.
9 December 1941
Japanese aircraft return to Guam to bomb and strike [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"), [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/ "Sumai (Sumay)") and other villages. Image information: *A 6 M 2 Zeros Japanese Empire During World War Two*.
10 December 1941
In the darkness of early morning, troops of Japan’s South Seas Detachment invade Guam; one group of 400 soldiers lands at Dungca’s Beach in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/ "Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom)"), other units, totaling 5,500, come ashore south of [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat") village, at Togcha and at Tumon. After a brief but futile firefight at the Plaza de España between the Guam Insular Guard and the detachment, Capt. George McMillion, naval governor of Guam, surrenders the island to the Japanese about 7 am. Image information: *Invasion of Guam* courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
11 December 1941
Germany and Italy, partners with Japan since the signing of the Tripartite Pact in September 1940, declare war on the United States. The United States answers in kind. Image information: *Signing Ceremony of the Tripartite Pact of the Axis Powers*.
23 December 1941
On 23 December, after repulsing an initial Japanese landing on 11 December, US sailors, Marines and others surrender [Wake Island](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-45-chamorros-caught-in-wake-invasion/). Forty-Five CHamorus/Chamorros participate in the island’s defense; 10 of those die in the 12 day siege. Initial Japanese force receives support by some ships and aircraft involved in the 7 December attack on Pearl Harbor. On Christmas Day the Japanese capture Hong Kong. Image information: *Wake Island Attack*.
## 1942
10 January 1942
American military and civilian personnel, Navy nurses, as well as American and Spanish priests on Guam are forced to march to Piti and board the ship Argentina Maru. Their destination: [Prisoner of war](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-prisoners-of-war-sent-to-japan/) camps in Japan. Image information: *Argentina Maru Brazil Maru*.
17 March 1942
General Douglas MacArthur, ordered by President Roosevelt to leave the Philippines 11 March evades capture by Japanese forces and arrives in Australia. There, he makes a vow and one of the war’s most famous declarations: "I came through and I shall return." Image information: *General Douglas MacArthur and His Chief of Staff Major General Sutherland*.
30 March 1942
President Roosevelt appoints MacArthur as Supreme Commander Southwest Pacific Area and Admiral Chester W. Nimitz as Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Ocean Area. Image information: *MacArthur and Nimitz*.
9 April 1942
American and Filipino forces on Battan surrender to the Japanese army under General Homma Masaharu. The “Bataan Death March” begins. About 76,000 American and Filipino survivors are forced to march 60 miles to POW camps. As so many are in a weakened and starved state, 5,000 perish; still more die in the camps. Image information: *March of Death* from WAPA.
18 April 1942
Launched from the carrier Hornet, 16 B-25 Mitchell bombers, commanded by Lt. Col Jimmy Doolittle, attack military facilities in several Japanese cities. The air strike uplifts America from coast to coast, as the nation is still in shock from Pearl Harbor and the reality of war. Image information: *Doolittle Raid on Japan, 18 April 1942*.
6 May 1942
With the island fortress of Corregidor succumbing to the siege by the Japanese Imperial army, General Jonathan Wainwright, commander of US and Filipino soldiers in the place of MacArthur, surrenders. The Philippines falls. Image information: *Philippine Invasion, 1941-1942*.
3-6 June 1942
US Navy carriers under Admiral Nimitz confront carriers of a fleet commanded by Japan’s Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto in the Battle of Midway. After an initial Japanese air strike on Midday Island, US Navy pilots seize the advantage when they catch Japanese aircraft on carrier decks fueling and rearming. At battle’s end, sunk are the Japanese carriers Kaga, Soryu, Hiryu, and the Akagi. Although the Yorktown sinks following the battle, the US victory would prove to be a critical turning point of the war in the Pacific. Image information: *Battle of Midway, June 1942*.
22 June 1942
Trying to push southward to extend its battle lines closer to [Australia](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-australia/ "POP Cultures: Australia"), Japan begins its [Papua](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea") campaign with the objective of capturing Port Moresby. Soldiers attempt overland route through extremely dense jungle and rough terrain. Image information: *Efogi North, Papua, 1942*.
7 August 1942
In first US amphibious operation of war, the 1st Marine Division lands at Guadalcanal, the largest island of the [Solomons](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-solomon-islands/ "POP Cultures: Solomon Islands"). Unveiled is the tactical blueprint for taking the war through the Pacific to Japan; a landing force attacks as aircraft and naval gunfire, in close support, strike at enemy ground forces. The Japanese, after months of bitter fighting, withdraw from Guadalcanal in February 1943. Image information: *Guadalcanal-Tulagi Operation, August 1942*.
12-13 November 1942
Naval forces collide in the sea battle of Guadalcanal. The Japanese battleships Hiei and Kirishima are sunk. The sinking follow those of the Japanese carrier Ryujo on 24 August, and the American carriers Wasp, on 15 September and the Hornet on 27 October. Though losing ships, the US accomplishes a strategic victory as the battle demonstrates the Japanese inability to resupply or reinforce troops at Guadalcanal. Image information: *Naval Battle of Guadalcanal, 12-15 November 1942*.
## 1943
22 January 1943
At Buna and Gona in [New Guinea](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea"), US and Australian troops catch Japanese forces in retreat from a failed campaign to take Port Moresby. The Allied counter attack ends the Japanese threat to Australia; the victory is the first decisive triumph on land for the Allies in the Pacific. Image information: *Porters on Muddy Track, Buna*.
30 May 1943
US forces land and retake Attu, in the far western Aleutian islands, from the Japanese, who occupied the island and nearby Kiska since 7 June 1942. (Kiska was taken 15 August 1943 without a battle because Japanese had evacuated secretly under the cover of fog more than two weeks earlier.) Image information: *Attu Invasion, May 1943*.
30 June 1943
With the Navy securing control of the Bismarck Sea in March, MacArthur, landing in [New Guinea](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea"), and Admiral William “Bull” Halsey, his forces coming ashore in the eastern [Solomons](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-solomon-islands/ "POP Cultures: Solomon Islands"), put into motion Operation Cartwheel. The operation, which establishes airfields from which to bomb the major Japanese base of Rabaul, takes months to accomplish but dooms the base. Image information: *New Guinea*.
1 November 1943
Still trying to isolate Rabaul, US forces under Halsey invade [Bougainville](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/); among the units involved is the 3rd Marine Division, destined to invade Guam. Securing Bougainville takes until April 1944 but the operation sustains US superiority in the region. Image information: *South Pacific Force*.
20 November 1943
Nimitiz begins “island-hopping” in the central Pacific through [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia"). The 2nd Marine Division invades heavily fortified Tarawa, and the Army’s 27th Infantry Division lands on Main (both part of [Kiribati](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-kiribati/ "POP Cultures: Kiribati"), formerly the Gilbert Islands). The battles in this eastern-most part of the Micronesian Region are costly; while only 60 men were killed at tiny Makin, 1,056 die in 76 hours of fierce fighting at Tarawa. Future invasions, in the [Marshalls](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls") and Marianas, feature better intelligence, better ship-to-shore transfer of troops, equipment and supplies. Image information: *Adm. Nimitz and Men Inspect Betio Island, 17 November 1943*.
26 December 1943
Forces under MacArthur achieve landings at New Britain in the [Bismarck archipelago](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea"). From there, MacArthur begins to secure the western [Solomons](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-solomon-islands/ "POP Cultures: Solomon Islands"), New Guinea, and eventually the Philippines. With the operations of MacArthur and Halsey complementing each other in the southwest Pacific, the Allies mount another offensive to nearly parallel Nimitz’s path through the central Pacific toward Japan. Image information: *Cape Gloucester Invasion, December 1943*.
## 1944
1 February 1944
The drive by US forces through [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") and the central Pacific continues. In the Marshall Islands, the 4th Marine Division and the Army’s 7th Infantry Division attack Japanese forces on Kwajalein and on Roi Namur. Also invaded and captured is Majuro, the atoll which is the present day capital of the [Republic of the Marshall Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-marshalls/ "POP Cultures: Marshalls"). The costly lessons of Tarawa pay off; only 334 men are killed in the landings. Image information: *Marshall Islands Campaign, January-February 1944*.
7 February - 7 March 1944
US campaign seizes the Admiralty islands north of [Papua New Guinea](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea"). US forces now greatly hinder Japanese supply lines from Rabaul in the south Pacific to Truk (now Chuuk, [Federated States of Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/ "POP Cultures: Federated States of Micronesia")), Japan’s major naval base in the central Pacific. The path is clear for the capture of the Marianas. Image information: *Admiralties Invasion, 1944*.
17-18 February 1944
Borne by carriers of the fleet of Admiral Marc Mitscher, Navy aircraft conduct a series of raids on [Chuuk](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-fsm/), a major Japanese naval installation in the western Pacific. One raid was the first nighttime bombing mission by the Navy. Japanese losses from the raids are heavy; 275 aircraft, 10 ships and 31 merchant ships. Ship tonnage lost - 200,000 tons - was the highest in the war for a single action. Image information: [*Truk Raid*](https://www.history.navy.mil/content/history/nhhc/our-collections/photography/numerical-list-of-images/nara-series/80-g/80-G-210000/80-G-217624.html).
19 February 1944
US forces under Nimitz continue westward through [Micronesia](https://www.guampedia.com/people-of-pacific-cultures/people-of-micronesia/ "POP Cultures: People of Micronesia") toward Japan. Another atoll is taken when Eniwetok is invaded and taken by the 2nd Marine Division. More than 250 men are killed, light when compared to Tarawa. Image information: *Eniwetok Operation, February 1944*.
23 February 1944
US carriers carry on their program of destruction, this time their pilots unleashing their firepower in raids on the [Marianas](https://www.guampedia.com/marianas-pathway/ "Marianas Pathway"). US Navy pilots down 168 aircraft and sink two freighters while losing only six aircraft. Image information: *Marianas Operation, June 1944*.
15 June 1944
The 2nd and 4th Marine Divisions land on [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI") in the Marianas, beginning the first battle fought in Japan’s inner defense line. US forces find fighting extremely difficult against a Japanese enemy growing desperate. Americans complete capture of Saipan on 9 July. Image information: *Wreckage in Garapan, Saipan*, courtesy of WAPA.
19-20 June 1944
West of the [Mariana islands](https://www.guampedia.com/marianas-pathway/ "Marianas Pathway"), the naval Battle of the Philippine Sea is joined when the US fleet of Admiral Mitscher intercepts the Japanese fleet of Vice Admiral Jisaburo Ozawa. Ozawa’s force is rushing to catch the American invasion force on the beaches of Saipan. In what would be called “The Great Marianas Turkey Shoot”, US carrier pilots destroy more than 400 enemy plans, sink a carrier and other vessels. Mitscher’s two subs join in the devastating defeat of the Japanese force by sinking two carriers. American losses were more than 100 aircraft and slight damage to the battleship South Dakota. Image information: *Battle of the Philippine Sea, June 1944*.
21 July 1944
More than two and half years after [Pearl Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorus-die-in-pearl-harbor-bombing/), the US returns to Guam to [liberate](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/ "WWII: From Occupation to Liberation") the island from Japan. Confronted by intense fire from Japanese defenders, the 3rd Marine Division lands at [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/ "Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)"), and to the south, the 1st Provisional Marine Brigade, followed by the Army’s 77th Infantry Division, goes ashore on the beaches in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat"). Image information: *Marines Pinned Down (USMC #87283)*.
24 July 1944
Three days after US forces land on [Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-from-occupation-to-liberation/ "WWII: From Occupation to Liberation"), and using [Saipan](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-cnmi/ "POP Cultures: CNMI") as a staging area, the 4th Marine Division invades Tinian. Feigning a landing on the beaches near the island’s town, the Marines instead establish a beachhead at an undefended spot in the island’s northwest, a spot thought to be too small by the Japanese defenders for an invasion force. The landing’s success led to the island being declared secure eight days later. Image information: *Saipan Invasion, June 1944*.
25-26 July 1944
Unsuccessful in keeping US forces from establishing a beachhead, Japanese forces in Guam counter-attack during the night at [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/ "Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)")-[Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/ "Piti"), but fail. Killed in a series of banzai charges are 3,500 Japanese soldiers. Image information: *Command Post of Agat, 25 July 1944*.
28 July 1944
In Guam, two American invasion forces link up at Mount Tenjo. With the final beach line secured, US troops advance to the north, chasing retreating enemy soldiers. Image information: *March North* from the Micronesian Area Research Center ([MARC](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-guam-micronesian-area-research-center-marc/)).
9 August 1944
The Battle of Aitape in [Papua New Guinea](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-papua-new-guinea/ "POP Cultures: Papua New Guinea") ends after a month of fighting. Unable to capitalize on a breakthrough of Allied lines, Japanese troops under General Adachi Hatazo falter, then are fatally enveloped in a counterattack. More than 10,000 Japanese soldiers perish in the last battle of Papua New Guinea. Image information: *Hollandia, New Guinea, Operation, April 1944*.
10 August 1944
General Roy Geiger declares Guam secure by American forces. Military officials are now tasked with two duties: providing car to war-ravaged island residents and molding Guam as a staging area for naval and air operations against Japan. Image information: *US Marine Barracks, Orote, July 1944*.
15 September 1944
US forces hit another Japanese stronghold, this time [Palau](https://www.guampedia.com/pop-cultures-palau/ "POP Cultures: Palau"). There the 1st Marine Division invades Peleliu and the 81st Infantry Division strikes at Angaur. But the battle of Peleliu continues for weeks and is reminiscent of Tarawa’s heavy fortifications but with a twist - Peleliu possesses caves. At battle’s end, the dead: nearly 1,300 Marines and almost 300 soldiers from units called in to relieve the worn and ragged men of the Corps. Image information: *Angaur Operation, September 1944*.
20 October 1944
MacArthur makes good on his vow to return to the Philippines as four US Army division land at Leyte. By February US forces have landed in Luzon and go on to occupy Manila. Image information: *Invasion of Leyte, October 1944*.
24-25 October 1944
The Battle of Leyte Gulf, comprised of four separate engagements and the largest of the war, results in devastating defeat of the Japanese navy. Four Japanese carriers are sunk as the US solidifies its ability to retake the Philippines. For the first time “kamikazes” - pilots on suicide missions - are send into battle in a desperate attempt to halt the US advance toward Japan. Image information: *Battle of Leyte Gulf, October 1944*.
19 February - 16 March 1944
The siege of Iwo Jima nearly takes a month to complete. The volcanic isle leaves behind a legacy written in blood by the 3rd, 4th, and 5th Marine Divisions; US casualties are 6,800 dead, 20,000 wounded. There are practically no survivors of the 21,000 Japanese defenders. Image information: *Photo Montage of Fifth Marine Division Cemetery on Iwo Jima*.
1 April - 22 June 1944
With American forces nearing the Japanese home islands, the Japanese up the ante at Okinawa. Kamikazes spearhead the defense of the homeland, and nearly 2,000 soar to attack the US fleet supporting the invasion force. It is bloody at battle’s end; 12,500 American troops and 110,000 Japanese dead. Image information: *Okinawa Campaign, March-June 1945*.
## 1945
6 August 1945
Three months after Germany has capitulated to the Allies, US officials desire to end the war quickly and without a bloody invasion of the Japanese homeland. It is decided to utilize a secret and terrible weapon. The “Enola Gay”, a B-29 bomber of the 509th Composite Group based in Tinian, drops the first atomic bomb in history on Hiroshima. Image information: *Hiroshima, Japan*.
9 August 1945
The decision is made to unleash another atomic bomb, this time on Nagasaki. Bock’s car, another B-29 bomber of the 509th Composite Group on Tinian, drops the weapon. In the two atomic bomb detonations, more than 100,000 people perish; still more will die from injuries and radiation. Image information: *A-Bomb Damage in Nagasaki, Japan*.
15 August 1945
In a radio broadcast which was the first public speech by a Japanese emperor, Emperor Hirohito announces the surrender of Japan. Image information: *Emperor Hirohito's Broadcast*, The Japan Times.
2 September 1945
The Japanese formally surrender to the Allied powers in a ceremony aboard the US battleship Missouri in Tokyo Bay. Image information: *Surrender of Japan, Tokyo Bay*.
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Tiempo (Timelines), Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Pacific World War II Timeline
---
### [History of Efforts to Reunify the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-efforts-to-reunify-the-mariana-islands/)
**Published:** August 21, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Partitioning the Mariana Islands at the peace table in Versailles was undoubtedly one of America's greatest foreign policy "Follies." Despite the best advice from naval officers who had been in the region since Commodore Matthew C. Perry opened Japan in 1853, President William McKinley chose to give a portion of America's spoils of war to a European nation that did not even participate in the war.
**Content:**
# History of Efforts to Reunify the Mariana Islands
#### Table of Contents
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**Editor’s note:** Paper presented at the 2nd Marianas History Conference, 31 August 2013, University of Guam, Mangilao. Presented here with permission from the author, with some modifications by Guampedia for length.
> A phenomenon noticeable throughout history regardless of place or period is the pursuit by governments of policies contrary to their own interests.
>
> – Barbara Tuchman, 1984
Barbara Tuchman’s point, made in her book *The March of Folly*, certainly applies to the United State’s decision to acquire only Guam out of the Marianas archipelago as a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898.
Partitioning the Mariana Islands at the peace table in Versailles was undoubtedly one of America’s greatest foreign policy “Follies.” Despite the best advice from naval officers who had been in the region since Commodore Matthew C. Perry opened Japan in 1853, President William McKinley chose to give a portion of America’s spoils of war to a European nation that did not even participate in the war. The decision allowed Japan to capture the Northern Mariana Islands from Germany in 1914, and ultimately to choose war against the US in 1941. Today, the partition costs American taxpayers, in both the Marianas and the mainland, millions of dollars annually to maintain two separate territorial governments for essentially one people—not to mention the price of aggravations created over inter-island commerce and taxation. Significant efforts have been made to reunify the Marianas since that artificial line was drawn through the Rota Channel 115 years ago. Why have they failed? Is reunification still a viable political status option?
## Guam's colonial history under Spain
For 3,000 years before the European “Age of Exploration,” the Indigenous CHamoru/Chamorro existed in the Mariana archipelago as one people, with one language and one cultural heritage—the primary ingredients for nationhood. When Spanish explorer [Miguel Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) visited Guam in 1565, he discovered no valuable exportable natural resources on Guam, but he did find a safe anchorage, food and water on the route to Cathay, China. Recognizing the strategic value of the Marianas, Legazpi claimed not only Guam, but the entire archipelago for Spain.
The Spanish-Catholic *reducción* of the Marianas led to a drastic reduction in the Chamorro population and the temporary abandonment of the islands north of Rota. As a result of the Mexican War of Independence (1810 – 1821) and the end of the Manila Galleon trade, various Marianas governors suggested that the colony be abandoned. However, the Spanish Court decided to maintain a colony, simply to ensure that no other country could take it.
With the rise of the whaling industry in the Pacific, both Guam and Saipan became ports of call for ships needing refitting and resupply. By the mid-1850s, international shipping companies established themselves in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), providing regular and affordable transportation between Guam and the Northern Marianas. Guam Chamorros began moving to Saipan and Tinian. The governor of the Marianas and his administrators established representative government in Saipan, Tinian, and Rota. They enacted one set of regulations and fees for all the commercial ports in the Marianas, and one tax code for all. Businessmen on both sides of the channel enjoyed inexpensive access to all the natural resources of the Marianas. Business grew and the standard of living improved.
## The partitioning of the Mariana Islands
In 1898, after declaring war on Spain to free Cuba from “barbaric rule,” the American Navy overwhelmed the Spanish Navy in the Caribbean and quickly defeated Spanish troops in Cuba and Puerto Rico in what Secretary of State John Hay called a “Splendid Little War.”
In the months that followed, the US Army captured Manila from Spanish forces. After the war, President McKinley and the Republican controlled Congress decided to acquire the Philippine Islands. Because ships of the day could not carry enough coal to steam from Hawai’i to the Philippines, the Navy also captured—and Congress agreed to acquire—Guam with its natural deep water port of Apra Harbor as a coaling station.
Why only Guam? The US had just acquired all the Hawaiian Islands by joint resolution, and now they were proposing to take all the Philippine archipelago. According to the historical record, they took only Guam from among the Marianas because they did not want to appear greedy.
German representatives in Paris had made it clear to American representatives that if the US was not going to take the islands of Spanish Micronesia as a result of the war, then Germany would like to buy them from Spain. Spanish representatives told the American representatives that they were in fact negotiating a deal with the Spanish, depending on what the Americans demanded. When the Senate Foreign Relations committee met to hear the Treaty, Commander RB Bradford represented the US Navy. He recommended taking not only the Marianas, but all the Carolines as well. He used the annexation of Hawai’i as an example:
> Suppose we had but one, and the others were possessed of excellent harbors…\[S\]uppose also the others were in the hands of a commercial rival, with a different form of government and now over\[ly\] friendly. Under these circumstances we should lose all the advantages of isolation.
In other words, it was in the best interest of America to have a unified Marianas.
Yet, knowing that Germany was interested in acquiring more tropical islands for their copra industry, and recognizing the German Kaiser’s need for prestige, McKinley and his senior advisors allowed Germany to complete its deal with Spain over the Caroline Islands. When Germany discovered the US was willing to give up the Northern Marianas as well, they paid Spain some US$4.2 million dollars for the lot.
On 6 February 1899, the Senate voted in favor of ratification of the Treaty of Peace. Spain subsequently ceded Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines to the US. Germany proceeded with its acquisition of the Caroline and Mariana Islands.
## What to do with the new American territory of Guam?
Up to this point in American history, all new territories added to the US had fallen under the principles established by the Land Ordinance of 1785 and the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, which stated that “colonies were but the extensions of the nation, entitled, not as a privilege but by right, to equality.” However, adding a group of distant islands to the US that were inhabited by non-Caucasian, non-English speaking, Catholics was another story. In a series of court cases heard in the US Supreme Court between 1901 and 1904, dubbed the Insular Cases, the new territories acquired from the Spanish-American War were deemed “unincorporated territories” as opposed to “incorporated territories.” The Supreme Court ruled that the US Constitution does not fully apply, and unincorporated territories were not destined for statehood. It also confirmed that the US Congress had plenipotentiary powers over these territories according to Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of the US Constitution, commonly referred to as the Territorial Clause.
Without the opportunity for statehood, there was no guarantee of citizenship. The Treaty of Paris only provided that the “political and civil rights of the native inhabitants will be determined by Congress.” The people of these territories could be ruled as subjects of the US indefinitely, even by the US Navy.
The Mariana Islands and the Chamorro people were politically partitioned between the US Territory of Guam and the German Northern Mariana District. President McKinley designated a US naval officer to become Commander, Naval Station Guam, and Naval Governor of Guam. Captain [Richard P. Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/) arrived at Guam with two companies of US marines to establish and maintain order on Naval Station, Guam, which suddenly comprised not just a coaling station at Apra Harbor, but the entire island. Guam Chamorros began studying the English language and navy law, while the Northern Marianas Chamorros and Carolinians began studying the German language and German law.
## Chamorros under German, Japanese, and US rule
The lack-luster German administration of the Northern Marianas was cut short by World War I. When England declared war on Germany in 1914 and requested its ally Japan to use its navy against German shipping and military outposts in the Pacific, Japan saw an opportunity to vastly expand its Pacific empire at little cost. The Japanese Imperial Navy quickly captured not only the German naval base at Tsingtao, China (now Kiautschou Bay), but also the German Mariana and Caroline islands. All German citizens were gathered and deported to prisoner of war camps in Japan. The Northern Marianas Chamorros and Carolinians quickly found themselves studying the Japanese language and law.
Suddenly, just as Commander Bradford had feared in 1898, a commercial rival had gained control of Micronesia in 1914, surrounding Guam and crossing America’s line of communications to the Philippines territory. All was not necessarily lost, however. Japan announced that its intentions were perfectly honorable and in keeping with its alliance with Great Britain. Japanese Prime Minister Count Shigenobu Okuma addressed a telegram to *The Independent* stating, as premier, that Japan had “no desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any other peoples of anything which they now possess.”
In January 1918 the General Board of the US Navy recommended acquisitions in the Marshalls, Carolines, and Marianas:
> The Marianas were of outstanding importance, because of their proximity to Japan and to the American island \[Guam\]. Their position in the immediate vicinity of Guam is capable of development into submarine bases within supporting distance of Japan, and, in the event of war, this would make their continued possession by that country a perpetual menace to Guam, and to any fleet operations undertaken for the relief of the Philippines.
At the end of the World War I, President Woodrow Wilson personally drafted the Versailles Peace Treaty, especially the section creating the League of Nations. However, because of partisan party politics, the Republican controlled US Senate, led by Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Henry Cabot Lodge, rejected the peace treaty. Therefore, the United States did not become a member of the League of Nations. When Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy subsequently kept their secret pledges to Japan in February 1919, the League awarded a Class C Mandate over German Micronesia to Japan—over President Wilson’s objections. As non-members, America had no voice in the League of Nations.
The US Navy had been quite vociferous about the need to prevent Japan from taking the Marianas. But some important questions should be considered: Could the combined US Fleet have forced the issue? When the Senate failed to ratify the treaty, it had no obligation to the ill-fated organization. Could the same “gunboat diplomacy” wielded by Perry and Roosevelt have produced a split-mandate over Micronesia, with the US taking the Marianas and Japan the rest of German Micronesia? Did America’s failure to ratify the treaty and become a member of the League of Nations doom Japan and the US to a war for control of the Pacific? If the Marianas and Philippines had been fortified, might Japan have decided to choose war with Russia, their age-old enemy in Asia, rather than the US?
As Bradford had feared in 1898 and the General Board in 1918, Japan eventually became less friendly. Japan walked out of the League of Nations in 1933 after a censure vote for their invasion of the Chinese province of Manchuria in 1931, and allowed the last of its treaties with the US to expire in 1936. The Japanese Navy established a base in the natural harbor at Tanapag, Saipan, with supporting airbases on the natural limestone plateaus at As Lito, Saipan, and Hagoi, Tinian. Then, on 8 December 1941, Japanese aircraft from Saipan strafed and bombed Guam in preparation for a December 10 invasion. Thus, Japan reunified the Marianas by force of arms, and the Guam Chamorros soon found themselves studying Japanese language, law and customs.
Japanese naval planners anticipated the problems of establishing a government on Guam, including managing the island’s infrastructure—in particular the power plant, the water system and the communications system—and beginning the assimilation of the Guam Chamorros into the Japanese way of life, just as they had done with Northern Marianas Chamorros. Guam’s public works systems had been constructed by US Navy contractors and were being operated by US Navy military personnel and Chamorro civilian personnel. The obvious solution was to replace the US navy operators with Japanese operators and bring loyal Chamorro-Japanese from the NMI to translate for the Guam Chamorro civilians until they could learn Japanese.
The Chamorros on Saipan, Tinian and Rota who were chosen for these jobs had worked their way up the Japanese civil service ladder to become technicians and police officers since 1914. They had been born and raised during the Japanese administration and wore their uniforms proudly. Because of the lack of private economic development on Guam, many Guamanians had moved to the Northern Marianas after 1922 to take advantage of the bustling Japanese economy there. The Japanese tried to convince the Chamorros that they were better off with the Japanese and predicted that the Americans would never fight for Asia.
In 1936, the US Congress adopted the Philippine Independence Bill, granting independence to the Territory of the Philippines 10 years hence. Following this legislation, the US made little or no effort to develop Guam. Meanwhile the Chamorros in the north were enjoying a much higher standard of living than their counterparts on Guam. Japanese administrators in the Northern Marianas again tried to convince the Chamorros that the Americans would eventually abandon the Marianas. By all outward appearances, the Japanese could demonstrate that they had done a better job of managing the Northern Mariana Islands than the US Navy had done managing Guam. It is no wonder then that when the Chamorro Police from the NMI arrived on Guam, they encouraged their Guam counterparts that it was best to learn how to deal with the Japanese, rather than resist assimilation.
The vast majority of NMI Chamorros who were sent to Guam to work for the Japanese administration were not police officers. Chamorro police were, in fact, only a small handful of the total. The larger number were civil service employees or employees of the Nippon Kokan K. K. (NKK), the company contracted to manage public utilities and economic development. Many of these northern Marianas Chamorros had relatives on Guam. Many were very sympathetic with the Guam Chamorros, providing them with secret information and food.
Yet, it is true that some of the NMI translators, particularly zealous police officers, informed on loyal Chamorro-Americans who were hiding flags or radios. Some Guam Chamorros were executed. Many were beaten. Even at the time of the reunification plebiscite in 1969, twenty-four years after war’s end, many bitter feelings remained. It was undoubtedly a factor in the final vote. (On a similar note, today’s Northern Marianas Chamorro tell stories about how some Guam Chamorros betrayed their roots and “sold their souls” to the Spanish conquest for blood money and prestige, particularly during the last stand at Aguiguan in 1695.)
Operation Forager, the Campaign for the Mariana Islands in June and August 1944, equally destroyed Saipan, Tinian, Rota and Guam. Out of the ashes, the US Navy re-established its naval base in Apra Harbor and established advance naval and air bases on Saipan and Tinian. Guam returned to its prewar status as a US Territory, and the Guam Chamorros began campaigning for self-government and US citizenship. The Chamorros on Saipan began learning the English language, the principles of American democracy, and the workings of modern self-government. The American military established a rudimentary local government in Saipan, via elections.
After the battle ended, the people of the Northern Marianas were amazed at the massive military buildup on Tinian and Saipan. They thought the Japanese had been economically powerful, but the Seabee construction followed by the US Army-Air Force buildup was awe-inspiring. And, much to their relief, the Americans were not the animals portrayed by the Japanese, but some were rather hospitable and generous, especially after the Japanese defeat in September 1945.
## Postwar years, political status and citizenship
No sooner was the war over than the debate began over what would happen to the island captured from Japan. The US military had no doubt about their position: “Those islands belonged to the Japanese before the war and as we captured them they belong to us.” However, the late president Franklin D. Roosevelt had made a pledge to decolonization and self-determination in the Atlantic Charter, which both he and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill had signed in August 1941, before America even entered the war.
After Roosevelt died on 12 April 1945, President Harry Truman stood by the late president’s pledge and, despite the Department of Defense’s opposition, on 18 July 1947, he placed the former Japanese Mandated Islands (Micronesia) into the United Nations trusteeship system, to be administered by the US. In signing the trusteeship agreement, the US recognized that the people of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) had an inherent right to sovereignty, which could only be changed by the free choice of the people of the islands, not through unilateral action by an outside power. The people of Micronesia, including the people of the Northern Mariana Islands, were guaranteed the right to decide on their own what form of government they wanted. They would be able to decide if they wanted to be independent or if they wanted to be associated with another independent country, such as the United States.
At the time, Chamorros from Guam and the Northern Marianas had some liberty to move between the islands, to choose where they wanted to live. Many moved to Guam, Hawai’i, Fiji or elsewhere for education or on-the-job training. They became fluent in English and liked the things Americans enjoyed. They learned about the American form of government and the economy it helped produce. They saw the opportunity to go to school, live, and work in the US. As a result, more people in the Northern Marianas began to think about the possibility of reunifying the Marianas.
They watched closely as the [Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) reopened and petitioned the US Congress for an Organic Act. This would give Guam Chamorros limited US citizenship and self-government. In 1949 the civil affairs administrator for Saipan took the members of the Saipan High Council to Guam to study the activities of the Guam Congress. Upon their return they established a new Saipan Congress, in which the old unicameral High Council became the upper house of a bicameral legislature. Herein, the people of the Northern Marianas began to discuss the political status developments on Guam. Their interest in US citizenship and self-government were heightened when, on 1 August 1950, President Truman signed the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) into law.
By the Organic Act, all federal income taxes paid by residents of Guam were returned to the Government of Guam for operations. This, along with other federal programs, brought about significant progress in the economic and social development of Guam. Residents of Guam could move to the mainland US to seek education or employment. Most importantly, the Organic Act gave the people of Guam US citizenship and limited self-government. The new Guam Legislature, a unicameral body, replaced the old Guam Congress. The Guam Legislature made the laws for Guam, although the governor of Guam, who was appointed by the president of the United States, could veto laws. Despite the limitations, most residents of the Northern Marianas saw this as a great step forward for Guam.
Many people of the Northern Marianas, who had gone to live on Guam, also became US citizens at that time. However, because they were US citizens, they were not allowed to return to their families in the Northern Marianas, unless they renounced their US citizenship and became naturalized trust territory citizens. Those Guam Chamorros who had moved to the Northern Marianas also were not allowed to become US citizens when they tried to return to Guam. The only way to rectify the problem was to have the same political status as Guam—to become US citizens.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the first official statement on political status from the Northern Marianas was a 1950 joint petition from the Saipan House of Council and the House of Commissioners to the first United Nations Visiting Mission. It requested that the Northern Marianas be incorporated into the United States either as a possession or a territory, and that its people be given US citizenship. However, the members of the Visiting Mission advised the people of Saipan that they could not make a political status decision separately from the rest of the TTPI.
The TTPI had been created as one political unit by the US and the United Nations Trusteeship Council. Rules and regulations were organized to serve the same purposes in all Micronesian islands, regardless of population or location, language or culture. There was concern that if Micronesia fractured into a hundred little countries, each would want an equal vote in the United Nations. In light of these factors, no one outside of Micronesia paid much attention to the reunification effort in the Northern Marianas for another decade. Thus, the creation of the TTPI forced the Northern Mariana islanders to associate politically with the rest of the TTPI.
The people of the Northern Marianas were not asked if they wanted to be a part of the TTPI. They had never been asked to be part of Spanish Micronesia, German Micronesia or Japanese Micronesia. Nonetheless, the Northern Mariana Islands and the rest of Micronesia were lumped together as the TTPI, without the people of Micronesia having any say in the matter. The people of the Northern Marianas were politically isolated from the people of Guam by a foreign decision outside of their control.
## The question of Marianas reunification
After 1950, the people of the US territory of Guam steadily advanced in their political and economic development. The people of the Northern Mariana Islands district of the TTPI, however, began to lag behind. The US Navy was building up Guam, while most US military personnel left Saipan and Tinian, other than the navy administrators. The Northern Marianas faced a depressed economy and a dim outlook for the future. When the second UN visiting mission arrived on Saipan on 11 March 1953, they received a petition requesting the physical restoration of war-damaged property, compensation for the occupation of private property from 10 July 1944 to 30 June 1949, and an organic act for the TTPI. However, the other districts of the TTPI were not ready to make a political status decision, and the visiting mission rejected the petition.
In the aftermath of the Popular Party victory in 1957 in both Guam and the Northern Marianas, an unofficial poll on reunification was conducted. The people of Saipan voted 63.8 percent in favor of reunification. The Guam Legislature then adopted Resolution No. 367 requesting the US Congress to incorporate the Northern Marianas within the governmental framework of the territory of Guam. It was adopted on 8 July 1958, and was transmitted to the Northern Marianas and to Washington, DC, on 23 July. It read in part:
> WHEREAS despite this unfortunate and perhaps accidental division of one race, the people of the Marianas have never lost hope that a day will come when all the Chamorros once again will be reunited within a homogenous political and economic union under one governmental administration.
A report by the Saipan Committee on Reunification was published on 5 May 1959. A resolution was then passed by the Saipan Municipal Congress inviting the members of the Guam Legislature to Saipan for a meeting on reunification. From 11 to 14 September 1959, members of the Guam Legislature met with members of the Saipan Congress in Saipan’s Congressional Hall. Speaker Olympio T. Borja of the Saipan Congress and Senator James T. Sablan, chairman of the 5th Guam Legislature’s Select Committee on the Saipan Mission, conducted the meetings. Most of the members of the Saipan Congress were in favor of reunification. On 25 September 1959, the Saipan Congress forwarded Resolution No. 7, modeled after Guam’s Resolution 367, to the United Nations. The resolution requested incorporation of the Mariana Islands within the framework of the US territory of Guam.
Richard Barrett Lowe, the presidentially appointed governor of Guam at the time, wrote to Anthony T. Lausi, director of the Office of Territories, about the resolutions. Lowe advised Lausi that the Department of the Interior should take the position that it had no objection to discussions about an eventual reunification of the Marianas. It was Governor Lowe’s opinion that “if and when the Cold War ends, the ultimate reunification of these islands not only will be advisable, but probably inevitable.”
With a special UN visiting mission scheduled for 1961, an unofficial poll on political status was conducted on Saipan and Tinian on 5 February 1961. Of the 2,847 registered voters, 2,404 cast their ballots. Rota could not participate because at that time it was a separate district of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Registered voters could pick one of three different political status choices. The results of that poll were as follows:
1. Do you desire to become US citizens within the political framework of the government of Guam? (Saipan 1,557 ; Tinian 85)
2. Do you desire to become US citizens by becoming a separate territory of the United States? (Saipan 818; Tinian 57)
3. Do you want to remain in the same status? (Saipan 21; Tinian 6)
The poll showed that the voters were overwhelmingly in favor of gaining US citizenship and some form of permanent affiliation with the US. A significant number wanted a status similar to but separate from Guam. These results were given to the 1961 visiting mission when it arrived. The Carolinian community, however, submitted a resolution in opposition to reunification. Neither position had any effect on the members of the UN mission when they arrived. The mission indicated that certain conditions would have to be met before the Marianas people could join the US: they would have to achieve a greater degree of self-government and economic self-sufficiency, and all the people of Micronesia would have to be ready to choose their political status.
“The Trusteeship Agreement treats the Trust Territory as one single Territory and there is no likelihood of the United Nations considering at the present time any proposal which looks like a premature effort aimed at ‘cessation’ or ‘partition’.”
In essence, they told the people of the Northern Marianas that they should begin working with the other Micronesians toward a joint resolution of political status issues.
Except for Rota, the islands of the Northern Marianas had been under US naval administration since 1953. They were transferred back to the Department of the Interior on 1 July 1962. The Charter of the Mariana Islands District Legislature was adopted on 21 December 1962. During the election for the new Marianas District Legislature, the Popular Party again made reintegration an issue, winning seven of the eleven seats available for Saipan. They proposed that the Northern Marianas be reunited with Guam.
On 30 July 1963, the Saipan Municipal Congress adopted a resolution supporting a previous resolution calling for the political reintegration of the Mariana Islands and Guam. In October 1963 another unofficial plebiscite was conducted, and again, the people voted for reunification. The results were presented to the 1964 UN visiting mission. Not unexpectedly, the mission’s report stated that secession, or separation, was not possible under the trusteeship agreement: “Both the Trusteeship Council and the Administering Authority have made this point clear to the people of Saipan and the question should be regarded as firmly settled,” the report said.
Members of the Guam Legislature visited with the Marianas District Legislature in February 1966 to once again discuss the possibility of reunification. Carlos P. Taitano, speaker of the 8th Guam Legislature, felt that it was important for Guam and the Northern Marianas to reassert their position in favor of reunification. He and other political leaders on Guam wanted the island to become a state of the United States. They felt their chances were better if they had a bigger population and a bigger land area. Reunifying the Marianas would help their cause. Subsequently, the Guam Legislature adopted Resolution No. 177, requesting that the president of the United States reintegrate the Mariana Islands. This resolution was taken to Washington, DC, where they were rejected by both State and Interior representatives.
The issue then was presented to the 1967 UN visiting mission, which concluded that any integration of the Northern Marianas with Guam “cannot be contemplated so long as Micronesia remains a trust Territory.”
On 19 January 1968, the Second Mariana Islands District Legislature adopted a resolution requesting that the US congressional visiting team urge US citizenship for the inhabitants of the Northern Mariana Islands and reunification of the Marianas. Economically and culturally, a reunified Northern Marianas and Guam would help improve the standards of living for the people of the Northern Mariana Islands.
In 1968 the Pacific Conference of Legislators was organized in favor of reintegration. Vicente Santos, president of the Marianas District Legislature, was also head of the Pacific Conference of Legislators. Membership in this conference was offered to members of all the legislative bodies in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. The conference hoped to promote a dialogue in support of reintegration of Guam and the Northern Marianas, or Guam and the TTPI. It was an opportunity for leaders from the 10th Guam Legislature under Speaker Joaquin C. Arriola and the Northern Marianas District Legislature to get together and discuss a common political status goal. At the time, the Democrats (formerly the Popular Party) were in control of the 10th Guam Legislature as well as the Mariana Islands District Legislature. Most of these legislators felt that it was in the best interest of all the people to reintegrate the Marianas.
In August 1969, an organization called Leaders of Guam and Marianas Reintegration Conference was formed in Saipan. Guam Senator William DL Flores was named chairman of the special committee on reintegration. Other members of the committee included Senators George Bamba, James T. Sablan, Joaquin Perez, Florencio Ramirez, Leonardo Paulino, Richard F. Taitano, and Manuel Lujan. The committee was to study the question of reintegration, report their findings to the people of Guam, and conduct public hearings in all the villages of Guam.
Members of the Marianas Reunification Committee from the Northern Marianas worked with the Guam committee. Vicente Santos, Leon T. Camacho, Herman Q. Guerrero, Daniel T. Muna, Francisco M. Diaz, Antonio R. Camacho, Felipe Q. Atalig, and Bernard V. Hofschneider were among the Northern Marianas leaders.
With another UN visiting mission expected to arrive in the TTPI in early 1970, the two organizations decided to conduct a joint referendum on reintegration in November, only two months away.
The committee, in its report to the people of Guam, said the principal motivations of the push for reintegration were political, economic, social, and cultural. The members wanted eventual statehood for Guam. If Guam was expanded to include the Marianas, even the rest of the trust territory, statehood could be achieved much more quickly. A reunified Marianas Islands would also provide greater opportunities for investment, particularly in the tourism industry. The standard of living would be improved. The cultural unity of the Chamorros would be reestablished.
Hurried public hearings were conducted in all the villages of Guam in October 1969. The members of the Guam Legislature’s select committee on reintegration tried to convince the public that reintegration was in Guam’s best interest. At most of these meetings the reaction from the public was favorable. Members of the committee were predicting that the people of Guam would vote in favor of reintegration. If both Guam and the Northern Marianas voted in favor of reintegration, as they expected, the island’s leaders would petition the UN and the US Congress for the separation of the Northern Marianas from the TTPI and reintegration with the US Territory of the Marianas.
The people of Guam voted in a special election conducted on 4 November 1969. The question put to the voters was: “Should all of the islands of the Marianas be politically reintegrated within the framework of the American Territory of Guam, such as a new territory to be known as the Territory of the Marianas?” Voters marked either “Yes” or “No.” The turnout for the election, however, was very low. Only 32 percent of the 20,000 registered voters actually cast ballots. There were 3,720 “No” votes and 2,688 “Yes” votes.
## Reintegration rejected by Guam
Several theories were offered as to why the Guam voters rejected reintegration. One reason given for the poor turnout was that there were no candidates for election, and thus no aggressive drive to get out the vote. Another reason may have been the poor political education process that occurred on Guam. Public hearings were conducted for only one month. Had they begun earlier, more people may have felt more confident about going to the polls. Another reason was that many Guamanians had not forgotten the pro-Japanese actions of a few of the Northern Marianas Chamorro translators and police officers employed by the Japanese. Other Guamanians simply felt that Guam’s money would be diverted to the undeveloped Northern Marianas. Guam did not want to accept the burden of developing the Northern Mariana Islands. Guam at the time was having serious difficulties with its utilities and school system. Some Guamanians were also concerned with protecting their jobs. The wage scale in the Northern Marianas was much lower than that on Guam. The Guamanians feared that Northern Marianas residents might move to Guam to get better paying jobs.
Perhaps, however, the major factor influencing the outcome of the plebiscite was the upcoming 1970 election on Guam. This was to be the island’s first election for governor. The Popular Party, which had dominated politics on Guam since the Organic Act, split three ways. The frontrunner was Speaker of the 10th Guam Legislature [Joaquin C. Arriola](https://www.guampedia.com/joaquin-c-arriola/) and running mate Vicente Bamba, a retired judge and popular former senator, who favored reunification. Another team was formed by Senator[ Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and Senator [Richard F. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/), and another by former governor[ Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/) and his running mate Dr. Antonio C. Yamashita. Although the Bordallo/Taitano team did not openly oppose reunification, a whisper campaign was launched that “a vote for reintegration was a vote for Arriola.” Their supporters were told that if they were really sure about reunification, just do not vote at all. That is why the turnout was so low.
Chamorros in the Northern Mariana Islands were very upset by “the Guam rejection.” They had read positive reports in the *Guam Daily News* about the possibility of a favorable vote. The low voter turnout and the rejection caused many to give up on reunification.
Despite Guam’s rejection, a majority of people in the Northern Marianas still wanted to support reunification at the polls. There were strong hopes among supporters that the Marianas might someday become a state, just like Hawai’i. They felt that reunification would result in a significant increase in economic development. On 9 November 1969, a week after the Guam rejection, the citizens of the Northern Marianas voted strongly in favor of integration. Of the 4,954 registered voters, 3,233 voted in the plebiscite, 65 percent, twice that on Guam. Reintegration received 1,942 votes; freely associated state 1,116; independence 19; unincorporated territory of US 107. There was 1 vote for integration with the US; 5 votes for remaining a trusteeship; 1 vote for unincorporated territory of Japan; 1 vote for integration with Japan; and 40 invalid votes. Ironically, a single write-in vote was cast for commonwealth status. The strong support for the freely associated state came from the Territorial Party, and particularly, from the Carolinian community. The Northern Marianas Carolinians wanted to strengthen their ties with the other Carolinians of Micronesia.
The results of the Guam vote dampened the efforts of the Popular Party to achieve reunification. But other developments had been taking place in the trust territory that would ultimately lead the Northern Mariana Islands down the path to commonwealth. In the final analysis, the Guam rejection turned out to be in the best interest of the Northern Mariana Islands. Because of that rejection, the leadership of the Northern Marianas fought on for their own unique political status that would include a close affiliation with the United States and US citizenship.
## Northern Marianas quest for self-determination
The Congress of Micronesia (the bicameral legislative body for the TTPI) created a political status commission, responsible for studying the political status options available to the people of the TTPI and make recommendations. The Northern Marianas District was ably represented in both houses and on the political status commission. The joint commission recommended independence. However, for the Northern Mariana Islands, independence was exactly the opposite of what they wanted. The great majority of Northern Marianas residents wanted a permanent alliance with the United States and US citizenship. Once again, the Mariana Islands District Legislature adopted a resolution, informing the Congress of Micronesia of its position in favor of integration with Guam.
Talk of independence among the majority of Trust Territory leaders sparked the US Joint Chiefs of Staff to advise the Secretary of Defense in October 1968 that the strategic value of the central Pacific Ocean had not changed, especially in light of the potential need to redeploy American forces to Guam or the TTPI because of the Vietnam War. The Congress of Micronesia Future Political Status Commission met again in July 1969 and “flatly rejected” unincorporated territorial status and adopted a position in favor of free association, which they officially submitted to the Congress of Micronesia. However, the Northern Marianas delegation was able to incorporate in the report that the Congress of Micronesia did not oppose separate negotiations between the US and the Northern Mariana Islands.
In 1971, the Marianas Islands District Legislature and the Congress of Micronesia held simultaneous sessions on Saipan. On 1 February, Vicente N. Santos, president of the Legislature, delivered a speech urging that Japanese investors be allowed to begin joint-venture projects in the Marianas. Francisco C. Ada, district administrator, reaffirmed that “a substantial majority of our people are in favor of a closer, permanent affiliation with the United States of America.” These speeches were timed to coincide with the opening session of the Congress of Micronesia on Saipan.
On 13 March, Nixon formally appointed Ambassador Franklin Haydn Williams as his Personal Representative to the Micronesian political status negotiations. The meetings were held 4 to 12 October 1971 in Hana, Maui. During the Hana meetings, the Department of Defense (DoD) revealed its land requirements for Guam and the TTPI. Secretary Melvin Laird advised Williams that the strategic interests of the US were to implement “defense-in-depth” in the western Pacific; carry out treaty commitments; defend lines of communication through the central Pacific; and maintain “a credible nuclear and conventional deterrent to armed aggression” against the US, its allies, and countries considered vital to its security. This was based on political realities in the Trust Territory, the importance of land in the Micronesian culture, the possibility of joint-service basing in order to prevent duplications, and the relative economic value of the land to the Micronesians.
The DoD only needed land in the Marshalls, Palau and the Marianas. In the Marianas, DoD was interested in a multi-service base on Tinian. They wanted the whole island, but would settled for the northern part and joint-use of the harbor.
On 12 April 1972, Ambassador Williams formally announced,
> that my Government is willing to respond affirmatively to the request that has been formally presented to us today to enter into separate negotiations with the representatives of the Marianas in order to satisfy a desire which the Joint Committee has already recognized.
The Marianas District Legislature created the Northern Marianas Political Status Commission in May 1972. The law authorized the Commission to negotiate with the US, perform public education, hire consultants, study alternative forms of democratic internal government, and make periodic reports. The Commission’s appointed members were authorized a total budget of only US$25,000, all from local taxes, to perform all these duties. The Commission held its first meeting on 7 September 1972. The first plenary session of the Marianas political status negotiations opened on 13 December 1972 in Saipan.
When the US-NMI joint communiqué was published, revealing the preliminary agreements with the Northern Marianas on the issues of mutual consent, a locally drafted constitution, and assurances about maximum local self-government, Guam Senator [Paul M. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/) expressed concern that Guam was not involved in the negotiations. He announced his intention to visit Washington, DC, to register his complaint. Joe Murphy, editor of the *Pacific Daily News*, wrote that the Northern Marianas was getting a far better deal than what Guam had. He also thought that many in the US Congress would object to establishing two separate governments in the small Mariana Islands.
In May 1973, the Guam Legislature created a nine-member Political Status Commission, which was approved by Governor [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/). The six-member Democrat majority chose Senator Frank G. Lujan to chair the committee, which was obligated to study and make recommendations on Guam’s future political status. Governor Camacho created his own advisory task force.
To resolve the problem, Haydn Williams advised President Nixon that something had to be done to improve Guam’s political status. The Department of Defense agreed. The Joint Chiefs of Staff added their support on 20 July 1973. On 12 September, the Under Secretaries Committee decided that “a study of US national objectives, policies, and programs in Guam be undertaken to identify a prospective course of action by which US interests may most effectively be fostered.” The “Guam study” was supposed to be completed by 17 December 1973.
Meanwhile, Guam Delegate [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) introduced a resolution into the US House of Representatives stating that Guam also had a right to choose its own political status, and requested President Nixon to create a special commission to work with the Guam Political Status Commission. According to Won Pat’s unofficial polling, 86.2 percent of the people interview believed in reunification. US Congressman Phil Burton reassured Won Pat that they would get to the Guam question as soon as the Northern Marianas issue was resolved. Burton met with the Guam Legislature, which now asked for assistance reunifying with the Northern Marianas. Burton told them it was up to them to take the initiative.
In October 1973, Secretary of the Interior Rogers Morton asked Governor Camacho to send two or three representatives to Washington, DC, to discuss federal-territorial relations. Lt. Governor Kurt Moylan would lead the group to Washington to meet with Stanley Carpenter, chairman of the inter-agency working group preparing the Guam study on November 8. Moylan convinced Carpenter to bring a delegation from the Department of the Interior to Guam to meet with the governor, the Guam Legislature and the media.
As scheduled, the inter-agency group met on December 17 to consider Phase I of the Guam study. Then, on 31 January 1974, Won Pat complained to Congress that the NMI was getting a better political status than Guam. Northern Marianas lawyers in Washington subsequently met with Won Pat’s staff and assured them that whatever was being created for the NMI could surely apply to Guam. The Northern Marianas negotiators were concerned that if Guam made a loud enough complaint, some members of Congress might be convinced to insist that NMI’s political status should be put on hold until Guam’s political status was resolved.
Joe Murphy opined:
> Many of us living on Guam view the proceedings with mixed emotions. We naturally welcome the addition of the Northern Marianas to the American community, and feel that we have, perhaps, contributed something to the desire of the islanders to become a permanent part of America. We have developed a small guilt complex, however, about the negotiations. We feel that somehow through the lack of leadership on Guam, that Guam has missed the boat. We feel that the Mariana Islands really should be re-integrated, politically, although self-governing. We certainly can’t blame the people of the Northern Marianas for that. They tried, and it was Guam that dropped the ball.
Burton was impressed with the progress that had been made during the third round of negotiations and began to take a more aggressive role. While on Guam in January 1974, before arriving on Saipan, Burton had made frequent references to the future reunification of Guam and the Northern Marianas. He wanted to reassure his friend Won Pat that Guam would eventually benefit from the successful completion of the Northern Marianas negotiations. Burton, though, was blunt on certain issues. He stated flatly that there was no possibility of achieving a non-voting delegation in Congress for the new commonwealth.
In August 1974, President Nixon resigned and was replaced by his vice-president, Gerald Ford. President Ford received the Guam study from the Under Secretaries Committee. They advised him that,
> due to internal Guamanian political considerations, it was not possible at this time for the Governor \[Camacho\] to engage in talks related even tangentially to political status. This study has been conducted with limited consultation with the Guamanians, however. And further consultation is planned.
They also advised the new president that the US government,
> in the near future is required to provide an improved political status for Guamanians and to address their economic and social aspirations—including further diversification of the economy.
Because the Northern Mariana status negotiations had already resulted in the promise of commonwealth for them, “the Guamanians are anxious about their own future,” and the committee stated that, “a decision on the status question is desirable in August.”
On 23 December 1974, the National Security Council sent their analysis of the Guam study to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Kissinger advised President Ford that,
> our essential need in our political relationship with Guam are control over Guam’s defenses and foreign affairs and continued military basing rights. To achieve this, we need a political framework that will continue Guam’s close relationship with the Federal Government, but that will keep the island’s growing political demands within manageable bounds.
On 9 December 1974, the Marianas political status negotiators were dealt a severe blow. The Department of Defense announced it would not build a base on Tinian. The prima fascia for the NMI negotiations became moot. Nonetheless, Haydn Williams and the Political Status Commission moved forward with the Covenant.
On 1 February 1975, shortly before the last round of NMI negotiations, Kissinger directed the Under Secretaries Committee to:
> seek agreement with Guamanian representatives on a commonwealth arrangement no less favorable than that which we are negotiating with the Northern Marianas. If, however, Guamanian representatives prefer a modified unincorporated Territorial status, we will be willing to accept such an arrangement.
In other words, the door for Guam to achieve its desired political status was opened. However, Kissinger decided that,
> the Assistant Secretary of Interior for Program Developments and Budget should develop and implement a negotiating approach that will give effect to the above instructions, and should organize a US negotiating team that will include representation from the Departments of State and Defense as well as the Department of the Interior.
In a meeting with Williams on Guam in early February, before the last round of negotiations on Saipan, newly elected Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo told Williams that,
> unification with Guam should have been the original goal of Marianas negotiations and that anything setting up a separate commonwealth in the Northern Marianas would make unification that much more difficult in his opinion.
The commonwealth covenant was signed by Haydn Williams for President Ford and by the NMI Political Status Commission for the people on 15 February 1975. It was unanimously approved by the Mariana Islands District Legislature five days later. Working with Ed Pangelinan and Pete A. Tenorio, the status commission conducted the popular plebiscite on 17 June 1975. Ninety-five percent of the registered voters cast ballots, and the covenant was approved by 78.8 percent of the people voting.
In June, following on the heels of the favorable vote on Commonwealth for the Northern Marianas, and with Phil Burton’s full support, Delegate Won Pat introduced a joint resolution into the US Congress, providing Guam with the opportunity to create a constitution that would “supersede such provisions of the Organic Act of Guam as may be inconsistent with such constitution,” once approved by the president.
Governor Bordallo, however, decided to follow up on the Guam study. He shelved the work done by Frank Lujan’s committee on political status and created his own Special Commission on the Political Status of Guam. Senator Frank F. Blas was chosen to chair the commission, which included former lieutenant governor Kurt Moylan, Vice-chairman Pedro Sanchez, and Senators Tommy Tanaka, Ed Duenas, Carl Gutierrez, Frank Santos, and Benigno Palomo. Bordallo then wrote to President Ford on 2 August 1975, urging the president to appoint a representative (as Nixon had done for the NMI) to begin dialogues with Guam. The letter, however, went unanswered for 13 months.
On 24 February 1976, the US Senate called for a floor vote on Joint Resolution 549, the proposed NMI Commonwealth Covenant. Passage of the Senate bill required only a simple majority. The final Senate vote on the covenant was 66 in favor and 23 opposed and 11 not voting, far beyond the 51 votes needed to approve the covenant.
On 24 March 1976, surrounded by covenant supporters from the Marianas and Washington, DC, President Ford signed Public Law 94-241: 90 Stat. 263, approving the covenant. The Northern Marianas had exercised its right to self-determination and defined an agreement with the United States that would give it the maximum degree of self-government. Most importantly, it contained a “Mutual Consent” clause that gave the people an assurance of fair treatment should there be a need for either side to change a fundamental part of the agreement at some time in the future.
## Guam's political status?
Dialogues in DC relative to Guam’s political status dragged until July 1977, the end of the Ford administration, and suggested that the issue “will be referred to those in the next Administration who will be responsible for overseeing the negotiations on the Guam-Federal relationship.” One can only speculate on what the current political status of the Marianas might be, had the Department of the Interior acted aggressively on President Ford’s Guam study. Although Guam did create a constitution during a constitutional convention under the leadership of Senator Carl Gutierrez, it failed to receive public approval because of outstanding issues that had not been resolved with the federal government.
In 1980, Bordallo created a Commission on Self-Determination (CSD), chaired by Professor Robert Rogers. According to Rogers, Bordallo’s goal was to establish a commonwealth status for Guam, similar to that achieved by the NMI, then attempt to merge the two commonwealths which might lead to statehood. Barely two years after its creation, the CSD organized a status referendum. On 12 January 1982, 49 percent of voters chose a closer relationship with the US via Commonwealth. Twenty-six percent voted Statehood, while 10 percent voted for the Status Quo (Unincorporated territory). A subsequent run-off referendum held between Commonwealth and Statehood saw 73 percent of Guam voters choosing Commonwealth over Statehood (27 percent).
However, the draft Commonwealth Act which had been drawn up by the CSD since 1986 languished in Congress over the next decade and was never approved. The 24th Guam Legislature established the “Commission on Decolonization” in 1996 to enhance the CSD’s ongoing studies of various political status options and public education campaigns.
## Reunification considerations and the military buildup
Today, there are sufficient reasons for Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands to consider joint dialogues. The Mariana Islands are the focus of President Barack Obama’s “Pivot to the Pacific.” What began with Nixon in 1969, and was continued by George W. Bush in 2006, is now in President Obama’s lap—base agreements in Okinawa.
There was no further talk of a military buildup in the Marianas until 23 January 2006, when President George W. Bush signed an amended Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security with Japan. On 25 April 2006, the US announced its intention to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the northern Okinawa city of Nago, and move 8,000 marines and their dependents to Guam. The new United States-Japan Roadmap for Realignment Implementation was issued on 1 May.
The Roadmap led to the creation of JGPO, the Joint Guam Program Office. The Navy set forth a plan that would meet the mandate of the new US-Japan security alliance, primarily the movement of marines to Guam with training facilities on Tinian. The Secretary of the Navy issued his Record of Decision on 20 September 2010. Subsequently, the Senate Armed Forces Committee visited Hawai’i, Okinawa, and the Marianas and stopped funding for that plan, until a larger plan for the “Pivot to the Pacific” had been completed.
A new EIS was developed, this time by the US Marine Corps. Following Section 106 of the National Environmental Protection Act, Draft Environmental Impact Statements were issued for proposed actions within the territory of Guam, and another for the CNMI at Tinian and Pagan. Separate Memorandums of Understanding will be signed relative to the impact on historic sites in each territory. Separate Records of Decision also will have to be issued.
Both plans must be approved by Congress, at least for funding. Because of the Covenant, the land acquisition in the NMI must be approved by Congress before funding for the plan can be entertained. The Marianas plan is set on a three legged table, with one leg on Guam and two in the NMI. Guam cannot provide the constant training that Marines must undergo to remain in a high state of readiness, should an unfriendly situation develop somewhere in our region. That training must take place in the NMI.
Tinian acknowledges the legitimacy of the DoD lease on two-thirds of Tinian. Tinian, however, is not sufficient to meet all the Navy/USMC training requirements for amphibious assault operations. Pagan is the necessary third leg. The military buildup in the Marianas is not a Guam affair, therefore, any more than it is a Tinian or Pagan affair. It is a Marianas issue that must address the concerns of all stakeholders.
Today, both Guam and the Commonwealth remain unincorporated territories. Although the NMI did exercise its right to self-determination, the mandate to establish a permanent political status for Guam still exists. The Guam study, or at least the principles it embodied, are still viable. It is certainly worth a professional study to create a joint Guam-NMI Commission to analyze the pros and cons of one Commonwealth and report their findings to the Guam and CNMI legislatures.
## Shall the Marianas ever be reunited?
Some suggest that the time for reunification has passed. Some say the separate governments for Guam and the Northern Marianas have become institutionalized—that the political leaders on Guam and the NMI do not have it within them to make the sacrifices that would be required to create an elected government for all Mariana residents.
However, many Guamanians point to the CNMI Covenant, with the protections provided to the people through its embedded concept of Mutual Consent as a significantly better political status than Guam’s unilateral Organic Act. Others suggest that the problems of having two separate governments within the Marianas is a foolish waste of money and aggravation. And many point to the military buildup in the Marianas as a reunifying factor. They say that having one bargaining group will get a better deal out of the Department of Defense than two different groups negotiating separately.
One point is clear: after the war, the people of Guam fought for US citizenship and self-government with a unified passion. The people of the Northern Marianas fought for the same principles with the same passion. Times have changed. Both gained US citizenship and self-government, although the Northern Marianas acquired slightly more self-government than Guam. Both Guam and the CNMI have greatly improved their standards of living. Many, particularly the business community, seem satisfied with the status quo. They are indifferent to the indignity of “unincorporated” status, and that the Marianas are not on the road to the ultimate political status within the American system, which, in this writer’s opinion, is an incorporated Commonwealth of the Marianas, leaving the door open to Statehood.
Regardless of emotional arguments for or against reunification, it seems the time for a comprehensive, scientific study of the economic and legal pros and cons of reunification is long overdue. What are the differences and similarities between the laws of Guam and the Northern Marianas and the economic impacts of both on our people? Should our two legislatures battle over competitive tax rates for investors? Should our two port authorities be charging each other for landing fees and counter space for the same airlines, and increasing the cost of inter-island transportation? Should there be separate border control stations, two separate US District Courts, two separate offices for all federal agencies in our two territories?
It is time to create a joint commission on political status to study the financial and legal impacts of having two different governments for the same people, having more in common within their historical heritage than is different. Then, with some solid numbers in hand, perhaps it would be time to once again address the question: Shall the Mariana Islands be reunified?
[***By Don Farrell***](https://www.guampedia.com/don-farrell/ "Don Farrell")
## For further reading
Cabranes, José A. *Citizenship and the American Empire: Notes on the Legislative History of the United States Citizenship of Puerto Ricans*. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979.
Cogan, Doloris Coulter. *We Fought the Navy and Won: Guam’s Quest for Democracy.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008.
Dudden, Arthur Power. *The American Pacific: From the Old China Trade to the Present*. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
–––. “The Partition of the Marianas: A Diplomatic History, 1898-1919.” *ISLA: A Journal of Micronesian Studies* 2, no. 2 (1994): 273-301.
Freidel, Frank. *The Splendid Little War.* New York: Little Brown & Company, 1958.
Gale, Roger W. *The Americanization of Micronesia: A Study of the Consolidation of US Rule in the Pacific.* Washington: University Press of America, 1979.
Garraty, John A. *Henry Cabot Lodge: A Biography.* New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953.
Heine, Carl. *Micronesia at the Crossroads: A Reappraisal of the Micronesian Political Dilemma*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1974.
Kissinger, Henry. *On China*. London: Penguin Press, 2011.
Leibowitz, Arnold H. *Defining Status: A Comprehensive Analysis of United States Territorial Relation*. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989.
Hofschneider, Penelope Bordallo. *A Campaign for Political Rights on the Island of Guam, 1899-1950*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2001.
Meller, Norman. *Constitutionalism in Micronesia.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1985.
–––. *The Congress of Micronesia: Development of the Legislative Process in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1969.
Pomeroy, Earl S. *Pacific Outpost: American Strategy in Guam and Micronesia.* Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1951.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Tuchman, Barbara W. *The March of Folly: From Troy to Vietnam.* New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984.
US Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. *A Treaty of Peace Between the United States and Spain: Message from the President of the United States Transmitting a Treaty of Peace Between the United States and Spain, Signed at the City of Paris on December 10, 1898*. 55th Congress, 3rd session, Senate Document no. 62. Washington, DC: GPO, 1899.
Webb, James H., Jr. *Micronesia and U.S. Pacific Strategy: A Blueprint for the 1980s*. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974.
Willens, Howard P., and Deanne C. Siemer. *National Security and Self-Determination: United States Policy in Micronesia, 1961-1972.* Westport: Preager, 2000.
–––. *An Honorable Accord: The Covenant Between the Northern Mariana Islands and the United States.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001.
Willens, Howard P., and Dirk A. Ballendorf. *The Secret Guam Study: How President Ford’s 1975 Approval of Commonwealth Was Blocked by Federal Officials.* Mangilao and Saipan: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam and Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
Wyttenbach, Richard H. “Micronesia and Strategic Trusteeship: A Case Study in American Politico-Military Relations.” PhD thesis, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1971.
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Politics and Government
**Tags:** History of Efforts to Reunify the Mariana Islands
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### [WWII: Guam Combat Patrol Hunted Japanese Stragglers](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-guam-combat-patrol-hunted-japanese-stragglers/)
**Published:** July 15, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Killed 117 Japanese stragglers, captured five. Although Guam was liberated from Japan by the US military on 21 July 1944, and declared secured on 10 August, efforts continued until 1948 to ferret Japanese troops who were hiding out. Too proud to dishonor their country or their emperor, some Japanese soldiers chose not to surrender but instead took to the caves, jungles, and swamps of Guam.
**Content:**
# WWII: Guam Combat Patrol Hunted Japanese Stragglers
#### Table of Contents
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## Killed 117 Japanese stragglers, captured five
Although Guam was liberated from Japan by the US military on 21 July 1944, and declared secured on 10 August, efforts continued until 1948 to ferret Japanese troops who were hiding out. Too proud to dishonor their country or their emperor, some Japanese soldiers chose not to surrender but instead took to the caves, jungles, and swamps of Guam.
[They left](http://www.guampedia.com/japanese-stragglers-on-guam/) trails of footprints, broken brush and other evidence of life as they roamed the island. They scrounged military dumps for ammunition and other weapons. They stole and them dressed themselves in GI fatigues, khaki shirts and trousers to camouflage their appearance.
On 13 November 1944, four months after the liberation of the island, Police Chief Jon Wigg, a Navy lieutenant and part of the command responsible for Guam’s administration, issued a memorandum ordering the formation of patrols, which stated:
> All information reaching any member of the (police) department relating to the location or hideouts of the Japanese will be used to the end that they will be tracked and captured or destroyed. Patrols will be formed for this purpose in Agana and all out-stations. Reports of all Japanese captured, wounded or killed by members of the police department will be forwarded to headquarters immediately. Records of all known killings of Japanese by others in each area shall be kept and forwarded to the headquarters in the tri-monthly reports.
Also, the tri-monthly report shall include the number of patrols sent out from each station. Each time a hideout is found it shall be searched for evidence which shall be taken to the station: food, clothing, provisions and any type of shelter shall be destroyed. The job of cleaning up the Japanese on this island is a big one. [General (Henry) Larsen](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-henry-larsen/) has placed his confidence in the department and results will provide that it was properly placed.
As part of the “mop-up” operation of the American liberation forces, the Guam Combat Patrol was formed to scout out the hundreds of Japanese who had taken to Guam’s jungles. They moved on foot, combing jungle areas, and questioned islanders in their efforts to track, capture and kill Japanese holdouts and destroy locations and hideouts. The Patrol’s mission was considered one of the most dangerous military combat duties in Guam after the invasion. They were considered “manhunters,” killing more than 117 Japanese stragglers, and capturing five.
The original members of the Guam Combat Patrol were Juan U. Aguon, Joaquin S. Aguon, Vicente L. Borja, Jose S. Bukikosa, Francisco J. Cruz, George G. Flores, Roman N. Ignacio, Antonio P. Pangelinan, Agapito S. Perez, Pedro A. Perez, Ignacio R. Rivera, Jose P. Salas, Pedro R. San Nicolas, Jose S. Tenorio and Felix C. Wusstig. The Combat Patrol’s efforts, however, were not without casualties. Two members were killed in action — Antonio P. Manibusan and Pedro R. San Nicolas — and two others — Juan L. Lujan and Vicente L. Borja — were wounded. Guam Combat Patrol member George Flores, of [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/), distinctly remembered:
> I was walking ahead of Antonio Manibusan when he signaled me. I turned and joined him. Next thing I knew, shots were fired from a cave and Manibusan was shot in the chest area right into the heart.
Flores was a platoon sergeant then. Vicente Borja, Joaquin S. Aguon and Flores were wounded while on patrol duty in [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/) on 1 May 1945, when a Japanese soldier, who was believed dead, hurled a hand grenade at them. Borja and Flores were hospitalized as a result of the incident. Juan Lujan was wounded on 8 January 1945, when he was shot through the leg by a Japanese straggler in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/).
## Guam Police Men
As members of the Guam Police, these CHamoru/Chamorro volunteers functioned as regular patrol members during the first two years after the recapture of the island. The original 15 members were recruited from the police department, augmented later by other volunteers and were later attached to the Marine Corps.
The Guam Combat Patrol was led by Police Staff Sergeant Juan U. Aguon, who received many citations and endorsements from Naval Government officials for his “long hours, tireless efforts, faithful services, and excellent record of leadership.”
Of particular significance, Aguon was awarded the Silver Star by President Harry S Truman for his participation in the Combat Patrol. The presidential citation states:
> For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity as a Member of the Loyal Security Patrol Force of Guam, Marianas Islands, from 4 November 1944, until the cessation of hostilities. Organizing and training a special patrol consisting of fifteen native members of the local Police Force, Staff Sergeant Aguon led his men into every section of Guam in order to rid the island of all Japanese remaining after the main force had been destroyed or taken prisoner. A fearless and inspiring leader, he calmly directed his unit in trailing and ambushing the enemy soldiers, killing 117, capturing five and probably killing 20 of the hostile armed forces on Guam throughout this period. Remaining in a forward position on April 4 when his patrol was fired upon by approximately 25 enemy troops, Staff Sergeant Aguon led his men in fighting the numerically superior Japanese group, mortally wounding five of the enemy, forcing 12 over a steep cliff to probable death below and routing others into the jungles. Under his direction, the patrol then destroyed two months’ provisions in the hostile camp and returned to headquarters without a casualty. By his perseverance, indomitable spirit and outstanding courage at grave personal risk, Staff Sergeant Aguon strengthened the bonds of friendship between the peoples of Guam and the United States and rendered valiant service in combating a common enemy.
Fourteen other police officers later joined the Patrol. They were Edward G. Aflague, Joaquin M. Camacho, Felix T. Cruz, Jose D. Cruz, Mariano C. Cruz, Vicente Q. Duenas, Francisco C. Leon Guerrero, David L. Lujan, Juan L. Lujan, Charles H. McDonald, Antonio C. Perez, Juan A. Quinata, Pedro C. Santos, and Henry F. Taitano. All members of the Patrol received the Bronze Star. George Flores also received a Purple Heart for wounds he received on his right hand when a hand grenade was thrown at him in Fena in 1946. Flores said:
> I take pride in saving lives, defending and serving the people of Guam, and for still being alive.
The Combat Patrol was disbanded in November 1948.
***By Tina A. Aguon***
**Editor’s note:** A version of this historical account was originally written for the *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam*, in 1994.
## For further reading
Mansell, Roger, and Linda Goetz Holmes. *Captured: The Forgotten Men of Guam*. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2012.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
---
### [WWII: Oral War Histories of the CHamoru/Chamorro People](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-oral-war-histories-of-the-chamorro-people/)
**Published:** July 15, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guam is attacked. In the early morning of 8 December 1941, Japanese war planes flew to Guam from Saipan and bombed the island. In Sumai, the Standard Oil tanks caught fire from strafing and bombing. The Marine Barracks, the Cable Station and the Pan American facilities, also in Sumai, and the Navy landing docks in Piti suffered damage. The USS Penguin came under heavy attack and sank off Orote Point after being scuttled by the crew. While a few crew were injured they all made it ashore in rafts. Later on, the skipper died at the hospital.
**Content:**
# WWII: Oral War Histories of the CHamoru/Chamorro People
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Guam is attacked
In the early morning of 8 December 1941, Japanese war planes flew to Guam from Saipan and bombed the island. In [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), the Standard Oil tanks caught fire from strafing and bombing. The Marine Barracks, the Cable Station and the Pan American facilities, also in Sumai, and the Navy landing docks in [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/) suffered damage. The USS Penguin came under heavy attack and sank off Orote Point after being scuttled by the crew. While a few crew were injured they all made it ashore in rafts. Later on, the skipper died at the hospital.
They bombed again the next day and then invaded the island by shore on 10 December. The small US military contingent on Guam surrendered and the Japanese quickly took over the island. All of the Americans and some Spanish priests, nearly 600 people, were taken prisoner and sent to camps in Japan.
After the initial excitement and confusion, many people packed up their belongings and moved to their *lanchos* (ranches) away from Sumai and [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), the two most populated villages of Guam. The physical damage to Hagåtña wasn’t bad but damage to its way of life was irreparable. The wartime exodus shattered the life of the city. Hagåtña was never to be the same again. It also marked the end of Sumai village.
Before long the Japanese put everyone to work, clearing, planting and doing various tasks as assigned. Some children went to school for a few hours a day, but day in and day out, everyone worked.
The [Japanese occupation of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) lasted almost three years. People who survived the war often recall how difficult life was then, including being forced to work without pay, suffering from hunger, fearing rapes, beatings and massacres at the hands of the Japanese, and marching to concentration camps. People also remember acts of kindness and good times.
Here are some of Guam’s war survivors stories:
## Forced labor
Art Toves, born and raised in Sumai, said his father was at work at the Cable Station when Guam was first bombed. His mother gathered the family up and they ran to [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), taking anything they could carry. Toves recalled that they waited under some mango trees for his father to get off work and join them. They stayed with an uncle until they were told that all able-bodied people must report to work. Toves was assigned to help build the Orote Point airstrip.
Barbara Dela Cruz was ordered to work at Tai, Chalan Pago and Kalaguag, Tiyan pulling weeds and gathering wood. She worked all day, walking to and from her house in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). She was not paid or given food to eat.
Elvina Reyes Rios was living in Hågat during the war. She was 13 years old when the war began. She was made to work in the rice fields in Piti and also in the Hågat gardens. Later she was assigned to work in Kalaguag clearing land. She stopped to stretch once, she remembered, and the Japanese guard threw rocks at her, scarring her back. Later still, she was assigned to work at Fena, being roused from sleep at 2 am by her mother. She had to walk by herself in the dark from Nimitz Beach to Fena to arrive by 6 am. If she was even one minute late she would be slapped. Three minutes late, three slaps. After working in the fields all day Rios was told to grate 125 coconuts and then walk home, arriving there at 9 pm.
After children worked in the fields all day some had to go to Japanese school at night. They were not paid or fed. They were beaten if they worked too slowly, and beaten more if they had light skin or looked “American” in any way.
Joseph Torres Barcinas of [Malesso](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) said Japanese soldiers built a warehouse-like hut and summoned the villagers to work there. He said they’d bang a piece of metal on a barrel at about 5:30 am to call everyone to work. If they didn’t show up they’d be killed. He was nine years old at the time.
> Some of the elderly people were just harassed, even some of the young ones.
They were tied to a coconut tree and the Japanese would come by and swing a sword at them.
Juan Martinez Unpingco was sent to [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) to dig soil all day to find and collect manganese and turn the material over to a Japanese soldier. He said they seldom went anywhere except to work, partly because they were scared to meet up with Japanese soldiers along the way. He saw them slap people and even stab people to death with their bayonets. The soldiers came to his family’s ranch once and destroyed their things and terrorized them. One of them raped his aunt.
Vicente Taisipic of [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/) said people were rounded up and taken to a compound near the school to be indoctrinated by the Japanese. Every 15 minutes they were made to face north toward Japan and bow. Deprived of his childhood, at six years old he was given two jobs. One job was to pull the teacher’s son around the compound in a wagon for half an hour first thing in the morning. After that, it was classes until noon. Then the children planted and harvested fruits and vegetables.
Taisipic’s other job was to collect manure around Yona—human or animal. If he did not fill six buckets with manure he was beaten. At the end of the day he walked back to his family ranch to take care of the animals and bathe in the river with no soap. He felt like a living maggot.
He recalled seeing a man beaten many times because he looked American, and that his own family had to give up their carabao because the Japanese wanted to slaughter it for a wedding party.
[Ben Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/), too, recalled abuse at the hands of the Japanese. He said though CHamorus/Chamorros thought the idea of bowing to show respect was absurd, they had to do it, and do it just right.
> A poorly done bow to one soldier might earn nothing more than a well placed boot or a few slaps, while another might resort to stomping or hitting you time and again until your face was swollen.
There was no telling so people just did their best. There was also no end to people and places to bow to – police stations, military installations and government offices.
From the outset, Blaz recalled, CHamorus saw bowing as a means to humiliate them, to make them demonstrate their perceived inferiority. For that reason, he and others turned the bows into insults. As they stiffly bent at the waist they would cheerily declare in CHamoru:
> Good morning, Asshole!
Or, Blaz’s favorite:
> Now that I’m bending over, kiss my ass!
They were careful to only be polite when the Saipanese interpreters were around though.
Rosa Roberto Carter had to clear fields in Mangilao, along with her brother Juan. Once she was singled out by Japanese soldiers and locked up in a tiny room at a school house where she was interrogated about her loyalty to the United States. Carter thinks it may have to do with her slightly lighter skin color. She said the experience was terrifying and remained vivid in her mind for the rest of her life. After the interrogation she was given the extra duty of carrying lunches to Japanese soldiers in Tai.
Teresa Borja said the Japanese insisted even her crippled mother had to work. Borja was 12 years old at the time, and remembered her brother being beaten and killed by the Japanese. She was tied to a tree by Japanese soldiers once and left there all day, like a cow or carabao.
Joe Crisostomo Aguon and his family moved from their Hagåtña home to their [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) ranch after the Japanese took over Guam. He recalled obtaining a pass which allowed CHamorus to travel anywhere on the island. Anyone walking around without a pass would be in trouble with the Japanese police. Aguon and his brothers and sisters attended Japanese school where he recalled being slapped and kicked by his teacher for not bowing properly to the Emperor of Japan.
In late 1942 Aguon was forced to work at Tiyan, digging and bringing water to the Japanese soldiers. At the end of the day, he and the other assigned workers got a handful of rice as payment. Later in the year, Aguon was assigned to work in Kañada, Barrigada as a mess boy and later, he was transferred to work in [Ordot](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/) digging tunnels. If the Japanese were not satisfied with the laborers’ work they were told to line up face-to-face and slap one another. When Aguon’s turn came, he refused to slap the old man facing him and he was hit by the Japanese guard with a stick. The old man whispered:
> Go ahead and slap me, I will understand.
By the spring of 1944 all able-bodied men were forced into labor battalions. For the most part they worked without any compensation. In addition to building airfields at Orote and Kalaguag-Tiyan, CHamorus dug hundreds of air raid shelters and caves along the cliffs and hillsides which the Japanese used for shelter and storage. They paved roads, built pillboxes, gun emplacements and underwater obstacles in various parts of the island.
The workers only had wheelbarrows, picks, shovels and other hand tools.It was back breaking work under the sun all day. The working conditions were made worse by constant harassment and physical punishment. The men were often kicked, slapped, punched and clubbed.
## Massacres
In the months leading up to the American retaking of the island in July 1944, after two and a half years of forced labor and much abuse, everything got worse. Tensions among the Japanese were high and CHamorus paid the price. Social activities were terminated, schools were closed, and CHamoru men, women, and children over the age of 12 were forced to work even longer hours in the fields, repair or build airstrips and defense installations, and dig hundreds of Japanese cave shelters. CHamorus, laboring at bayonet point, were mistreated and, in some cases, executed after completing defense installations.
Barbara Dela Cruz witnessed the beheading of three CHamoru men who the Japanese accused of spying and for assisting the one American holdout, [George Tweed](https://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/). During the execution, she was placed in the front row, a few feet away from the men who were to be killed. It was a painful experience because the Japanese threatened that anyone who looked away or showed any emotion during the execution would be next, saying they were witnessing what could be done to them as well.
Art Toves of Hågat said he was made to dig holes and trenches at Fena. One afternoon, he was told to go to the cemetery and dig a hole for two. He did so and then hid under some banana trees. Before long a Japanese soldier came with two local men and their mother. The three followed behind a car and two Japanese, armed with swords and pistols, walked behind them. They were ordered to kneel and face one another. One man was beheaded and the other shot. Toves said the worst thing was that the mother of the young men was forced to watch, as was he. If he said anything he would be killed as well.
About that time a group of about 30 young men and women from Hågat and Sumai were packed into a large cave in [Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/) and massacred. John Ulloa of Sumai said he and six other young men were sleeping in a cave when they were awakened by cries coming from a second cave nearby. They were shocked when they discovered that all their friends were killed.
Six days before American forces hit the beaches of Guam, 46 men and women in Malesso’/Merizo were massacred at [Tinta and Faha](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/). When the people of Malesso’ learned of the massacres, they attacked the Japanese. In broad daylight, about 20 Malesso’ men stormed the Japanese quarters, seized whatever weapons they could lay their hands on, and killed every Japanese soldier in sight.
Other massacres occurred around the island. The number of CHamoru deaths in [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) in the north was never accurately determined, but the mutilated bodies of 51 CHamorus were found by American patrols. The beheaded bodies of 30 men were found stacked in a truck near CHagui’an, and the bodies of 21 others were found in the jungle near Mount Mataguac.
The besieged Japanese killed nearly everyone in sight during the occupation’s last days. Three teenagers in the jungle looking for food in Yona were grabbed by Japanese soldiers, tied to coconut trees and then beheaded. Many others perished in similar situations.
Another danger late in the occupation was the American bombardment of Guam. Many people, their number unknown, were killed, victims of naval or aerial bombing. A woman and her children walking to [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/) were shelled. She died but her scarred children survived, one a newborn babe in her arms.
There were victims of the intensifying American shelling and bombing of the island as well. An elderly man, Jose Delgado, and two young women were saying the rosary in a makeshift shelter when a missile blasted the shelter, killing all three.
In Hagåtña, [Beatrice Flores Emsley](https://www.guampedia.com/beatrice-perez-emsley/), 14 at the time, was searching for her missing uncle. She found him, wounded in a ditch, but then the two were captured by Japanese soldiers and forced into a tunnel below San Ramon Hill.
There, Emsley discovered other CHamorus assembled by Japanese soldiers. She saw a group of seven men, among them Juan Cabrera, age sixteen. Later, they were joined by a group of three young women who were crying as the soldiers pushed them into the tunnel. For two days without food and water, the group of CHamorus were held against their will.
As the night waned and daylight approached the interrogation wore steadily on. The Japanese repeatedly accused the group of lying and slapped the CHamorus across their faces, even after the CHamorus agreed with the untrue accusations.
At dawn they were all killed and left for dead, except Emsley and Juan Cabrera, who survived. She woke up hours after the massacre but had been buried alive. The cut on the back of her neck was deep but it did not kill her. The two hid in the jungle willing themselves to survive until they made their way to Manenggon where they were helped by others there.
## Forced march and concentration camps
Most of the CHamoru population were forced to march to Manenggon valley, Yona with only whatever belongings they could carry. With inadequate shelter, little food, and no sanitary facilities, life in these camps was miserable. Despite these hardships, however, incarceration proved to be a blessing in disguise. Had they not been moved, many CHamorus would have been killed by the American pre-invasion bombardment and Japanese crossfire.
Hannah Chance Torres, after having been beaten and berated by Japanese soldiers, died while she and others were en route to the Manenggon concentration camp. She had stopped to feed her baby and refused the soldiers’ order to move on. Her body was left on the side of the path.
Juan Unpingco remembered the march and not being allowed to stop, no matter what. He heard babies and children crying and some old people moaning in pain. Anyone who tried to rest, he said, would be whipped and beaten. His father was beaten while on the march, even though he had done nothing wrong.
Silvina Charfauros-Cruz Taumomoa said her family stuck together on the march. Her mother carried her or her brother. When war planes were shooting down bullets they would hide in gullies. The family built lean-tos at Manenggon but they slept in mud. They prayed the rosary morning, noon and night. Children were subdued and not allowed to play.
Then one day, her father visited them from the labor camp. He had come to say goodbye, seeming to know that the people in the camp were going to be killed. He told her grandmother to take good care of them and be kind to her mother and allow her the freedom she needed to be happy again. Taumomoa remembered her family crying. On the night of July 19 her grandmother woke them all to pray the rosary. She had heard in a wakeful dream the cry of agony from her son being executed at Fena.
Lucia McDonald recalled that one girl who was taken into the Japanese sleeping quarters was kept there for a couple of days before they returned her home. Her father, however, had hung himself because he could not bear his daughter’s suffering.
Juan Unpingco said his family put up their shelter next to a huge hole that everyone knew was to be used for a mass execution. One day he went to find food and found a big breadfruit tree. He filled his sack with breadfruit. The Japanese soldiers took the larger ones from him and he gave the rest to his mother.
Virginia Lujan Unpingco remembered that she was very sick with dysentery from having to drink the dirty water in the river. Her grandmother tried to sterilize their drinking water by building a small fire to boil the water. The Japanese guards were going to beat her for it but Unpingco’s mother took the beating in her place.
It seemed things could not get any worse, but before long, the Americans invaded on 21 July 1944 and rescued the people of Guam. Carlos Eclavea Camacho remembers that day well. He and his cousin and brother left the Manenggon camp, crossed the mountain and headed to Hågat. They ran into some US Army men who asked them if they wanted to join them.
> And we did! I was 15 or 16, and me, Pedro B. Leon Guerrero and Jesus P. Villagomez, we were patrol guides for the Army and Marines. I stayed with the officers. One of them was a Rockerfeller! They gave us canteens and a carbine. Every night, we sleep, not on the ground – we’d dig a trench and the bullets fly past on top of you.
Fighting went on for a few more weeks but the Japanese atrocities toward the CHamoru people were over. World War II claimed 1,170 CHamoru lives.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](https://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/ "Shannon J. Murphy")
**Editor’s note:** Compiled and modified with permission from “Uncle Sam, please come back to Guam” by Pedro C. Sanchez, Guahan Magazine; *Bisita Guam: Let Us Remember Nihi Ta Hasso*, by Ben Blaz; *An Island in Agony*, by Tony Palomo; and Guam War Survivor Stories *Real Faces*.
## For further reading
Blaz, Ben. *Bisita Guam: A Special Place in the Sun*. Fairfax: Evers Press, 1998.
Camacho, Keith L. *Cultures of Commemoration: The Politics of War, Memory, and History in the Mariana Islands*. Pacific Islands Monograph Series 25. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011.
*Guam War Survivors*. “Home.” Last modified 27 June 2021. https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/
Howard, Chris Perez. *Mariquita: A Guam Story*. Hagåtña: PPh & Company, 1982.
–––. *Edward: An American Tragedy*. Hagåtña: Cyfred, Ltd., 2006.
Mansell, Roger, and Linda Goetz Holmes. *Captured: The Forgotten Men of Guam*. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2012.
Palomo, Tony. *An Island in Agony*. Self-published, 1984.
Palomo, Tony, and Paul J. Borja, eds. *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam.* Maite: Guam 50th Liberation Committee, 1994.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Uncle Sam, Please Come Back To Guam.* Tamuning and Hagåtña: Pacific Island Publishing Company and Star Press, 1979.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
---
### [WWII: War Atrocities on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** While remembrance of World War II atrocities against the CHamorus occur every year for the massacres at Fena in Sånta Rita-Sumai and Faha and Tinta in Merizo, as well as the Manenggon concentration camp, there were atrocities by Japanese soldiers against the CHamorus that took place on smaller scales in other areas.
**Content:**
# WWII: War Atrocities on Guam
 After the war, the people of Guam recovered the body of Father Duenas and buried him beneath the altar of Saint Joseph's Church in the village of Inarajan. Photo from Don Farrell's *Liberation 1944* collection.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Beatings, murder, beheadings
While remembrance of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) atrocities against the CHamorus/Chamorros occur every year for the massacres at [Fena](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-fena-massacre/) in Sånta Rita-Sumai and [Faha and Tinta in Merizo](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-cave-massacres/), as well as the [Manenggon concentration camp](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-manenggon-concentration-camp/), there were atrocities by Japanese soldiers against the CHamorus that took place on smaller scales in other areas.
The other atrocities also took place in the weeks that preceded the American invasion of Guam in July 1944, at places such as Ta’i (in Mangilao), [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/). They included the murder of [Father Jesus Baza Duenas](http://www.guampedia.com/father-jesus-baza-duenas-2/), his nephew and several other men at Ta’i; the killing of 11 men, women, and children in Hagåtña on 20 July; and the beheading of dozens of young CHamorus in early August who had carried war supplies to Yigo for the Japanese military.
In Ta’i, Judge Joaquin V.E. Manibusan witnessed the beheading of three CHamoru men by a Japanese taicho (head officer). Manibusan wrote about that day 50 years later.
Manibusan was the leader of a team of CHamorus assigned to dig several holes, which were used as graves for the three beheaded men, and he and his team members witnessed the executions along with several nurses. Several of his team members were later killed in Yigo, according to Manibusan, and one of the nurses—Mariquita Perez Howard—was soon after killed by the Japanese. Manibusan described several other occasions when Japanese officers who threatened him with their swords, in one instance wounding him and leaving a scar on his forehead.
Also in Ta’i, Father Duenas, known as an outspoken defender of the Catholic faith and of the CHamoru people, was tortured and executed by the Japanese only nine days before the return of American forces. Duenas was arrested by Japanese authorities in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) on 8 July 1944. He had often angered the Japanese by opposing their directives and was suspected of aiding American fugitive [George Tweed](http://www.guampedia.com/george-tweed/) and other American efforts. He was arrested along with his nephew, former Island Attorney Eduardo Duenas, and both men were tortured in Inalåhan and the Kempeitai headquarters in Agana Heights. On 12 July, they were beheaded in Ta’i along with Vicente Baza and Juan (Mali) Pangelinan, who had also helped Tweed.
In Hagåtña, on the night of 20 July, 11 CHamoru men, women and children who were accused of signaling US aircraft were bayoneted to death by the Japanese. Two teenagers escaped by faking death after being stabbed by bayonets.
Some of the largest massacres occurred in [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) towards the end of the American invasion. As the American forces drove the Japanese northward, the Americans came across scenes of atrocities inflicted against CHamorus. On 8 August, a Marine patrol found 30 dead CHamorus around a Japanese truck north of Yigo village at Chagui’an. The next day, near the same area, another patrol came across another 21 bodies. These dead CHamorus were forced by the Japanese to carry ammunition and supplies to the north, and then were killed by the Japanese to prevent them from providing information to the Americans.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*Guam War Survivors*. “[Home](https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/).” Last modified 27 June 2021.
Howard, Chris Perez. *Mariquita: A Guam Story*. Hagåtña: PPh & Company, 1982.
Manibusan, Joaquin V.E. “[In Tai, A Day of Terror and Tragedy](https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/npswapa/extcontent/lib/liberation13.htm).” *War in the Pacific NHP: Liberation – Guam Remembers*, last modified 17 March 2016.
Palomo, Tony. “[A Man of Courage and Conviction](https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/npswapa/extcontent/lib/liberation7.htm).” In *Liberation-Guam Remembers: A Golden Salute for the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Guam.* Maite: Guam 50th Liberation Committee, 1994.
––– “[A Time of Sorrow and Pain](https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/npswapa/extContent/wapa/palomo/sorrow-and-pain.htm).” *War in the Pacific National Historical Park*, last modified 12 June 2014.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** WWII: War Atrocities on Guam
---
### [Leprosy - Insular Patrol](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-insular-patrol/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** From 1899 to 1941 US Marines given the title “Insular Patrolman” were selected to live in Guam’s villages and maintain order. Among their many duties was to enforce the island’s sanitary and public health regulations as dictated by the US Navy administration.
**Content:**
# Leprosy - Insular Patrol
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Military mandated sanitation
From 1899 to 1941 US Marines given the title “Insular Patrolman” were selected to live in Guam’s villages and maintain order. Among their many duties was to enforce the island’s sanitary and public health regulations as dictated by the US Navy administration.
From the time the US gained control of Guam, the insular patrolmen became its eyes and ears – and enforcers – to ensure that its strict new rules were followed. The Naval administration exerted almost full control over Guam residents through its stringent regulations. The justification given for this was they were trying to improve the overall health of the island and for the protection of military personnel and the CHamoru/Chamorro people. Some of the sanitation and public health rules enforced included:
- weeds around homes could not reach beyond six-inches in height;
- laundered clothes must be dried at least eighteen inches from the ground; and,
- school girls were ordered to wear skirts which bottoms had to be at least four inches from the ground (effectively banning the use of the traditional *mestisa*).
Such regulations were put in place to promote hygiene and with respect to the rules on clothes, it was a measure to prevent dirt from getting on the clothing. The insular patrol had the power to ticket or issue fines to offenders. Repeat sanitation violators were arrested.
House-to-house inspections became an everyday reality in every village by the end of the first decade of Naval rule. The inspections were not limited to houses and grounds, but also for the identification of ailing Chamorros during epidemics.
## Health regulations and leprosy
In 1902, Naval Governor Seaton Schroeder issued General Order No. 43 which mandated the segregation of people thought to have Hansen’s disease or leprosy. Not only did it establish a “leper colony” in Ypao on [Tumon Bay](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), but it directed patrolmen to identify and apprehend suspect cases of Hansen’s disease. Those “diagnosed” with the disease were immediately confined at Tumon. Families were also fined or arrested for attempting to conceal or aid relatives in escaping confinement.
Chamorros were often misdiagnosed and treated as prisoners in the Tumon leprosarium. They were referred to as “inmates” instead of as patients suffering from a disease. In *Colonial Dis-Ease*, Guam historian [Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/) writes of the misdiagnoses:
> On Guam early in the 20th century, despite the certainty that the disease was a menace to the island, definition and treatment of it were still uncertain procedures. Ailments such as gangosa, yaws, and syphilis were frequently misdiagnosed as Hansen’s disease, and persons suspected of suffering from it were confined in a “leper colony” before undergoing a medical examination.
>
> Dr. Anne Perez Hattori
Once at the colony, patients were guarded and not allowed to leave the premises, which were mostly surrounded by a high barbed wire fence. Visitors had to seek permission from the Naval governor to visit those confined at the colony. An article in the *Guam Recorder*, a newspaper at the time, stated that at night patients were placed in houses that had iron bars on the windows and padlocked doors.
This harsh treatment led many Chamorro families to flaunt the laws and attempt to conceal sick family members from the patrolmen. In addition to the already standing order to arrest family members caught hiding family members suspected of having the disease, Governor E.J. Dorn in 1910 began taking Chamorro parents who hid their sick children to court.
Schroeder and subsequent appointed governors considered their efforts to separate the “leper” from the community noble and in the best interests of the people on the island and the military’s mission. They defended the need for the establishment of the Tumon colony, the enforcement of confinement and the eventual exile of persons thought to have the disease. Governor George Dyer wrote in a 1905 letter to the assistant secretary of the Navy:
> The necessity for the segregation of the lepers for the protection of the white population, and incidentally the existence and efficiency of the Naval Station, is unquestionable. This has been demonstrated in many places notably in Hawai’i.
In 1912, (this would be the first of several forced relocations until the practice ceased in 1924) close to 20 patients were involuntarily shipped to a larger colony on Culion Island in the Philippines. The prior year, Governor George R. Salisbury began the efforts to remove the patients to the Philippines. Navy administrators—and by extension the patrolmen—were unable to securely quarantine patients from the community.
Navy administrators believed that their inability to contain the patients could potentially cause the spread of the disease to military personnel and the community, and they also wanted to relieve the economic burden of detaining and feeding the patients. Most of the patients would never see their families again.
***By*** [***Connor Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/connor-murphy/) ***and*** [***Tanya M. Champaco Mendiola***](http://www.guampedia.com/tanya-m-champaco-mendiola/)
## For further reading
Angeny, G.L. “Leprosy in Guam.” *The Military Surgeon: Journal of the Association of Military Surgeons of the United States* 25, no. 1 (July 1909): 312-317.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health
**Tags:** Leprosy - Insular Patrol
---
### [The Fight to Keep Tumon Public](https://www.guampedia.com/the-fight-to-keep-tumon-public/)
**Published:** January 25, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Tumon Bay has a lengthy history and special significance for the CHamoru people whose ancestors lived and thrived in Tomhom (Tumon) area for millennia, establishing sizable villages, such as Ipao, Tomhom, Naton, Gokña, and Fafå'i. The richness of their lives there are attested by the imprints of pole and thatch structures and numerous other artifacts from the Pre-Latte era (3,500-4,000 years ago to AD 800-900) as well as abundant archeological evidence from the later Latte era (AD 800-900 to 1700s), including numerous sets of latte pillars, pottery shards, fish hooks, lusong mortars, and slingstones.
**Content:**
# The Fight to Keep Tumon Public
View more images for the The Fight to Keep Tumon Public entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157720225290469/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Attempted military taking of Tomhom (Tumon)
Tumon Bay has a lengthy history and special significance for the CHamoru/Chamorro people whose ancestors lived and thrived in [Tomhom](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/ "Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon (Tamuneng-Tomhom)") (Tumon) area for millennia, establishing sizable villages, such as Ipao, Tomhom, Naton, Gokña, and Fafå’i. The richness of their lives there are attested by the imprints of pole and thatch structures and numerous other artifacts from the Pre-Latte era (3,500-4,000 years ago to AD 800-900) as well as abundant archeological evidence from the later Latte era (AD 800-900 to 1700s), including numerous sets of *latte* pillars, pottery shards, fish hooks, lusong mortars, and slingstones.
Much of that ancestral heritage remained in place through hundreds of years of colonization, including the destructive eras of the *reducción* and [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), until the post-war period of road construction, recreational infrastructure development and private development that significantly impacted the Tumon Bay landscape.
Today, comparatively few physical reminders remain of the CHamoru ancestors who flourished there, though their presence can still be felt and they are ceremonially honored from time to time. Yet, within the lifetimes of our grandparents and great-grandparents, families there farmed and ranched on the land and harvested the bountiful fish within the bay’s waters. During seasonal fish runs, Tomhom and other coastal areas would be lined with communal groups, net-fishing to catch manahac, tiao, and other small fish.
However, some *manåmko’* (elders) also recall that early in the US administration of the island, family members and others were removed from their homes and placed in a [leper colony](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/) that the military government established in Tomhom (1904-1912); others remember that sometime thereafter, part of Tomhom was the site of the beach house for the Guam Elks Club, a group comprised of military personnel and other American citizens (the people of Guam being wards of the nation were not US citizens at the time).
However, because the bay has been so transformed in recent decades as a tourist and recreational district, where apartment and condominium complexes abound, even these historical events of not so long ago, including the attempted military taking of all of Tumon Bay, have the potential of being forgotten.
## A history of connection and disconnection
The people of Guåhan have a lengthy history of land being taken, granted, or otherwise switching hands under the Spanish, Japanese and US colonial governments. To understand what this means, it is necessary to appreciate the CHamoru connection to the land. Låguas (the four large southern islands) and Gåni (the northernmost islands) are indigenous names for what we now call the Mariana islands – the homeland of the indigenous CHamoru people. On those islands, the CHamoru ancestors, *i manaotao mo’na*, adapted the culture, language, and lifeways they had brought with them, becoming uniquely CHamoru. CHamorus, as the indigenous people of Låguas and Gåni, have spiritual, sacred, and reciprocal relationships with the land and sea and all that exists within them. For millennia, the land and the sea fed *i manaotao mo’na*, housed them, and provided for a rich life. Land was their most precious possession.
CHamoru identities are tied to their familial lands and villages. As such, loss of connection to familial land affects CHamorus deeply, evoking trauma and pain felt generation after generation to present times. The[ US military appropriation of land](https://www.guampedia.com/land-ownership-on-guam/) touched CHamoru lives unlike any other condition, consideration, or imposition of the US government. For many, to see these seized lands which had sustained and provided for their families for generations sitting unused makes the pain of the denial of the return of their land that much deeper.
Hence, the WWII and Post-WWII military land appropriations (1944-1949), including the attempted taking of Tomhom, was especially traumatic – dislocating, disconnecting, and deeply distressing the people of Guåhan. This episode is an experience that must be remembered for it holds many lessons. It was a time when local families, and leaders from the Guam Congress, the Guam Chamber of Commerce, and the Catholic church all rose to protect and retain the rich cultural, historical, and familial resources of Tomhom.
Because of their persistent efforts over several years, the CHamoru community was able to hold onto as much of Tomhom as it did, allowing for the private ownership, economic development, and access that we enjoy today.
## The Act: WWII and Post-WWII land takings
During WWII, Tomhom served as a landing site for the Japanese during its 1941 invasion of the island. The Japanese administration garrisoned forces there with some residents of Tomhom being allowed to stay while others were relocated elsewhere. As the Japanese readied for the US’s eventual return, life in Tomhom became more restricted and CHamoru men were forced to fortify the bay. Shortly before the recapture of the island, the Japanese killed some of these men, another three CHamoru men lost their lives laying mines in Tomhom’s waters, and the people of Tomhom along with the rest of the island, were rounded up and marched to concentration camps like those of Asinan and [Manenggon](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat") in [Yona](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/ "Yona (Yo’ña)"). Those areas later became refugee camps after liberation for up to a year or more. While the island was being cleaned of military ordnance and other dangerous materials, people were not free to return to their homes, if they had a home to return to at all. About 80 percent of the homes, buildings, and other structures on island had been destroyed by US aerial and naval bombardment and subsequent invasion and battles. In fact, not a single home was left standing in some villages, including [Asan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/ "Asan-Maina (Assan-Ma’ina)"), [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/ "Piti"), [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat"), and [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/ "Sumai (Sumay)").
After the US recapture of Guåhan and for years thereafter, the military administration transformed the landscape more than at any time in the island’s history. The military command took whatever land it considered necessary for its objectives, initially to defeat Japan and later to develop Cold War bases to counter anticipated Soviet and Chinese activities in the Western Pacific. Formal procedures and compensation for local landowners was left to be sorted out later. More than 200,000 military personnel were stationed on the island during the war in a massive military complex of 21 bases, including five large air bases, eight air strips and major expansion of naval facilities in Apra Harbor, which was built up into a second Pearl Harbor.
The military’s plans, during and immediately after the war, dislocated families all over the island from their lands. Before the war, CHamorus still owned and had access to the vast majority of the island. Their removal from homesteads, ranches, some of the best agricultural lands and fishing grounds, coupled with the bulldozing and destruction of tens of thousands of acres to build the bases, disconnected CHamorus from the land of their ancestors. It further tore them from that part of their social identity, drastically changed the land tenure system that had sustained them for generations, and challenged people’s ability to provide for themselves.
By 1947, entire villages had been taken in some cases. About 1,350 families – more than half of the population – had been removed from their ancestral lands; only a third of the island remained in local hands. To add insult to injury, the displaced land owners were not allowed to harvest the ripening foods on their confiscated lands.
Compensation, when finally offered at all, ended up averaging just six percent of the land’s appraised value. If families refused to leave their land or tried to return to harvest their produce, they would be regarded as criminals for violating naval security.
## Segregated military use of Tomhom
The military began heavily using Tomhom Bay shortly after recapturing and securing the island, clearing roads through the area and setting up special camps, a tank farm, and Army Air Force recreational facilities. This development destroyed much of the rich ancestral heritage located there. Personal photographs shared online and those in an article about Guam in a July 1945 edition of *Life Magazine* make the military’s penchant for recreational use of Tomhom Bay abundantly clear.
A subsequent Life Magazine article published in February of 1946 used the same photograph of Navy officers and nurses recreating at the beach to illustrate the point that a section of Tomhom was cordoned off for officer use only. While the article discusses at length the segregation and disparity between white officers and white enlisted men, it failed to recognize that on that very same stretch of beach, military segregation policies excluded beach and facility access to non-white soldiers and civilians (including CHamorus).
The number of non-white soldiers assigned to any military station was purposefully limited. Additionally, ‘colored’ soldiers were relegated to certain spaces on and off base—they lived in segregated camps, ate in separate areas in mess halls, and so on. African-American soldiers stationed on Guåhan in the 1940s likened serving on island to being in the racially discriminatory Deep South. In fact, one of the most notable race riots in the US military occurred in Guåhan. Labeled the Agana Race Riot of 1944, this series of violent encounters between white and black soldiers culminated in two dead black soldiers, one injured white soldier, and 43 men (most of whom were black soldiers) who were court-martialed, convicted, and imprisoned. In 1947, Major General Griswold, Commanding General of MARBO (the Marianas-Bonin Islands Command) noted that there were no recreational facilities on Guåhan for ‘colored’ troops. Although President Truman desegregated the US Military with Executive Order 9981, on 26 July 1948, implementation and full desegregation were years away.
## Continued land takings post-WWII
As the war came to an end and 350 or so CHamorus began filtering back to their lands in Tomhom, the Unpingco, Santos, Pangelinan, and Leon Guerrero families returned to ranching and fishing there, even while the military continued to use Gokña in the northeastern portion of the bay as an exclusive recreation area. Because a CHamoru resident had shared information about the latte village of Gokña, a lieutenant tracked down the latte in an area marked for clearing and recreational use. The lieutenant proposed saving and restoring the site to a commander who immediately halted the bulldozers. Nine of the 11 documented latte sets there were restored to a certain degree by the unsupervised and inexperienced men who used cranes to place the tåsa capstones onto the pillars.
By 1948, despite the fact that much of the seized land around the island was not being immediately used but instead was held for contingency purposes, the naval administration continued to remove hundreds more people from their lands, this time almost entirely for recreational use by the military—to create areas for fun and leisure for military dependents. In that vein, and in response understanding that civil government was likely imminent (meaning that the Naval government would lose its unilateral control of the island), in 1948, the Army Air Force moved to condemn more than 65 acres of homes, ranches, and fishing grounds along Tumon Beach for an expanded military recreation center whose land, sand, and waters, and all that they yielded, would be off-limits to locals. For the military, Tumon Bay would be one of two beaches near Andersen Air Force base maintained just for military personnel and American civilians working for the military, in addition to Talågi (Tarague) beach located on the Air Force base itself. Those restricted beaches would be on top of others that the military had condemned around the island, such as those along [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/), [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), and Finegayan coasts. CHamorus pointed out that all the best beaches were being taken, leaving them with very little.
The military promoted Tumon Bay as “every bit as enjoyable” as Waikiki. In their exclusive beach-side recreation center, military personnel frequented the dressing rooms and showers; socialized at the snack bar, lounge, and outdoor tables; played sports with the supplied equipment; and attended band concerts, variety shows, and road shows from the continental US. On the cordoned off beach, the military relaxed and frolicked; participated in swimming, swim meets, and other water contests They joined all day beach parties with free fried chicken and beer and, by the thousands, flocked to “mammoth” all-service picnics and other festivities such as demonstrations of air-sea rescue with the use of helicopters and formation-flying by Navy planes.
## The fight: The community rises
The families displaced from Tomhom recall the stories of loss and resistance. Grandchildren, now adults, recount narratives they heard growing up – of men like Tun Juan Unpingco, who stood in front of both military personnel and bulldozers with a shotgun in his hand while refusing to leave his family land in Tomhom. Tun Juan was fortunate to have been left alone as others elsewhere were forcibly removed.
Members of the Guam Congress, essentially an advisory body to the military governor at the time, employed numerous means to help their constituents contend with the land takings that were causing much worry and consternation. The appropriations seemed excessive and arbitrary, claiming 63 percent of the island at one point. No one’s land appeared beyond seizure. Guam Congress members sought legal clarification from the Attorney General, voiced concerns, and passed resolutions. They even tried to legislate the abolishment of the Superior Court of Guam which had jurisdiction over land cases because the court was believed to favor military interests.
The Superior Court’s judges were appointed by the Secretary of the Navy in Washington DC; appeals from the judges’ decisions were sent to the secretary himself for final rulings. When the legislation abolishing the court was vetoed by the military governor, [Admiral Charles A. Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/ "Governor Charles Alan Pownall"), the legislators then sent a bill to Pownall’s successor,[ Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/ "Governor Carlton Skinner"), the island’s first appointed civilian governor, to provide that appeals from the Superior Court be sent to a local court of appeals, rather than the Secretary of the Navy. However, after a note from the Secretary of the Navy to Governor Skinner, that too was vetoed. When the Army moved to condemn large tracts of Tomhom, the Guam Congress held conferences with the governor and the officer in charge of the Land and Claims Commission. In a dire appeal, the Guam Congress House of Council even sent the following cablegram to Secretary of Defense James V. Forrestal:
> TO THE HONORABLE JAMES FORRESTAL SECRETARY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE REQUEST KIND RECONSIDERATION OF US ARMY RECREATION BEACH AT TUMON AREA NOT TO INCLUDE THE HOMES OF NINE FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN. FAMILIES URGENTLY REQUEST TO REMAIN IN PRESENT HOMES AND PROPERTIES INHERITED FROM PARENTS.
In the face of these stands by local leaders, military governor Pownall vetoed the legislation, chastised the Guam Congress, and defended the appropriation of land for recreational use. In a 1948 letter to the Guam Congress, he stated: “\[following the reoccupation of Guam, land in the Tumon Bay area was taken and used for the requirements of the Armed Forces of the United States in prosecuting the war.” Further, Pownall pursued the condemnation of beaches in order to “provide adequate swimming facilities for the personnel of the Air Force and Army stationed on Guam” as a means to provide them athletic facilities that would affect “law and order, harmony and morale.”
At the time, Governor Pownall and other military leaders tried to assure the people of *Guahån* and their chain of command superiors, like General Douglas MacArthur, Commander-in-Chief of the Far East Command, who had heard of the commotion, that the military would require just half of the beach and that there was enough land in Tomhom to meet everyone’s needs.
However the Guam Congress continued to press its case. For example, taking another tack, they approved a resolution which they forwarded to the Navy, protesting the acquisition of yet another beach area that would be declared off-limits to locals. The legislators further requested that all beaches be declared public property and that no further monies be approved for leasing or purchasing additional land. The Navy did not forward the resolution in a timely fashion to the US Congress.
The Guam Chamber of Commerce sent a cablegram to Defense Secretary Forrestal (who referred it to the Secretary of the Army) emphasizing that Tomhom was the only beach open to the people of Guåhan and was also the burial grounds of CHamoru ancestors. The message stressed that the people of the island would continue to share it with military personnel and pointed out further, that the San Vitores shrine in Tumon, which marks the site where he was martyred, was a significant religious site to the people of Guåhan.
Also entering the fray was the Catholic church. In its weekly bulletin, they printed an article titled, “Keep Tumon Beach for Guamanians” in which they noted, “Things have gone far enough, surely, and there ought be no onslaught upon places as sacred as Tumon, whose taking is bound to be resented…”
While this concerted effort did stop the plan to condemn the entire bay and is considered a notable hard-won victory, the military did formally condemn and retain sizable portions of Tumon. Upon the Navy being relieved of their governmental duties for Guahån in 1950 by the enactment of the Organic Act, they put into motion efforts to thwart the sections of the act meant to equip the new civil government with the island’s infrastructure. The military, concerned that their mission could be compromised by not having control of certain lands, resources, and utilities, had Guahån’s first civil governor, Carlton Skinner, sign a quitclaim deed transferring all previously condemned properties to the United States. In short order, President Truman then issued Executive Order 10178 returning those properties, including sections of Tomhom, to the navy which were then divided up between the military branches.
Needless to say, the people of Guahån felt that the whole affair added to the bitter feelings regarding the land takings and undermined the self-rule that the Organic Act was supposed to have set in place which was intended to include control of island utilities and natural resources. For numerous years thereafter, the military continued to have exclusive use of portions of Tomhom beach and control over other parcels of land in Tomhom.
## The significance of the fight
The broad resistance across different sectors of the community were important factors in the keeping of as much of Tomhom in local hands as occurred. Without families and leaders standing up for the people of Guåhan’s rights and considerations, several other significant areas of the island would not have been spared from being taken by the military, areas such as Sella Bay which the military wanted to make into an ammunition wharf.
Portions of Tomhom have been returned to the people of Guåhan over the years. For example, the area now known as Matapang beach is now a public beach which is said to be named as such, not after[ Maga’låhi Matå’pang ](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-matapang-matapang/ "Matå’pang: Matapang")of Tomhom, but because the original landowner, an Unpingco, labeled the particular way his lands were taken was [“matå’pang,”](https://www.guampedia.com/matapang-evolution-of-the-term/ "Matå’pang: Evolution of the Term") completely unjust. For decades, families and the Government of Guåhan have agitated for just compensation and the return of seized lands throughout the island to be returned. The Government of Guåhan continues to regularly request land back from the military, including land in Tomhom. The Navy has stated that the 24-acre Tumon Tank farm is deemed for potential transfer between 2022 and 2026 while other Tomhom parcels have no announced transfer date including the valuable freshwater resources that the military maintain there.
## The future: Where do we go from here?
As time goes by, contentious issues, injustices, and community losses often can be forgotten or recounted in vague terms that lessen the impact of these salient events. Revisiting the fight to keep Tomhom in family hands and the beaches accessible to all helps ensure that this history is accurately remembered, that we understand the issues involved, and that the lessons from this period are learned.
The taking of homesteads, ranches, and fishing grounds, land that had been passed on generationally within a family, recalls a painful part of the history of the island and for far too many, remains an unresolved loss. Many continue to fight for the return of familial lands, the connection to the spirits of their ancestors that remain there, and the restoration of the social and cultural identities associated with it.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
Camacho, Keith L. “‘Enframing I Taotao Tano’: Colonialism, Militarism, and Tourism in the Twentieth Century Guam.” MA thesis, University of Hawai’i, 1998.
Clement, Michael R., Jr. “[Tamuning-Tumon-Harmon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).” In *Guampedia*, last modified 3 March, 2022.
Cogan, Doloris Coulter. *We Fought the Navy and Won: Guam’s Quest for Democracy.* Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2008.
Eyerman, JR. *The Local Beer Garden*. In “What’s Wrong with Our Army? The Former Editor of ‘Stars and Stripes’ Assails Our Army’s Undemocratic Caste System.” By Robert Neville. *Life Magazine*, 25 February 1946.
–––. *Weary Nurses and Officers Relax Along Tumon Bay’s Sandy Beach*. In “US Makes Little Island into Mighty Base.” *Life Magazine*, 2 July 1945.
Friedman, Hal M. “’Races Undesirable from a Military Point of View’: United States Cultural Security in the Pacific Islands, 1945-1947.” *The Journal of Pacific History* 32, no. 1 (1997): 49-70.
*Guam Daily News*. 1950-1958. Newspapers Archives.
Guam Economic Development Authority. *Potentially Releasable Federal Lands*. Tamuning: GEDA, 2019.
Hattori, Anne Perez. “Righting Civil Wrongs: The Guam Congress Walkout of 1949.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
–––. “Guardians of Our Soil: Indigenous Responses to Post-World War II Military Land Appropriation on Guam.” In *Farms, Firms, and Runways: Perspectives on U.S. Military Bases in the Western Pacific*. Edited by L. Eve Armentrout. Chicago: Imprint Publications, 2001.
Institute of Ethnic Affairs. *Guam Echo*. Washington, DC: IEA & MARC, 1947-1950.
Kuper, Kenneth Gofigan. “Na’la’la’ I Hila’-ta, Na’matatnga I Taotao-ta: Chamorro Language as Liberation from Colonization.” MA Thesis, University of Hawai’i, 2014.
Nalty, Bernard C. *The Right to Fight: African-American Marines in World War II*. Marines in World War II Commemorative Series. Washington, DC: US Marine Corps History and Museums Division Headquarters, 1995.
Osborne, Douglas. “Archaeology on Guam: A Progress Report.” *American Anthropologist* 49, no. 3 (1947): 518-524.
Phillips, Michael. “Land Ownership in Guam.” In *Guampedia*, last modified 3 March 2022.
Quimby, Frank. “National Attention on Guam’s Postwar Campaign for Citizenship.” In *Guampedia*, last modified 2 March 2022.
Reed, Erik K. *General Report on Archeology and History of Guam*. Santa Fe: National Park Service, 1952.
Rogers, Robert. “Gibraltar of the American Lake 1945-1950.” In *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2011.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1990.
SWCA Environmental Consultants. “Physical and Cultural Environment.” By Sandra L. Yee and Cherie K. Walth. In *The Archaeological Monitoring, Data Recovery, Burial Recovery, and Artifact Analysis*. Draft Volume I. Report No. 13-50504. Tamuning: SWCA, 2013.
University of Guam Micronesian Area Research Center and the Department of Anthropology. *Tumon Bay Area Overview: Cultural and Historical Resources*. By Michael W. Graves and Darlene R. Moore. Mangilao: MARC, 1985.
Unpingco, Raphael. “The Fight to Keep Tumon Public.” Interview by Dr. Kelly Marsh-Taitano. *Modern Guam Rises from Destruction of War: 1945-1970*, Guampedia, 19 May 2021. Oral, 1:00:00.
## Multi-media materials
“Guam, U.S. Makes Little Island into Mighty Base.” *Life Magazine* 19, no. 1 (2 July 1945): 63-75.
Hammond, Robert. “Overseas Deployment.” Interview by Oral Histories. *National World War II Museum*, 2015.
Lewis, Noah. “Experiencing Racism on Guam.” Interview by Oral Histories. *National World War II Museum*, 2015.
Neville, Robert. “What’s Wrong with Our Army? The Former Editor of ‘Stars and Stripes’ Assails Our Undemocratic Caste System.” *Life Magazine* 20, no. 8 (25 February 1946): 105-106, 108, 111-112, & 114.
Pringle, James. “Life on Guam.” Interview by Oral Histories. *National World War II Museum*, 2015.
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam: Politics, Guam's Villages, Guamanian Era: Politics, Heritage Sites, Modern Guam Rises, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era: Politics, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** The Fight to Keep Tumon Public
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### [Origin of Guam’s Indigenous People](https://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-guams-indigenous-people/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The origin of Guam’s indigenous people has been a matter of considerable speculation for more than a century. Scholars have developed theories about CHamoru origins based on various evidence: physical (pottery shards, DNA, etc.), ocean movement and language.
**Content:**
# Origin of Guam’s Indigenous People
 Austronesian Map. The Australian National University, College of Asia and the Pacific, CartoGIS.
#### Table of Contents
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## Interpretive essay: Linguistic issues and theories
The origin of Guam’s indigenous people has been a matter of considerable speculation for more than a century. Scholars have developed theories about CHamoru/Chamorro origins based on various evidence: physical (pottery shards, DNA, etc.), ocean movement and language.
Based on what is now known from linguistic studies coupled with the modern dating techniques of archaeology, scholars can say with some certainty that:
- The original CHamorus spoke an Austronesian language that was an immediate descendant of Malayo-Polynesian or Extra-Formosan, the language that developed in the northern Philippines following the first migration out of Taiwan into the Philippines.
- The earliest CHamorus sailed the 1,300 miles from the northern Philippines to the Marianas in the first major, open-sea migration in the history of mankind.
- CHamoru is not close to any Philippine language, or to the Philippine group of languages as a whole, neither does it subgroup with any language group to the south of the Philippines.
## Placing CHamoru/Chamorro proves difficult
Language is one of the key sources of information that enables scholars to draw conclusions about where people came from and to whom they may be related. This information, supplemented by the modern dating techniques of archaeology, can provide us with a fairly reliable picture of prehistory, although access to new data and dating techniques often require the prehistorian to revise theories that have become popular and are frequently cited.
CHamoru is one of the more than 1,200 members of the great Austronesian language family, a fact that has long been recognized. Austronesian is the family of languages that first developed in Taiwan some 5,000 years ago, and spread from there through the Philippines, to Indonesia and Malaysia, and ultimately into all the habitable islands of the Pacific, with some groups settling in mainland Southeast Asia and as far east as Madagascar.
The difficulty in determining the position of CHamoru relative to other Austronesian languages is at least partly the result of the complex history of contact with other languages, both Austronesian and non-Austronesian, which has taken place at an ever-increasing rate over the last 3,500 years or more since the islands were first settled.
These contacts have ranged from chance settlement by shipwrecked or drifting sailors from Micronesian islands to the south and east, or from any of a number of Philippine islands to the west or Indonesian islands to the south, to interaction with trade networks with other island groups, all of which have left their imprint on the language spoken by the indigenous population of the Marianas.
## Impact of colonization
In the historical period, colonization under [Spanish](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/), German, [Japanese](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) and [American](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) governments along with decimation of the local population have had drastic effects upon the inherited language, especially in the lexicon, but also in the forms of words and the grammar. Probably thousands of words which were once part of the language of the early migrants have been lost, being replaced by words commonly used by the colonizers.
When attempting to determine the origins of the CHamoru-speaking people, it is a relatively easy task to identify and eliminate from comparison those terms which obviously have their source in Japanese or European languages. It is not so easy, however, to distinguish words that must have been inherited from the vocabulary of the first CHamorus from words that have been adopted into the language from other Austronesian languages.
For example for 150 years, starting in 1575, the Manila Galleon stopped annually in Guam for reprovisioning on its trips across the Pacific between Mexico and the Philippines, bringing with it not only commercial products for sale or barter, but Filipinos speaking a number of different languages, terms from which inevitably found their way into the vocabularies of the local CHamorus. The Spanish, in order to reinforce their own troops from Mexico, even recruited a company of Kapampangan-speaking soldiers from the Philippines, many of whom married local CHamoru women and introduced words from their language into CHamoru.
The techniques of historical-comparative linguistics, however, provide a principled method for separating out such borrowed terms from those that are inherited from the ancestral language. In order to understand these techniques it is necessary to briefly outline the principles upon which they are based.
## All languages change
There are two basic assumptions upon which the principles and procedures of historical-comparative linguistics are based. The first of these is that all languages change over time. This seems a fairly obvious assumption when one compares the languages of grandparents with their grandchildren, but the cumulative results of such inter-generational change typically result in very different forms of words and grammar over periods of hundreds of years, as can easily be attested by comparing say the language of Chaucer or Shakespeare with the English spoken today. The expectation then is that CHamoru words that are directly inherited from the earliest ancestors who first set foot in the Marianas thousands of years ago are likely to be very different in form from the way they are spoken today.
At the point when ancient CHamorus first arrived, it can be assumed that they were speaking the same language as their relatives and friends whom they left behind. In the generations that followed, however, the changes that took place in the language of the homeland were independent of the changes that took place in the language of the CHamorus. This would have resulted in what would have been dialectal differences over a few hundred years, but ultimately, should the descendants of the travelers have returned to their homeland and attempted to communicate with the descendants of those who stayed behind, they would not have been mutually comprehensible. The two forms of speech would have become different languages, or “daughter” languages of their parent, or “proto-language”. Thus English and German are two of the daughter languages of their common parent language, Proto-Germanic.
## Languages change systematically
The second basic assumption is that the sounds of a language change over time in regular and systematic ways, enabling linguists to establish sets of corresponding sounds between languages belonging to the same language family. Thus words in CHamoru with “f” correspond to similar words in Tagalog with “p”, while those with “p” correspond to Tagalog words with “b”. They can discover sets of words in these languages which must have had a common origin in the parent language because of their corresponding sounds and because they share the same or similar meanings. Such forms are known as “cognates.”
The discovery of such cognate sets enables the linguist to determine the sound system of the proto-language and to postulate the forms of the words in the parent language from which the daughter languages developed. This is not to say that idiosyncratic or irregular changes do not occur, they do, but frequently it is possible to determine regular processes by which the apparently irregular forms developed.
Words that are not inherited from the parent language, but have been adopted into the language by “borrowing” from some related language are often identifiable because they have not undergone the regular sound changes that characterize inherited words. Thus CHamoru *babui* ‘pig’ is clearly a borrowing of a word from one of the Philippine languages, many of which have *babuy* ‘pig’, because otherwise it would be pronounced in CHamoru as *papui*.
When languages share a set of sound changes or other innovations that have taken place, they can be grouped together into a subgroup, the members of which are more closely related to one another than to any language outside of that subgroup. So when comparing CHamoru with other Austronesian languages, the question that must be asked is whether there is a subgroup of Austronesian languages to which CHamoru is most closely related? If so, it should be possible to identify the homeland from which the original migrants set sail in their voyage of discovery to the Mariana Islands.
Some of the sound changes that characterize inherited CHamoru words provide evidence that CHamoru is in fact an Austronesian language.
## CHamoru as an Austronesian language
There have been several studies which have focused on the systematic way sounds have changed in CHamoru which differentiate it from other Austronesian languages. The first of these studies was by the American philologist Charles Everett Conant, who spent many years in the Philippines at the beginning of the twentieth century. In articles published in the *Journal of the American Oriental Society* in 1907 and in 1911, and in *Anthropos* in 1911, he noted the relationship of CHamoru to Philippine and Indonesian languages, and attempted to describe how CHamoru consonants had changed over time.
The next major study which included a description of sound changes in CHamoru was by Hermann Costenoble, who spent his childhood years from 1905-1913 in Guam and grew up speaking the language. Writing in German under the tutelage of the great Austronesian scholar, Otto Dempwolff, he produced in 1940 a volume, *Die Chamorro Sprache*.
This work was ground-breaking for its time, but has since been superseded by more recent studies which have benefited from a fuller understanding of the nature of the parent language, Proto-Austronesian, and the far more extensive set of reconstructed forms with which comparisons can be drawn. More recently, a study by Robert Blust of the University of Hawai’i, entitled “Chamorro historical phonology” appeared in the journal *Oceanic Linguistics* in 2000.
This work provides a description of the sound system of CHamoru as it is currently spoken and gives evidence to show how each of the sounds has developed in CHamoru from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), the parent of all the Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan, spoken around 2,000 BC, and which can be shown to probably be the immediate ancestor of CHamoru. (This parent language is also referred to in some descriptions as Proto-Extra-Formosan.)
### Vowels
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) had four vowels: i, u, a and e. In CHamoru the first three of these sounds remained unchanged, although in some positions in a word, “i” became “e”, and “u” became “o”. PMP “e” was not a sound like Chamorro “e”, but rather a sound pronounced similar to the vowel in English ‘hurt’, sometimes referred to as “schwa.”
In CHamoru, this sound also became “u” (and in some positions “o”). Examples: PMP Rebek > *gupu* ‘to fly’, beRas > *pugas* ‘husked rice’, tebuh > *tupu* ‘sugarcane, qatep > *atof* ‘roof’, paniki > *fanihi* ‘flying fox’, etc.
### Consonants
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian consonants developed regularly in CHamoru as follows. (Not all PMP consonants are shown here and many details of development are left unstated; however they serve to indicate the regular nature of the sound changes that have taken place in the language from its proto-language.)
p > *f*pasu > *fasu*cheekpaqit > *fa’et*salty; bittert > *t*telu > *tulu*threemata > *mata*eyec > *s*ceŋceŋ > *songsong*stopper, plug k > *h* (before a vowel)kutu > *hutu*louselaki > *lahi*man, malek > (at the end of a word)tasik > *tasi*seaRebek > *gupu*to flyq > ‘ (glota)ma-qasiq > *ma-’ase’*mercifulRumaq > *guma’*houseb > *p*bulan > *pulan*moonbabaq > *papa’*down, belowd > *h*danum > *hanom*watersida > *siha*they, themz > *ch*zalan > *chalan*road, pathquzan > *uchan*rainj > ’pajay > *fa’i*rice in the fieldlalej > *lalo’*houseflyg > *g*ganas > *ganas*appetitegetus > *gutos*snap, break offm >*m*lima > *lima*fivedalem > *halom*in, into, inside, entern > *n*nepuq > *nufo’*scorpion fishpaniki > *fanihi*flying foxñ > *ñ*ñamuk > *ñamu*mosquitolaña > *laña*oil (generic)ŋ > *ng*’deŋeR > *hungok*heartuqelaŋ > *to’lang*bones > *s*susu > *susu*breastnusnus > *nosnos*cuttle fish, squidR > *g*Rebek > *gupu*to flyzuRuq > *chugo’*sap, juice
## Subgrouping Hypotheses
From the above it is clear that CHamoru is an Austronesian language. There are hundreds of words that probably directly reflect words that have been reconstructed to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. Knowing this however doesn’t tell us who the closest relatives of CHamoru are, nor where the original CHamorus came from.
### Subgrouping claims
There are at least four main claims regarding the subgrouping relationship of CHamoru. These are:
- CHamoru is part of the Philippine family of languages.
- CHamoru is most closely related to certain languages in Indonesia.
- CHamoru is most closely related to some of the Austronesian languages in Taiwan.
- CHamoru is not closely related to any other subgroups within the Austronesian language family.
### Philippine connection
The first claim has appeared in various publications but probably is best known from the often-cited comment found in Topping’s *Chamorro Reference Grammar* (1973) that “Chamorro is a Philippine type language, and its closest linguistic relatives are probably Ilokano and Tagalog. This opinion is based on the many similarities in the grammatical structures of the languages…. It is quite possible that these similarities in the grammatical devices were borrowed from Filipinos with whom the Chamorro traded. However this is very unlikely.”
Topping’s claim was based, not on sound changes, but on the apparent similarity in the way verbs are formed in each of these languages. The so-called “focus system” of Philippine-type languages which appears also in some sentence types in CHamoru is not unique to these languages, it is found in the Austronesian languages in Taiwan, some of the Indonesian languages, and even in Malagasy spoken in Madagascar, and is reconstructible to very early stages of the Austronesian language family, so it cannot provide evidence of a close relationship between the Philippine languages and CHamoru.
There are a considerable number of words in CHamoru that are similar in form and meaning to words that are found in Philippine languages, but unless the CHamoru words show the sound changes that characterize its inherited vocabulary from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, the words must be assumed to be borrowings, borrowed into CHamoru by Filipinos coming to live and work in the country.
### Indonesian connection
The second claim has been argued by Erik Zobel, who attempts to relate both Palauan and CHamoru to a subgroup of Austronesian languages that he labels Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian, and which he claims consists of a number of the languages of Indonesia, mainland Southeast Asia, and the Oceanic languages, but which explicitly excludes the languages of the Philippines, northern Sulawesi and most of the languages of Borneo and Madagascar.
Zobel’s claim is based on some similarities in the grammars of CHamoru and Palauan with the languages in his Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian subgroup. This is an attractive hypothesis, because it suggests the possibility that the original migrants who eventually settled the Marianas left from the northern Sulawesi area and after establishing an intermediate settlement in Palau, moved north to populate the Marianas, but its claims have been challenged.
Other scholars addressed each of the claims made by Zobel, and showed that each of Zobel’s proposed innovations is also found in some Philippine languages. Reid argues that the similarities are not the result of innovations in a shared parent language, but were probably independent changes that have taken place in those languages in which they are found, or they are the result of contact between the languages. Moreover, as Blust has noted, there are no uniquely shared sound changes or lexical items as one would expect if the hypothesis was valid.
### Taiwan connection
In 1991, Stanley Starosta and Louise Pagotto compared the syntactic features of CHamoru with Tsou, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan, and also with Tagalog in the Philippines, and Marshallese, a Micronesian language. They concluded that each of the shared syntactic features were probably inherited from Proto-Austronesian and did not provide any evidence for a close relationship of CHamoru with any one of these languages.
Subsequently, however, Starosta (in 1995) claimed that CHamoru, while sharing aspects of its grammar and word formation with the Taiwanese languages Rukai, Tsou, and Saaroa, does not use a number of affixes that he claims developed in other languages in Taiwan, and which are shared by other Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan. He thus claimed that CHamoru separated at a very early stage, sailing from Taiwan, before the development of those affixes and before the movement south that brought about the occupation of the Philippines and other areas now occupied by speakers of Austronesian languages.
Starosta’s hypotheses regarding the subgrouping of the Austronesian languages in Taiwan have not been widely accepted by linguists, and Reid (2002) throws doubt upon the validity of his claims about CHamoru, by showing that some of the affixes that he proposed had not been innovated until after the ancestors of the CHamoru had left Taiwan, do in fact appear in the language, either with shifted forms or functions.
### Malayo-Polynesian connection
Blust states:
> Chamorro is descended from a single language ancestral to all Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan. Within the Malayo-Polynesian group, Chamorro shows no close ties with any other language.
An examination of the sound changes that are found in native words in CHamoru reveals that a number of changes that occurred in the language of the first migrants to move out of Taiwan into the Philippines (Proto-Malayo-Polynesian), are found also in CHamoru.
For example, some of the sounds that were differentiated in Formosan languages were not distinguished in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, neither are they distinguished in CHamoru. Some words that were innovated in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian are also found in CHamoru.
CHamoru reflects some changes in its grammar that took place in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, such as the systematic use of the prefix *man-* with accompanying changes to the final nasal sound, depending on the initial consonant of the base to which it was attached, e.g., *man-* + *gupu* > *manggupu* ‘to fly (plural subject)’.
If in fact the first CHamoru migrants probably set sail from the Philippines, as linguists claim, why is that CHamoru is not most closely related to Philippine languages?
It is because the first CHamoru migrants left the Philippines before the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian language began to differentiate into the dialects which resulted in today’s Philippine languages. This claim is supported not only by the very early archaeological dates for first occupation in the Marianas, but also by the linguistic evidence. There are several words, for example, that have been reconstructed for Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, whose reflexes in Philippine languages show changes that are not found in CHamoru. For example PMP Rumaq ‘house’ (Chamorro *guma’* ‘house’) is reflected in Philippine languages with the meaning ‘sheath’, and #siwa ‘nine’ (Old Chamorro *sigwa*) is reflected in Philippine languages as either *siyam* or *siyaw* ‘nine.’
## Saipan settled first
Blust also notes that the reflexes in CHamoru of the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian directional terms “lahud” ‘towards the sea’ (in Saipan and Rota *lagu* ‘west’, in Guam ‘north’) and “daya” ‘towards the mountains’ (in Saipan and Rota *haya* ‘east’, in Guam ‘south’), imply that initial settlement in Saipan was from the west, while that in Guam was from the north.
This is consistent with an initial migration from the Philippines into Saipan, with subsequent migration south into Guam. That the migration was probably from the northern or central Philippines, rather than from the south is supported by the presence of a reflex of PMP “baRiuh” ‘typhoon’ in CHamoru *pakyo* ‘typhoon, storm, tropical cyclone’, since typhoons although a regular occurrence in Luzon and the central Philippines, are virtually unknown in Mindanao and areas south of the Philippines, excluding Sulawesi and Palau as possible places of origin.
### Evidence for intensive contact
According to Blust, there is no evidence from either archaeology or the sound changes that have taken place to support a popular hypothesis (suggested also by Costenoble’s claims of “layers” of vocabulary) that the original CHamoru population was conquered by an in-migrating group of people who brought with them *latte* and rice agriculture and left a major imprint on the language. Blust does however provide a number of CHamoru terms whose origin can only be from one or more of the Micronesian languages.
Furthermore, Reid’s examination of the grammar of CHamoru suggests that there are several sets of parallel constructions, or syntactic doublets, suggesting the possibility that the language has undergone considerable change as a result of intensive language contact. One of these doublets is the set of possessive constructions, such as *i gima’ ña si Rosa* ‘Rosa’s house’ or *i hagaña i rai* ‘the king’s daughter’ versus *i gima’ Rosa* ‘the house of Rosa’ or *i hagan rai* ‘the daughter of the king’.
Another set are the existential possessive constructions, such as *Guaha salape’hu* ‘I have money’ or *Taya’ salape’hu* ‘I have no money’ versus *Gai salape’ yo* ‘I have money’ or *Tai salape’ yo* ‘I have no money.’ Different sets of transitive and intransitive constructions with the same or similar meanings, provide further support for this hypothesis.
## Knowledge of rice cultivation
This does not support however the claim that the knowledge of rice agriculture was introduced as a result of language contact, nor is it possible to unambiguously locate the source of the language(s) that might have influenced CHamoru to this degree.
Terms for rice, rice cultivation and preparation have been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian and must have been known by the first CHamoru migrants, since these terms, such as *fa’i* ‘rice in the field, rice plant’ (from PMP “pajay”), *pugas* ‘uncooked rice’ (from PMP “beRas”), and *lusong* ‘rice mortar’ (from PMP “lesuŋ”) clearly reflect the sound changes that characterize inherited, native vocabulary.
Scholars also know from archaeology and from linguistics that rice agriculture was a significant part of the culture of the earliest migrants to Taiwan from Southeast Asia, and was carried with them when they eventually set sail for the Philippines and islands to the south.
If the earliest CHamorus did not have rice agriculture for several thousand years, how were they able to maintain knowledge of the terminology associated with it? The terms would have been forgotten within a few generations. The fact that archaeologists have not yet found very early evidence for rice, only means that the sites where it may have existed have not yet been discovered.
The linguistic evidence then, supports the fact that the CHamoru language is a Malayo-Polynesian Isolate.
***[By Lawrence A. Reid, PhD](http://www.guampedia.com/lawrence-reid/)***
## For further reading
Blust, Robert. “Chamorro Historical Phonology.” *Oceanic Linguistics* 39, no. 1 (2000): 83-122.
Reid, Lawrence A. “Morphosyntactic Evidence for the Position of Chamorro in the Austronesian Language Family.” In *Collected Papers on Southeast Asian and Pacific Languages*. Edited by Robert S. Bauer. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, 2002.
Zobel, Erik. “The Position of Chamorro and Palauan in the Austronesian Family Tree: Evidence from Verb Morphosyntax.” In *The History and Typology of Western Austronesian Voice Systems*. Edited by Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, 2002.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays, Language
**Tags:** Origin of Guam’s Indigenous People
---
### [War Survivor: Josefa Cruz Baza](https://www.guampedia.com/war-survivor-josefa-cruz-baza/)
**Published:** June 18, 2019
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A young Malesso girl. Josefa Cruz Baza (1930 - 2021) is known as a quiet and gentle soul. But those who know her well knew that there is a lot of truth in the saying that “dynamite comes in small packages.”
**Content:**
# War Survivor: Josefa Cruz Baza
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## A young Malesso' girl
Josefa Cruz Baza (1930 – 2021) is known as a quiet and gentle soul. But those who know her well knew that there is a lot of truth in the saying that “dynamite comes in small packages.”
Josefa is the daughter of Martina and Juan Cruz. She is one of seven children – Mariquita, John, Josefa, Ignacio, Antonio, Teresita and Galo. She was not able to finish high school but she was adept at business, running her own cosmetology shop out of her house in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) and a retail store for several years while she raised seven children.
She was married to Jesus Acfalle Baza, an accountant for the Navy, the Guam Department of Education and later with the Superior Court of Guam. They had seven children.
The following is her recollection of World War II and growing up in [Malesso’/Merizo](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/):
## In her words
When the bombs started to explode in [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/), there was a young man named Patrick Taijeron who lived there. He came to Malesso’ in his car and told the villagers that the oil field in Sumai had been bombed. He told everyone that the gas and oil fields were burning badly and smoke was everywhere. He said people should pack their belongings and look for hiding places, because the Japanese had invaded Guam and they will come looking for them and kill them all.
At that time, I was at my godmother’s residence, Severa Torres, in Malesso’, getting ready for a party. After we were told by Patrick to go find our hiding places and to leave our homes, we hurried back to our house.
My father, Juan Cruz, told our whole family to prepare our things and we would go to the home of our uncle Jose, who had a ranch deep in the jungle in the area of Malesso’ known as Geus (Gay-us). We went there and stayed with him for about four days, because we were so scared of what would happen.
We were told to stay at my uncle’s ranch. Jesus Barcinas was the commissioner of Malesso’ at the time. We waited until we were given the go-ahead to return to our own homes, but were warned to keep quiet and low key.
The Japanese had found a home to use as their quarters at the southern end of the village, which was close to the Malesso’ pier. At the time, there were some Americans who were living in Malesso’ as medics and were stationed there, but the Japanese had them removed, and the Japanese eventually used their home as their quarters.
When they came to our house, which was closer to the middle of the village, they liked it because it was one of the more well-constructed homes, because my father was a carpenter and the roof was made of tin and wood paneling, and there was a concrete base. Most of the other homes around us only had the thatched roof from coconut leaves. We were fortunate at the time because my father was a carpenter and he would be given the leftover materials from church projects, which he used in our own home.
We were told to find our own home anywhere. Fortunately, our family had some land near the beach near Achang Bay and that’s where we moved. We hurriedly packed our things and moved there, and my Dad built a “*sagidani*,” a little ranch with the thatched roof of coconut leaves and bamboo. We stayed there until the end of the war, until the Japanese vacated the village.
While we were living there, the Japanese forced us to work even though we were still children. We were expected to pull weeds, clean and to plant vegetables in the designated area near where our house was in the middle of the village. We also had to plant “*fai*” (rice plants) so we could have rice.
As a family, we would pray together and we would do what the Japanese told us to — plant the vegetables and the rice. My mother would stay home to watch the baby, but they took the men and the boys to work in the fields. My siblings at the time were in the ages of 15 years old and below. I was 12 years old and my brother Galo was still a baby.
The Japanese would take all the vegetables, including the breadfruit and eggs, and would leave nothing for us. We would hide our provisions and when we killed the pig, we would try as much as possible to avoid having the Japanese smell the meat, because if the Japanese found out that we had food, we would get slapped.
We would take the taro leaves and the bananas and prepare them sometimes in coconut milk and hide them. When we slaughtered a pig, we would do so at night and then my mother would season it with salt and we would dry it near the ocean so the Japanese won’t smell or see it. The same went for the breadfruit. We would pick it at night and cook it and then wrap and hide it. We would eat it with coconut milk, and that’s how we would have our meal.
The Japanese rationed our portion, a very small portion of rice, then we would cook it and we would eat it with just soy sauce. There were no vegetables unless we had them hidden; otherwise we would get punished for having provisions that the Japanese were supposed to have.
## Punished if you didn't obey
I was just a young girl but I had to obey what I was told because there were terrible consequences if we didn’t. Sometimes they’d bind your hands behind your back, slap and kick you and even kill you. My sister, Mariquita, was punished for being late to work. They bound her hands and tied her to the coconut tree.
The Japanese put two coconut trees in front of our house that they stayed in, in the middle of the village. These two coconut trees were supposed to signify that they were occupying it and people that passed the house were supposed to bow to it. There were two young girls, Emma Charfarous and Guadalupe Garrido, that were taken by the Japanese for the purpose of ‘fanning’ the leaders and acting as slaves. These girls were a little more mature and were favored by the Japanese.
As for our prayer life, we could not go to Mass because there were no priests but we would say the rosary every night because my mother was a *techa* (prayer leader) in our San Dimas Church. My father was the priests’ cook and handyman. My mother spent a lot of time praying for all of us. My parents would teach us to be devoted to the Church and to pray. My mother always gathered all of us to pray together. We would especially do this at night, because we were not home during the day.
When we’d come home from working in the fields and attending the Japanese school, we had to go far to get water because we had no water connections and the well was far.
As for music, it was hard to sing or play music, because the Japanese would punish us for every infraction that they did not give us permission to do. The people were suffering so much and there was little thought for singing. As for the song, ‘My Dear Uncle Sam,’ I remember Uncle Kiko Banjo, who had a small band, and they would play at work, including this song. They only played this song when the Japanese were not around.
There was a man named Pedro Cibollas, and he also would sing and had a band. The Malesso’ people also made up their own songs. Uncle John (Kiko) Banjo was in a group called Number Five. We were assigned to different group numbers and Uncle John, who played the music, was the leader of the group at his work and they played music, and sometimes there were as many as 10 people in a group comprised of both men and women.
## In school to learn Japanese
Later they opened a Japanese school and we were told to attend the school every day for about two hours to learn Japanese, and we would walk to the end of the village where the school was located near the pier. We would leave at about 10 in the morning and then get done by noon, about two hours, and do this every day. That school is still the same school that’s there now. All of us would walk from wherever we stayed, and in our case, we would walk all the way from the Achang Bay location down to the school near the pier. There were no vehicles anywhere.
As time progressed and we were getting more proficient in the language, the Japanese sensed that the Americans were coming and then we were told to stop attending the Japanese school. As we got closer to the end of the war, the villagers were told once again to hide in the jungles, because there would be more bombing.
## Massacres and rebellion
At one point, we were told that the Japanese would be doing something to our strongest men and to those who may look like Americans or who were related to Americans. Many of us stayed up all night because we knew that many of our villagers would be killed, and this was when the [Tinta massacre](https://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-tinta-and-faha-massacres/) occurred where they sent men and women into the caves and bombed them. Some of the victims died, but there were those that survived, including Auntie Luisa Baza Santos, who later testified in Congress for war reparations compensation.
We were told again that we would be gathered again and sent to a place called Atåte, which was far into the jungle. We were there for about three days and then the Japanese decided that they were going to have a party. They had made a huge pit, and the Japanese told the villagers that they were going to kill the animals, especially dogs, and put them in the pit, but it was really for the people that they were going to eventually kill and put in the huge pit. They gathered the largest and strongest men and took them to Faha, the place near the cemetery at the end of the village, and killed those men.
When Jose Reyes found out that the Japanese were having a party to kill the CHamorus, especially those waiting in Atåte, he called the strongest CHamoru men to invade the camp where the Japanese were drinking and partying and took their guns and weapons, and instead killed the Japanese force that was partying and prevented what would have been one of the worst massacres. When this happened, two Japanese soldiers escaped and ran to [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/).
After Jose Reyes and his men killed the Japanese soldiers, he told the villagers to run to Finile, another part of Malesso’, which was very far. We went there and stayed for almost two weeks and maybe more, until we were told the Americans were there and there were camps in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/) and we walked to Hågat along the beach from Malesso’ and stayed there.
There were so many goods from the Americans, and we were so grateful, because we were so hungry. We ate so much that some of us were stricken with diarrhea. The Americans took very good care of us and told us to stay in Hågat and not to return to Malesso’ yet until they were sure all the Japanese had left.
There were some people who chose to stay in Atåte. Those who decided to stay in Hågat were from Malesso’, Hågat and Humåtak. There were still some Japanese soldiers, but they were hiding and the Americans would come after them. We stayed in Hågat for about a month and many of us were sick. It was a good thing they had medics and doctors to care for us. Many of us had diarrhea. The outhouses stunk so badly.
## Prayers and song
When we were young, my mother would teach us the novena songs, and I had an Uncle Pedro and his brother, who would play the guitar. His son would play for the church.
My mother and I are alike in the sense that I like to pray just as she did with her devotion to the church as a *techa*. My dad and I are alike in the sense that he was a quiet man. He did not like to talk much. The only time he spoke more than a few words was when he was drinking alcohol.
One of the key things that I learned from my parents was that they passed on the values and lessons that they learned from their own parents. They obeyed and respected what they were taught by their elders. My mother was the youngest sibling in the family and she loved going to church to pray and that’s how she became a *techa*, just like my Dad like\[d\] to serve the church by cooking and caring for the priests, and that’s how we were blessed. We were one of the few that had the nicer homes, with the exception of the other family that had a business here in Malesso’.
## Obey and respect authority
My thoughts about today’s generation is that there is a big difference in the way children are disciplined. In our days, the children were well behaved because they were strongly disciplined, but nowadays, we can’t spank or use physical punishment, because the parents get arrested or sent to jail for doing so. In the olden days, if a child did something wrong, he was punished or spanked, but now there are laws for preventing parents from doing that.
Children were obedient, because they knew there were serious consequences for misbehavior. In the olden days, there was no such thing as punishment for the parent for disciplining his child. How can the child behave if he does not get disciplined for his wrongdoing? That’s why there are a lot of young people in jail because they’ve been allowed to do as they please.
When I pass away, I want my children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren to remember that I taught them to obey and respect their parents and authority and to love God and to pray and to ask God for help. I am grateful to God for my blessings with my family; a good husband, who has already left me to be with God; and now my children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren; and a beautiful peaceful home, and a wonderful family.
Josefa Cruz Baza passed away on 2 April 2022.
**Editor’s note:** Reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation by Flora Baza Quan.
**Categories:** Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWII, WWII Survivor Stories, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** War Survivor: Josefa Cruz Baza
---
### [Leprosy - Local Reaction](https://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-local-reaction/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the first decade of the 20th century, the US Navy embarked on a policy of forcibly segregating Chamorros suspected of having Hansen’s disease (leprosy) from the rest of Guam’s population, and sending them to live in leper colonies such as the one established at Ypao, Tumon or as far away as on the island of Culion in the Philippines.
**Content:**
# Leprosy - Local Reaction
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Local reaction contradicts Naval authorities
In the first decade of the 20th century, the US Navy embarked on a policy of forcibly segregating CHamorus/Chamorros suspected of having Hansen’s disease (leprosy) from the rest of Guam’s population, and sending them to live in leper colonies such as the one established at Ypao, Tumon or as far away as on the island of Culion in the Philippines. These patients were torn from their families and were denied basic civil liberties. The Navy saw the quarantines as a necessary measure to stop the spread of the disease.
The Chamorro people’s reaction to the quarantine was outrage. Many defied laws by continuing to visit, help and even free their sick family members from the colony.
Acceptance of the disease, a general discomfort with American medicine, and desire to care for their loved ones and to keep the family together, led to many attempting to hide their sick family members. In 1904, Governor G.L. Dyer wrote that patients:
> …prefer to live with their families who have always had them and who regard it as an unwarranted and unnecessary interference to require them to part.
>
> Naval Governor G.L. Dyer
By 1910 the Naval government began prosecuting Chamorros who concealed sick family members. Many Chamorros also defied rules against visitation to see those imprisoned at the colony. Additionally, there were reports of lepers escaping the colony to nearby ranches and homes. Punishment for escaping the colony was 10 to 20 days – or up to six months for repeat offenders – wearing a ball and chain.
## Navy's reasons for sequestering patients
The Navy’s reasons for attempting to stop the spread of leprosy on the island were complex, and not the least of which was protecting servicemen and their families from contagion. While there were few military personnel who disagreed with the Navy administration’s handling of the situation, and expressed their concerns that the extent of prevalence of the disease was overblown, their voices were ignored.
Although other factors were expressed in Naval writings from this period, such as a benevolent desire to help the local people and the less benevolent inclination to preserve a healthy local workforce, the Navy primarily acted out of self-preservation from what they saw as a deadly threat. In Colonial Dis-Ease [Anne Perez Hattori](https://www.guampedia.com/anne-perez-hattori/) writes:
> …understandably, the paramount concern of the Naval government of Guam was the protection of their military personnel. The health concerns of the Chamorro people would be attended to, particularly if perceived as a threat to the well-being of the Naval community, essentially in the interest of shielding Americans from possible contagion. Understandings of Naval benevolence toward Chamorros must therefore be tempered by recognition that the health of Chamorros mattered to the Navy principally when it endangered the health of Navy enlistees through possible contagion.
>
> Dr. Anne Perez Hattori
In 1902, Guam Naval Governor Seaton Schroeder issued General Order 43, establishing the colony at Ypao, Tumon and called for the arrest and confinement of people thought to be afflicted with Hansen’s disease. The order also spelled out punishments for patients who attempted to leave the colony, and for people who tried to hide or help escape those afflicted with the disease.
## "Lepers" banished
The failure of the Naval government to totally confine sick Chamorros, local defiance to the measures, the administration’s lack of understanding, but more their fear of possibly contracting Hansen’s disease and the costs of confining and feeding the patients forced the first exile of eighteen Chamorros from their homeland and families to Culion Island, Philippines where a larger colony was already established. In December 1912, Guam Naval Governor R.E. Coontz received orders to banish the Chamorro patients to the Philippines.
As they were made to walk from Tumon to Apra Harbor to board the USS *Supply* hundreds of Chamorros lined the streets to bid farewell to friends and relatives that they knew that they would possibly never see again. Coontz would later write in his autobiography, *From the Mississippi to the Sea*:
> In December 1912, I received orders to transport all the lepers, then in Guam, to Culion Island, in the Philippines. It had to be done ostensibly on account of economy, but it was a heart rendering procedure. On the way from the leper colony to the steamer it was necessary for all the unfortunates to pass through the town. Their relatives and many other natives congregated to see them go. It made one think either of a circus parade or a big funeral. One leper was 88-years-old and whether or not he survived the trip I never learned.
>
> Naval Governor R.E. Coontz
The exile ended in 1924 when Navy Surgeon Edward Reed successfully argued that the banishment policy only served to worsen the patients’ health conditions and the Navy would never receive the Chamorro people’s cooperation to effectively identify leprosy cases if they kept sending their loved ones away.
[***By Connor Murphy***](http:///guampedia.com/connor-murphy/)
## For further reading
Angeny, G.L. “Leprosy in Guam.” *The Military Surgeon: Journal of the Association of Military Surgeons of the United States* 25, no. 1 (July 1909): 312-317.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941.* Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
**Categories:** Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Health
**Tags:** Leprosy - Local Reaction
---
### [Guam's US Naval Era Historical Overview](https://www.guampedia.com/guams-early-american-historical-overview/)
**Published:** October 2, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** From the Spanish American War to the Organic Act. The arrival of the USS Charleston at Apra Harbor 20 June 1898 and the capture of Guam by the Americans during the Spanish American War heralded the beginning of significant change, once again, for the CHamoru people. US Naval Captain Henry Glass claimed Guam for the US, seized the Spanish officials on Guam, and set sail for the Philippines.
**Content:**
# Guam's US Naval Era Historical Overview
View more images for the Guam’s US Naval Era Historical Overview entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622401105815/).
##### Share This
## From the Spanish American War to the Organic Act
The arrival of the *USS Charleston* at Apra Harbor 20 June 1898 and the capture of Guam by the Americans during the [Spanish American War](http://www.guampedia.com/spanish-american-war/) heralded the beginning of significant change, once again, for the CHamoru/Chamorro people. US Naval Captain Henry Glass claimed Guam for the US, seized the Spanish officials on Guam, and set sail for the Philippines. After 230 years of [Spanish control](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) CHamorus took this opportunity for self-governance for a short time before the first American naval governor, [Richard Phillips Leary](https://www.guampedia.com/leary-general-orders/), finally arrived and took charge a year and a half later.
Besides having a new colonial master, for the first time the island of Guam would be under [separate rule](http://www.guampedia.com/partition-of-the-marianas/) from the rest of the Mariana Islands as the United States took only Guam, allowing the Northern Marianas to be sold by Spain to Germany.
The Americans brought not only a new [style of colonialism](http://www.guampedia.com/american-style-colonialism/) with an emphasis on separation of church and state, but also imposed [economic restrictions](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/) and issued many [rules](http://www.guampedia.com/naval-executive-orders/) administered by an ever changing Naval administrator, most of whom only stayed for a year or two. Each naval [governor](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-leaders-from-1899-1904/) had his own ideas about how things should be and ordered the CHamorus to comply. CHamorus were not US citizens and had no recourse, as the Naval governor was also the [court](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-island-court-system/).
There was no free [press](http://www.guampedia.com/newspapers/), martial law was in effect and there was only an advisory [Congress](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-period-has-profound-implications/) on Guam during this era, lasting from 1899 until 1941, interrupted by [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) while the island was taken over by Japan. Americans took the island back and the Navy was in charge again from 1944 until 1950.
People were encouraged to [speak English](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-language-policies/) rather than their native CHamoru or Spanish. Some US Marines were designated as [Insular Patrolmen](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-insular-patrol/) and assigned to villages to ensure that the people followed the new Navy rules regarding everything from how tall the weeds were to the length of girls skirts. Public health officials treated school children without parental consent, people with [Hansen’s Disease](http://www.guampedia.com/us-naval-era-leprosy-hospitals-and-colonies/) known as “lepers” were forcibly taken from their families and kept locked up until they were sent away to the Philippines in 1912, most never to be heard from again.
Naturally, there were also positive developments during this time as well. The first American hospital was built through the efforts of Gov. Shoeder’s wife, Susanna, and a nurses training program was established. The Guam Newsletter was created, more youth learned to read and write in English, American music such as [Jazz](http://www.guampedia.com/jazz/) and [band ensembles](http://www.guampedia.com/band-ensembles/) were introduced, influencing [CHamoru music](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-music-2/) of the time. [Baseball](http://www.guampedia.com/baseball-history-of-the-sport-on-guam/) made its debut with fields carved out of the jungle and teams in many villages. Theaters, stores and even soda fountains were built and enjoyed by island residents. [Hagåtña](http://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/) were bustling towns.
Social organizations were formed that still exist today such as the [American Red Cross](http://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/) and the [Young Men’s League of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/young-mens-league-of-guam-ymlg/), to name a few. More ships made ports of call on Guam, bringing trade and the beginnings of [commerce](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/). Telephones, radio, the postal service, [cable communications](https://www.guampedia.com/early-transpacific-telecommunications/) and eventually the [Pan Am Clipper](http://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/) airplanes came to Guam bringing travelers from around the world and creating new jobs. People began building new styles of homes and using new farming techniques, reinforcing the self-sustenance that CHamorus were known for.
At the same time CHamorus began [migrating](http://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-migration-to-the-u-s/) to the US for education and to join the military, a trend that continues today.
The Naval administrators also tried to break the hold that the Catholic Church had on the island sending the [Spanish priests](http://www.guampedia.com/americans-bring-upheaval-in-religious-practices/) away and outlawing religious celebrations on any day but Sunday. [Protestant](http://www.guampedia.com/origin-of-the-chamorro-protestant-congregation-on-guam/) churches were established and some CHamorus changed religion. Catholic catechism was no longer allowed to be taught in the schools.
[Governor Willis W. Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) (1929-1931) was the only naval officer to attempt to push civil rights for the CHamoru people through a Bill of Rights that was ignored by federal officials although some elements were incorporated into revised 1933 Guam law codes.
On 10 December 1941 Japan invaded Guam’s shores and took over the island for the duration of World War II. The Americans who survived the Japanese attack were taken [prisoner of war](http://www.guampedia.com/robert-obrien-u-s-prisoner-of-war/) and sent to Japan. CHamorus struggled until the strict Japanese rule for two years and nine months, suffering many [war atrocities](http://www.guampedia.com/war-atrocities-other-atrocities/), until the Americans came back to reclaim the island on 21 July 1944.
After less than a month of intense fighting the island was recaptured by the Americans. It soon became the temporary home to 205,000 US military as a forward base for the continuing war in the Pacific and Asia. This increase in military also brought many new people to Guam who fell in love with the island and its people and stayed. Some came for the business opportunities, some came with the government and others, such as the [Cushing](http://www.guampedia.com/cushing-family/) and [Gombar](https://www.guampedia.com/louie-gombar/) families, came to entertain the troops.
The major villages had been heavily bombed during the American invasion, leaving CHamorus to face a devastated island. Much land was taken for a larger US military presence as well. CHamorus had to make new homes, send their children to [new schools](http://www.guampedia.com/post-war-education/) and [create new villages](http://www.guampedia.com/resettlement-patterns-under-american-rule/).
After a few years of getting resettled, CHamorus once again tried to gain control of their island home. A newly appointed Guam Congress struggled with Naval leadership once again, and eventually [walked out](http://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) of session decrying the lack of democracy. A like-minded group of people in Washington DC, the [Institute of Ethnic Affairs](http://www.guampedia.com/institute-of-ethnic-affairs/), helped lobby for the passage of an organic act.
President Harry Truman finally signed the [Organic Act ](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/)on 1 August 1950 giving CHamorus US citizenship and the beginnings of self-governance and ending naval rule for Guam.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
**Categories:** Civic Society, Historic Eras of Guam, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics
**Tags:** Guam's US Naval Era Historical Overview
---
### [CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-jewelry/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ancient CHamorus donned various styles of necklaces called ålas and salape that were made of seashells and tortoiseshell. As is common throughout much of Oceania, these forms of body adornment also served as currency and were often indicative of wealth and prestige.
**Content:**
# CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry
View more images for the Chamorro Jewelry entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622478219650/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Traditional jewelry
Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros donned various styles of necklaces called *[ålas](https://www.guampedia.com/alas/ "Ålas: Turtle Shell Ornaments")* and *salåpe* that were made of seashells and tortoise shell. As is common throughout much of Oceania, these forms of body adornment also served as currency, and were often indicative of wealth and prestige.
In the island of Tinian, skilled jewelry makers were noted in a village known as Fanutugan-Ålas or “place where *ålas* are threaded.” Most often, the type of shell used for these necklaces was the red Spondylus (spiny oyster shell). In its entirety, the shell includes spike-like projections. These spikes were cut from the main body of the shell and then into segments that formed O-shaped disks. These disks were commonly strung on coconut fiber sennit (coir).
The two main necklace styles were identified according to the sizes of the disks used to produce the jewelry. The first consisted of seashells and/or tortoise shell approximately a 1/2 -inch in diameter (*guini*) while the second was slightly larger with disks approximately 3/4 of an inch in diameter (*lukao hugua*). Both styles were fairly long and wound around the neck at least once with the excess hanging to the waist and hip levels. The latter, *lukao hugua*, may be translated to mean “a necklace worn in a (religious) procession.”
In a unique form of adornment referred to as *[guinahan famagu’on](https://www.guampedia.com/guinahan-famaguon-childrens-wealth/ "Guinahan Famagu’on: Children’s Wealth")* (child’s wealth), the size of the shell disks begins with 1-inch in diameter and gradually increases to approximately 6-inches in diameter. The two ends were left unattached and it was worn around the neck.
The other major form of adornment consisted of tortoise-shell ornaments worn primarily by women. The value of the necklaces and pelvic aprons was commensurate with the difficulty associated with acquiring the turtle shell. The variations of form include a small plaque worn on the forehead or *pinipu* and a pelvic apron or *maku dudu* that consisted of a plaque strung with a double cord around the hips. Indicative of high rank, women sometimes wore tortoiseshell disks that were strung with a band of red seashells.
## Spanish influence
The arrival of Catholic missionaries from Spain in 1668 and the conversion of CHamorus to Christianity shortly thereafter saw an introduction of more Western forms of clothing and jewelry to the Marianas. The traditional forms of body adornment, made from seashells and tortoise shell, were soon replaced by rosaries worn as necklaces and a new design of jewelry.
The [Spanish colonization](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) of the islands introduced new forms of jewelry that eventually became popular amongst the local population. Gold and silver jewelry was most likely introduced by Mexican and Filipino craftsmen called *platerus*. In addition to the adoption of the rosary bead necklace, women also donned the introduced gold bracelets, earrings, and pendants. This jewelry, which has several locally-fashioned styles, have become known as CHamoru gold jewelry, and played an important role in wedding gift rituals during Guam’s Spanish and [early American periods](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/).
Gold and silversmiths established a specialized niche within the local population, and the skills were passed down through the generations. One such example is the Aflague (*Katson*) family that produced stylized jewelry that included the easily recognizable bamboo and rosette designs on bracelets, pendants, and earrings. Up to the present day, these pieces of jewelry are viewed as status symbols, objects of prestige, and are often passed from one generation to another as treasured family heirlooms.
## Contemporary jewelry
There has been a resurgence in traditional CHamoru jewelry making in the last decade. It is increasingly common to see men and women wearing carved shells in the shapes worn by their ancestors or symbolic of ancient CHamoru times. Men don clamshell pendants in the shapes of crescents, or *sinahi*; fishhooks, and *[latte](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/ "Latte")*, which were stone pillars used as house supports for ancient CHamorus homes; while women more often prefer the usually orange-colored Spondylus disc-shaped pendants.
Several local artists specialize in the creation of these unique forms of jewelry. Some of the more well known of these artists are[ Jill Benavente](https://www.guampedia.com/julie-jill-quichocho-benavente/ "Julie “Jill” Quichocho Benavente"), John B. Castro, James M. Cruz, George Francisco, Joe Guerrero, Frank Perez, Greg Pangelinan, Johnny “Cake” Siguenza, and[ Ben Del Rosario](https://www.guampedia.com/ben-sinahi-del-rosario/ "Ben “Sinahi” del Rosario") (known as *Sinahi*).
The materials most commonly used by these artists include clamshell, Spondylus shells, bone, and *ifit* (ifil) wood. All of the artists create their pieces by hand.
Jill Benavente began carving in the mid-1990s. She owns and operates the Guinahan Chamoru shop in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/) that serves as a cooperative for a number of local artists. She takes pride in her work and has taken several female apprentices to teach them how to create her unique style of necklaces.
George Gumataotao Francisco started to create his necklaces in 2000, desiring to perpetuate CHamoru culture through hand-crafted jewelry like those worn by his ancestors. He used a variety of materials for his pendants including *ifit*, clam, abalone shells, and bone. In addition to the commonly seen fishhooks and *sinahi*, he created a variety of forms such as intertwined and twisted fishhooks, and at times, carved the outline into different shapes, such as that of a dolphin onto the surface of the *latte* pendant.
Joe Guerrero, who began carving in 1994, prefers to use *ifit* wood, clamshell, fish bone, and Spondylus shells for his pieces. Guerrero takes pride in personalizing each work for his clients so that their personal history plays a role in determining the final form of the piece.
Frank Perez and Greg Pangelinan formed Chamorro Crafters. Pangelinan began carving at the age of 16, more than 40 years ago. Perez joined Pangelinan after retirement six years ago and, together, they carve a variety of pendants out of wood, bone, shells, stone, and basalt. They are also practicing blacksmiths. Like Benavente, they have apprentices under their tutelage to ensure that the skills of carving and blacksmithing continue.
Like the CHamoru artists, artists from the neighboring Micronesian islands also create forms of jewelry that consist of the shells and other materials found in the natural environment.
Although previously these pendants and necklaces were viewed as indicators of high rank, local residents now create and wear these pendants as an expression of respect and pride associated with the ancient CHamoru and their traditional ways of life.
***[By Velma Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/ "Velma Jean Yamashita")***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J., and Janice J. Beaty. *A History of Guam*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** CHamoru/Chamorro Jewelry
---
### [Physical Anthropology of Ancient Guam and the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/physical-anthropology-of-ancient-guam-and-the-mariana-islands/)
**Published:** December 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Of the different regional groups of the Pacific, the physical anthropology of the peoples of Micronesia is probably the least studied. While archeologists have collected human skeletal remains from Micronesia for examination since the beginning of the 20th century, much of the current understanding of the physical anthropology of the region was developed in the 1980s and 1990s.
**Content:**
# Physical Anthropology of Ancient Guam and the Mariana Islands
#### Table of Contents
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## Least studied
Of the different regional groups of the Pacific, the physical anthropology of the peoples of Micronesia is probably the least studied. While archeologists have collected human skeletal remains from Micronesia for examination since the beginning of the 20th century, much of the current understanding of the physical anthropology of the region was developed in the 1980s and 1990s.
Most of these studies have been conducted with CHamoru/Chamorro skeletal remains from the Mariana Islands. These remains were collected from archeological excavations completed in the 1920s by [Hans Hornbostel](https://www.guampedia.com/gertrude-and-hans-hornbostel/) and JC Thompson, who were employed at the Bernice P. Bishop Museum in Honolulu, Hawai’i.
Other sets of skeletal remains have been recovered from various sites throughout the islands as contract archeological projects from the construction of hotels and roads. However, the overall lack of skeletal materials available for study, as well as the often poor preservation of human skeletal remains due to deterioration from long exposure in tropical climates, have contributed to the dearth of scientific studies on the physical attributes of Micronesian peoples, especially from pre-contact times.
In recent years, the repatriation of human remains to indigenous groups for reburial also has limited the access researchers have to skeletal materials for extensive anthropological research. The remains of Chamorros from Guam and Saipan housed in the Bishop Museum were returned as well, and subsequently were reburied or prepared for reburial. However, examination of the remains from the Hornbostel collection by different researchers from the United States, Japan and Guam over the years, as well as remains from more recently excavated sites, have offered a glimpse of the physical stature, cultural aspects and environmental challenges faced by Chamorros in the course of their long history in the Marianas.
## Brief history of physical anthropology in the Mariana Islands
Physical anthropology is the specialization of anthropology that examines human biology in the context of evolution, with an emphasis on the interaction between biology and culture. It often relies on, but is distinguished from archeology, which is the anthropological subdiscipline that studies the cultural artifacts and material remains from early or past societies. Modern physical anthropologists are largely concerned with biological differences expressed among various human populations as societies undergo cultural change or adapt to local environmental conditions and challenges, such as cold, heat or high altitude. The populations may be of past or contemporary societies. Physical anthropologists also look at nutrition and the relationship between diet and other aspects of human physiology, including health and disease, fertility, growth and development.
Studies of the physical anthropology of Chamorros rely heavily on techniques developed in archeology and osteology, or the study of human skeletal remains. Bone biology and physiology can reveal much about the environmental challenges or physical conditions individuals or populations had to contend with over the course of one’s lifetime, including physical stresses from culturally related activities, or nutritional stresses from periods of famine or disease. This is because such stresses may leave lasting marks on bones or teeth. Indicators for age could include the presence of arthritis; nutritional deficiencies may be indicated on tooth enamel or markings on growth areas on the long bones of the arms or legs; behavioral stresses such as heavy lifting or squatting for extensive periods of time can also be indicated by signs of wear or change in bone shape at particularly stressed points like the junction sites for tendons or ligaments. Wear on teeth, calcareous or calcium deposits, or staining can indicate diet and, in the case of the Chamorros, specific cultural practices, such as the chewing of *[pugua](https://www.guampedia.com/passion-for-pugua/)* or betel nut with lime.
In the mid-1920s, a large collection of skeletal remains and cultural artifacts were excavated and removed from various archeological sites in the Mariana Islands. The materials were then sent to Hawai’i and housed in the Bishop Museum, where they remained for more than 70 years. The collection is known as the Hornbostel Collection, named for the Bishop Museum employee, Hans Hornbostel, who brought these remains from the Marianas to Honolulu.
In the last months of 1999, parts of this collection, mostly human skeletal remains from Saipan, Tinian and Rota, were repatriated to the government of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), where they were reburied. The remains that were excavated on Guam were also returned, but are still housed at the Guam Museum awaiting processing and reburial. It is estimated that the Hornbostel collection contains the remains of at least 400 different individuals, some of which are believed to be over 700 years old—pre-Spanish or early post-Spanish contact. There are also Chamorro remains that were removed and sent to museums in Germany and Britain, but the most widely studied materials come from the Hornbostel collection.
Hornbostel was not a trained archeologist, and in fact, age biases in his sample of human remains of adult skeletal materials over children reflect his selective method of recovery for only the best preserved materials or the most recognizably human remains. His collection, however, also consisted of an array of material and cultural artifacts, including [latte](https://www.guampedia.com/latte/), weapons, fishing implements, pottery and stones with petroglyphic markings, as well as his own extensive fieldnotes, which were of excellent quality and detail surpassing those of subsequent archaeologists.
Anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) who worked for the Bishop Museum in the 1930s published a report describing the Hornbostel collection and his fieldnotes, but made little mention of the skeletal remains. It is not clear how many researchers have actually studied the Hornbostel collection, but a few notable reports have been published, including work done by R. W. Leigh (1929); Wood-Jones (1931); Steward and Spoehr (1952); Hanihara (1986), Suzuki (1986); Koizumi (1986); Brace, et al. (1990); Dodo (1986); Turner (1990); Pietrusewsky (1990a, 1990b, 1994a); Ishida and Dodo (1997).
Rona Ikehara-Quebral also conducted extensive analysis of the Hornbostel collection. Most of these published works involve comparative analyses of Chamorro skeletal morphology or structure with other Pacific and world populations, dental studies, and paleopathological and paleoepidemiological studies dealing with health, death and disease.
More recent studies in Marianas physical anthropology in the 1990s are based on human remains recovered by contract archeologists working in sites of urban development, such as hotel or resort and road construction sites, and cultural resource management projects from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. Most of these remains are from the transitional period from pre-Latte to Latte eras of Chamorro history. Because these remains have been recovered from construction sites rather than from directed archeological excavation projects, there are biases and gaps in the kinds of materials recovered, as well as biases that may be reflected in the types of diseases or environmental stresses expressed in the remains.
According to Hanson and Butler, the research questions pursued in the study of these remains are often linked with the general questions proposed by cultural resource management in the Marianas, including: subsistence or diet adaptations, especially in relation to marine and terrestrial food sources and the role of deep sea fishing in Chamorro populations; settlement patterns and adaptations on the coasts and in inland areas over time; and the impact of storm events on coastal sediments.
The often poor preservation of these skeletal materials, though, the lack of standard methods of studying these remains, as well as the need to return the materials out of respect to the Chamorro people has presented challenges to answering these questions. However, researchers have worked hard to piece together a viable description of the physical anthropology of the Chamorro people from the Marianas, and Guam in particular, making the Chamorros the most studied of the populations of Micronesia.
## Some aspects of physical anthropology of ancient Chamorros
### General health and stature
The Chamorro people are believed to have originated from Southeast Asia in a wave of migration that began over 3,500 years ago. Over the centuries they developed the unique culture that the Spanish eventually encountered and described in the early years of European exploration. One of the first written descriptions of the physical appearance of the Chamorro people is by Antonio Pigafetta, a crewmember on [Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/)’s expedition, which landed on Guam in 1521. He described the Chamorros as :
> …tall as we, and well-built…They are tawny but are born white. Their teeth are red and black for they think that it is most beautiful…They \[the women\] are good-looking and delicately formed and lighter complexioned than the men.
Other accounts marvel at the apparent strength of the Chamorro men, asserting them as one of the strongest ever seen. One early chronicler told of an incident in which a Chamorro man, separated from others, was attacked by Spaniards in an attempt to take him back to their ship.
> Instead he (the Chamorro) grabbed them all, dragging them along as he ran off, and before he would free them, it was necessary for others to threaten him from above with arcabuces.
Studies of Chamorro skeletons show cranial and facial features reflecting an Asian heritage. They indicate an average height of males ranging from 168 to 175 centimeters (about 5’5” to 5’10”), with some individuals reaching over 6 feet. The women were smaller, however, measuring about 152 to 160 centimeters (about 5’2” to 5’6”). For the 16th century, the Chamorro people were quite tall, especially among Asian and European populations. Studies of a pre-contact site in Apurguan, on the west coast of Guam between Hagåtña and Tamuning found an average male stature of 173.1 centimeters (5’8”) and 161.3 centimeters (5’3”) for females.
Chamorros were also of relatively good health, with many individuals reaching adulthood and even advanced age. According to Spanish accounts, they used herbal medicines and massage techniques to cure various ailments. The Chamorros, however, did suffer from a number of endemic diseases, including yaws, a skin disease that can leave distinctive lesions on underlying bone tissues, arthritis and anemia. Wear patterns on bones and teeth indicate the effects of strenuous physical activities of the Chamorro people and other chronic health problems including dental disease. In addition, the Chamorros likely dealt with periods of famine and poor water resources. Chamorro skeletal remains also show a significant amount of traumatic injuries, such as broken bones, but that many of these injuries healed and left no visible evidence of being a detriment to overall health.
### Nutrition
As the old adage says, “You are what you eat,” and sometimes, the materials we consume can leave traces in our bones. Indeed, bone analysis of Chamorro skeletal remains has been important for understanding [traditional diets](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-food-and-diet/) among the Chamorro people. It is believed that the ancient Chamorro diet consisted of a variety of plants and marine animals. These included coconut, breadfruit, taro, bananas and rice. Fruit bats and land crabs provided some protein, but most of the protein in ancient Chamorro diets was obtained from fishing.
Studies by Hanson and Butler on Chamorro remains from Saipan, Rota and Guam have revealed that the Chamorros subsisted primarily on a terrestrial plant-based diet of roots supplemented by fish in an otherwise protein-deficient diet. These marine resources from lagoons or the surrounding reefs made up about 30-35 percent of the diet of the Chamorro people. However, variations were found between Chamorros on Guam and Saipan and Chamorros on Rota who seemed to have diets consisting more of deep ocean species. This cultural adaptation has been attributed to the relative lack of reefs surrounding the island as compared to Guam and Saipan.
Analysis of a specific isotope of carbon in bone collagen, a type of protein found in bones, can also reveal food types and amounts eaten by ancient societies. Ambrose and others have proposed that, based on the prevalence of dental caries on Saipanese samples and experiments with carbon compound analysis of different food types, that Chamorros also may have consumed large amounts of seaweed or even sugar cane. Although according to Ambrose et al. there is no real archeobotanical or ethnohistoric evidence to support this large consumption in the islands of Guam and Rota, the island of Saipan seems to have shown a reliance on these items in the prehistoric diet.
### Dental health
Studies of teeth of ancient Chamorros reveal interesting aspects of nutrition, diet and health as well as unique and shared cultural practices. In general, despite their diets rich in root starch and sugars, Chamorro tooth samples show little evidence of tooth decay, abcesses, pre-death tooth loss, or other dental ailments. The chewing of *pugua*, or betel nut, with lime (*afok*) seems to have contributed partly to this observation.
One of the positive effects of betel and lime chewing seems to be the reduction of dental caries, or cavities. This may be due to several factors: for example, the chewing of the rough fibers of the betel cleanses the teeth; the increased production of saliva caused by chewing also increases the proteins which help fight bacterial activity; the high pH of the slaked lime commonly chewed with *pugua’* counteracts the acidity that could lead to tooth decay. The purposeful staining of teeth also seems to have had an effect of preventing the growth of cavity-causing bacteria because of the protective layer the stains placed on the tooth enamel. In contrast, children’s deciduous (or nonpermanent) teeth were more likely to show dental caries, which possibly is linked to poor diets, early weaning or by exposure to chronic diseases.
An interesting aspect of Chamorro culture was the purposeful staining of teeth, which according to Spanish accounts, was done primarily by women for cosmetic purposes. The teeth were stained with “black coloring \[mixed\] with gum to make it long lasting.” In addition, some individuals incised their teeth with cross-hatch patterns that may have had a decorative function, as well as indicate social status. Betel nut (or *pugua’*) and lime chewing also produced reddish stains on tooth enamel. In some skeletal samples from recent studies, stained enamel was not found in individuals under sixteen years of age; however, after age twenty-three, staining was found in 92 percent of the adult teeth studied. Douglas, et al., suggest the purposeful removal of incisors of both the upper and lower jaw, a practice documented in ancient Hawaiians, may also have been found in the Apurguan sample. They suggest this, too, could possibly be another type of cultural alteration of the teeth practiced by ancient Chamorros.
### Physical activities
According to Hanson and Butler, prehistoric Chamorro skeletal remains show distinct wear patterns that indicate strenuous physical activities or repeated or habitual motion, in particular in the bones of the lower back, and the presence of bony outgrowths at the base of certain male skulls. The Chamorro people, as a seafaring culture with some agricultural subsistence, undoubtedly engaged in activities that required upper body strength and agility. Arriaza attributes the signs of back trauma found in more recent skeletal remains on Guam to the increased activity involved in the construction and movement of heavy *latte* stones, a cultural practice that emerged before the arrival of Spanish explorers and which characterizes the *Latte* era of Chamorro history.
The fact that both male and female samples showed evidence of back strain would seem to indicate that both sexes were involved in this community labor force. However, Pietrusewsky et al. note that such evidence of trauma to the back is not present in samples from Saipan, Tinian and Rota. Such back trauma might be attributed instead to differences in physical activity among the different islanders.
In addition, Heathcote has described the presence of localized overgrowths at three distinct muscle attachment sites on the back of the head that would indicate the great strain placed on upper body muscles in the course of activities that require heavy lifting. According to his studies, certain Chamorro males stand out among Pacific Islanders in general because of the size of these bony outgrowths. Like Arriaza, Heathcote postulates that these growths are the result of increased muscle strain due to heavy lifting, possibly from the construction of *latte* formations and the use of carrying poles to transport *latte* stones to their assigned placement sites.
### Life expectancy and inter-island, inter-cultural comparisons
Pietrusewsky and others surveyed skeletal remains from the different Mariana Islands for health and disease in prehistoric Chamorro populations. Although there are biases in the representation and distribution of different age and sex groups in their samples, their studies indicate a life expectancy from birth at 26.39 to 33.71 years of age, with the life expectancy of adults at about 45 years of age. It was also observed that these Chamorro samples had relatively high fertility rates ranging from 5 to 6.5 children for women who survived to age 15 to 45. The populations sampled were also relatively tall, with a stature comparable to populations of Polynesians in pre-contact Hawai’i. Because of this the researchers conclude that Chamorros had adequate nutrition, although dental studies indicate various levels of physiological stress and disease.
Differences seen among the different Mariana Islands, such as the underdevelopment of dental enamel or evidence of anemia, could be more the result of environmental factors, such as inadequate water supply or famine caused by typhoons, or chronic diseases and parasites. These were seen more often among Chamorros in the northern islands of Saipan and Rota than Chamorro samples from Guam.
Pietrusewsky and others assert that their research lacks an adequate study of temporal changes or adaptations of Chamorros, as most of the skeletal samples are from the *Latte* era and very few remains exist from pre-*Latte* times. Their study, though, does raise interesting observations about inter-island differences among Chamorro populations of the Marianas.
For example, while it was expected that Chamorros on Rota would experience more environmentally traumatic episodes due to the frequency of storms, small island size and freshwater shortages, they found that Chamorros on Saipan seemed to have more evidence of physiological stress. Perhaps, they concluded, the Chamorros of Rota, during these periods of stress, would move to larger islands such as Guam temporarily, or the small population of Rota simply did not show as many stress indicators as the more heavily populated island of Saipan.
Additionally, based on wear of ankles, knees, shoulders and backs, it is believed that Chamorro populations on Guam experienced more stress involving labor and physical activity. However, more studies of Chamorro remains using increasingly advanced and noninvasive scientific and anthropological techniques could possibly add more to the growing body of knowledge about human adaptation of the Marianas and the Pacific.
## Repatriation issues and physical anthropology on Guam
### Some points to consider
Ever since the passage of repatriation legislation in the early 1990s, the treatment and disposition of culturally sensitive artifacts and especially, human remains, in repositories all over the United States have changed dramatically. The Native American Graves Repatriation Act, passed in 1990, mandated that all federally funded institutions inform native groups about the nature and extent of their Native American collections.
NAGRPA, in essence, forced museums and other institutions to inventory their collections of material culture from indigenous groups and prepare them for return to their respective sites/people of origin, or to develop treatments that are respectful and sensitive to indigenous beliefs and practices. The return of the Hornbostel collection to Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands in 2000 by the Bishop Museum exposed other challenges and the highly political and contentious issues surrounding repatriation of human remains.
For example, the situation on Guam pointed to questions of who can claim ownership and responsibility for human remains. Although indigenous Chamorros do not qualify under NAGPRA because they are not a federally recognized Native American group, the Bishop Museum, by returning the remains, set an example for other museums in the US to formulate policies dealing with repatriation for non-NAGPRA communities.
The Government of Guam set up a task force to explore the repatriation of Chamorro remains back to Guam, and in consultation with the Bishop Museum, developed a plan for their return. Chamorro activist groups also became engaged in the process and were instrumental in expediting the return of Chamorro remains through protests, lawsuits, and by partnering with Hawaiian-based activist groups, such as Hui Malama.
Local debate also centered on whether the remains should be made available for future studies, perhaps with less destructive methods, or if they should be immediately buried out of respect. For observers of the impact of NAGPRA on institutions across the United States, the issues of repatriation were embedded in a conflict of ethics, perspectives and cultural values, and the situation was similar to debates on Guam. Questions of whether scientific value and archeological inquiry outweigh historical and cultural connections to human remains were expressly argued among different facets of the Guam community. The Government of Guam looked to the CNMI for their example of dealing with repatriated or newly discovered human skeletal remains.
In the Northern Marianas, it was determined that the handling of Chamorro human remains should be done with utmost respect and that any analysis conducted to increase knowledge of Chamorro culture and history be limited with the intention that the remains eventually be reburied. As such, current Guam law states that anthropological review of human remains shall be minimal and only for a duration specified by the Historic Preservation Officer prior to reburial (GCA §76504).
The enactment of this law has placed the Government of Guam as the body responsible for Chamorro human remains, and several assemblages of bones have since been reburied or relocated at the Guam Museum. However, securing the needed funding to provide adequate storage facilities for skeletal materials prior to reburial has been an ongoing challenge for Guam, as well as regulating construction and development projects that unearth and damage ancient burial sites. While researchers may never have open access to Chamorro skeletal remains as they had with the Hornbostel collection, and some archeological and physical anthropology projects may never be completed, it is clear that a fairly substantial body of work has already been accomplished, leading to a record of publications and studies that inform the scientific community of the history and cultural heritage of Chamorros in the Mariana Islands.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Ambrose, Stanley H., Brian M. Butler, Douglas B. Hanson, Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson, and Harold W. Krueger. “Stable Isotopic Analysis of Human Diet in the Marianas Archipelago, Western Pacific.” *American Journal of Physical Anthropology* 104, no. 3 (1997): 343-361.
“Ancient Remains Reinterred.” *Protehi I Kuttura’ta*, Newsletter of the CNMI Division of Historic Preservation, 3.2 (Aug 1999): 1-7.
Arriaza, Bernardo T. “Spondylolysis in Prehistoric Human Remains from Guam and its Possible Etiology.” *American Journal of Physical Anthropology* 104, (1997): 393-397.
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *An Overview of Northern Marianas Prehistory*. By Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson and Brian M. Butler. Micronesian Archaeological Survey, Report Number 31. Mangilao: MARS, 1995.
–––*. Procedures for the Treatment of Human Remains in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.* Saipan: HPO, 1999.
Goldstein, Lynne, and Keith Kintigh. “Ethics and the Reburial Controversy.” *American Antiquity* 55, no. 3 (1990): 585-591.
Guam Executive Order 2000-03 of 28 January 2000, Relative to Establishing a Task Force to Recommend the Disposition of the ‘Hornbostel Collection’ of Remains of Ancient Chamorros Now Housed at the Bishop Museum in Hawaii.
Hanson, Douglas B., and Brian M. Butler. “A Biocultural Perspective on Marianas Prehistory: Recent Trends in Bioarchaeological Research.” *American Journal of Physical Anthropology* 104, no. 3 (1997): 271-290.
Ichida, Hajime, and Yukio Dodo. “Cranial Variation in Prehistoric Human Skeletal Remains From the Marianas.” *American Journal of Physical Anthropology* 104, no. 3 (1997): 399-410.
Leigh, Rufus W. “Dental Morphology And Pathology Of Prehistoric Guam.” *Memoirs of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum* 11, no. 3 (1929): 1-18.
Pietrusewsky, Michael, Michele T. Douglas, and Rona M. Ikehara-Quebral. “An Assessment of Health and Disease in the Prehistoric Inhabitants of the Mariana Islands.” *American Journal of Physical Anthropology* 104, no. 3 (1997): 315-342.
Thompson, Laura M. *Archaeology of the Mariana Islands*. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin, No. 100. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1932.
University of Guam College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, Anthropology Resources & Research Center. [*Taotao Tagga’: Glimpses of His Life History, Recorded in His Skeleton*](http://archives.pireport.org/archive/2006/July/taggaARRC.pdf). Gary M. Heathcote. Non-Technical Report Series Paper No 3. Mangilao: AARC, 2000.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Definitions, Matrilineal Systems, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Physical Anthropology of Ancient Guam and the Mariana Islands
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### [Folktale: The Young Maidens](https://www.guampedia.com/how-the-young-maidens-saved-guam-folktale/)
**Published:** September 20, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Åntes na tiempo (a long time ago), the ancestors of the modern day CHamorus came to the Marianas, a mighty race of people. They were called taotaomo'na which means "the people of before." It is said that the taotaomo’na were giants, very clever and wise, and that they possessed magical powers.
**Content:**
# Folktale: The Young Maidens
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Did you ever notice the odd shape of Guåhan, the southernmost island of the Mariana Islands in Micronesia? It looks as though large bites were taken from either side. The island is fairly wide at both ends and narrow in the middle. The CHamoru/Chamorro people have a legend about how Guåhan got its unusual shape.
*Åntes na tiempo* (a long time ago), the ancestors of the modern day CHamorus came to the Marianas, a mighty race of people. They were called *[taotaomo’na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)* which means “the people of before.” It is said that the *taotaomo’na* were giants, very clever and wise, and that they possessed magical powers.
During that time a group of fishermen who fished in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) Bay noticed that the mouth of the bay was quickly growing larger and larger. They could not understand what was causing it to grow. Similarly, a group of fishermen from [Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/pago/) noticed that Pago Bay was also growing larger and larger. It seemed that the center of the island was being eaten away on both sides.
The people could no longer ignore what was happening. The land between Hagåtña and Pago was becoming narrower each day. They realized that if this trend continued much longer the island would soon become two separate islands.
A meeting was called to bring together all the wise *taotaomo’na*. After comparing their observations everyone agreed that something had to be done – and quickly! They realized there must be an answer about what was causing the narrowing center of Guåhan, but unfortunately, no one knew what it was. The group disbanded without knowing quite what to do.
A few days later a Pago fisherman was out early in the morning doing his day’s work when he spotted a giant fish! The fisherman, curious to find out more about the large creature, tried to approach it. As he neared, he saw that it was eating big chunks of land! But when he came even closer the giant fish saw him and quickly swam away.
The fisherman ran to tell everyone about the giant fish that he had seen chewing away at the land in Pago Bay. When they heard his account, the people were outraged and vowed to fend off the giant fish.
Early the next morning all the strong men of Guahan gathered with their weapons and started out on their mission. They were going to stop the giant fish from chewing through the island!
Hagåtña and Pago Bays were filled with canoes of fishermen and others who wanted to help. The men paddled into the bay looking for the terrible fish. Some searched along the coral reef while others looked in the deep ocean outside the reef. The men searched for hours, but no giant fish was seen. As nightfall came everyone returned home filled with disappointment.
The search for the giant island-eating fish continued for many days. Enthusiasm to find it lasted a long time. But no matter how hard the men searched, the fish eluded them.
The news of the failure to find and destroy the giant fish spread from village to village. Some of the young maidens heard the news and were fascinated by the efforts to catch the fish.
The young women talked about the giant fish whenever they gathered to wash their hair and rinse it with fresh water scented with lemons. Their favorite spot to gather for this task was at the Hagåtña Springs. When they finished, the pool would be covered with lemon peels.
One day a young maiden in Pago noticed these same peels floating in Pago Bay. She was puzzled by their appearance. After some thought, she realized that the giant fish must have eaten a hole all the way under the island from Pago Bay to Hagåtña Springs! She told the other maidens, that must be where the giant fish was hiding.
The next day the maidens gathered at the Hagåtña Springs. They were amused the brave, strong men were unable to capture the giant fish. The maidens then decided they would catch the fish themselves. Cutting off their dark tresses, they wove a net with their long black hair. Because their hair had magical powers, they knew their net would have magical powers, too.
While they wove they began to sing. They sang for hours, and as they continued to sing, the net grew larger and larger. Even the giant fish could hear their singing from underwater. Enchanted by the sound of their beautiful voices, the fish swam out from its hiding place to listen to the singing maidens. As the fish approached the mouth of the spring, the maidens drew closer to the fish, still singing and carrying their net of hair. Suddenly they spread their magic net over the spring and dived into the pool, surrounding the fish. The giant fish was trapped and could not escape! In triumph, the maidens then summoned some of the men to help dispose of the giant fish. With their wisdom, magic and beautiful singing, the young maidens had saved Guåhan!
**Editor’s note:** This story was adapted from “Legends of Guam”, a booklet produced by class members of an education class at College of Guam in 1962.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Chamorro Folktales, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** legend, legends
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### [Ålas: Turtle Shell Ornaments](https://www.guampedia.com/alas/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The term ålas (derived from the Spanish term alhajas, which means jewelry) refers to turtle shell valuables used within the highly reciprocal associations of the indigenous people of the Mariana Islands. Women, most especially, wore turtle shell as body ornamentation.
**Content:**
# Ålas: Turtle Shell Ornaments
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The term *ålas* (derived from the Spanish term *alhajas*, which means jewelry) refers to turtle shell valuables used within the highly reciprocal associations of the indigenous people of the Mariana Islands. Women, most especially, wore turtle shell as body ornamentation.
Used as necklaces and belts, ancient CHamorus/Chamorros prized turtle shell and used it in many ways. There were variations of the plain turtle shell plates, or *lailai*. *Lailai* with holes cut into it were called *pinipu*. Each hole signified an increase in value. *Maku dudu* were *lailai* polished on both sides that were worn around the waists of particularly wealthy women, and fastened by means of a double cord.
The terms *guini* and *lukao hugua’* refer to turtle shell necklaces made of flat, round, and perforated disks strung on coconut fiber. The highly prized *guinahan famagu’on* (children’s wealth) consisted of shell disks of varying thickness worn draped around the neck on special occasions.
Shell money should not, however, be viewed primarily as a form of body adornment, but rather as an item entangled in complex webs of sensitive social relations. Its main use in society was ceremonial, spanning the whole of the social horizon from offerings at funerals to payments for special and religious services; from servings as gifts at wedding celebrations to gestures of reconciliation in times of conflict and warfare.
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na. Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands.* Micronesian Archaeological Survey No. 32. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Resources, Economic Systems, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Resources
**Tags:** Ålas: Turtle Shell Ornaments
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### [Haggan: Green Sea Turtle](https://www.guampedia.com/haggan-green-sea-turtle/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Green sea turtles were once a common species of sea turtles found in Guam’s waters. They can still be seen around the island where rich seagrass beds are found, including channel areas, harbors, lagoons.
**Content:**
# Haggan: Green Sea Turtle
#### Table of Contents
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## Description and Status
**Scientific Name:** *Chelonia Mydas*
**Common Name:** Green Sea Turtle
**CHamoru/Chamorro Name:** *Haggan* or *Haggan Bedti*
Green sea turtles were once a common species of sea turtles found in Guam’s waters. They can still be seen around the island where rich seagrass beds are found, including channel areas, harbors, lagoons. They can also be found foraging for seagrass and marine algae in shallow reef areas. This diet of mainly seagrass and algae is what gives them their name. Their diet makes their fat and cartilage a greenish color.
## An endangered and threatened species
Before becoming a protected species, green sea turtles were being harvested and traded around the world for their skin, shell, and meat. There was concern among many different countries that over harvesting was occurring and green sea turtles were becoming endangered. For this reason green sea turtles began to be protected by different governments and countries. In the United States, green sea turtles were first protected in 1978 when they were listed as an endangered species under the Endangered Species Act.
A year later, the Endangered Species Act of Guam was passed and green sea turtles were given full legal protection at the local and Federal levels. The Federal and Guam Endangered Species Acts state that it is illegal to take a species, which means it is illegal to harass, harm, pursue, hunt, shoot, wound, kill, trap, capture, or collect or attempt to engage in any such conduct with a listed species. This includes the buying, selling, or transporting of sea turtles or any part of the turtles including eggs, shell, shell jewelry, and meat.
There is also an international agreement between many governments called the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, also known as CITES, that lists green sea turtles under Appendix I, which means that no trade of these species is allowed between countries except under specific circumstances and with a permit. Green sea turtles were added to this list in 1981. Prior to these laws being passed, there were no legal regulations controlling the taking of green sea turtles on Guam.
## Appearance
Green sea turtles can grow to approximately 1.2 meters (four feet) in shell length and can weigh up to approximately 159 kilograms (350 pounds). Being marine reptiles, green sea turtles have slow growth rates. In the wild, green sea turtles grow approximately 1 centimeter (0.4 inches) per year until maturity, then 0.5 centimeters (0.2 inches) after. Green sea turtles reach maturity sometime between 25 and 35 years old, and can live to be more than 70 years old.
Characteristics of the green sea turtle include a pair of prefrontal scales between their eyes, a single claw on each front flipper, fused shell plates on the carapace, and rounded edges on the carapace. Their carapace, or top shell, are usually dark brown in color while their plastron, or their underside, is light yellow.
## Lifespan and reproduction
The start of sexual maturity is believed to be between 25-35 years of age, usually once their carapace (back shell) reaches a length of about 80 centimeters (~32 inches). An adult male sea turtle has a longer, thicker tail than an adult female. This is one of the few ways to visually tell the difference between adult males and females. This species of sea turtle can deposit between 40 to 140 eggs in a single clutch (nest) depending on the size of the female and the amount of eggs she can contain. A nesting female can lay as many as 10 clutches in one season. However, she only nests every two to five years, but always returns to the same beach where she hatched.
The incubation period of the eggs ranges from 50 to 70 days and is dependent on the temperature of the sand where the eggs are laid. Temperature also plays an important role in the determination of the hatchlings’ sex. Similar to other reptiles, the sex of the hatchlings is decided by how hot or cold the nest is while the eggs are incubating. Ideally, the temperature inside the nest will allow for about half of the hatchlings to be male and the other half to be female. However, if the nest is too hot, there will be more females. And if the nest is too cold, there will be more males.
The hatchlings, usually five centimeters (two inches) in length, crawl up from the inside of the sandy mound towards the top of the nest and generally emerge in the evening. It may take as long as two days to complete the process of hatching.
Once hatched, the hatchlings head towards the ocean and feed on marine vegetations such as *saragassum* (seaweed) and other algae while adrift. The hatchlings then spend a few years drifting within ocean currents, growing slowly before settling in a foraging ground as a juvenile sea turtle.
The majority of green sea turtles seen in Guam’s waters are juveniles. Juveniles will then stay in their foraging area until they reach sexual maturity. Adult turtles will then migrate to breeding grounds. Females, in particular, will travel to breeding grounds near the beach where she hatched. Once they are done breeding and females are done nesting, they return to their foraging grounds.
## Species management
The Government of Guam Department of Agriculture’s Division of Aquatic & Wildlife Resources (DAWR) is responsible for performing baseline population studies on the sea turtles. DAWR’s Guam Sea Turtle Recovery Program focuses on monitoring and helping to increase the local sea turtle population. One aspect of this program occurs in collaboration with the National Oceanic Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the United States Navy. This collaborative work includes tracking sea turtles by attaching satellite tags to their carapace in order to learn more about where sea turtles spend their time. The satellite tags are able to show what areas around Guam are most used or frequently visited by sea turtles.
Another aspect of the program is the volunteer Haggan Watch program. It was created in 2005 to minimize the threats to sea turtles and enhance successful nesting events by having volunteers sit on the beach and keep a protective eye on the turtles as they nest. The Haggan Watch volunteer program has evolved to include volunteers who patrol different beaches around the island looking for signs of sea turtle nesting. This allows DAWR staff to identify nesting beaches and helps to keep the sea turtle nests safe from predators and illegal hunters.
Since the Guam Sea Turtle Recovery Program began in 2000, more than 40 juvenile sea turtles and more than 10 adult female nesting green sea turtles have been intercepted, tagged, and released. The first turtle to be tagged in this program was an adult female green sea turtle spotted crawling on the beach on Andersen Air Force Base in June 2000. A team of military and local biologists named the turtle Pati, measured it, tagged it and then let it go. Pati’s shell measured 110 centimeters (more than three and a half feet) in length. She was tracked swimming to the Sulu Archipelago, Philippines. Pati was last heard from in Kulisi-An, Pangutaran, Province of Tawi-Tawi, south, within the Sulu Sea, in an area called the Turtle Islands. These islands are important feeding areas for green sea turtles.
The most recent turtle was tagged in November 2020. She was 87.5 cm (less than three feet) in length but had a very rounded carapace and therefore given the name Quaismodo. Her most recent location was noted to be around the same area as Pati, in the Sulu Sea between the Philippine Islands and Indonesia and Malaysia.
Although DAWR has yet to see Pati again, other tagged nesters have returned multiple times. Turtles face many hurdles while migrating such as drift nets, ghost nets, plastic debris, sharks, and hunters in places where catching turtles is not prohibited.
## Historical significance
Green sea turtles have had an intricate historic role in CHamoru culture and diet. Turtle was traditionally eaten at feasts in the past, including weddings, funerals and other ceremonial events. Both the meat and eggs were served as delicacies.
CHamorus used turtle shells to craft jewelry including bracelets, necklaces, and pendants. Turtle shells were also used to make children’s wealth called [*guinahan fama’guon*](https://www.guampedia.com/guinahan-famaguon-childrens-wealth/) which was worn as a necklace.
Turtle bones were traditionally used to make tools as well.
## Current threats
Predators for turtle eggs and hatchlings on the shore include crabs, rodents, monitor lizards (hilitai), birds, wild pigs, deer, stray cats, and dogs. Use of vehicles on the seashore creates an additional threat to eggs and hatchlings. Driving on the beach can compress the mound that sits on top of the nest which can make it harder for hatchlings to reach the surface. Tire tracks can also create a barrier or divot between the nest and the ocean, possibly trapping the hatchlings and creating more obstacles between the nest and the ocean. Litter on the shore can also be a threat as it gets worked into the nest by the female as she covers the nest.
Other threats to green sea turtles are habitat loss as the island becomes more populated, erosion to beaches where nests are laid, as well as climate change, not only affecting the temperature of the nest but also increasing water levels..
Once in the ocean, hatchlings may succumb to predators such as fish, octopus, sharks, birds, and crabs. Additional threats include debris such as balloons, plastic bags, and other non biodegradable items that can be ingested by the sea turtle causing respiratory complications or digestive complications. Drifting ropes and nets can entangle a sea turtle reducing their mobility and possibly resulting in drowning.
The migration route of green sea turtles is also a cause of concern because the area where the sea turtle migrates into is an area where the harvest of the species is legal and or acceptable. This harvesting is expected to contribute to the decline of the sea turtles on Guam and the region.
***By Shawn Wusstig***
Haggan Watch Volunteer Project Supervisor
Guam Sea Turtle Recovery Program,
Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources, Department of Agriculture, Government of Guam
Updated in February 2021 by ***CJ Cayanan***
Biologist at Guam Department of Agriculture, Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources
## For further reading
Guam Department of Agriculture Division of Aquatic and Wildlife Resources. *Annual Report 2002 Government of Guam Department of Agriculture*. Mangilao: DAWR, 2002.
–––. *Annual Report 2007 Government of Guam Department of Agriculture*. Mangilao: DAWR, 2007.
Sams, Laura, and Robert Sams directors. [*My Haggan Dream*](https://vimeo.com/180350366). Sisbro Studios and Open Boat Films. Streamed live in 2016. Vimeo video, 8:15.
*The Japan Times*. “Green Sea Turtle Migrates over 2,000 KM from Guam to Okinawa.” 9 May 2008.
US Department of Commerce National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration National Marine Fisheries Service. [*Subsistence Use of Sea Turtles at Pacific Islands Under the Jurisdiction of the United States*](https://repository.library.noaa.gov/view/noaa/4235). By George H. Balazs. Administrative Report H-83-17. Honolulu: SFC, 1983.
*Weekly Japan Update.* “Pacific Traveling Sea Turtle Tracked to Kume Island.” 16 May 2008.
## Resources for teachers
Below are some websites featuring educators’ guides that teachers can use in classrooms for lessons on turtle conservation:
- [NOAA Pacific Islands Fisheries Science Center](http://www.pifsc.noaa.gov/wpacfin)
- [The Archie Carr Center for Sea Turtle Research](http://accstr.ufl.edu)
- [Seaturtle.org](http://www.seaturtle.org)
- [South Pacific Regional Environmental Programme](http://www.sprep.org/)
- [Turtle Trax](http://www.turtles.org)
Other resources can be found by visiting the following organizations’ websites:
- [Kids Planet](http://kidsplanet.org)
- [SeaWorld](https://seaworld.org/)
- [National Geographic](http://nationalgeographic.com)
- [Cousteau Kids Online](https://www.cousteau.org/kids/)
**Categories:** Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Natural Environment, Natural Resources, Sea (Tasi)
**Tags:** Haggan: Green Sea Turtle
---
### [Lesson Plan: Art Around Us 2](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-art-around-us-2/)
**Published:** January 10, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: Art Around Us 2
 Guinahan Famagu'on yan Alahas (Children's Wealth and Turtle Money Beads). Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Art-Around-Us-2.pdf) or [all three](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Art-Around-Us-All.pdf)*.
**Diversity of art on Guam (Part 2 of 3)**
**Subjects**
Art, History, Social Studies, Music
**Grade-level**
Elementary, 3-5
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
45 minutes (This may be extended and separated over two days.)
**Materials required**
- Flipchart or chalk board
- Markers or chalk
- Classroom internet connection (optional)
- Computer and projector (optional)
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
None
**Related links**
Guampedia
- [Art entries](https://www.guampedia.com/art/)
- [Music entries](../../category/art-architecture-music-food/music/)
## Lesson Plan
### Description
With this lesson students will be introduced to the numerous, diverse forms of art that exist on Guam. By observing these art forms, students will understand that art movements are not the exclusive domain of Europeans, but that the history of Guam is rich with artistic expression.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Having previously listed examples of art work, students will now be introduced to local examples of dance, ceramics, graphic arts, music, etc.
- Students will watch video examples of artistic works on Guam. (optional)
- Students will discuss other forms of local artwork with which they are familiar.
- Students will be tasked with profiling a local artist.
**Questions or Assessment**
- What are some of the many forms art may take?
- What examples of artistic works am I most familiar with?
- What sort of artistic works are present on Guam?
- Am I familiar with these on-island artistic movements?
### Procedure
***Teacher prep***
Set-up a projector to a laptop with an internet connection. (optional)
***Overview of art on Guam* (20 minutes)**
Ideally, you will be able to use a computer and projector for this section. However, most classrooms do not have these accommodations. Should this be the case, you may make copies of the images referred to in this section and share these copies with the class (either in the front of the classroom, or by distributing individual copies to each student). Additionally, you may also wish to skip the video portion (part 2 of this section), and replace it with another section that focuses on images.
1. Once the computer is connected to the projector and working, visit Guampedia.com, and go to the “Art” section (currently also linked on the front page).
2. Play the clip of [Kantan Chamorita](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/).
- Ask students if they find this to be a form of art. Encourage them to discuss their familiarity with it, and their opinions of Kantan Chamorita as an art form.
3. Show some images from the [Carving](http://www.guampedia.com/carving/) entry.
- Again, ask students if they view this as a form of art. Guide students toward accepting these examples as forms of art.
4. Allow the class to pick another section within art. Go through the images with them, and quickly read over some of the information in the body of the article.
***Sharing personal* (10 minutes)**
Having used Guampedia to show examples of different local art forms, now ask students to share their own knowledge of local artwork.
- Encourage students to share stories about artwork done by family members (quilts, necklaces, etc) and friends (poetry, paintings, bands etc.).
- If students appear stuck, suggest they think about items they have seen when visiting CHamoru Village.
- Encourage students to think broadly. Are Fokai t-shirts examples of art? Malafunksion musical skits? Sinangån-ta [poetry](https://www.guampedia.com/poetryspoken-word/) slams?
***Homework assignment* (10 minutes)**
1. Have students, while at home (and ideally over a weekend), find and profile a local artist of their own.
2. Depending on the age and skill-level of the class, you may choose to have students write a paper, prepare a short formal presentation, or simply prepare for a casual “show-and-tell” type presentation.
3. Encourage students to be creative in selecting their artist profiles. Any art form is permissible. Also encourage students to select an artist whose work they find moving.
***Recap* (5 minutes)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson:
“Yesterday we listed famous examples of artwork. Today, we’ve expanded on this list by seeing similar examples of local artists. We then discussed our personal experiences with art on island, and even discussed whether some newer forms of expression can be considered ‘art’ (e.g. t-shirts, radio skits, and slam poetry). For your assignment, please profile a [local artist](https://www.guampedia.com/art/guams-artists/) who moves you, and be prepared to share it with the class.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the lesson.
**Categories:** Art, Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Grade-levels, High School, History, Middle School, Music, Social Studies, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: Art Around Us
---
### [Fiestas](https://www.guampedia.com/fiestas/)
**Published:** October 5, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the long ago past, there were no fiestas. What was practiced were gatherings of clans to celebrate special events such as harvesting of a good crop, clan contests, special village events to craft a canoe, a hut building, gupot åtof or just congregating to chant and dance, tell stories and legends, to give genealogy lessons, or just getting together to socialize and have fun.
**Content:**
# Fiestas
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
**Editor’s note:** This entry was adapted and reprinted with permission from “Cultural Traditions,” from the Hale’-ta Series, Department of Chamorro Affairs, Government of Guam.
## Honoring of saints
**Fi’esta: Fiestas**
In the long ago past, there were no fiestas. What was practiced were gatherings of clans to celebrate special events such as harvesting of a good crop, clan contests, special village events to craft a canoe, a hut building, *gupot åtof* or just congregating to chant and dance, tell stories and legends, to give genealogy lessons, or just getting together to socialize and have fun.
The Spanish Catholic missionaries introduced the system in which individual saints were honored and recognized on their patron feast date. This system was easily adapted into the Chamorro social celebrations at each of the village. It became an occasion to get-together with families and friends from around the island to pray and celebrate.
Today the villages celebrate particular saints who symbolize special powers. For example, San Roke, the patron saint of [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/), symbolizes a healer; San Isidro, the patron saint of [Fena](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-fena/) – and now, Malojloj – symbolizes the farmer; and Saint Jude, the patron saint of [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), symbolizes the ability to perform the impossible.
Many Chamorros are known for devotion to their patron saints. A *[nobena](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/)* (special rosary) is held for nine days, culminating with the traditional village procession and festal masses. Devotees from around the island attend the village procession and festal masses in order to fulfill their *promesa*, or special devotion to a saint. *Promesa* is a pledge of honor made for a favor asked of the saint, and which was bestowed. Some families hold individual *nobenas* in their homes, but for the most part, the *nobena* is held in the church and recited by a *techa* (prayer leader).
The traditional *na’taotao tumano’* is a dinner served after the festal Mass and procession on Saturday to which all the people who participated are invited. The people of the host village provide the *na’taotao tomano’* as *tareha*. Each family in the village would bring its share of*tareha*, food, drinks, or money that would go toward the cost of the dinner.
The *na’taotao tomano’* is a tradition that has been in existence for many years. It was intended to feed the devotees who would come from around the island. In the past it took hours to travel the rough island roads – to the outlying agricultural villages where some of the most popular fiestas are held such as *Patrosiñu* at [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), San Roke in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/), and San Isidro formerly in Fena, now in Malojloj. The *na’taotao tomano’* ensures that the devotees are fed after the Saturday procession.
Some hold their fiesta celebration at home on a Sunday to accommodate relatives and friends who would come to attend the Sunday festal Mass. Today, these celebrations are more open.
As in other celebrations, the family would prepare for the fiesta in advance – livestock and crops are reserved, *pånglao* (crab) and *mahongang* (lobster) are caught and fattened, meats are stripped and dried for *tasåhos* (dried beef strips), pigs are slaughtered and the ingredients for *fritåda* (a pork blood and intestine stew) are cleaned and preserved.
## Nobenan Niño: Novena of the Child Jesus
A [*Nobenan Niñ*o](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-i-nino-jesus-novena-to-the-christ-child/) is a novena held in the home of a Chamorro family or church. It is held during the Christmas season with the last day ending on either of these feasts: Christmas Eve, Christmas, New Years Eve, New Year, or on Three Kings Day. It is a generational devotion that is passed down to the female members of the family – a family *promesa* (promise).
Preparing for the *nobena* involves the construction of the *bilen* (nativity) to create the setting of the stable where Jesus was born and where the angels, shepherds, sheep, and the Wise Men came to adore. The *bilen* is built at a corner of the living room and may consist of a simple scene covered by *lumot* (moss) that the family would have gathered from the *hålomtåno’* (jungle) and decorated with a few potted plants, or an elaborate configuration of rolling hills and mountains, stars, and Christmas ornaments.
Primarily, the family *Nobenan Niñ*o is intended for children who would be taught the prayers and songs of Christ’s birth; however, responsibility for following through with the yearly traditional devotion rests with the oldest girl in the family and continues down through succeeding generations of women.
The *nobena* is said for nine days. Unlike the village church fiesta, the *Nobenan Niño* is much simpler. On novena days, the daily servings are limited to pastries and drinks. On the *finakpo’* (last rosary), the family may choose to serve a small dinner. The village *nobena* is held in church for nine days as well. No refreshments are served, but on the last day of the *finakpo’*, the parishioners may prepare and serve the traditional *buñelos dågu* (taro donuts), especially if the *finakpo’* coincides with the *misan gåyu* (Midnight Mass).
## Video
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Guampedia Resources, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Fiestas
---
### [Guam Fiesta Calendar](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-fiesta-calendar/)
**Published:** May 10, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** View list of the fiestas by month or download the Catholic Church’s fiesta calendar.
**Content:**
# Guam Fiesta Calendar
##### Share This
The exact date of each village fiesta is set by the Catholic Church each year. Download The 2024 – 2026 Fiesta Calendar [here](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Fiesta-Movable-Feasts-Calendar-24-26-as-of-1.22.24.pdf "Fiesta Calendar for 2024 - 2026").
## 2026 Fiesta Calendar
**DAY****JANUARY**01**Solemnity of Mary, the Holy Mother of God**04Santo Niño, San Vicente Church, Barrigada10Blessed Diego Luis de San Vitores, Tumon17Nuestra Senora de la Paz y Buen Viaje, Chalan Pago24Nuestra Senora de las Aguas, Mongmong31Our Lady of Purification, Maina**DAY****FEBRUARY**14Our Lady of Lourdes, Yigo**DAY****MARCH**19St. Joseph Husband of Mary, Inalåhan25**The Annunciation of the Lord****DAY** **APRIL**04Martyrdom of Blessed Diego Luis de San Vitores & San Pedro Calungsod, Tumon Shrine05**Easter Sunday of the Lord’s Resurrection**11Santa Bernadita, Yigo18San Dimas & Our Lady of the Rosary, Malesso’18San Vicente Ferrer, Barrigada**DAY****MAY**02St. Joseph the Worker, Inalåhan16San Isidro, Malojloj17**Solemnity of the Ascension of the Lord**24**Pentacost Sunday**24Santa Rita de Casica, Sånta Rita-Sumai**DAY****JUNE**12Sacred Heart of Jesus, Chalan Pago13Immaculate Heart of Mary, Toto13St. Anthony of Padua, Tamuning27San Juan Bautista, Ordot**DAY****JULY**11Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Hågat12St. Louis and St. Zellie Martin, Mangilao25Santa Ana, Hågat28St. Victor, Tamuning**DAY****AUGUST**15**Solemnity of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Piti**15San Roke, Barrigada29Santa Rosa, Hågat**DAY****SEPTEMBER**05San Ramon, Barrigada12Dulce Nombre de Maria, Hagåtña20St. Andrew Kim, Dededo26San Miguel, Talo’fo’fo26Santa Teresita, Mangilao**DAY****OCTOBER**04St. Francis de Assisi, Yo’na10San Dionisio, Humåtak18St. John Paul II, Malojloj28St. Jude, Sinajaña**DAY****NOVEMBER**01**Feast of All Saints**02**All Souls Day**27Our Lady of the Miraculous Medal, Tamuning28Our Lady of the Blessed Sacrament, Agaña Heights**DAY****DECEMBER**05Santa Barbara, Dededo08**Solemnity of the Immaculate Conception/Santa Marian Kamalen, Hagåtña**13Our Lady of Guadalupe, Santa Rita-Sumai25**Solemnity of the Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ (Christmas)**26Niño Perdido y Sagrada Familia, Asan
**Categories:** Catholic, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Guam's Villages, Historic Eras of Guam, People and Places, Religion, Spanish Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Guam Fiesta Calendar
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Kinship and Land Tenure](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-kinship-and-land-tenure/)
**Published:** February 14, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In CHamoru culture today, the notion of family or i-familia is very important. From rosaries to weddings, funerals to barbecues, many CHamoru social events revolve around family. CHamoru names, social status, social and cultural identities are rooted in family relations. CHamorus rely on their families to take care of them; likewise, CHamorus are given responsibilities and obligations to carry out because of the connection they share as members of the same kin group.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Kinship and Land Tenure
 Ancient Chamorro Village illustration from the Freycinet collection courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Family ties of key importance
In CHamoru/Chamorro culture today, the notion of family or *i-familia* is very important. From rosaries to weddings, funerals to barbecues, many CHamoru social events revolve around family. CHamoru names, social status, social and cultural identities are rooted in family relations. CHamorus rely on their families to take care of them; likewise, CHamorus are given responsibilities and obligations to carry out because of the connection they share as members of the same kin group.
Anthropologists study kinship in different cultures to learn about how people organize themselves into different social groups. In general, societies use kinship systems to group people based on degrees of relatedness through blood, marriage, or through other socially or culturally recognized rules. People often think of their immediate family relations, such as parents, siblings, grandparents, aunts and uncles, as their family. Kinship, though, also includes extended family members such as in-laws or cousins several times removed. The idea of kinship, then, is largely based on a culture’s idea of which relatives are counted as family.
The notion of kinship is crucial in small or traditional societies, like ancient CHamoru society, because it impacts all aspects of social life, from determining an individual’s personal identity, to designating where families live or reside, to instituting customs about land. Land tenure, another important anthropological concept, refers to the practices or socially recognized rules regarding access and inheritance of land, water, trees and other natural resources. Land tenure is organized around kinship systems and determines who gets to use certain fishing areas or farming lands.
Kinship also structures political alliances and connections between different kin groups or communities. For archeologists, kinship and land tenure are difficult to assess and analyze, and such studies often are left to cultural anthropologists. However, archeologists study settlement patterns and the structure of households and residences, as well as the spaces where families or related groups of people live and carry out their day-to-day activities. Artifacts, burials and structural remains may demonstrate rank, status or lineages that may be understood within the context of kin relations.
Unfortunately, not much has been written specifically about the archaeology of ancient CHamoru kinship or land tenure systems. Most of the available writings about notions of family, lineages and clan relationships or inheritance patterns instead are interpretations based on early historic accounts by missionaries and explorers, as well as comparisons with other Micronesian cultures. What follows are popular representations or interpretations of early CHamoru kinship and land tenure, which, obviously, are open for further research and debate.
## Family structure
All societies have families. The family is basically an economic and social unit comprised of one or more parents and their children. As an economic unit, the members of the family labor and use their resources to support, feed and shelter each other. As a social unit, families meet social, cultural and emotional needs and desires.
Families, however, can take many forms, even within the same society. Members of the family have certain rights and obligations to each other. They may live in the same household, but that is not always the case — some members may live in separate households away from other relatives. In general, though, they take care of each other’s needs. Children are nurtured, protected and taught the values, practices and behaviors that are important for membership in the family and society.
The nuclear family is a concept that defines the immediate family of parents and children. Individuals, however, usually live within two nuclear families — the family in which one is born and raised, and the family one forms when he or she marries and has children. Many cultures share the idea of the nuclear family, but the extended family is a more universal concept and has more social importance among different cultural groups. An extended family includes parents and children, but is expanded to include generations, or siblings and their spouses and children. Often, an extended family consists of several families linked through a sibling tie; for example, two married brothers, their wives and their children may live together as one family unit. Extended families, not surprisingly, can be very large.
Ancient CHamoru society was organized as interdependent extended families that lived in close proximity to each other. The family as a whole was more important than its individual members. The family provided the personal identity, and social status of each individual. Social obligations and rights or privileges were structured around the family. The oldest members of the family had greater authority over decision-making and other obligations than younger members. Decisions were based on consensus of family councils. Because of the closeness and reliance on each other, it was imperative that families lived in harmony, respected authority and fulfilled their duties and obligations. Family unity was maintained by celebrating feasts or other important occasions, as well as by helping each other in time of need.
Spanish friar [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) who lived among the CHamorus in Rota in 1602 observed and wrote of how loving and caring native families were of each other — in his mind, enough to put Christians to shame. For example, he described how relatives worked together voluntarily and with compassion to help out in times of illness or to accomplish heavy tasks, such as building or repairing houses. People knew that such favors would be returned in kind:
> On the day an *indio* \[CHamoru native\] is ill and cannot go fishing, his son will appear on the beach at the time the other village fishermen are returning. The latter will know that the father or brother is ailing, and, consequently, they will share some of their catch with him. Although he may have a house full of salted fish, they will give him some of the fresh catch so that he will have it to eat that day. The day when the master of the house, or his wife, or a child falls ill, all the relatives in the village will take dinner and supper to them, which will be prepared from the best food they have in the house … until the patient dies or recovers. When their houses are old, or when they wish to repair or rebuild them, all the relatives and neighbours in the village gather the necessary materials. On the designated day, they will get together to construct it, even though it may be from the ground up, and within half a day, or two or three days, they will complete the house for him…Not only will they build their relative or neighbour’s house, they will also provide meals for him and for his entire household, as well as for themselves. The situation is that, what I do for my relatives and friends, they will also do for me.
Relatives helped with fishing expeditions (such as catching *mañahak* during their seasonal runs), canoe-building and repair, cultivating fields and gathering food. Children were expected to respect and care for elders, and likewise, older relatives cared for and nurtured children. Fray Pobre was particularly impressed with how children were raised and disciplined with love:
> While they are very young, they \[men and women\] make their sons and daughters work and teach them to perform their tasks. Consequently, the very young know how to perform their tasks like their parents because they have been taught with great love. So great is their love for their children that it would take a long time to describe it and to sing its praises. They never spank them, and they will even scold them with loving words. When a child is offended and angered by what is said to him, he will move a short distance away from his parents and turn his back to them, not wanting to face them. They will then toss sand or pebbles on the ground behind him and, after he has cried for a little while, one of his parents will go to him and, with very tender words, will take him in his arms or raise him to his shoulders and carry him back to where the others are gathered. Then they will always give him some of their best food and, speaking to him as if he were an adult, tell him how he should behave, admonishing him to be good. With such great love, these barbarians raise their children, that they, in turn, grow up to be obedient and expert in their occupations and skills.
In addition to work, CHamoru families participated in numerous feasts. Celebrations with extended families were occasions to relax, eat, dance, sing and compete with each other in feats of strength as well as to demonstrate debating skills. These gatherings also were opportunities for different families to reciprocate prior obligations and to strengthen or renew family bonds. Family bonds often were determined by lineages.
## Descent, lineage, and clans
Extended families can be quite large, and usually include relatives considered “close,” such as grandparents, parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, cousins, nieces, nephews, and grandchildren. Family members are considered relatives either biologically—in which case they are known as “blood” relatives or consanguineal relatives—or culturally through marriage; such relatives are known as affinal. Other relatives may be adopted into families, too. In CHamoru culture and other Micronesian island cultures, adoption is an important feature of family and is one way new members join.
Most societies recognize two sides in each family—the mother’s side and the father’s side. Each of these sides is called a lineage. The father’s lineage or father’s side of the family is called a patrilineage, while the mother’s side is called a matrilineage. Lineages are important for understanding different forms of kinship among human societies. Lineages tell us how individuals trace their ancestry and how societies determine patterns of inheritance, obligations and privileges.
Lineages are sometimes referred to as genealogies, or lines of descent. This means people of the same lineage can trace their descent from a common apical ancestor — a great, great, great, great, great grandparent, for example. Sometimes the apical ancestor is not remembered by name, while in other cultures, genealogies are continually remembered in special chants and ceremonies.
Some societies recognize both lineages as equally important for determining an individual’s personal identity or blood relatives. This is called bilateral descent, and it is the standard in North America. Societies with bilateral descent value the nuclear family as the main economic and social unit. Although an individual may be “close” to the mother or father’s side through geography or other factors, neither parent’s side is privileged over the other. However, most other societies in the world have unilineal descent, whereby one lineage is privileged over the other in determining inheritance or blood relatives. Patrilineal societies trace inheritance through the father’s side and matrilineal societies privilege the mother’s side. Kinship through unilineal descent can be quite complex.
In patrilineal societies, for example, individuals belong to the line of their fathers. But since societies are comprised of both males and females, women, too, trace their lineage through their father. Often, men and women of the same patrilineage are not allowed to marry each other. Because of this, mothers are usually of a different patrilineage than their husbands or the father of her children. Another complexity is seen when dealing with cousins. An individual will share a patrilineage with a father’s brother (the individual’s uncle) and his children (cousins), and also with their father’s sister (aunt), but not her children, who will share a patrilineage with their father.
## *Achafnak*
Ancient CHamoru society, however, is believed to be matrilineal, so the maternal line was more important for determining who one’s relatives were. The old CHamoru word for matrilineage is *achafnak*, meaning “of same birth,” or “relatives from the same womb.” In the *achafnak* system, a male belonged to the same descent group as his mother, his mother’s mother (grandmother), the mother’s siblings (aunts and uncles), and the mother’s sister’s (aunt) children (cousins). In addition, his children belonged to their mother’s descent group.
The mother’s line, therefore, was also the important economic and social unit, controlling land and other resources. Members of a matrilineage had privileged access to their ancestral lands and also the authority to determine who else would be able to use them. Because land was limited, it did not belong to single lineages. Instead, ancestral lands were maintained by clans.
Clans are groups of two or more families or lineages who claim descent from a common ancestor, although they cannot trace the exact genealogical links to that ancestor. Clans form when a lineage continually expands generation after generation. The lineage may grow too large for its resources, and so the lineage may split into smaller lineages which still recognize their original ancestor. A clan differs from a lineage in that the members are more dispersed, meaning they may live apart from other related lineages.
Clans organize families into political and economic groups. They take care of each other’s needs, celebrate important events together, and fulfill obligations and responsibilities. They go to war or seek revenge as a clan. Clans pull all their resources together for the benefit of the group as a whole.
Ancient CHamoru clans managed their own affairs and no single clan or leader extended their authority over other clans and villages. Historians often cite this feature of decentralized authority as an explanation for how the Spanish were able to effectively challenge the CHamoru. Kinship was also reflected in the CHamoru practice of ancestor worship. Deceased ancestors were venerated by signs of respect to their skulls, which were removed after burial and kept in family homes. Requests for success in war, fishing, farming and other aspects of daily life were made to the ancestors in special ceremonies, often through the intervention by a *makana*, or spiritual herbalist or traditional healer.
Each member must be born into or adopted (*poksai*, “to nurture”) by the clan. Children who lost both parents would be adopted and cared for by relatives. The clan determines individual roles and responsibilities, who they will marry, and where they will live. There is a system of ranking within clans, and usually older relatives are given leadership roles over younger ones. In a matrilineal society, although descent passes through the female line and females have considerable power, women do not have exclusive authority, and often share power with other male relatives, usually brothers and not husbands. This is because in a matrilineal society, the highest-ranking male in an individual’s family is not the father (who belongs to his mother’s clan), but rather, the mother’s brother, or the individual’s uncle. So, while a husband had less authority in his household than his wife, he could still exercise his authority in the households of his sisters.
We see in ancient CHamoru society, for example, the eldest sons (*[maga’låhi](http://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)*) and daughters ([*maga’håga*](http://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/)) of a clan had the most authority. The oldest brother allocated property rights, organized labor, settled disputes, and represented the clan in all outside matters. The senior woman of the clan had authority over women’s work and activities, and although her power was limited, decisions affecting the clan were rarely made without consulting her, too. Ranked female relatives were the ones to whom gifts of food or turtle shell were presented in different ceremonies and feasts.
Indeed, the social relationship between brothers and sisters represented a more important, lasting bond than the relationship between husbands and wives. While marriage bonds between husbands and wives affected the ways different clans interacted or affiliated with each other, brother-sister bonds determined land tenure. ***Click to know…[Poksai](http://www.guampedia.com/poksai/)***
## Kinship and land tenure
***Chamorro Kinship Terminology***
American anthropologists [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) (1941) and Alexander Spoehr (1950) each studied and wrote about CHamoru culture in Guam and Saipan, respectively. Based on Thompson’s work and his own, Spoehr listed CHamoru kinship terms that were still in use in the Marianas. Interestingly, the terms for “sibling” (*chelu*), “child” (*patgon*), “son” (*lahi*) “daughter” (*haga*) and “spouse” (*asagua*) are the only CHamoru kinship terms that remain, all others being derived or borrowed from Spanish. The collective term for parents (*saina*) in CHamoru is also retained. The plural form of *saina*, *manaina*, includes parents, siblings of parents (aunts and uncles), grandparents, and also siblings of grandparents, and godparents.
## Land tenure
Land tenure is a concept that explains a group’s ideas, rules and practices regarding access, rights and ownership of land, as well as of the resources on that land. Traditionally, land tenure is based on accepted social customs of the group. Since families often use land together, the notions of kinship and land tenure go hand in hand. Among the Pacific Islands, land tenure systems are diverse, but share a few common elements.
Ideally, land tenure systems are meant to help a group organize rights to use certain areas for purposes of subsistence, including foraging, agriculture, fishing or hunting. Land tenure customs are also conditional or negotiable. This is because people do not “own” the land, but rather, people have rights to use land, by way of their relationships with other people. Lineages and extended families determine individual rights, but marriage and adoption into lineages also play a role. Because islands have such limited land area, island societies have to make sure that the land is used efficiently to meet the needs of the overall community. In addition to land, access to water was also determined by customs of kinship and lineages.
In ancient CHamoru society, land rights were controlled solely by high-ranking clans from the upper *chamorri* caste. The low caste *manachang* could not own property, and therefore, they had to get permission from the *chamorri* to cultivate the land. For this privilege, they gave part of what they grew to the *chamorri*.
Often, related families would reside together on land controlled by a particular lineage. As stated earlier, because CHamoru society was matrilineal, land was passed through the female line. When women married, though, they moved to their husband’s ancestral lands. Sons would move to their mother’s lands until they were ready for marriage. Their mother’s brother would determine which lands his nephews could reside in or cultivate. The customs regarding marriage and residence were adaptive strategies for life in these small island communities.
## Marriage customs
All societies have some notion or practice of marriage. Broadly speaking, marriage is a socially approved economic and social union, usually between a man and a woman. In ancient CHamoru society, marriage was exogamous, meaning one had to marry outside of one’s clan, because marriage to a close relative was considered incestuous and taboo.
CHamoru marriages were also monogamous — men and women had only one spouse at a time. Marriage was also limited by one’s social status — one could only marry within their caste. Once a couple married, there were customary rules which determined where the pair would reside. In anthropology, these rules of residence depend on the type of clans found in the society.
Early CHamoru clans likely were organized as matriclans—clans with matrilineal descent. Matriclans usually have a matrilocal residence pattern—daughters stay but sons leave when they marry. In other words, upon marriage, the husband would join his wife’s clan and reside in her clan lands or territory. Additionally, any children they had would belong to their mother’s clan.
Over time, however, it seems that CHamoru society shifted to an avuncuclan system as observed by the early Spanish missionaries. In this system, the clans were still matrilineal, but the wife moved to her husband’s territory and raised her children there. The men in avuncuclans inherited their land rights through their mother’s line. Their children were members of their mother’s clan. Daughters stayed with their families until they married, after which they would live in their husbands’ lands. Grown sons, on the other hand would move to their mother’s clan lands and take up residence near and be supervised by their mother’s brother (their uncle). The young men resided in the *guma’* *uritao* (bachelor’s house) until they were ready to marry. ***Click to know…[Uritao](http://www.guampedia.com/uritao/)***
Although marriage celebrations in ancient CHamoru society could be quite elaborate, marriages were not binding, and were easily dissolved. According to historic descriptions, a man stood to lose a lot if he left his marriage, while women seemed to have had fewer negative consequences. Women who divorced got the children and the man’s possessions. However, whether the couple stayed married or divorced, inheritance of his land went to his sister’s children, ensuring the land remained in control along female lineages. ***Click to know…[Umayute’](http://www.guampedia.com/umayute%E2%80%99-divorce/)***
## Warfare, alliance, and kinship
As transient as marriage could be, it was still an important means by which clan alliances were established. Through marriage, individuals could gain access to a clan’s resources with permission. Warfare was another way clan alliances were established or shifted. Ancient CHamoru warfare was different than the Western style of warfare we know today. It was more ritualistic, intended to elevate a clan’s status, resolve quarrels and disagreements, and rectify infringements on territorial or fishing rights, rather than to destroy rival clans. Fighting between clans happened often, but did not last long, and was never large in scale. When a few warriors were killed, peace was almost immediately negotiated. Warfare also occurred when clans split apart and formed new settlements or villages.
Alliances that formed between clans were important because allied clans helped defend each other during times of war. Clans that were friendly to each other could provide marriage partners, as well as engage in trade for desired products or resources, or participate in reciprocal gift giving (*chenchule’*). Clan alliances could also allow clans access to land or fishing grounds. However, clans that failed to fulfill obligations to each other could be punished or not receive help when they needed it. The shame and embarrassment of being unable to carry out a clan’s obligations was ultimately worse than being denied assistance.
## Archeology of land tenure and kinship
Kinship and land tenure are anthropological concepts that are not always easy to demonstrate from archeological data. However, evidence of settlement patterns and the presence of artifacts that indicate residential use of specific areas may reveal aspects of social interaction between groups of people, such as kin groups and non-kin groups. We also may learn more about their subsistence activities, and the relationship of kinship to rules of land tenure.
Unfortunately, very little is known about the early occupation of the Mariana Islands in the early Pre-Latte Era (about 3,500 years ago), although some archeologists suggest that the coastal regions of the larger southern islands were probably settled first. Additionally, the presence of similar kinds of redware pottery on Guam, Rota, Tinian and Saipan indicate the people on these islands were relatively mobile and had frequent contact with each other. Over time, as populations grew, people moved into the interior of the islands, expanding their use of marine and coastal resources to include the gathering and cultivation of resources from inland valleys and grasslands. Because of the tropical climate and seasonal typhoons and droughts, the ancient inhabitants likely were quite flexible in their land usage, frequently moving but maintaining long-term access to certain areas that were more consistently productive. These areas would be accessed cooperatively through kin ties. Other areas, such as the smaller islands to the north could have been used for procuring more specialized resources, like birds, crabs, fish or raw materials for tools.
By the Latte Era (about 900 AD), the inhabitants of the Marianas occupied more permanent village sites. The increased population density over the years had brought other social and cultural changes, including the need for regulating access to arable or farmable land, fishing grounds and food collection areas. Thus, the system of clans and lineages to control lands had developed, which ensured adequate food production in spite of an increased number of people exploiting the available resources. Increased competition for these resources stressed the importance of alliances between clans. Other features of culture, including practices of warfare, marriages, clan alliances, feasts and gift-giving, subsequently became means of negotiating land usage and inheritance.
Archeologists observed that as CHamoru populations became more settled and less mobile, their technology and activities also shifted. They used raw materials differently in the production of new kinds of tools for fishing, farming and warfare. Likewise, they needed to produce and store greater amounts of food for larger populations, which impacted the manufacture of pottery and the construction of homes and storage facilities. Pottery became larger and stronger and shaped more for cooking and rehydration of dried foods; with regard to storage facilities, rules would have to be set in place to determine access to stored foods. The clan leaders would have been responsible for outlining and enforcing these rules.
By examining accumulated artifacts, archeologists have been able to suggest the use of certain spaces as either residences or sites for more communal activities and rituals. This is because people tend to leave behind refuse and the remains of the things they ate or used, which accumulate the longer a place is occupied. Some of the Spanish accounts describe the presence of structures for residences, canoes, and general public use. Canoe houses were associated with small cooking houses and other dwellings along the shore. However, in studying sites in the Marianas, it is not clear how activities were delineated *within* the household structure—in other words, which areas were specifically used for cooking, sleeping, eating or for entertaining guests, as the earliest Spanish accounts do not describe these in detail.
Latte sets have also received considerable interest from archeologists. Latte stones, the distinctive stone structures that appear only in the Marianas, may have served as the foundations or supporting posts for specialized houses such as canoe houses, men’s houses (*guma’uritao)*, or residences for high-ranking individuals. Coastal sites where latte villages have been found contain numerous artifacts to suggest relatively intense occupation for many years. Inland latte sites, however, have fewer associated artifacts, which may mean these sites were occupied late in CHamoru history, or not at all. Some archeologists suggest that these sites, instead, may have been used to mark territories as belonging to particular clans or lineages.
Clans and lineages also could claim territories through burials. Burials at latte sites seem to demonstrate this. Burials within the household were the practice described by Spanish missionaries, especially for individuals of high social status and strong matrilineage. Cave burials and cremations, especially those found in locations in Saipan, are more puzzling, and seem to be associated with lower ranked individuals, but this is not fully substantiated. Historic accounts have described that villages of lower ranking clans were located in the interior or less desirable coastal areas, and one suggestion is that, because of their location, cave burials or cremations may be the kind of mortuary practice for persons of low social status. More study, however, will need to be done to resolve this issue. ***Click to know…*[Latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte/)**
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Ember, Carol R., Melvin R. Ember, and Peter N. Peregrine. *Anthropology*. 12th Edition. Upper Saddle River: Pearson College Div, 2006.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Kottak, Conrad P. *Mirror for Humanity: A Concise Introduction to Cultural Anthropology*, 4th Edition. New York: McGraw Hill, 2005.
Petersen, Glenn. *Traditional Micronesian Societies: Adaptation, Integration, and Political Organization*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Kinship and Land Tenure
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### [CHåmpada: Social Competition for Status](https://www.guampedia.com/champada-social-competition-for-status/)
**Published:** November 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Competition for rank and status. As in any culture, Chamorros/CHamorus compete against themselves in various ways, whether at the level of individuals, families, neighborhoods, villages or regions.
**Content:**
# CHåmpada: Social Competition for Status
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Competition for rank and status
As in any culture, CHamorus/Chamorros compete against themselves in various ways, whether at the level of individuals, families, neighborhoods, villages or regions. The forms of competition can range from creative, playful, to political and governmental, or to even violent. People compete with each other for power, influence, resources and finally for fun or for entertainment. Over the past few centuries, these forms of competition in Guam have taken on numerous forms, but have often times been dictated over issues of who has access to or control over newly introduced technology.
In the world of ancient Chamorros, there was no centralized government over all Chamorros or over all islands. Instead the governing of affairs rested at the level of individual clans or families and with villages. All clans were not equal within a village however, and the power and influence that they might have depended upon a set of social forms of competition and gestures of respect, through which they could gain increased prestige and power. Whoever was afforded the most respect and controlled the most resources in a village could be expected to have the most power. Chamorros competed amongst each other in order to gain influence within villages, but also competed in village against village contests. This social competition is called *chåmpada* in Chamorro.
Great achievements amongst the members of your clan, whether in terms of fishing, fighting, storytelling or any other activity that Ancient Chamorros participated in, could increase the status of your clan and your village. A large catch when fishing, and also displaying *gineftao* (generosity) by sharing it with others was considered to be a superlative act which could increase an individual’s status as well as his clan’s standing. Great deeds of physical or mental prowess could also have a similar effect. During large celebrations or parties, members of different clans would compete in physical challenges such as *afulo’* (wrestling) or could hurl a spear with the best accuracy. For creative endeavors, they would participate in *mari* (debate), history/storytelling, recitation of clan genealogy or history and *[kantan](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/)* *[chamorita](http://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/)* (improvisational singing).
Sometimes competition amongst clans or villages would result in outright fighting or warfare. Warfare amongst Ancient Chamorros was primarily symbolic and ritualistic, and they went to war not with the intent of slaughtering their enemies, but rather outwitting or humiliating them.
## Spanish Era changes
With the arrival of the Spanish, these competitions between clans took on a new vicious element. As the Spanish brought with them both new ideas and new technology, Chamorros actively competed for who would have access to the world of the newcomers or have access to their technology. When Catholic [Father Diego Luis de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/) first arrived in Guam, he was welcomed by the people of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), but for the first few months of his stay he was not permitted to leave the village. In the minds of the higher class Chamorros that welcomed him, San Vitores represented a huge advantage in their competitions with other villages and therefore, he should remain theirs.
Although scholars are uncertain as to how rigidly stratified Chamorro society was during this period, we know there were two social classes, the *matao* or *chamorri* followed by the *acha’ot* (both in the upper class), and finally the lower class the *manachang*. The higher the class the more power and authority they held, especially in terms of controlling or having access to natural resources. For instance, higher caste Chamorros lived along the *kånton tåsi* (beaches) and the *tåsi* (ocean) was considered their domain. Lower caste Chamorros had to live inland, unless they worked for the *matao*, and were prohibited access to the coastal resources.
The arrival of the Spanish Catholic Missionaries and their promises that everyone who followed them was equal in the eyes of their god, represented a revolutionary shift in some of Guam’s social hierarchy. Lower class Chamorros could convert to the new faith, leave behind the social structures of the past, and hopefully increase their lot in life. This was not always the case, however. The Chamorros in Hågat, a high caste coastal village, helped the Spanish defeat the Chamorros in Talisay, an inland low caste village.
Even prior to the colonization of Guam which began in the 1660s, whenever errant technology, primarily *lulok* (metal) would come into Guam it was highly coveted. This technology would be incorporated into existing forms of societal competition and generally gave a huge advantage to those who possessed it. The various types of [canoe](https://www.guampedia.com/canoe-building-2/) that Chamorros used could take months or years to carve, for example, using tools made from shell or stone. With *lulok* however, the time could be sped up considerably, making your clan or family far more competitive.
When the Chamorro-Spanish Wars ended at the end of the 17th century, with the Spanish Catholic missionaries victorious, ideas of value and the means of social competition changed drastically. The Spanish uprooted Chamorros from their ancestral lands, prohibited the beliefs and practices that they deemed either savage or pagan, or could aid in their resistance to the Spanish, and sought to remake their lives. In the public space, they were successful and for centuries after the war ended, things associated with Spain, the Spanish Crown, and Catholicism became the ways in which Chamorros would compete over social standing, recognize someone as being socially superior, or improve their standing and rise in prominence.
There were Chamorros who resisted these shifts for generations after the wars had ended. These Chamorros rejected, albeit quietly, much of the changes in value, culture and belief that the Spanish mandated, but tended to stay away from the villages and the locations that the Spanish enforced as the centers of Chamorro life. Instead these Chamorros usually stayed away on their [*låncho siha* (ranches)](https://www.guampedia.com/lancho-ranch/) or live in the *hålomtåno’* (jungle).
As Chamorros adjusted to life under their colonizer, their daily forms of social competition remained the same in some respects, as certain practices were not forbidden or forgotten. Although the navigational culture that was at the heart of many Chamorro lives was forbidden, a strong sense of identity as a *lancheru* (ranchers or those who lived off the land) or *guagualo’* (farmers) soon took over Chamorro culture, as Chamorros began to get the majority of their sustenance from the land. In the same way as with fishing or navigation, Chamorros competed in subtle and overt ways for who was the best *lancheru*, who could be depended upon to provide for their family, who grew the largest crops and who was the most *geftao*. The *chamorita* singing style continued to be prominent, and the chief form of everyday entertainment at work, at social gatherings, or in the home. Being adept at mocking another or creating a *na’chalek* (funny) verse could still enhance your reputation and give you status within your community as it had in centuries past.
Loud music at parties is also a form of *chåmpada*. People must know your party is a success.
The major change during this time, however, and one which Guam continues to exhibit until the present day, is that much of the social competition between Chamorros tended to take the colonizer and his influences as their model for determining who was more affluent, who was more sophisticated, who was more stylish, who was more intelligent. A Chamorro’s place, would be seen as high or low, or could be perceived as someone who could advance or go places based on how well he emulated or embodied pieces of the colonizer.
During the Spanish period, speaking the *Fino’ Lågu* or *Fino’ Españot* (Spanish language), having a Spanish *apuyido* (last name), having Spanish *håga’* (blood), having fair skin, were all things which could enhance the status of a Chamorro, and give them access to the Spanish government or military on island, but also give one the aura of being more intimately associated with the colonizer than others.
## Same value, different expression
Although the Marianas had been integrated into a new global empire when it was conquered by the Spanish, technology and goods from that empire tended to trickle in slowly. Possessing new items such as *modan på’go* (fashion), *ramenta* (tools), *lepbo* (books) or even musical instruments were all either symbols of someone’s existing prestige or an ownership which could enhance and elevate the way others saw you.
During this period the Catholic faith’s calendar of religious events and its physical sites such as the *Guma’ Yu’os* (church) became the centers of Chamorro life, so much that the year of Chamorros was primarily structured around the events of life, death, and rites of passage that the church oversaw. The church and its representatives such as *pale’* (priests) became further sites whereby Chamorros could compete against each other for status. The closeness to the church, the amount of support a family provided the church, closeness to *pale’*, even the geographical proximity of the church to your home were ways that Chamorros competed for who was the most religious, who was the most holy.
The *Guma’ Yu’os* or the various *gupot* (parties) that were associated with the *Guma’ Yu’os* became showcases for competition. With numerous families gathered, people of all ages and social classes in one place, one could show off *nuebu na sapatos* (new shoes), *un nuebu na bestida* (a new dress) or new *alahas plata* or *oru* (silver or gold jewelry). All sitting in the same room, or gathered at the same party, Chamorros could compete with each other for influence and social prestige, through glances and *nginangon* (whispers).
## Change slows in early 20th century
When the colonial guard changed with the Spanish-American War in 1898 from Spain to the United States, so did the hierarchy of value and influence. The change was slow at first as many Chamorros saw their new colonizers as beneath their old ones. Most of what Chamorros knew of Americans came via their interactions with American *bayeneru* (whalers) during the 19th century, and the characteristics they tended to exhibit were not flattering. To Chamorros at the start of the 20th century, especially Chamorro elites, the US was an uncivilized, non-Catholic, non-European country, not as sophisticated as the Spanish had been.
Within a generation, however, America and its context in Guam, whether they be the English language, technology and goods from the US or the edicts of the US Navy’s colonial administration in Guam, began to impact the Chamorros’ mindset. During this period prior to World War II, however, the influence of the US held no where near as much power in shaping Chamorros as the Spanish and the religion of Catholicism had.
## Communication and transportation advances
The arrival of the US in Guam coincided with changes in transportation and [commerce](https://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/) in the Asia Pacific region, and resulted in a linking together of different markets and economics from the US to East Asia in ways that had existed before. This change, combined with the small, but determined efforts of the US Navy to have Chamorros give up a bartering economy for a wage-dependent one, helped instill – in Chamorros – both a sense of entrepreneurship and a strong consumer desire.
Numerous Chamorro families opened small shops and stores which made access to outside goods from the US and Asia easier than ever before. Everything from Coca-Cola, to ice cream, to cars, to *nuebu na moda* (new fashions), were readily available, and possible signs of status. These items proved you to be modern or American and could separate you from others who didn’t have such goods. The *Guma’ Yu’os,* however, was still an ideal place for the showcasing a new dress or shoes.
Within two generations, the high value of American blood was soon established, just as it had been under the Spanish. Families with a white American father and a Chamorro (or Chamorro-Spanish) mother, were sometimes referred to as “American Bamboo” and were the new elite class on Guam. They tended to be fair, with “unique” hair, usually had wealth and more access to the Government on Guam and to American goods.
Educational advancement became far easier, but was still somewhat limited. Under the Spanish, formal education was only open to a select few. When the pre-war American colonial period ended at the start of World War II, the US Navy had established a full-functioning public [educational system](https://www.guampedia.com/u-s-naval-era-education/) on Guam, from grades 1 – 12. The curriculum was utterly colonial, meaning that it was based on prohibiting the Chamorro language, elevating all things American and molding the Chamorro into a properly civilized subject. Despite this, the system still gave lower-class Chamorros a chance at a formal education, and thus upset centuries of social hierarchy. The claim to be “educated” was something more than just the privileged could now claim. These increased educational opportunities also helped increase occupational opportunities. Any Chamorro who survived the educational system could get a job in the US Naval Government (as a teacher, an officer worker, a civil service worker), which at the time was one of the quickest and most assured ways of improving one’s economic wealth and social standing.
## Education, employment and military status
Chamorros had served in the militaries of the Spanish since the 17th century up until the change of colonizers in 1898. Military service had always been a means of improving one’s status and having a regular income on an island which was defined primarily by bartering and subsistence farming. Military service under the US took these same qualities, but with one new difference that gave those who served even more influence and social standing in Guam.
Under the US, Chamorros on Guam could join the US Navy, but were only allowed to serve as in menial positions as cooks or servants (the same as African Americans), with no possibility of advancement. But in addition to the wages that the job provided, the access that sailors received to the commissary was something that could give him or his family an advantage in the social ways in which Chamorros competed for standing. The first waves of Chamorros who joined the Navy on Guam were jokingly referred to as *marinan mantikiya* (butter sailors) because of the truth that most joined up in order to buy things only sold at the commissary or buy things at cheaper costs. When hosting a *gupot* that access to cheaper goods could be crucial in providing a savings to one’s wallet and also potentially increasing your social standing.
One way in which military service during this period changed Chamorro society was that it allowed Chamorros to travel beyond Guam’s shores. Chamorros who joined the Navy could not only serve on Guam, but could also travel elsewhere across the Asia-Pacific region. If a sailor returned to Guam after seeing what life was like outside of Guam, especially *gi lagu* (in the US), he brought with him an identity of having seen and lived America, which all others on Guam only heard about or were learned about in school. For an island which was struggling to figure out its relationship to its colonizer, and to the rhetoric, promises and hypocrisies of this era, these Chamorros who came back from *gi lagu* were often afforded high social value because of the experience and tales that they brought back with them.
## WW II cemented US - Chamorro relationship
Much of the Americanization or privileging of the US and its influence from the pre-war era was solidified after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/). Prior to the war, Chamorros had interacted with the US in a cautious, but accepting way. They picked and chose from what it offered into their lives, and most importantly refused to accept much of the colonial and racist rhetoric that the US used to govern Guam and argue for the civilizing of Chamorros. Thus, while American influence dictated much of what was perceived as having social value or providing upward mobility before WWII, this did not extend into the hearts of Chamorros, it was not something which pierced them the way Spanish Catholicism had. The [US Naval Government](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/) referred to Chamorros as stubborn or backwards because of their unwillingness to give up their language, their culture, their way of life, but after the war, this basic resistance appeared to have vanished, and Chamorros found a multitude ways in which they asserted the US as the center of their lives, as that which determined everything in their lives, most importantly how to live and how to progress.
As Chamorros worked to rebuild their island after WWII, they explicitly modeled themselves after the US and actively sought to remake their island and their lives with the US as their guide. The idea of the “American way” as an ideal or a force for social improvement or advancement was now not a piece of colonial rhetoric, but something that Chamorros found a tangible and regular way to put into action. Competition amongst Chamorros now became about who was the “most American.” This is a crucial difference, since before the war, Chamorros competed via possessing or adapting certain ideas or goods, while maintaining a distance from being American. After the war, it was not just about possessing things which were considered to be “American,” but actively giving up things which were considered to be “Chamorro,” which might get in the way of a person’s way of progressing to the point of being American.
## Speaking English
Nowhere was this more clear than in the ways in which Chamorros of all classes made very conscious decisions that speaking the Chamorro language lowered the chances for success of their children and that speaking English would open the doors of life for a child. As a result, tens of thousands of Chamorros were intentionally not taught Chamorro, and the result on the vitality of the language has been devastating.
One significant way in which the competitions for status and power in Guam have grown since after the war is the centrality of local politics in Chamorro and Guam life. Chamorros were only allowed to participate in the colonial governments of Spain and the US in limited, often times tokenistic and pointless ways. After the passage of the [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/), a locally elected [Guam Legislature](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/) was created which held twenty-one seats (it has since been changed to fifteen). In the 1970s, Guam was finally given the right to elect its own governor and non-voting delegate to the US Congress. The vibrancy of competition on Guam continues as candidates use their families, their skills and their social networks to vie for these slots at governing Guam.
Perhaps as a backlash to the explicit attempts by post-war Chamorros to weed the Chamorro out of themselves and their children, recent decades have seen a sort of revival, a decolonization of values and influence, on Guam. Although the Chamorro language is still visibly declining, attitudes about it have changed. While there is still not enough of a shift of mindsets to start a revival of the Chamorro language, enough of a shift has taken place to where it is something to be celebrated, especially for younger Chamorros, if they speak the language. In contrast to the tens of thousands of Chamorros born after the war who don’t speak the language because it was kept from them, if a young Chamorro speaks the language today it can be considered a point of pride, something which indicates the cultural prowess of your family. Signifiers of *Chinamoru* (Chamorroness), whether they be tattoos, car stickers, t-shirts or jewelry have also become fashionable and are often worn to indicate a certain level of consciousness, and are now things which Chamorros can use to compete against each other.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/)
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Bevacqua, Michael Lujan. “‘These may or may not be Americans…’: The Patriotic Myth and the Hijacking of Chamorro History on Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2004.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Underwood, Robert. “The Colonial Era: Manning the Helm of the U.S.S. Guam.” *Pacific Sunday News*, 22 May 1977.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** CHåmpada: Social Competition for Status
---
### [Early European Observations of CHamorus/Chamorros](https://www.guampedia.com/early-european-observations-of-chamorros/)
**Published:** September 30, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Early European observations of the CHamorus people represent a significant source of ethnographical and historical information. Many comments made by visitors to the Marianas focus on visible realities such as nudity, body ornaments, structures and watercraft.
**Content:**
# Early European Observations of CHamorus/Chamorros
#### Table of Contents
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## Offered ethnographic and historical data
Early European observations of the CHamorus/Chamorrros people represent a significant source of ethnographical and historical information. Many comments made by visitors to the Marianas focus on visible realities such as nudity, body ornaments, structures and watercraft. There are also more detailed observations coming from sailors such as Gonzalo de Vigo, who lived for more than three years in the archipelago after jumping a ship that was part of the [Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) expedition in 1521:
> These well-formed men, who went naked… even the women showed their private parts. Villages waged war on each other… there was a king in each village, and the people worshipped their dead. Having interred a chief, and seen that his corpse had decomposed, they would remove the bones and venerate them.
Other Spaniards who had long stays in the islands also left interesting references, such as the missionary, [Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) in 1602, and others at different times. Pobre’s writings constitute one of the most significant documentary sources because of his description of social stratification and cultural realities that, at that time, had not been massively altered by the presence of the few foreigners who stayed on the islands.
Today, there is an undetermined number of narratives and diaries written during the times of the[ Manila Galleons](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/) held in historical archives in Spain, but the contents of these documents remain widely unknown.
The first written observations of CHamorus were conditioned to meet the material needs, ideological priorities and specific conditions of the different European explorers who arrived at the Marianas. These initial observations concerning ancient CHamorus were not made from a scientific viewpoint (ethnographic history, as a discipline, would not appear until the end of the 18th century), hence the texts must be put into context.
In general terms, ancient CHamorus were described with the following characteristics:
## Robust, well built, good swimmers
According to Esteban Rodríguez, pilot of the [Legazpi](https://www.guampedia.com/miguel-lopez-de-legazpi/) voyage in 1565, CHamorus were well built, brawny, tall, and had great strength. They were born with a skin color almost white, becoming darker as they grew older. The women had a somewhat lighter skin complexion, compared to Filipinos, with black hair flowing down to their waists.
They were skilled swimmers, and while in the water, they were said to be able to catch fish with their bare hands. Men and women were naked, but women sometimes wore a cord around their waists to which they would hang some grass or leaves. Men would sometimes wear a waistband but were generally naked.
## Houses built on stone pillars
The villages the Europeans saw were distributed along beaches and coves, near rivers or fresh water springs and sources of food. The stone pillars upon which the houses stood where called [*latte*](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), and one of these buildings, in the shape of a cross, was particularly large:
> Their houses are the cleanest that I have yet found among the indios; built of coconut and (palo) maria wood with roofs of coconut leaves curiously woven. They have four rooms, with doors or curtains of the same matting. One serves a sleeping room, another for storing goods, one has a kitchen, and the fourth is large enough in which to build and store boats.
## Outrigger canoes or proas
The CHamoru *proas* amazed Spanish and other Europeans. Their fascination came from the the way the canoes were built and the CHamoru’s capacity to maneuver them, as well as their speed.
> Their canoes surely have the lightest movement of any in the whole world… They are extremely narrow and elongated, and their prow is just like their stern, which may serve as the prow in every way. The craft carries a counterweight on one side, so that it will not capsize. This is a thick, but light spar, lashed alongside the canoe with crossbars. It will skim the water as it goes along. This counterbalance is carried on the windward side, so that one side always serves as windward and the other as leeward. As for their sails, they are made of lateen cut into a triangular shape… The sails are of palm leaves, so delicately made that they seem almost silken.
>
> These people’s canoes are well constructed, and they sail quite close to the wind. They are fitted only with one outrigger, which enables them to keep their balance while sailing. It is extended further from the canoe hull, or brought in closer to it, depending on the strength of the wind. With these craft, the natives are able to venture as far as two or three miles out from shore, even in rough seas, for if they capsize, these canoes are easily righted and bailed out.
[***By Carlos Madrid***](http://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
## For further reading
Barratt, Glynn. *The Chamorros of the Mariana Islands: The Early European Records, 1521-1721.* Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2004.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J* . Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, European Exploration, Trade, and Scientific Studies, Historic Eras of Guam, Scientific Studies
**Tags:** Early European Observations of CHamorus/Chamorros
---
### [Mampolitiku: Politics](https://www.guampedia.com/mampolitiku-politics/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The Matua controlled the most resources and lands and were the most politically powerful class. Historical accounts give us a clear image of their place in society, but less is known about the other two classes.
**Content:**
# Mampolitiku: Politics
 Ancient Chamorro village scene from the Freycinet collection. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
#### Table of Contents
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## Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro castes
Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro society was divided into three classes:
- *Matua* or *Chamori*, the highest class
- *Acha’ot*, the middle class
- *Manachang*, the lowest class
The *Matua* controlled the most resources and lands and were the most politically powerful class. Historical accounts give us a clear image of their place in society, but less is known about the other two classes.
Politically, the people of the Mariana Islands had no centralized government, whether over the island chain as a whole or over any single island. Instead politics operated at the level of individual clans and villages.
Ancient CHamoru clans were collections of families that traced a similar maternal ancestor. The leader of a clan was the *[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/)* (first daugher) who was the oldest and highest ranking woman in a clan. Her oldest sibling or son would be the *[maga’låhi](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/)* (first son). The children and siblings of these leaders were the *manmaga’låhi* and *manmaga’håga* and together they oversaw the affairs of their clan. These positions were not set in stone however, as *maga’låhi* or *maga’håga* who proved themselves to be unfit as clan leaders could easily be replaced by someone else within the clan.
A village would be made up of a number of clans and each *maga’låhi* and *maga’håga* would be responsible for the affairs and holdings of their clan alone. It was the task of these leaders to decide where new villages would be started, who would marry whom, and where family members would live.
## Skill and ingenuity brought status
All clans were not equal however, and a clan’s social position within a village depended upon the influence and prestige it could garner through the behavior of its leaders and their representatives. Political clout in ancient CHamoru society depended upon the amount of respect you were given by others. Thus displays of *gineftao* (generosity), or social responsibility in times of trouble, as well as great deeds in battle or creative ingenuity would increase the amount of respect and honor you and your clan was afforded socially.
To this end, members of clans would compete in different social activities such as warfare/fighting, *mari* (debate), history/storytelling, and [Kantan Chamorita](https://www.guampedia.com/kantan-chamorita-2/) (improvisational singing). During large parties or ceremonies clan members would contend over who was the finest wrestler, who could hurl a spear or throw a [slingstone](https://www.guampedia.com/slingstones/) with the best accuracy, or vanquish their opponent with their wit and knowledge of clan history or genealogy. The winners would gain more prestige in the eyes of their fellow villagers.
These competitions were conducted within villages, but also between villages. Sometimes these battles would be with words, where members of rival villages poked fun at the other. They would, sometimes however, be settled with weapons. Warfare between CHamoru villages was largely symbolic and ritualistic. The point of going to battle was to humiliate or outwit your opponent, not to slaughter or conquer them. Thus, just as clans competed within a single village to enhance their social position, villages also competed in similar ways.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](http://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Politics, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Politics and Government, Social Organization, Social Stratification
**Tags:** Mampolitiku: Politics
---
### [Taotaomo'na](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Taotaomo’na, the people of before, refers to ancestral spirits that inhabited the earth along with the living. Ancient Chamorros/CHamorus believed the world around them was full of spirits who provided both daily protection and assistance in their tasks, but also created dangers and problems.
**Content:**
# Taotaomo'na
#### Table of Contents
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## First people
*Taotaomo’na*, the people of before, refers to ancestral spirits that inhabited the earth along with the living. Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros believed the world around them was full of spirits who provided both daily protection and assistance in their tasks, but also created dangers and problems. *Guma’ siha* (houses) were built, families were raised and *tinanom siha* (crops) were harvested and planted through harmonious cooperation between CHamorus and the *aniti* (spirits) of their ancestors.
The connection between CHamorus and these spirits has changed over time, primarily due to cultural changes that came about from Spanish colonization and Christianization. Slowly over time, these spirits have changed from the ante of ancestors to the wily ghosts, devils and demons that play tricks or cause harm to CHamorus today. *Taotaomo’na* can be defined in three different ways, each definition depending upon the amount of familiarity or distance between these spirits and living CHamorus.
## Our elders and family
*Taotaomo’na as i mañainå-ta yan familiå-ta.* Taotaomo’na is therefore a term which could refer in general to all the spirits of CHamoru ancestors, to all of those who have come before. In this definition, these spirits played a huge role in the daily life of CHamorus offering assistance and protection with all sorts of daily tasks. These spirits were treated as members of the family and were referred to be name or through terms of endearment. Given this intimate arrangement, these sorts of taotaomo’na were thought to dwell on the *tåno’* (land) of their descendants or thought to inhabit ancestral skulls or *maranan uchan* which CHamorus kept in baskets in the rafters of their *guma’saga’* (homes).
These skulls would be offered *nenkanno’* (food) and *gimen* (drink) at meals and offered the best catch after men returned from fishing. In all things they would be honored and thanked for their role in keeping the family safe, prosperous and strong. Ceremonies were held amongst families and s*engsong siha* (villages) to celebrate their spirits and show their respect to them by making offerings of food and artifacts, as well as competitions of physical and mental skill in their honor. One of the most important ways in keeping favor with one’s ancestral spirits would be to maintain one’s kinship ties and obligations and ensure harmonious relations among members of a clan. An individual not meeting these obligations and behaving *taimamåhlao* (without shame) was one of the surest ways to displease an ancestral spirit and cause them to withdraw their protection from the family.
These spirits were invoked and called upon in times of great danger. They were needed to defend against any evil or malevolent spirits that inhabited the *halomtano’* (jungle) and *liyang siha* (caves), as well as any violence the ante of rival clans might cause. Even in times of life-threatening danger or crisis, it would be these spirits that CHamorus would call to for aid. They would cry out to their favored spirits by name imploring that “if they have ever loved their family, then they would help right now!”
## Those who came before
*Taotaomo’na as i manmofo’nå-ta. Taotaomo’na* also refers to the ante of ancestors whom CHamorus could no longer connect themselves to through genealogy. These were remote spirits, which could not be easily counted upon for help as if members of a clan, but instead had to communicate primarily through intermediaries such as *makanas*. *Makanas* were “spirits counselors” or “medicine men” who could be bartered with or compensated to seek the counsel or assistance of spirits. *Makanas* would beseech the dead on behalf of the living to bring stunning victories in battle, good luck in harvesting or fishing. If things were amiss in a family, and nothing but tragedy was befalling them, they could enlist the aid of a *makana* to find out from the *taotaomo’na* what offense they had made or sins they had committed to deserve this treatment or why their ancestral spirits had abandoned them. A *makana* could also be enlisted in order to turn spirits against a rival or enemy clan.
Over time the role of *makanas* slowly became what CHamorus today refer to as *suruhanus* and *suruhanas*, who would also be able to communicate with *taotaomo’na*, but primarily in the service of healing the *manmalångu* (sick). *Suruhanus* possess a vast amount of knowledge of *tinanom* (plants) on Guam which can be used to make different forms of *amot* (medicine). In addition, *suruhanus* can ask the *taotaomo’na* to help identify the causes of different illnesses, and if there are spirits involved in making their patient ill, they can also help communicate how the conflict can be resolved and amends made.
Some CHamorus had privileged relationships to *taotaomo’na*. These people were usually referred to as *gaitaotao* or *gaiga’chong*. For these people, a *taotaomo’na* was their *ga’chong* (friend and companion) and with them at all times, helping them and giving them the appearance of having super-human skills or being *sen metgot* (very strong).
Since the names or the genealogy of these spirits was not always known, they could not be referred to in familiar or endearing ways. They were instead to be spoken to with great respect and often called *guello yan guella* (grandfather and grandmother). When passing through the *tano’* (land) where particular spirits resided, it was crucial that the passer-by call to them first in this sort of respectful manner, as great elders, and then request permission to pass through their land.
## Asking permission
The following is said to ask permission to pass:
> *Guella yan Guello, dispensa ham låo Kåo siña ham manmaloffan yan manmanbisita gi tano miyu sa’ yanggen un bisita i tano’må mi faloffan-ha’ sin un famaisin.*
>
> Grandmother and grandfather, excuse us. May we walk through and visit your land and when you come to our land we will welcome you to do the same.
The following is said before relieving yourself in the jungle:
> *Guello yan Guella kao siña u usa i kemon guini ya agin matu hamyu gi tano-hu sinen isa lokkue.*
>
> Grandmother and Grandfather may I use the restroom here? When you come to my land you may do the same.
Ancient CHamoru history provides the names of a few of these remote ancestral spirits, whom CHamorus knew they were related to, but did not treat with the same intimacy that they did their relatives that had recently passed away. Fu’una and Puntan, the brother and sister who created Guam in the story of CHamoru origins, could be considered the *fine’nina na taotao*, (first people) and therefore the first *taotaomo’na*. Around the time of the Spanish colonization of Guam, there were notoriously strong *taotaomo’na* which CHamorus revered and feared around Guam.
*Gamson* (octopus), was a *taotaomo’na* who lived in Pågo Bay near a *latte* site. He was known as an incredibly strong spirit who could catch five *guihan* (fish) at once, with only his *kannai* (hands) and *kamyo* (grate) coconut by squeezing its shell until it came spraying out. *Gatos* (100) was a *taotaomo’na* who was known for his large penis. He would travel with other spirits which served as his soldiers, who would use *Gatos’* penis when crossing rivers. If you entered into *Gatos’* territory without permission and were to disrespect him by urinating there, he would touch his penis to you, and you would be unable to *me’me’* (urinate) or *masinek* (defecate).
*Anufat* was a big ugly *taotaomo’na*. He had large fangs and nails. On the side of his body was a huge gaping wound, out of which grew a *galak dangkulu* (a type of large fern).
## Those who are evil and cruel
*Taotaomo’na as i mantailayi (manailayi) yan manmala.* Lastly, in the definition which matches closely to the way CHamorus think of them today, *taotaomo’na* are *mananiti* or *aniti*, pesky, troublesome and sometimes evil spirits. This definition is heavily influenced by Spanish Catholicism and does not view *taotaomo’na* as the spirits of CHamoru ancestors, except perhaps as pagan, evil spirits of their ancient uncivilized past. In this version *taotaomo’na* are not gracious, giving or helpful, but are instead notorious for hurting people and playing tricks on the living. These *taotaomo’na* are not to be trusted at all, but rather feared.
*Duhendes*, a Spanish word, are one such type of *taotaomo’na*. They are small, dwarf-like people, who go naked or wear clothes made of *hagon siha* (leaves). They are most well known for luring unsuspecting children into the *halom tano’* (jungle) by taking the shape of a *chichirika* (a red fantail bird), singing songs to them, or by offering them gifts or treats. Once captured a child would be shrunk down to such a small size that those looking for them would easily step over them or walk right by them completely unawares. When a child is eventually found they usually suffer from *chetnot manman*, meaning they will stare into space with a blank and empty look. To fix this, they will have to be taken to a *suruhånu* or a *pale’* (priest).
*Taotaomo’na* would often haunt or be associated with certain areas or objects, such as the *halom tano’*, latte sites, and *trongkon nunu* (banyan trees). Those who entered these spaces without proper permission, or who behaved *tai respetu* (without respect) once in them would be subject to the anger and tricks of the spirits who called that area home.
In some instances a violent and tragic death will forever link a spirit to the site of its death.
These sorts of *taotaomo’na* are able to take different human, animal and material forms when they interact with the living. They can appear as *binådu* (deer), *ayuyu* (coconut crabs), *ga’lågu* (dogs), and even *paluma* (birds). One famous *taotaomo’na* is the *Utak* or *Itak* which is a large white-tailed bird with a shrill call, which is heard throughout the village each time an unmarried girl becomes *mapotge’* (pregnant).
*Taotaomo’na* also appeared as human or in close human form, sometimes taking the appearance of familiar people such as relatives, but other times appearing *tai ulu’* (without head) or *tai mata’* (without face). They sometimes have an alluring smell akin to *fadang* (frederico palm) or lime or *ilangilang* (a fragrant tree). Other times the smell can be repulsive like *basula* (trash) or *take’* (feces). When speaking it can appear as *ngokngok* or incomprehensible speech, or even hissing or the sound of branches being snapped and rubbed together. In other instances their speech is simply older and archaic CHamoru.
*Taotaomo’na* have the ability to cause the living to become terribly ill. They do so by *de’on* (pinching), *akka’* (biting) or *pacha’* (touching). If a *taotaomo’na* wishes to make you ill it can make you become feverishly sick (*chetnot maipe’*), turn you into a zombie and put you into a deep trance (*chetnot manman*) or cause parts of your body to swell up. When a person has been touched by a *taotaomo’na* with the intent that they become ill, finger, nail or teeth marks may appear on a person’s body, in colors such as yellow, brown or purple. Some *taotaomo’na* have control over wind, rain, lighting and thunder. These are called *lamlamtaotao* and can shape and change the weather to incite fear in the living.
As this definition of *taotaomo’na* is something to be feared and resisted, CHamorus have compiled practices of how to repel these spirits and keep them away because they cannot stand to come into contact with them. Some colors are said to repel *taotaomo’na* while others are said to attract them, but this depends primarily on the particular affinities of the spirits involved. Salt is thought to weaken *taotaomo’na*, which is one reason why they are found primarily inland in the *halom tano’* (jungle) and not along the coast near *i tasi* (the sea).
In the early 20th century, a CHamoru man who was *gaitaotao* (possessed) and unbeatable in wrestling, was supposedly vanquished after his opponent sprinkled salt around the ring before their match. Money, sacred religious objects and even the *guma’ yu’us* (church) itself are thought to be objects or places which *taotaomo’na* cannot touch or stand to be near.
[***By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD***](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/ "Michael Lujan Bevacqua")
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Flood, Bo. *Marianas Islands Legends: Myth and Magic.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 2001.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
McMakin, Patrick D. “The *Suruhanos*: Traditional Curers on the Island of Guam.” *Micronesica* 14, no. 1 (1978): 13-67.
Mitchell, Roger E. “Ancestral Spirits and Hitchhiking Ghosts: Syncretism on Guam.” *Midwestern Journal of Language and Folklore* 2, no. 2 (1976): 45-55.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
Topping, Donald M., Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernardita C. Dungca. *Chamorro-English Dictionary*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1975.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Ancient Guam: Religion, Chamorro Culture, Civic Society, Concepts and Beliefs, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Our Heritage, Religion, Value Systems
**Tags:** Taotaomo'na
---
### [Francisco G. Franquez](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-g-franquez/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Francisco Garrido Franquez (1921 - 2006), also known as "Frank" or "Ankie," first picked up the harmonica at the age of 14 years old. In 1935 or 1936 there was a harmonica contest in the Guam schools for students throughout the island. Though Franquez did not care for the instrument at first, he continued to practice and eventually became an accomplished player.
**Content:**
# Francisco G. Franquez
##### Share This
Francisco Garrido Franquez (1921 – 2006), also known as “Frank” or “Ankie,” first picked up the harmonica at the age of 14 years old. In 1935 or 1936 there was a harmonica contest in the Guam schools for students throughout the island. Though Franquez did not care for the instrument at first, he continued to practice and eventually became an accomplished player.
Franquez’s uncle recognizing his talent for playing the instrument, encouraged him to enter the contest and was so enthusiastic about his nephew’s talent that he awakened Franquez in the middle of the night to play for him. Through the encouragement of his uncle and the use of a phonograph and records as a “tutor,” Franquez continued to play the harmonica and nurture his growing talent.
During the [Japanese occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/wwiijapanese-era/) of Guam from 1941 to 1944 during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), occupying forces forbade the playing of American music. Franquez, however, and many of his friends and future band mates would practice playing American music in a makeshift chapel during the occupation. When caught by the Japanese the musicians would say the music was part of their prayer ritual. With Franquez as the leader with his harmonica, the small band consisted of a guitar player, a bass player and a piano player.
Franquez and his band mates continued to play after the war. They played at numerous gatherings including village fiestas. They soon caught the attention of military personnel new to Guam and landed a gig at Fiddlers Green at Naval Air Station, Tiyan, in the early 50s. Word of their talent soon spread and chiefs from various military posts on the island including Naval Magazine, Naval Station, and Naval Communications Station were eager to hire Franquez and his group. Many Americans were impressed with Franquez’s familiarity with American music, as well as his ability to play popular music that was composed before Franquez was even born.
Franquez would later use his talent to teach other musicians. During the 60’s Franquez frequented the “Lanchon Antigo,” a social activities center for the elderly, in [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/ "Inalåhan (Inarajan)"). By this time, all of the musicians Franquez had originally played with had passed away. It was in Inalåhan where Franquez met Maria (Nenita) Palacios whom he taught the jazz standards and how to play the organ. Palacios would go on to become an accomplished musician and, with Franquez, would play music for many years until her death.
Franquez received a Maga’lahi Award from Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) in 1999.
Franquez is married to Cecelia Franquez, and they have seven children. Two of their children, Frankie and Joey, have followed in their father’s footsteps becoming accomplished musicians and studying music in college.
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/ "James Perez Viernes")***
**Editor’s note:** The photos and initial research for this entry is courtesy of Mico and Stevie Scott’s *Jazz on Guam: An Oral History*, a project funded by the Guam Humanities Council and in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Music, Musicians, People, People and Places, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Francisco G. Franquez
---
### [Governor William John Maxwell](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-william-john-maxwell/)
**Published:** August 5, 2015
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** US Naval Captain William John Maxwell (1859 - 1934) was Governor of Guam from 28 March 1914 - 29 April 1916. Maxwell relieved Acting Governor Alfred Walton Hinds and continued previous Naval Government infrastructure projects. In addition, he reorganized government agencies, established financial institutions, petitioned the US Navy Department for Guam's US citizenship and to open the port for commercial use.
**Content:**
# Governor William John Maxwell
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
US Naval Captain William John Maxwell (1859 – 1934) was Governor of Guam from 28 March 1914 – 29 April 1916. Maxwell relieved Acting Governor Alfred Walton Hinds and continued previous Naval Government infrastructure projects. In addition, he reorganized government agencies, established financial institutions, petitioned the US Navy Department for Guam’s US citizenship and to open the port for commercial use.
Maxwell later exhibited signs of mental instability and after nervous breakdown he was ordered by doctors to be relieved of duty. In 1930, [Governor Willis Bradley](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=1367) renamed the school in Sumai in Maxwell’s honor.
## Before Guam
William J. Maxwell was born 3 April 1859 to parents Mariam and Charles Maxwell. He had an older sister, Anna Harris Eastman. He attended the US Naval Academy in 9 June 1874 and graduated on 22 June 1882. Maxwell trained on the *USS Jamestown* and continued to served on the *Galena*, *Dolphin* and *Vesuvius* before attaining lieutenant on 6 April 1897. He continued on assignments to the *Columbia*, *Sylph*, *Marietta* and became a member of the Special Service Board. From 1911 until his appointment as Governor of Guam he commanded the *Florida*.
## Governor of Guam
According to Maxwell’s 1914 Governor of Guam Annual Report, after relieving Hinds as Governor, he examined the island and found it barely operational. He initiated programs for solidifying the Naval Government’s internal structure. Maxwell had each Government position’s duties and authority defined. The [Insular Patrol](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=978) was reorganized to fall under the local Police Force and village Commissioners. In extension the Aide to the Governor was responsible for the Commissioners.
### Bank of Guam
Maxwell issued Executive Order No. 193 on 14 December 1915 to establish the islands first bank, Bank of Guam. It opened 3 January 1916 and was under the control of the Naval Government. Bank of Guam networked with banks located in Manila, Hong Kong, Shanghai, Yokohama, Sydney, Honolulu and San Francisco. The Board of Managers included: the Naval Governor of Guam as Chairman; Comptroller; Auditor of Guam; the Treasurer of the Naval Government of Guam; and holder of Certificate of Deposit records (an elected position).
### Service Pension Foundation
The Guam Government Service Pension Foundation was established by Maxwell’s Executive Order No. 182 in May 1914. It created a Governing Committee of five members including the Governor. This Committee had the authority to invest funds on behalf of its members and members were able to request loans. Members consisted of Government employees and their next of kin.
### US Navy Department (USND)
Maxwell appealed to the USND to grant the people of Guam US citizenship in 1914. He believed it was a logical step forward in strengthening the island through business and administration. His appeal was rejected while a young President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was Acting Secretary of the Navy.
### Commercial port
Maxwell appealed to open Guam a commercial port. He observed the increased dependence on Naval Government imports. Maxwell believed a commercial port would improve Guam’s disposition and boost local economy. Maxwell appealed to the USND and was again rejected. Pres. Roosevelt was Assistant Secretary of the Navy during this appeal.
### SMS Cormoran II
14 December 1914 German auxiliary cruiser, the [*SMS Cormoran II*,](https://www.guampedia.com/voices-of-our-elders/sms-cormoran-ii/) anchored in Apra Harbor in need of coal and supplies. Maxwell could not accommodate and the following day Cormoran Captain, [Adalbert Zuckschwerdt](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=24721), accepted Maxwell’s terms of internment. According to Charles Burdick, author of “The Frustrated Raider,” this marked the beginning of a personal war between Captain Zuckschwerdt VS. Governor Maxwell.
Maxwell and Zuckschwerdt’s personal war began with the *Cormoran’s* finances. From Washington, DC, German Ambassador Johann Graf von Bernstorff was forwarding funds to the *Cormoran* through the USND. Maxwell distributed a portion of the amount without explanation and Zuckschwerdt did not agree or understand his decisions. The following months they continued to disagree over coded messages, how the crew spent their money, curfews, protocols, international law and basic human rights. These disputes often involved and were settled by the USND and Ambassador Bernstorff. Zuckschwerdt tried to have the *Cormoran* transferred to San Francisco but was unsuccessful.
## Change of command
On 29 April 1916, Maxwell was declared unfit to continue his duties as Governor of Guam and was relieved by Comdr. William P. Cronan of the *USS Supply*. He was escorted by a Marine guard aboard the *USAT Thomas* 30 May 1915. Maxwell arrived in Washington, DC, in the company of a physician and sent to the Naval hospital. He was then assigned to the Naval war college in Newport. Shortly afterward he retired in 9 August 1917. US Naval Captain William John Maxwell passed away on 11 January 1934.
***[By Nathalie Pereda](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=629)***
## For further reading
Anderson, John C. “[William John Maxwell (1859-1934)](https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/49259483/william-john-maxwell).” *Find A Grave*, 6 March 2010.
Burdick, Charles. *The Frustrated Raider*. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979.
Executive General Orders Nos. 180-194, 2 April 1914 – 13 January 1916. Naval Government of Guam. Government House.
Farrell, Don A. *The Pictorial History of Guam: The Americanization 1898-1918*. 2nd ed. Tamuning: Micronesian Productions, 1986.
Hamersly, Lewis Randolph. *The Records of Living Officers of the US Navy and Marine Corps*. 5th ed. Philadelphia: L.R. Hamersly & Co., 1894.
“Probing Odd Navy Case.” *The Washington Post*, 26 August 1916.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
US Naval Government of Guam. *Governor of Guam Annual Report*. By Roy C. Smith. Hagåtña: GH, 1916.
–––. *Governor of Guam Annual Report*. By William J. Maxwell. Hagåtña: GH, 1915.
*US, Select Military Registers, 1862-1985* \[database on-line\]. Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2013.
Ward, Herbert T. *The Flight of the Cormoran*. New York: Vantage Press, 1970.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Governors, Governors of Guam, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, US Naval Era, US Naval Era: Politics, Wars and Factors of Peace, WWI
**Tags:** Governor William John Maxwell
---
### [Cultural Design with History in Mind](https://www.guampedia.com/cultural-design-with-history-in-mind/)
**Published:** March 11, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Art and History organizations offered workshop to prepare. In 2016, Guam hosted the Festival of the Pacific Arts, a regional festival showcasing the diversity of arts and performances from over two dozen island nations and territories throughout the Pacific.
**Content:**
# Cultural Design with History in Mind
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Regional Arts Festival in Guam 2016
***Art and History organizations offered workshop to prepare***
In 2016, Guam hosted the Festival of the Pacific Arts, a regional festival showcasing the diversity of arts and performances from over two dozen island nations and territories throughout the Pacific. The Festival of the Pacific Arts, or FestPac as it is known on Guam, originated from an effort to preserve and develop local art forms and to celebrate and share cultural heritage. It also provided a means of passing on traditional and cultural knowledge from one generation to the next. The first festival was held in Fiji in 1972, and has been hosted by a different island country every four years.
The Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) spearheaded the organization of FestPac 2016, as well as organized workshops to assist local artists, artisans and other cultural producers to tell the story behind their work.
The first workshop, ***Cultural Design with History in Mind***, was presented in February 2013 with assistance from the Guam Preservation Trust (GPT), Guampedia Foundation, local archaeologists [Darlene Moore](https://www.guampedia.com/darlene-moore/ "Darlene Moore") and Judy Amesbury of the Micronesian Archaeological Research Services (MARS), and [Dr. Judy Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-flores/ "Judy Flores"), local artist and Pacific Arts scholar. The workshop provided information about ancient cultural designs found in the Mariana Islands based on archaeological and historical research and introduced Guampedia.com as an online resource about Guam’s culture and history for artists and cultural producers.
Additionally, the workshop was intended to provide inspiration for various areas of artistic expression. Workshop organizers believed this information was vital for instilling confidence and pride among Guam’s delegation to appropriately use ancient traditional designs and motifs and to share their stories with other FestPac participants.
To view the summary report and presentations of the Cultural Design with History in Mind Workshop, click the links below.
## Håfa Kumekelek-ña i Alåhas i Mañaina-ta?
**The Meanings Behind the Treasures of our Ancestors
*Dr. Judy Flores,***
Pacific Arts Scholar and Artist
Dr. Judy Flores gave a pictorial history of contemporary artists and their work in this presentation. Flores showed photographs of jewelry and carvings by artists today, as well as ancient artifacts that she believes have inspired artists because of their beauty and craftsmanship. These cultural objects evoke cultural pride and a sense of identity for those who admire and wear them. The information in Flores’s presentation is derived from her initial research for her Doctorate in Arts of Oceania for which she conducted several interviews in 1998 and took numerous photographs, as well as her Masters in Micronesian Studies at the University of Guam Micronesia Area Research Center (1996).
**Dr. Judy Flores e-publication**
## Adzes, Fishing Gear, Beads and Bracelets
**Shell and Bone Artifacts from the Mariana Islands
*Judith R. Amesbury,***
Micronesian Archaeological Research Services
Judith R. Amesbury’s presentation showed a variety of shell and bone artifacts found in the Mariana Islands, as well as provided the historical context in which to understand archaeological findings of ancient designs of adzes, fishing gear and body adornment. She demonstrated the diversity of materials and the innovative skills used to create these objects as well as their use in daily life. She described four different types of cone shell beads from Pre-Latte to Latte Phases that were used to fashion a variety of ancient jewelry that has important implications for understanding the changing culture of the people of the Mariana Islands.
**Judith R. Amesbury e-publication**
## Examples of Stylistic Designs in Marianas Pottery
***Darlene Moore,***
Micronesian Archaeological Research Services (MARS)
Darlene Moore provided an overview of the Marianas pottery sequence and examples of various designs and motifs used by the early Chamorros in producing their ceramics. Moore explained that the first people who settled in the Marianas brought their pottery-making skills with them, and began making pottery immediately from local clay. The earliest pottery vessels from 1500 BC to 500 BC have the most complex and intricate designs, but over time the designs became simplified, with vessel forms also showing modifications in shape. She described the distinct pottery styles such as Achugao, San Roque and Ipao, that characterize the unique pottery of the Mariana Islands and posits that vessels were not only functional but could have other important cultural practices associated with them.
**Darlene Moore e-publication**
## Summary Workshop Report e-publication
***Written and presented by Guampedia.com***
## More CAHA content and workshops
#### CAHA Workshops
Explore the Guam CAHA cultural art workshops. Organized in preparation for the 2016 FestPac.
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/art-architecture-body-adornment-music-and-food/art/guam-caha-workshops/)
#### Protecting Intellectual Property
CAHA workshop explores intellectual property rights and uncopyrighting.
[ Learn More ](https://www.guampedia.com/protecting-intellectual-property/)
#### What is FestPac?
FestPac workshop offers a more in-depth look at the organization of festival committees and activities.
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/what-is-festpac/)
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Chamorro Culture, Creative Expressions, e-Publications, Guam CAHA Workshops, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** Cultural Design with History in Mind
---
### [Section 4: Timeline](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-4-timeline/)
**Published:** August 1, 2022
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Inspired by the CHamoru/Chamorro concepts of mo’na, pa’go and tatte. The timeline covers important moments in Guåhan’s history showcasing the role that the Chamorro people, since the onset of American rule, have played in seeking a pathway towards self-determination and decolonization.
**Content:**
# Section 4: Timeline
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Inspired by the CHamoru/Chamorro concepts of *mo’na*, *pa’go*, and *tatte*, this timeline presents history in both a chronological and relational manner. The table covers important historical moments in Guåhan’s history showcasing the role that the CHamoru people, since the onset of American rule, have played in seeking a pathway towards self-determination and decolonization. The sails highlight the relationship of events in Guåhan to those taking place regionally, nationally, and internationally during a given moment in time.
## Mo’na, Pa’go yan Tatte
How can a circular understanding of time and history help us imagine the possibilities for Guåhan’s future and quest for self-determination?
Similar to other Native Pacific Islander cultures, CHamoru culture perceives time as circular rather than linear. This circularity allows for the simultaneous existence of the past and the present and a connection to the future. As CHamoru scholar Dr. Michael Bevacqua explains, “A linear interpretation of time means that as we move through history, things happen one after the other, in a forward progression…things change and never return to a previous point.” This contrasts to the CHamoru understanding of time where the past is always with us.
CHamoru historian Dr. James Viernes describes CHamoru-Micronesian understandings of time “as fluid cycles in which the past, present, and future are interdependent on each other, entangled in infinite trajectories that are forever a part of our Islander worldviews.” Indeed, as part of Guåhan’s efforts toward self-determination Guåhan’s people are not merely observers but, as Viernes says, active agents past, present, and future that “make history happen.”
## Sacred Vessels
In the CHamoru culture, the canoe is a means of transportation. Historically, it enabled people to explore the horizons and brought CHamorus back home. Canoes are also sacred, spiritual vessels, lifelines during times of famine and environmental stress, and conduits connecting humans to ancestors and spirits of the natural world. Sailing, like many things in life, requires planning as well as knowledge of your equipment, where you want to go, and how to get there. There are times the wind propels you forward, and times it holds you back.
More recently, the CHamoru outrigger canoe has been used as a symbol of the resilience, innovation, and strength of the CHamoru people, similar to the latte and slingstone. Pohnpeian-Filipino scholar and Guåhan historian Dr. Vicente Diaz describes the canoe as a metaphor that carries meanings of CHamoru culture and history as well as what it means to be Indigenous in this place. The canoe, impacted by colonialism as seen in its diminished use and displacement from CHamoru culture, has reemerged in the articulation of the politics of decolonization and self-determination for Guåhan. It represents cross-cultural connections with other Micronesians and Pacific Islanders and is the vessel from which the continuing stories of Guåhan’s efforts toward self-determination are carried and new possibilities are imagined and pursued.
The American colonization of Guåhan has presented great navigational challenges for the journey of the CHamoru people. The new administration brought another language to learn and a different way of thinking, living, and doing things. Yet, the CHamoru people understood early on that when the US Navy took over, they were not being treated fairly and they accordingly made their grievances known to the American government. Like seafarers, they sought to understand the tools at their disposal and used lessons from the past to guide them. Through World War II and Japanese occupation, postwar reconstruction, and urbanization the CHamoru people have utilized the tools of democracy (submitting petitions and lobbying in Washington, DC), joined the US military, secured increased media coverage, and elected powerful leadership, to make their voices heard.
While the seas have been rough and the weather uncooperative, the CHamoru people’s navigation of this journey on their physical and metaphorical canoes remain steadfast and reliable, even through these uncertain times.
## Timeline table with sacred vessels
[  ](#)Haitian Revolution
1804
[  ](#)Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement
1893
[  ](#)Carta de Autonomia
1897
Spain signs the Carta de Autonomia (Autonomy Charter) for Puerto Rico.
[  ](#)Treaty of Paris
1898
US gains possession of Puerto Rico, Guåhan, and the Philippines at the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898.
[  ](#)Samoan Mau Movement
1900-1929
[ ![]() ](#)Petitions
1901
Guam’s[ first petition to US Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/1901-petition/), written 17 December 1901, highlighted the excessive power of the naval governor and the lack of power among CHamorus, calling for a permanent government in Guåhan, rather than a military government. Subsequent petitions were submitted in 1917, 1925, 1929, 1933, 1936, 1947, 1949, and 1950. The first petition in 1901 contained 32 signatures; a petition in 1933 had collected nearly 2,000. Some of the petitions were claimed to have been “lost” in the files, were never answered, or were rejected due to heavy opposition from the US Navy.
[  ](#)Insular Cases
1901
- De Lima v. Bidwell
- Goetze v. United States
- Dooley v. United States
- Armstrong v. United States
- Downes v. Bidwell
- Huus v. New York and Porto Rico Steamship Co.
[  ](#)First Guam Congress
1917
In 1917 Naval Governor Captain Roy Smith established the[ First Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/early-american-period-has-profound-implications/). Leaders in the Guam Congress made it clear that the “most important issue to them was the question of Guam’s political rights and a more democratic form of government under the United States.” However, their views were often ignored by the US Navy.
[  ](#)Puerto Rican Nationalist Movement
1930s-1960s
Puerto Rican Nationalist Movement from the 1930-60s.
[ ![]() ](#)Gov. Bradley’s Bill of Rights
1930
On 4 December 1930, [US Naval Governor Willis W. Bradley](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-willis-w-bradley/) created a Bill of Rights for the CHamoru people modeled after the Bill of Rights in the US Constitution. It included the right of ***writ of habeas corpus*** and the ability to vote in local elections regardless of race or sex. It never went into effect. However, when Guam’s legal codes were revised in 1933 many of the provisions were later incorporated. These rights, though, could be wiped out by whomever was governor of Guam at the time.
[  ](#)Second Guam Congress
1931
In 1931, Governor Willis Bradley dissolved the First Guam Congress and held the island’s first general election on March 7th. Those elected became members of the [Second Guam Congress](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-drive-for-civil-rights/), which consisted of a House of Assembly, with 27 members elected for two-year terms, and the House of Council, with 15 members elected for four-year terms. Governor Bradley opened the first session on 4 April 1931.
[  ](#)Philippines Independence Act
1934
Philippines Independence Act of 1934 (Tydings-McDuffie Act).
[  ](#)CHamorus sent to Washington
1936
In 1936, the 2nd Guam Congress sent[ Francisco B. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/francisco-b-leon-guerrero/) and Baltazar J. Bordallo to lobby in Washington, DC for US citizenship for the CHamoru people. The two were well received by empathetic individuals in the media and the US Congress familiar with Guahan’s plight. Strong opposition came from the Department of State and the Secretary of the Navy, citing rising tensions with Japan. The pair also visited President Franklin Roosevelt. Congress revisited the issue in 1939 but the start of World War II ended any further consideration.
[  ](#)Third World
1945
Concept of the Third World (Sauvy) emerges in 1945.
[  ](#)TTPI is Established
1947
[Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI)](https://www.guampedia.com/trust-territory-of-the-pacific-on-guam/) Trusteeship established under the United Nations in 1947.
[  ](#)Decolonization of British Empire
1947-1997
[  ](#)Interim Organic Act
1948
In 1948, after WWII,[ Naval Governor Charles A. Pownall](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-charles-alan-pownall/) and the Secretary of the Navy gave Guam Congress powers to create laws for Guåhan, upon the governor’s approval, and the power to approve laws proposed by the naval governor. The Secretary of the Navy, however, had the power to override vetoes. The move was well received, and dubbed the Interim Organic Act. The excitement about these benefits were short-lived. The governor could unilaterally pass laws and veto legislation when the Guam Congress was not in session. Military condemnations of land and unfair wage discrimination against local workers only made things worse and pushed the CHamorus and their allies in the mainland into action.
[  ](#)Guam Congress Walkout
1949
In 1949, a [Guam House of Assembly](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congress-walkout/) committee, investigating violations of a prohibition against Americans owning local businesses through Guamanian “front men,” subpoenaed a US citizen, Abe Goldstein, who had financed a women’s clothing store. Goldstein, a civilian, refused to testify. The committee issued a warrant for Goldstein’s arrest, but Pownall intervened. Angered, the assembly passed the Organic Act bill and voted unanimously to adjourn until the US Congress acted on it. CHamoru leaders worked with the US media to amplify their message across the country. Pownall dismissed congressional members who refused to attend a special joint session that he convened threatening to hold new elections to replace them. President Harry S. Truman then forced the US Navy to transfer the administration of Guåhan to the Department of the Interior within 12 months.
[  ](#)Passage of Organic Act
1950
In May of 1949, Guam Congress sent FB Leon Guerrero and [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) to Washington, DC to lobby for the passage of an [Organic Act](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/). Other CHamoru leaders lobbied in Washington, DC including[ Agueda Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/), [Concepcion Barrett](https://www.guampedia.com/concepcion-cruz-barrett/), and BJ Bordallo. On 1 August 1950, President Truman signed the Organic Act of Guam into law. The Act established a non-military, civil government in Guam; granted congressional US citizenship to island residents and their descendants; and designated the island’s political status as an unincorporated territory of the United States. The Organic Act was celebrated as a victory. But questions soon arose as to whether civil government meant self-government. Even more questions arose as to whether the US citizenship granted in the Organic Act truly afforded the protections that many believed it would.
[  ](#)Bandung Conference
1955
Bandung Conference in April 1955.
[  ](#)UN on Decolonization
1960
United Nations Declarations on Decolonization in 1960.
[ ![]() ](#)Joseph Flores, First CHamoru Governor
1960
In 1960, businessman [Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/) was the first CHamoru to be appointed Governor of Guåhan. He followed civilian governors[ Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/), [Ford Elvidge](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ford-quint-elvidge/), and [Richard Lowe](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-richard-barrett-lowe/). Flores served for one year and is known for establishing a vocational-technical education program. As governor he advocated self-rule for Guam and an open-door policy. He established public health centers in Mangilao, Piti, Talofofo, and Asan. He also ensured that the Department of Public Works paved the Agat-Umatac Road for the first time.
[  ](#)Lifting of the Security Clearance
1962
On 21 August 1962, President John F. Kennedy signed an Executive Order which rescinded the navy’s wartime authority to refuse entry to civilian visitors for [security reasons](https://www.guampedia.com/security-clearance-on-guam/). This unleashed the island’s tourism potential and ushered in an era of unprecedented economic and social advancement. [Governor Manuel FL Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), the second appointed governor of Guåhan, established the Guam Tourism Commission and worked to increase plane routes to bring tourists to Guåhan. He also worked to modernize Guåhan’s economy. He changed the face of the island through urban renewal programs that addressed housing shortages, building modern residential subdivisions in Sinajana, Tamuning, Piti, Dededo, and other areas.
[  ](#)Typhoon Karen Hits Guåhan
1962
On 11 November 1962, Typhoon Karen hit the island of Guåhan. The New York Times reported that the island was “struck by 200-mile \[per hour\] winds” and “seven persons died, thousands were made homeless, \[and\] businesses were wrecked…” The federal aid provided in the aftermath of the typhoon helped in the rebuilding of the island and the increased use of concrete for homes and other structures.
[  ](#)West Papuan Independence Movement
1963
[  ](#)Civil Rights Act of 1964
1964
[  ](#)Congress of Micronesia
1964-1979
Congress of Micronesia (of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands) from 1964-1979.
[  ](#)Voting Rights Act of 1965
1965
[  ](#)Immigration and Naturalization Act
1965
Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 (Hart-Cellar Act).
[  ](#)First Constitutional Convention
1969
In 1960, the United Nations passed a Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, proclaiming the necessity of bringing an end to colonialism. The Declaration compelled colonizing nations to figure out what to do with their territories. For the United States, this included Guåhan and the Trust Territory of Pacific Islands (TTPI) in Micronesia.
Nine years later the [First Guam Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) was held to review and propose revisions to the Organic Act. From 1 June 1969 to 19 June 1970, 43 elected delegates participated in the convention and recommended 34 changes to the Organic Act of 1950. No action, however, was taken on the recommendations.
[ ![]() ](#)Carlos G. Camacho, First Elected Governor
1970
In 1970, Guåhan elected its first governor, [Carlos G. Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlos-camacho/), a local politician and dentist. He also served as the last presidential appointee in 1969. His term was marked by a great economic boom and major hotel construction projects. Camacho made a concerted effort to bring CHamorus who studied in the US back to work for the local government. Using government resources, he increased economic opportunities by granting incentives and offering various forms of assistance to businesses in the private sector.
[  ](#)Fijian Independence
1970
Fijian Independence on 10 October 1970.
[  ](#)Advisory Council on Political Status
1970
In 1970, Governor Carlos Camacho established a Governor’s Advisory Council on Political Status to discuss the possibility of the [reunification of the Mariana Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/history-of-efforts-to-reunify-the-mariana-islands/). In fact, initial discussions about Marianas reunification had begun in the early 1960s, and since 1965, leaders from both Saipan and Guåhan had traveled back and forth frequently to engage in talks. The issue was brought before the people of the Marianas and separate plebiscites were held in the Northern Marianas and Guåhan in November 1969. While NMI voters approved reunification, Guåhan voters rejected it, and instead, each entity continued to pursue their individual negotiations with the US government.
[  ](#)South Pacific Forum
1971
South Pacific Forum (later the Pacific Islands Forum) founded in 1971.
[ ![]() ](#)Congressional Representation Act
1972
On 10 April 1972, US Congress [passed a law establishing the offices of Delegate of the Territories of Guam and the Virgin Islands](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-congressional-representation/). This finally gave Guåhan and the Virgin Islands representation in Congress with two-year terms. Elected officials could speak on the House floor and introduce legislation though they could not vote on the floor. On 3 January 1973, [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) became the first resident of Guåhan to take the oath of office as a member of the 93rd Congress. The emergence of delegates to Congress from US territories is derived from an ordinance passed under the Congress of the Confederation—a time that predates the US Constitution.
[  ](#)First Political Status Commission
1973
In 1973, the [Guam Political Status Commission](https://www.guampedia.com/political-status-commissions/) was created to determine what political status was desired by the people of Guåhan. It was the first official body set up to address Guåhan’s political status. The Commission provided the public information about the legal and political status of Guåhan with the US. Chaired by Senator Frank G. Lujan it was comprised of nine senators: [Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), [Antonio M. Palomo](https://www.guampedia.com/tony-palomo/), Adrian C. Sanchez, Francisco R. Santos, [Richard F. Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-flores-taitano/), [Paul M. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/), Jesus U. Torres, and Paul J. Bordallo. The commission suggested that Guåhan’s interim status be similar to the commonwealth status of Puerto Rico and the one being negotiated by the Northern Marianas at the time. However, the commission faced difficulty in moving the issue of political status with inaction by US Congress and the local community. The commission recommended the development of a constitution to extend greater control over Guåhan’s governance.
[  ](#)Vietnam War Ends
1975
[ ![]() ](#)Second Political Status Commission
1975
The 13th Guam Legislature created the second [Political Status Commission](https://www.guampedia.com/political-status-commissions/) in 1975. The commission was tasked with educating the public about the political status options and open negotiations with the federal government. The new law identified the specific problems the commission was to try and resolve such as shipping, immigration, greater regional participation and other restrictions to Guåhan’s economy as a result of federal controls. This Political Status Commission was composed of 15 members from both political parties and two village commissioners (mayors). Republican Senator Frank Blas was the Chair and members were Edward Duenas, Thomas VC Tanaka, Jr., former Lt. Governor Kurt Moylan, [Dr. Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), and Democrats[ Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), Adrian Sanchez, Francisco R. Santos, Edward Charfauros, Delfina Aguigui, James McDonald, Eugene Ramsey and Joseph Rios. Later a law expanded the membership to include appointees from the Commissioners’ Council Gregorio A. Calvo and Roman Quinata.
[  ](#)Second Constitutional Convention
1977
In 1976, US Congress passed a law authorizing Guåhan and the US Virgin Islands to create their own Constitutions. The following year, Guam lawmakers passed a law establishing a [Second Constitutional Convention](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-constitutional-conventions-concon/) to draft a Constitution for Guåhan. The draft was approved by President Jimmy Carter. Although initially formed to address issues of preserving CHamoru language, the grassroots group [Peoples Alliance for Responsive Alternatives (PARA)](https://www.guampedia.com/para-pada/) opposed the ratification of the Guam Constitution on the basis that it was not a true act of self-determination. When put to a vote, most voters rejected the newly drafted Guam Constitution.
[  ](#)CNMI Covenant
1978
Passage of the CNMI Covenant from 1978.
[  ](#)First Commission on Self-Determination
1980
By May 1980, [Governor Paul M. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-paul-calvo/) created the first [Commission on Self-Determination](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-self-determination/). Similar to the Political Status Commissions of the 1970s, it was tasked with gauging the desire of the people of Guåhan as to their future relationship with the United States. The Commission then organized a task force for each political status option and conducted a public education campaign on the advantages and disadvantages of each status.
After the campaign was completed, the commission conducted a plebiscite to establish the people’s choice on 30 January 1982. There were seven available options for consideration, including: Statehood; Independence; Free Association; Territorial Status with the United States; Commonwealth Status with the United States; Status Quo; and Other.
With the formation of the Commission, significant questions of debate arose: Who is CHamoru and how are they identified? Who is the “self” in “self-determination?” Does the right to self-determination only apply to the CHamoru people? Should non-CHamoru residents be considered in this process?
The debate became heated. Some advocated that CHamorus should be the primary participants in any effort at self-determination. Other vocal non-CHamoru US citizens opposed the idea and felt the vote should include everyone. After much discussion the Commission agreed to define a CHamoru as “all those born on Guam before 1 August 1950 \[the date of the Organic Act’s passage\] and their descendants.”
[  ](#)First Plebiscite Vote
1982
In 1982, the first Guåhan plebiscite was held, allowing all registered voters to participate. Commonwealth Status was selected by 49 percent of voters as the preferred political status option. [Organization of People for Indigenous Rights (OPI-R)](https://www.guampedia.com/opi-r-organization-of-people-for-indigenous-rights/) members, including future [Congressional Representative Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/), testified before the United Nations Committee on Decolonization regarding Guåhan’s continuing status as a non-self-governing territory.
[  ](#)USVI Plebiscite Vote
1983
Unite States Virgin Islands Plebiscite vote in 1983.
[  ](#)Second Commission on Self-Determination
1984
In January 1984, the Guam Legislature passed a law establishing the second Commission on Self-Determination. This Commission was to produce a document to be submitted to Washington, DC. A vote on the Commonwealth Act draft would be held before it was submitted to Congress. The Commission produced a draft and submitted it to Congress in 1985. Only 39 percent of Guåhan voters participated and the Commission decided to rewrite some of the articles that had been rejected, A special election was held in November with a 57 percent voter turnout. The document was approved in its entirety and the Commission submitted the draft Commonwealth Act to Congress in February 1988.
[  ](#)New Caledonian Independence Movement
1984
[  ](#)Compact of Free Association
1986
Compact of Free Association signed with the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Palau in 1986.
[ ![]() ](#)Guam Commonwealth Act
1987
The speedy negotiations and innovative agreement between the Northern Marianas and the US shocked many Guåhan residents.
The voters of Guåhan had rejected reunification with the Northern Marianas in 1969, fearing the financial burden of developing the neighbor islands and because the Northern Marianas CHamorus, who had been under Japan’s pre-World War II rule, had assisted the Japanese military in their wartime occupation of the island. The Northern Marianas had been territories of Japan after World War I. The CHamorus of Guåhan had remained loyal to “Uncle Sam” during those agonizing years of World War II, many suffering starvation, torture, forced labor and death at the hands of the Japanese. Most also lost their homes and businesses in the American bombardment and recapture of the island.
The loyalty of Guåhan’s CHamoru community, however, was not rewarded. In fact, over the next few years the [Commonwealth Act](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-commonwealth-act/) was submitted continually to the US Congress during the tenures of [Congressman Vicente “Ben” Blaz](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-vicente-ben-garrido-blaz/) (1985-1992) and Congressman Robert Underwood (1993-2002) but languished during the administrations of President George HW Bush and President Bill Clinton. The Commonwealth Act remained at a standstill in 1997. The major objections, again, had to do with CHamoru self-determination, immigration, and labor control.
[  ](#)CHamoru/Chamorro Registry
1996
The [CHamoru Registry](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-registry-and-the-decolonization-registry/) was created by Senator Hope A. Cristobal in December 1996, to record “the progress and identity of the CHamoru people.” The law says the registry would be used for historical, ethnological and genealogical purposes, as well as for the future exercise of self-determination by the indigenous people of Guam.
The CHamoru Registry defined CHamoru people as all those born on or residing on Guam on 11 April 1899, including those temporarily absent from the island on that date and who were Spanish subjects \[under Spanish control\] who after that date continued to reside in Guam or other territory over which the United States exercises sovereignty and have taken no affirmative steps to preserve or acquire foreign nationality.
[ ![]() ](#)Commission on Decolonization
1997-present
The [Commission on Decolonization](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-decolonization/#:~:text=Overview%20of%20Guam's%20quest%20toward%20decolonization&text=In%20the%20early%20and%20mid,relationship%20with%20the%20United%20States.) was established by the 24th Guam Legislature in 1997 to enhance the efforts of the Commission on Self-Determination. Its purpose is to educate the people of Guåhan of the various political status options available. The Commission on Decolonization, however, was inactive for several years during the 2000s. [Governor Edward B. Calvo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-eddie-b-calvo/) relaunched the Commission on Decolonization in 2011 and appointed Edward Alvarez as Director. The Commission on Decolonization is comprised of 10 members of the community and the Governor of Guam, who serves as Chair. The current Executive Director is Melvin Won-Pat Borja, appointed by [Governor Lou Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/).
[  ](#)Guam Decolonization Registry
2000
Often confused with the CHamoru Registry, the [Guam Decolonization Registry](https://www.guampedia.com/chamorro-registry-and-the-decolonization-registry/) (GDR) plays a powerful role in actualizing Guåhan’s political destiny. According to Guam Law, until 70 percent of native inhabitants are registered on the GDR, a political status election cannot occur. It has not yet garnered enough registrants to move forward.
The law defines native inhabitants as people who became US citizens by virtue of the authority and enactment of the 1950 Organic Act of Guam and their descendants. A descendant is defined as, “a person who has proceeded by birth, such as a child or grandchild, to the remotest degree from any native inhabitant of Guam, and who is considered placed in a line of succession from such ancestor where such succession is by virtue of blood relations.”
[  ](#)Plebiscite Law
2000
In 2000, Guåhan’s government passed a Plebiscite Law which provided for a “political status plebiscite” to determine the official preference of the “Native Inhabitants of Guam” regarding Guam’s political relationship with the United States. The plebiscite would include three options: Independence, Free Association with the United States of America, or Statehood.
[  ](#)Davis v. Guam
2011-2020
In 2011, Arnold “Dave” Davis, a non-CHamoru former resident of Guåhan, [filed a lawsuit](https://www.guampedia.com/challenge-to-chamoru-self-determination-davis-v-guam/) against the Government of Guam claiming that his inability to register on the Guam Decolonization Registry was a violation of his rights under the US Constitution. Davis argued that the rights entitled to him through the Organic Act of Guam and the Voting Rights Act were being violated by the native inhabitant clause. Attorney Julian Aguon, however, argued that the distinction being made regarding voter eligibility for the plebiscite was political rather than race-based; therefore, it did not violate federal voting rights and equal protection laws. The district court held that the plebiscite qualified as an election because it would be of interest to every resident of Guåhan. The Ninth Circuit Court agreed with that decision. Currently, the Governor’s Office and Attorney General are working to devise a path forward, one which meets the Constitutional requirements while also recognizing the historical (and ongoing) effects of colonization on the lives of the CHamoru people.
[  ](#)12th Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture
2016
In 2016, Guåhan hosted the [12th Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture (FestPac)](https://www.guampedia.com/what-is-festpac/). With the theme “Håfa Iyo-ta, Håfa Guinahå-ta, Håfa Ta Påtte, Dinanña’ Sunidu Siha Giya Pasifiku” (“What We Own, What We Have, What We Share, United Voices of the Pacific”), The festival had thousands of participants from 24 Pacific Island nations and territories present for two weeks celebrating the people of Oceania.
FestPac is the largest and most prestigious regional celebration of traditional and contemporary Pacific arts. Its vision is to preserve Pacific traditional arts for future generations and to provide a platform for Pacific people to gather and share their diverse cultural art forms. The original organizers, the Fiji Arts Council and the South Pacific Commission (now known as the Pacific Community), envisioned a festival organized BY Pacific people FOR Pacific people.
FestPac would re-emphasize the importance of traditional art forms, encourage the creation of new forms of artistic expression, promote the use of Indigenous languages, raise awareness, and celebrate the rich cultural heritage of Pacific islanders. FestPac is one of the few platforms available to Indigenous Pacific Islanders to come together and engage in activities and discussion of issues that affect us all.
Guåhan has participated in the festival since the 1970s. Aside from the successful hosting of FestPac in 2016, it was also an opportunity to think about Guåhan’s political status and led some delegation members to strongly call for Guåhan’s decolonization.
[  ](#)Palau Compact of Free Association
2018
[  ](#)War Reparations
2020
World War II ended for the people of Guåhan in 1944 when the US recaptured the island after 32 months of Japanese occupation. For most war claims against the Japanese, including Guåhan’s, the US appropriated funds for settlements after World War II. However, for the next seven decades CHamorus made many attempts through US Congress to resolve other[ war claim issues](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-world-war-ii-war-claims-legislative-history/) and disparities while the number of war survivors continued to decline.
Since 1977, Guam Congressional Delegates Antonio Won Pat, Ben Blaz, Robert Underwood, and Madeleine Bordallo carried on the effort with proposed legislative action in Congress for the US to provide war claim parity and justice to the people of Guåhan. Fourteen Congressional bills were introduced to establish a Commission to review the history and results of the Guam Meritorious Claims Act of 1945 or provide additional recognition of loyalty and war claim compensation parity but were unsuccessful. Finally, in 2016 the US Senate passed a bill and President Barak Obama signed into law legislation that would allow for war reparations for Guåhan.
In 2017, the US Justice Department’s Foreign Claims Settlement Commission sought approval from the Office of Management and Budget to gather information from as many as 5,000 people and estates in Guam to decide claims for compensation. War claims would be paid to those who were killed, injured, or subjected to forced labor, march, or imprisonment during the Japanese occupation. By January 2020 payments were made to the first of over 3,700 claimants submitted to the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission.
[  ](#)Micronesian Nations Exit Forum
2021
Micronesian nations’ exit from the Pacific Islands Forum in 2021.
## [Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-put-i-tano-ta-charting-our-collective-future/)
[
Section 1: Introduction
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-1-introduction/)
[
Section 2: Unpacking Terms
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-2-unpacking-terms/)
[
Section 3: Identifying Roles
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-3-identifying-roles-and-positionality/)
[
Section 4: Timeline
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-4-timeline/)
[
Section 5: Oral Histories
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-5-oral-histories-and-intergenerational-conversations/)
[
Section 6: CHamoru Renaissance
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-6-chamoru-renaissance/)
[
Section 7: Envisioning and Enacting
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-7-envisioning-and-enacting-a-decolonized-present-and-future/)
[
Section 8: Organic Act
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-8-organic-act/)
[
Section 9: Closing and Acknowledgements
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibit-section-9-closing-and-acknowledgements/)
[
Fanohge CHamoru Exhibition Video Features
Explore
](https://www.guampedia.com/fanohge-chamoru-exhibition-vignettes/)
**Categories:** CHamoru Quest for Self-Determination, Fanohge CHamoru Put I Tano-ta: Charting Our Collective Future, Guampedia Resources, Politics and Government, Tiempo (Timelines)
**Tags:** Section 4: Timeline
---
### [Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 1](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-historical-connections-board-1/)
**Published:** January 10, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 1. Drawing Connections between Historical World Events and our History on Guam
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 1
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Establishing and using the Historical Connections board (Part 1 of 4)
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Historical-Connections-Board-1.pdf) or [all three](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Historical-Connections-Board-All.pdf)*.
Drawing Connections between Historical World Events and our History on Guam
**Note:** This lesson can be done on its own, or continued on to incorporate the next three parts of the lesson series.
**Subjects**
Social Studies, History, Language Arts
**Grade-level**
Elementary, 4-5
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
On-going (in 1-5 minute increments)
**Materials required**
- Construction paper
- Marker
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
None
**Related links**
- [Guampedia](http://www.guampedia.com/)
- [Micronesia Milestones](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/ "Micronesia Milestones")
## Lesson Plan
### Description
In this on-going activity, students will practice drawing connections between historical world events and Guam history.
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will learn to identify or draw connections between historical world events and Guam history.
- Students will be visually reminded, throughout the year, of the significance of world events and Guam history.
**Questions or Assessment**
- Are students actively drawing connections between historical world events and Guam history?
- Are students independently remembering to place Guam history in a global historical context?
### Procedure
***Teacher prep***
Create a large “Historical Connections” board out of construction paper or a large piece of paper. Tape it to a visible location of the classroom, where it can remain for the course of the unit/semester/year. Decorate it in whatever way you think will be visually appealing.
***Explain Historical Connections Board to Students* (10 – 15 minutes)**
1. Explain to students that the board posted in the classroom will serve as a “Historical Connections” board. As the class progresses through the year, they will come across many examples of world history that impact (either directly or indirectly) the history and contemporary culture of Guam. Whenever an example comes up, students are to help the teacher by noting on the board the example.
2. The board should include the following headers:
- World Event
- Impact on Guam
- Impact Today
3. Explain that not all examples will be explicitly stated to students. They are encouraged to bring up examples themselves, and to discuss the relevance of the suggested event with their peers.
- This latter “discussion” should be reserved from more advanced classes (high school and advanced middle school.)
4. Fill in one example on the board (so that students understand the purpose and method by which it works).
5. Encourage students to make a note if they ever come across an example in their own reading or research. If they find an example of world events shaping Guam history (perhaps while writing a research paper on a topic in another class), they are welcome to include it on the board.
- Remind students to utilize reliable sources, such as Guampedia, when conducting their research.
***Incorporating the Historical Connections Board into Daily Routine* (1-5 minutes)**
1. Throughout the semester, encourage students to include examples on the board.
- Depending on the length of time the board remains up, it may become a very long list. If this happens, just create a new board and preserve the old one. The entire collection of boards can be used in the later lesson plans of this series.
2. When a student notices an example of an historical world event shaping Guam history, allow them to raise their hand and point it out. Provided that time permits, encourage the class to briefly discuss whether the example should be included, and what information can be posted on the board. (If time does not allow such a discussion to take place, thank the student for the input, write down the example, and return to it as soon as time allows).
***Recap* (1 minute)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson \[applicable only to the first day, when the Historical Connections board was established\]:
“Today we’ve created our very own Historical Connections board. With this tool, we’ll keep track of all the examples of connections between historical world events and our Guam history and contemporary lifestyles. With this approach, we hope to better understand our island’s interconnectedness with the world.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the activity.
**Categories:** Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Grade-levels, High School, History, Language Arts, Middle School, Social Studies, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 1
---
### [Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 3](https://www.guampedia.com/lesson-plan-historical-connections-board-3/)
**Published:** January 10, 2010
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 3. Drawing Connections between Historical World Events and our History on Guam
**Content:**
# Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 3
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Creating a Historical Connections Journey \[continued\] (Part 3 of 4)
*Print version of this [lesson plan](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Historical-Connections-Board-3.pdf) or [all three](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Historical-Connections-Board-All.pdf)*.
Drawing Connections between Historical World Events and our History on Guam
**Subjects**
Social Studies, History, Language Arts, Art
**Grade-level**
Elementary, 4-5
Middle School, 6-8
High School, 9-12
**Time required**
50 minutes
**Materials required**
- Poster board
- Cardstock
- Construction paper
- Crayons
- Markers
- Colored pencils
- Other art materials
**Related background reading**
None
**Related documents**
None
**Related links**
- [Guampedia](http://www.guampedia.com/)
- [Micronesia Milestones](https://www.guampedia.com/timeline/ "Micronesia Milestones")
## Lesson Plan
### Description
In this activity, students begin creating their Historical Connections journey (to be presented to an audience in part 4 of this lesson series).
**Objectives/Skills**
- Students will apply their planning and development from the previous class period toward creating their poster board as part of the historical connections journey.
- Students will creatively present information on how historical events are connected to Guam history.
**Questions or Assessment**
- Do students apply the categorizations and themes developed during the previous lesson?
- Are students attempting to present information in a creative manner?
- Are students taking into account the background and needs of their audience (are they presenting to peers, younger students, adults)?
### Procedure
***Teacher prep***
Provide materials for students to make their Historical Connections journey.
***Preparation* (7 minutes)**
1. Have students reassemble into their separate groups.
2. Ask students to share among themselves the results of their research (which was conducted as homework following the previous lesson).
- If students do not feel they have enough research, remind them that they can still conduct additional research and incorporate it into their poster board prior to the audience presentation scheduled to take place during the next lesson.
3. If time permits, have students begin sketching out ideas and designs for their poster board.
***Work Session* (40 minutes)**
1. Instruct students to spend the rest of the class period working on their poster boards.
2. Spend time walking around the classroom and helping students. Many may feel stuck or confused, so feel free to provide examples or help in other ways. Encourage creativity.
3. Periodically remind students of the time (e.g. “You have 30 minutes left. By now you may want to finish up your design and start placing information on the board”).
4. With only 5 minutes left in the work session, instruct students to wrap things up and being planning how they will complete the poster board as homework.
***Recap* (3 minutes)**
Recap what we’ve done and learned in the lesson and unit:
“Today we’ve recapped the themes developed and discussed during the previous lesson, and shared among our group the results of our research. We then sketched out plans for our poster boards, and began working on them. Hopefully by now you are nearly complete, and can finish up the last small portions as homework prior to the next class period.”
Ask students for their favorite parts of the activity.
**Categories:** Art, Educational Lesson Plans, Elementary, Grade-levels, High School, History, Language Arts, Middle School, Social Studies, Subjects
**Tags:** Lesson Plan: Historical Connections Board 3
---
### [2nd Workshop: Visual Arts Committee](https://www.guampedia.com/2nd-workshop-visual-arts-committee/)
**Published:** May 30, 2014
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In 2016, Guam hosted the Festival of the Pacific Arts (FestPac), a region-wide festival celebrating the various arts and cultures of the Pacific. As the host of FestPac 2016, Guam chose what kinds of events to highlight, although traditional performances, arts and craft displays and demonstrations, music and story-telling are often part of the many activities available for participants. Hosting the Pacific wide festival represented an important and exciting opportunity to highlight cultural identity and heritage among a diverse group of Pacific islanders, many of whom share a colonial past and have felt its impact on traditional practices and lifestyles.
**Content:**
# 2nd Workshop: Visual Arts Committee
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Visual Arts Committee
**2nd Workshop in Preparation for the 12th Festival of Pacific Arts: Visual Arts Committee**
In 2016, Guam hosted the Festival of the Pacific Arts (FestPac), a region-wide festival celebrating the various arts and cultures of the Pacific. As the host of FestPac 2016, Guam chose what kinds of events to highlight, although traditional performances, arts and craft displays and demonstrations, music and story-telling are often part of the many activities available for participants. Hosting the Pacific wide festival represented an important and exciting opportunity to highlight cultural identity and heritage among a diverse group of Pacific islanders, many of whom share a colonial past and have felt its impact on traditional practices and lifestyles.
In addition to the artists, there were many other people who visited during the course of the festival to see the various performances and demonstrations and to learn about the arts and rich traditions of the people of Oceania. Guam artists who participated in FestPac 2016 were encouraged to share their knowledge about history and culture in addition to their creative and artistic expressions in its myriad of forms.
The Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency (CAHA) spearheaded the organization of FestPac 2016, as well as organized workshops to assist local artists, artisans and other cultural producers to tell the story behind their work.
The first workshop, [Cultural Design with History in Mind](https://www.guampedia.com/cultural-design-with-history-in-mind/), was held in February 2013 and focused on finding inspiration in traditional CHamoru/Chamorro designs and motifs evidenced on material culture of the Mariana Islands. The second workshop,[ Intellectual Property](https://www.guampedia.com/protecting-intellectual-property/), was presented in August 2013 and provided information about intellectual property rights and protections as they can be applied to artists and other cultural works.
This next in the series of FestPac workshops entitled, Connect Me | Create Me | Promote Me, offered a more in-depth look at the organization of festival committees and activities, and outlined Guam’s specific efforts to help participants prepare for FestPac Guam 2016. The first workshop of the series, “What is FestPac?” discussed the history of Guam’s involvement in FestPac and the impact the festival has had on Guam’s cultural identity and representation at the festival. This second workshop summarized below, featured a presentation of the history of Guam’s visual arts from the 20th century and forward, and included two concurrent breakout sessions featuring panelists of 2D/3D artists and filmmakers.
**e-Publication:** Programme and presentations
## Guam Visual Arts
**Historical Overview 20th Century and Forward**
***[Dr. Judy Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/ "Judy Selk Flores"),***
Pacific Arts Scholar and Artist
In this presentation, Dr. Judy Flores discussed the history of visual arts on Guam through the 20th century and today. With images and examples of Chamorro art, Flores connected different points in Guam’s history to the movements and shifts visible in the creative works of Guam, from jewelry to paintings, to carvings and crafts. The influences and changes in Chamorro art also reflect the Chamorro people’s awareness of ongoing issues of identity, politics and culture, and the desire to connect with their ancient past.
**e-Publication:** Includes Dr. Judy Flores presentation
## 2D/3D Breakout Session
In this session, workshop participants were introduced to the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica National Museum as one of the gallery sites during FestPac. With a panel led by [Ron Castro](https://www.guampedia.com/ron-castro/), there was discussion of how other host countries have organized and displayed 2D and 3D art during the festival. In addition discussants brought up environmental and aesthetic considerations the Visual Arts committee faced as they planned the displays in the galleries and the festival’s satellite venues.
## Film Breakout Session
In this session, led by Raph Unpingco, panelist Simeon Palomo reported on how film arts were presented during the 11th FestPac in 2012 in the Solomon Islands. Participants then discussed various topics related to FestPac 2016, including film categories, funding, venues, timelines and quality of film projects. CAHA continued to explore other options to support Guam’s filmmakers, but also decided that local film artists should continue to meet regularly and help each other succeed in their work.
**e-Publication**
## Summary Workshop Report e-publication
***Written and presented by Guampedia.com.***
## More CAHA content and workshops
#### CAHA Workshops
Explore the Guam CAHA cultural art workshops. Organized in preparation for the 2016 FestPac.
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/art-architecture-body-adornment-music-and-food/art/guam-caha-workshops/)
#### What is FestPac?
FestPac workshop offers a more in-depth look at the organization of festival committees and activities.
[ Explore ](https://www.guampedia.com/what-is-festpac/)
#### 3rd Workshop: CHamoru Seafaring Lexicon Workshop
Seafaring community create a lexicon.
[ Explore ](http://www.guampedia.com/chamoru-seafaring-lexicon-workshop/)
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, e-Publications, Guam CAHA Workshops, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** 2nd Workshop: Visual Arts Committee
---
### [Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Tool Making](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-tool-making/)
**Published:** February 6, 2011
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Archeologists learn about societies and cultures of the past by looking at the objects or artifacts that people left behind. Some of the most useful artifacts to study are tools.
**Content:**
# Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Tool Making
View more images for the Ancient Chamorro Tool Making entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157625953646139/).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Making use of available resources
Archeologists learn about societies and cultures of the past by looking at the objects or artifacts that people left behind. Some of the most useful artifacts to study are tools. A tool is an object or implement that is taken from the environment and modified to perform a new function. With this simple definition, tools can be almost anything, such as sticks, rocks or shells. But tool manufacture and use by humans is more complicated. In fact, the ability to make and use various tools is often cited as a key feature of humanity.
Tools can tell us a lot about culture and the people who made and used them. By studying tools we can see how people utilized the resources in their surrounding environments. We can appreciate the technology and skill applied to make and use tools, as well as the kinds of tasks the tools were designed to help carry out. The ancient CHamorus/Chamorro had a number of tools they used to adapt and survive in tropical islands. What do these tools teach us about ancient CHamoru culture and society?
## Identifying tools from the past
Archeologists excavate through layers of soil and other deposits to look for artifacts. But, how can an archeologist know something was used as a tool, and is not simply a rock or shell lying in the dirt? Sometimes, artifacts are obviously manmade—such as pottery or sculptures—or there is other evidence of modification by human hands. It is not always easy, but archeologists are trained to look for identifying marks or other clues to indicate that something might be a tool.
For example, ancient tools often are of the size and shape that are easy to hold and operate with a single hand. Stone tools generally will have evidence of retouching, where one of the surfaces of the rock has been shaped or sharpened. Shells may have holes or grooves where fiber cords would have been attached, or sharpened edges for cutting and scraping. Evidence of wear that does not resemble what would occur if only natural forces had acted on a stone is also important for assessing whether an object was modified or used as a tool.
This training is not foolproof and mistakes are made, but for the kinds of tools found among archeological assemblages in the [Mariana Islands](http://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/northern_mariana_islands_pol_1989.png) there are some features to look for, including the kind of materials used to make the tools, the shape of the tools, and their placement in the overall context of the excavation site. There are also historic accounts that archeologists may refer to that describe tools used by the CHamorus at the time Europeans first traveled to these islands. Sometimes comparing tools used in other cultures—both ancient and contemporary—is helpful for painting a picture of ancient CHamoru tools and tool use.
## Archeology of Ancient CHamoru tools
Like other Pacific Island cultures, ancient CHamorus used a variety of tools made of stone, shell, bone, wood and other plant materials. Because of the tropical climate and environmental conditions of the Marianas, however, plant and wood tools have not been preserved well. Nevertheless, archeologists have been able to recover numerous shell, bone and stone tools used by the ancient inhabitants of these islands. Close examination of ancient CHamoru tools show some similarity in form and function to certain modern hand tools.
Most of the recovered tools are from sites associated with the [*Latte* Era](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/) (about 1000 to 2500 years ago). This may be because of the rarity of Pre-*Latte* Era excavations or other undetermined factors. Archeologists have also seen an increased diversity of tools and raw materials for tool-making during the *Latte* Era, which could reflect changing lifestyles and movement between coastal [settlements](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=12407) and more inland residences. It could also indicate networks of trade between islands for certain kinds of raw materials, such as basalt and other volcanic rocks, which are more abundant in the northern islands.
Archeologists have also found variations in shell tools, like adzes, made of *Tridacna* (giant clam) and *Terebra* (sea snail) shells. Shell adzes appear in both coastal and inland settlements but in larger numbers at coastal sites. Large, single stone basalt mortars with several holes or depressions for grinding and pounding are more commonly found at coastal sites and are associated more with *Latte* Era excavations. Harpoon and spear tips of bone are also associated with *Latte* Era sites, rather than Pre-*Latte*, which may indicate that Pre-*Latte* inhabitants either did not use human bone to make spear tips, or the full range of Pre-*Latte* tools have not yet been found. Fishing tools and implements are also more diversified in *Latte* Era sites, including an array of weights and sinkers, lures and fishhooks.
Probably the most significant indicator of culture and tool change can be seen in [Marianas pottery](http://www.guampedia.com/pre-historic-pottery-of-guam/) and [ceramics forms](http://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-pottery-usage/). Studies of CHamoru pottery reveal changes in subsistence patterns, food preparation and storage. The design characteristics, such as composition and vessel form, show a high level of skill and complexity that archeologists have used to piece together a time sequence of Marianas history.
## Stone tools
Most stone tools in the Marianas were made from volcanic rocks, such as basalt (*atulong*), as well as coral and limestone. Another volcanic rock called pumice, which is very porous and rough, was also used as grinding stones. Grinding stones help to sand or polish wood, stone or shell, making them smooth to the touch. Grinding stones can also sharpen tool edges.
The easiest way to fashion tools from stone was to strike them with other rocks. This is called flaking. A hard rock would be struck with another hard rock and cause flakes to break off. The flakes would have sharp edges that could be used for cutting or scraping. The flakes could be further shaped and polished by retouching with other tools.
Stone tools included scrapers (*guesgues*), which could be used to peel fruit or scale fish, and knives (*se’se’*), for scaling, cutting and gutting fish. Stone tools were also fashioned into hammerstones (*mattiyu*), mauls (*acha*) for grinding or driving in wedges, and anvils (*acha’on*). The chopping edges of adzes (*guaddukon*) and axes (*gachai*) and hoes (*akao*) were also made of stone. Stone could also be worked to make drills and chisels (*asuela*) with beveled edges to shape other hard objects of wood or rock. The most common material for these stone tools was hard basalt. Adzes, though, were made of either basalt or shell. Indeed, the capstones and pillars of CHamoru *[latte](http://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)* stones may have been quarried and shaped using hammerstones, chisels and adzes.
Stone was also smoothed into spherical, globular or oval shapes to create sinkers for fishing (*katgaderu*) and [slingstones](http://) (*acho’atupat*) for warfare.
Slingstones were believed to have been introduced to the CHamorus shortly before the Latte Era. They have been found in many sizes from about five to ten centimeters in length, showing varying degrees of workmanship. Typically football-shaped, some were made of limestone or marble, and some of fire-hardened clay. Slings (*atupat*) for firing off slingstones were woven from coconut fibers, but also pandanus and *pokse’* (hibiscus fibers) could have been used. The fibers were woven together to create a small pouch in the middle to hold the stone. The long strands of the sling would be held with one hand and the sling swung overhead to increase force before releasing the stone toward its target.
The *acho’achuman* was a special kind of spherical sinker (*poio*) made of stone that was used to catch *achuman*, a type of mackerel. The *poio* was attached to a half coconut shell filled with coconut mash and lowered into deeper water. The fisherman would shake the sinker to release the coconut mash and attract the fish to feed. Over the course of a few days or weeks, the fisherman would raise the sinker gradually to the surface, thus training the fish closer where they could be more easily caught with a net.
Large stones could be shaped into mortars (*lusong*), pestles (*lommok*), and grindstones (*guasa’on*) for grinding, crushing and processing plants and herbs for [food](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11904) or [medicine](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=10930). Mortars and pestles would also be used to process seeds to release poisons used for fishing. Most mortars and pestles were made of basalt but sometimes limestone (*acho’*) was used. Sometimes a large wooden pestle, known as *fayao* (or *falu*), was used. Some mortars appeared as single stones with a single hole or depression, while other mortars were part of larger cave or rock shelters and had several depressions rounded out from constant pounding.
## Bone tools
The ancient CHamorus had a few implements made of bone. Fish bones were shaped into lures for catching octopus and squid. Small bones could be used to make needles or awls, which are pointed tools for piercing holes. These tools were useful for sewing together [jewelry](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=7950) or ornaments, or preparing thatch for houses.
As there were no large mammals native to the Marianas, the ancient CHamorus used human bones to make certain kinds of implements. The human tibia or shinbone was used to make barbed spear points for [warfare](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11234) or [fishing](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=12409).
The tip would be sharpened, then a double or triple row of barb-like teeth would be carved so that the spear tip would get stuck inside the victim’s flesh. The tip would be lashed onto a wooden shaft about eight feet long with coconut fiber cord. Archeologists have found burials with these barbed spear points still lodged in the skeletal remains.
## Shell tools
Another useful material for tool-making was shell, usually from mollusks, such as snails, clams or oysters. Shells are relatively hard and strong enough for certain tasks, but relatively easy to shape using stone tools. Oyster (*Isognomon*) and giant clam (*Tridacna*, or *hima* in CHamoru) shells made the most durable tools for cutting and scraping.
Adzes could be made of stone or shell such as *hima*. The shell would be shaped into a blade and honed with a beveled edge. This edge would be sharpened. The shell could be attached using fiber cord to the top of a piece of wood shaped into a handle, similar to a small axe. The adze could then be used to chop or shape wood. Adzes were essential for constructing canoes by digging out the hull and for forming the planks for the sides and outrigger. The shell blade could also be used to plane wood and open young coconuts.
Other shell tools include[ fishhooks](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-fishing-tools/) (*haguet*), both J-shaped hooks and V-shaped gorges, as well as the shaft and barbs of compound hooks.
Turbo shells could be sharpened into *lalassas* or scrapers to peel off skin or fruit rinds. For harvesting partially mature rice, sharpened mussel shells, known as *palos,* were used. The harvester would hold the shell in their right hand, and strip the rice from the stalk by pressing it against the shell’s sharpened edge. Another rice harvesting implement, known as a *sainan dogas*, was a sickle-like tool made from a spider conch shell. The shell was shaped by rubbing it against a flat, but coarse, rock. It was used for general harvesting of mature rice.
## Wood and other plant materials
Although wood and other plant materials do not preserve well in Guam’s tropical environment, the ancient CHamorus did make use of plants to make tools or attach objects together in the construction of different kinds of useful objects. For example, the wood from the *lemon di china* tree was used to make handles for tools, such as adzes, much as it is today. Wood was also used to make spears (*fisga*) and harpoons. Sometimes, the tip would be sharpened and hardened by fire, and other times, barbed tips made of bone would be attached. Human bone was the more desirable, but sometimes fish bones were used.
Wood was also used to make implements for cultivating and processing plants. There were three types of hoes used by the ancient CHamorus. The *dagua* was a four and a half foot long hoe made of either *mangle* (mangrove tree) or *gagu* (ironwood). It was about two and a half inches in diameter. It could function as a weapon, too, if necessary, or as a yoke for carrying loads from the shoulder. The end of the stick was shaped like a knife. A similar tool for planting *suni* (taro) and opening hard coconuts was the *tanum*, which had a sharp point. The *tanum* was also particularly useful for planting rice in muddy or swampy land. The *akao* was more like a shovel or spade with a long blade. The handle was about five feet long, and the blade was a flat, sharp stone about three inches wide and over an inch thick. Coconut fiber rope was used to attach the blade to the handle.
Each of these tools was used to prepare the holes for planting seeds, and then for weeding and harvesting. Another tool, known as *damang*, had a wooden handle that was fitted with a sharp cutting stone or bone point. It was used as a farming implement for hacking at weeds and branches, as well as a weapon during times of war, although eventually, it was replaced by the Spanish machete.
Bamboo (*pi’ao*) was used to make knives for harvesting rice in the field but also for cleaning and gutting fish. Bamboo stalks or tubes could be used as containers for carrying water, especially over long journeys. Bamboo was also used as a construction material to make flooring for [houses](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=150). The stalks would be split in half and flattened. Bundles of bamboo strips also could be lashed together to make long, strong ridge poles. Bamboo strips were also good for attaching thatch. Aside from *latte* stones, homes were constructed primarily of plant materials. Thatching made of coconut leaves (*higai*) was most readily available. The leaves would be split and woven together. Nipa and swordgrass were also fashioned into thatch and sewn onto strips of bamboo using bone awls.
Lashings or cords were formed from coconut husk fibers. The fibers would be separated by soaking in water, then left out to dry. The dry fibers were rubbed together to form a strand. The strands could then be woven together to form ropes and lines, called sennit. The fibers from the bark of the *pago* (wild hibiscus) plant, called *pokse’*, could be used, as well, to make rope. The bark would be separated from the plant, cut into thin strips and dried before twisted together. These fiber ropes and cords had a variety of uses as fishing lines and nets, or for attaching jewelry, ornaments, to lashing together canoe hulls, or adze blades to wooden handles.
Both coconut sennit and *pokse’* were used to make different kinds of nets used primarily for fishing, but also for catching *[fanihi](https://www.guampedia.com/fanihi-mariana-fruit-bat/)* (fruitbat). These included large drag nets (*chenchulu*), gill nets (*tekken*) and hand nets (*laggua’*). Floats made of gourds or mangrove plant seeds were used to support lines and nets for both reef and offshore fishing.
Wide-mouth gourds were also useful for storage. When holding water they were called *sumag,* and *tagua* when holding fish. The littlest gourds used as buckets were called *linghig*.
Coconut, though, was one of the most versatile plants for the ancient CHamorus. The palm fronds and leaves could be used to make a number of different tools and objects. Fronds could be split and tied together to make long lines called *gadi’* which were used to drive fish towards nets set up along the reef. The young leaves could be woven into baskets, fans, sandals and hats. The mature leaves could be used to make thatching for houses. Coconut leaves could also be used to make torches or *sulo’* which were useful for seeing in the dark and for fishing at night. Coconut oil could be used for cooking as well as to fuel torches, or rubbed on the skin as a lubricant or water proofing substance. The trunk could be worked to make house posts and other useful items. As mentioned before, coconut fibers could make sennit for lashing or slings; even the shell could be used for making fishhooks, fish lures and eating utensils.
## Other cultural implements
The CHamorus made many tools and implements that are more easily described by their function. This includes woven items like baskets and mats, and other objects like pottery. Some of these objects were described by French explorer [Louis de Freycinet](http://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/), who arrived in the Marianas in 1819. De Freycinet obtained most of his information from [Don Luís de Torres](http://www.guampedia.com/luis-de-torres/), a CHamoru-Spanish informant who was the Vice-Governor of Guam at the time, but his descriptions give a picture of the tools and implements that were important to the CHamorus.
Included among the many objects were a variety of containers woven from coconut or pandanus leaves.
Infant cradles (*fagapsan*) were plaited from pandanus leaves. The sides of the *fagapsan* were strengthened using little pieces of wood. Cords could be fitted to the basket to make it more portable for long journeys. This carrier, known as *aktu*, could be carried over the shoulder using a stick. Another woven container was the *hagug*, which was a large basket shaped like a case. It was used primarily to carry food reserves and war supplies. Measuring almost three feet across, the *hagug* was carried on the shoulders using large ropes or straps. The *balagbag* was a medium sized container with a closed top. Unlike the *hagug*, the *balagbag* was carried at the hip. Another container, called a *danglon* was about ten inches wide, much smaller compared to the *hagug*. Additional baskets included the *alan tugtug*, which was a container divided into two equal sized compartments, the roughly woven coconut leaf *pupung* basket, and its smaller counterpart, the *ala*. Both the *pupung* and *ala* were utilitarian baskets for carrying less precious commodities like yams. Freshly caught fish were carried in *guagua’*, and *tataho* baskets carried freshly picked rice.
Other items woven from pandanus included different kinds of mats, generally referred to as *guafak*. *Guafak* functioned as sleeping mats, blankets and funeral shrouds, but were also used for laying out fish or other food items for drying. Mats used at mealtimes were called *tefan*.
Some woven baskets carried only food. The *alan tchin-o*, for example, were food containers kept inside the house. *Satghe’* were platters or trays used at special ceremonies such as weddings, for carrying gifts of pyramid-shaped rice cakes known as *[hineksa’ sinagan](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=3568)*. Other gifts of rice were sent in square-shaped woven baskets known as *[kottot](http://www.guampedia.com/kottot-marriage-rituals/)* (*kotud*). Other containers held only betel nut.
Betel nut (*pugua’*) chewing was a common social practice among the ancient CHamorus. Men and women chewed *pugua* with *papulu* (pepper) leaves and slaked lime (*åfok*). Woven baskets called *alan mamaon* were used to carry the *pugua’* which they shared often with others. These betel boxes, made of pandanus, measured about eight square inches and were fitted with circular wooden handles. The *saluu* was another kind of woven box that closed like a sachet. It was used during large feasts to carry betel nuts that were to be shared with other feast participants. The *åfok* or lime was kept in a small container usually made of coconut shell (*ha’iguas*), bamboo, or seashell, such as the turbo shell (*alilang pulan*). A hole was drilled in the bottom of the shell to allow a coconut fiber cord to be strung through so the container could be suspended. A shell tool, such as a clam shell, could then be used to scoop out the lime as needed.
De Freycinet also mentioned typical household furnishings of ancient CHamorus including the *kamyu*, which was a shell scraper attached to a wooden base for grating coconut meat, and the large wooden trough, called a *saluhan*. He also mentioned the presence of stone mortars (*lusong*) and small wooden mortars called *putud* (or *putot*) and wooden pestles called *falu (fayao).* These pestles were meant to be used while standing to husk rice or crush other foods.
One object, though, whose function was not described by early visitors to the Marianas is the *tunas*, a wooden implement carried only by bachelors. It was a long wooden stick decorated with geometric designs and colored orange by the *mango’* or turmeric root. A tassel of *pokse’* fibers was attached to the top. Although the purpose of this implement is not described, the *tunas* resembles the carved “love sticks” carried by bachelors from Chuuk. Perhaps the *tunas*, similarly, was used in courtship rituals with unmarried women.
## Pottery
The ancient CHamorus produced different kinds of ceramic vessels for storage, display and cooking. Because of the observable changes in pottery styles and materials, it has been possible to develop a timeline for CHamoru prehistory, as well as to understand how CHamorus acquired and processed food.
The older Marianas pottery found in the Pre-*Latte* Era is characterized as wide-mouthed, shallow and flattened on the bottom. In general, Pre-*Latte* pottery was smaller, lighter and more decorated with white limestone-filled incisions. Some pottery fragments have been found with design motifs not seen in the later *Latte* Era ceramics. The smaller pot size seems to coincide with the mobile lifestyle of the early inhabitants of the Marianas, as well as the processing of limited quantities of food for a small population. Therefore, larger storage pots were not necessary.
*Latte* Era pots, on the other hand, are characterized by having larger, rounder or cone-shaped bottoms with small mouths. These shapes were ideal for retaining heat, possibly for cooking or boiling. Some pots were used for storage, reflecting the need to store limited food and water for larger populations. In between the *Latte* and Pre-*Latte* Eras are pottery forms that possibly indicate a time when the population was increasing in size and becoming settled into larger, more permanent residences, perhaps including a movement into the interior of the island. Bigger pots, therefore, were more functional as people began to rely more on plant foods that needed to be stored or cooked. Larger pots were also needed to store water. Whatever the reasons for this transition, pots are complex tools that reflect the changing lifestyle patterns and needs of the ancient CHamorus.
## Gender and class considerations
As in other areas of CHamoru culture, the role of class or gender in the manufacture and use of tools was apparent. [Weaving](http://www.guampedia.com/weaving/) was largely in the realm of women’s activities. Women from the low class *[mañåchang](http://www.guampedia.com/manachang/)* wove baskets, mats, cradles, fishing lines and nets, canoe lashings and other implements. However, because of the strict observance of [class status](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=4890), the women of the upper class *[matua](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=4719)*[ and *acha’ot*](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=4719) would weave their own baskets, mats, cradles and other implements and utensils for their personal or family use.
[Fishing implements](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=12409) such as hooks, lines, sinkers, harpoons and nets were used primarily by the privileged upper class men. Lower class men could not use these tools and had to settle for clubs and sticks while fishing in freshwater streams and rivers. Women and children, however, assisted men in communal fishing activities involving large *lagua’* nets, used for catching *mañahak* (baby rabbitfish) during their seasonal runs.
Also in the realm of women’s work was the processing of [rice](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=11414). Rice harvested from the fields was placed in large square baskets called *kottot kumukka*. Large mats would be placed under the newly harvested rice stalks. Women would trample the rice to release the grains from the stalks. The grains, still in their husks, were then collected on a flat piece of matting two and a half feet in diameter with an upright wooden rim, and poured into bags. The rice would be husked using the *lusong* and *falu* when ready to be cooked and eaten.
## Studying tools in ancient societies
The CHamorus, like other ancient societies, had a number of examples of practical and functional tools and implements made of materials from the natural environment. Tools made of rock could be used for hammering or grinding; shell tools could be sharpened for cutting, chopping or scraping; wooden tools could be used for digging or attached to other tools to form handles. Many tools were designed for a variety of uses. A stone may have functioned as a hammer in one context, and then a grinder in another; or a slingstone, which would normally function as a weapon, could be modified with holes to make a sinker for fishing. In addition, some tools were used to make other tools. For instance, rock grinders could hone the edge of a shell to make a knife or scraper.
Probably the most unique aspect of ancient tool-making was the way humans anticipated future uses for the tools they created. Rather than disposing of a tool after a task was completed, people made tools to keep and use again and again. A lot of thought and planning went into making tools. Ancient CHamorus, for example, would wait for a buried human body to decompose fully before retrieving the leg bones. The bones would be carved and shaped to create deadly barbed spear tips for war or harpoon points for spear fishing.
In general, tools help humans adapt and survive. Therefore, studying tools tells us about how people used the resources available to them in their environment. We know that in the Marianas, for example, there was an abundance of shell, limestone, and different plants like coconut, pandanus and wild hibiscus that could provide raw materials for tools. CHamorus made implements that were useful for catching fish, such as hooks, nets and sinkers, and knives for gutting and removing scales. Other implements were useful for cultivating plants and processing fruits and tubers that were part of the CHamoru diet.
Tools also change over time, and different implements may show variations in style and function. By looking at these changes, we get a sense of the skill, technology, innovation and cultural change that occurs as a society adapts and finds new uses for their tools. Gorges and compound fishhooks, and the complex *poio* sinkers used to lure fish, are examples of developments in CHamoru fishing tools and techniques. Ancient CHamoru pottery also shows changes in form, style and function over time, becoming increasingly larger and more plain in samples from later time periods.
In a way, tools reflect the character of their creators and the culture from which the tools are used or have meaning. Tools also give evidence for relationships or networks with other cultures—for example, ancient CHamoru tools may have shown similarities with tools from Southeast Asia or the rest of Micronesia. Certain raw materials may have had to be transported from one place to another. This could have important ramifications for our understanding of the origin and peopling of this part of the Pacific, as well as the idea of continuing contacts with other cultures over the long course of CHamoru prehistory. Future studies in this area would be important.
***[By Dominica Tolentino](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)***
## Did you know?
***Preparing Pandanus*** – Unlike coconut palm leaves, pandanus leaves have thorns which must be removed before the leaves can be plaited together. The thorns are stripped off using a knife, then the leaves are rolled and left in the sun to dry. The longer they are in the sun, the whiter they become. The dried leaves are then unraveled and ready for use.
## For further reading
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation. *An Overview of Northern Marianas Prehistory*. By Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson and Brian M. Butler. Micronesian Archaeological Survey, Report Number 31. Mangilao: MARS, 1995.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Archeological Investigations, Chamorro Culture, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Ancient CHamoru/Chamorro Tool Making
---
### [Forrest Harris](https://www.guampedia.com/forrest-harris/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Forrest Harris (1932 - ) first found his interest in music at nine years old while strumming a ukulele and playing a country song called "San Antonio Rose." He would go on in his adult years to playing the mandolin, although he preferred the sound of the guitar.
**Content:**
# Forrest Harris
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## A lifelong musician
Forrest Harris (1932 – ) first found his interest in music at nine years old while strumming a ukulele and playing a country song called “San Antonio Rose.” He would go on in his adult years to playing the mandolin, although he preferred the sound of the guitar. With some ingenuity, he altered the strings on his mandolin so that it sounded and played like a guitar. After [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) Harris began playing music with the [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/ "Sånta Rita-Sumai (Santa Rita)") Band with six other band members. This was the first organized group with which Harris played.
Forrest Harris was born to an American soldier, Arthur Harris, and his CHamoru/Chamorro wife Dolores Sablan Mendiola, daughter of Ana Diaz Sablan and Nicholas Cruz Mendiola. In 1936, the Harris family relocated to Guam with their children Betty and Forrest. The youngest child, Dean, was born on Guam just before the World War II broke out. When Arthur was called to duty, he managed to get his daughter, Betty, off Guam, but was forced to leave his wife and sons behind.
As the wife of an American with two light-complected children, Dolores was often singled out for interrogation.
The aunties often scraped meat off the skins of leftover sweet potatoes, mixed it with flour and made donuts to present to the Japanese soldiers in exchange for biscuits or cigarettes. When the uncles got together, they drank tuba and sang.
> Oh my god! I used to scold my uncles. When they’re already drunk, that’s when they begin to sing! Oh, Uncle Sam, my dear Uncle Sam, won’t you please come back to Guam! I can remember how they would sing it. And you won’t believe their love of the country, how loyal they were.
These moments of joy were as risky as they were short-lived. When the Americans bombed Hagåtña, Forrest and his Aunt Consolation hid in the basement of their home. Between the sound of shells crashing into the town above, Forrest remembers Aunt Consolation whispering the rosary, over and over. When they emerged three hours later, the village was reduced to a field of matchsticks.
Toward the end of the war, the Japanese soldiers rounded up many CHamorus into the [Manenggon ](https://www.guampedia.com/heritage-site-manenggonpulantat/ "Manenggon/Pulantat")concentration camp. Everyone carried what they could – food, clothes, even the *mañamko*. Harris’s Grandma Ana was put onto a makeshift stretcher and carried on the shoulders of two uncles.
## No place for music at Manenggon
> There was no music then. There was no time for that. During the occupation, it was all survival. Especially the Manenggon. You can’t cook. You can’t start a fire. Everything has to be raw. I would go miles and miles to find whatever was eatable.
If caught by Japanese soldiers, he would have been put to work or killed on the spot. But there were worse things than that, Forrest would find. Beginning 21 July 1944, the second Battle of Guam lasted nearly three weeks, leaving thousands dead and wounded. That is what Forrest remembers most of all. He remembers American soldiers hammering dog tags between the teeth of corpses, and the chain hanging down their chin, as they were wrapped in rubber bags.
## Became a CHamoru Navy steward
After the war, Forrest started playing music again, joining the six-piece band the Santa Rita Boys. When his father never returned to Guam, Forrest resolved to find him. At 16, he lied about his age and enlisted in the US Navy, so he could see the world.
But nobody warned him that the only job for CHamoru recruits was that of a steward.
> You did everything except jump into bed with the officers.
He did laundry, cooked, cleaned, made beds, and served food. The Korean War broke out in 1950, and Forrest was told to pack his bags. While he thought he was finally going off to boot camp, he was instead brought to the USS *Uvalde* cargo ship, and sent straight to Korea. When they saw him boarding, however, the sailors cheered, because Forrest was always playing guitar after work and they hoped he would entertain them on the voyage.
Delayed, but undeterred, Forrest finally made it to the mainland United States, and found his father – only to find Arthur Harris had moved on, believing his wife and children were killed during the war.
> I just could not believe he would look me straight in the eye and say, ‘I was informed by the War Department that you were all killed.’ You know, I was just 17 years old and I said my God, I can’t believe what I’m hearing.
During his time with the Navy, Harris became exposed to many jazz musicians in the US and elsewhere abroad. During his military stint, he frequented places that featured jazz music and even attended a jazz workshop held by the late guitar great, Barney Kessel. Harris attributes much of his learning to these experiences including having the opportunity to watch various bands perform on USO tours alongside the late Bob Hope. Harris saw several groups perform, including Woody Herman’s Big Band, Lionel Hampton, and Billy Eckstein.
Aside from his experiences abroad with famous musicians, Harris was greatly inspired by his close friend, Jesus Santos, because of Santos’s extraordinary talent and the dexterity with which he played the guitar. Santos is remembered for being able to play chords on the guitar while playing the melody simultaneously, fulfilling the duties of a lead guitarist and rhythm guitarist at the same time.
## Back to Guam
In Hawai’i, Forrest Harris met his wife Lillian Isobe, a survivor of Pearl Harbor. The couple raised four children in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/ "Hågat/Agat"), Philip Raymond, Kim, Dean Arthur, and Betty, named after his favorite Aunt Beatrice.
When Forrest returned to Guam, he put his energy into his music, famously playing with the Five Locals. Performing at Talk O’ the Town, the Breakers Club, The Office, and Jim’s Island House, the band became an important part of young lovers’ lives.
> One thing I would like to add. I think I hooked up a lot of couples with the band. Because I grew up with a lot of them, and they would come see the band and they would be all lovey dovey, and the next thing I know, they’re inviting us to play for the wedding. So in a way, I take responsibility for that.
To this day, Forrest continues to gig, chording and picking his guitar.
> You know what, maybe that’s what kept me sane. Really, maybe that’s what it is, my love for music.
Harris is known for holding a high degree of respect for fellow musicians and for maintaining high standards of professionalism on the stage, never resorting to “on-stage chastising” of less experienced musicians who happen to err during performances.
Harris has been, and still is, regarded by local musicians as an accomplished and talented lead guitarist. He is greatly admired and respected not only by fellow musicians, past and present, but by music enthusiasts as well.
***[By James Perez Viernes, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/james-perez-viernes/ "James Perez Viernes")***
**Editor’s note:** The photos and initial research for this entry is courtesy of Mico and Stevie Scott’s *Jazz on Guam: An Oral History*, a project funded by the Guam Humanities Council and in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The account of his war years was written by Amanda Pampuro, reprinted and adapted, with permission, from Guam War Survivors Memorial Foundation.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Music, Musicians, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era
**Tags:** Forrest Harris
---
### [Chant](https://www.guampedia.com/chant/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** References to chanting practices of the CHamoru people can be found in early missionary documents. Fray Juan Pobre, writing about his stay in Rota in 1602, described the type of chants he observed during funerary rites. Women performed this ritual during an extended period of mourning around the deceased, prior to burial.
**Content:**
# Chant
#### Table of Contents
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## Chamorro chant dates back to ancient times
References to chanting practices of the CHamoru/Chamorro people can be found in early missionary documents. [Fray Juan Pobre](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/ "Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora"), writing about his stay in Rota in 1602, described the type of chants he observed during funerary rites. Women performed this ritual during an extended period of mourning around the deceased prior to burial. They wailed and recited litanies about the qualities of the deceased, asking his spirit why he left his family, his fishing spear, his canoe, and so on.
Scholars such as [Laura Marie Torres Souder](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-t-souder/ "Laura T. Souder") in *Daughters of the Island* and Dr. Bernadita Camacho Dungca suggest that the tradition of chants was carried forward through women during the [Spanish colonial period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/).
Christianized women became prayer leaders (*[techas](https://www.guampedia.com/techa-traditional-prayer-leader/ "Techa: Traditional Prayer Leader")*) in their Spanish Catholic rituals. They led *[nobenas](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/ "Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)")* (novenas; nine-day rosaries dedicated to particular saints) and rosaries for the dead by reciting these prayers in a particularly nasal, high-pitched singing monotone, which was joined in response by the congregation.
The monotonal sound of *nobenas*, heard during religious services today, is greatly influenced by the ancient chanting of the Chamorro people. The nasal sounds are from the Austronesian connection that Chamorros, as descendants of the Austronesian tribes, inherited. This particular sound is prevalent throughout the Pacific and Asia regions, and can be heard during the Festival of Pacific Arts held every four years.
## Revival of Chamorro chant
One of the first contemporary chanters Jesse “Tåno’” Rivera adopted this delivery style and added his own Chamorro nationalistic words to proclaim proudly, “*Guåhu Taotao Tåno*’!” (I am a person of the land!) to begin each of his chant renditions. His chants reflected the rise of Chamorro nationalism in the early 1990s.
Rivera was called upon to be Guam’s official chanter for opening ceremonies along with the usual prayer by a religious clergy. He traveled with many of the Guam cultural delegations of the 1990s, delivering his signature, long drawn-out, “*Guåhu Taotao Tåno’*” opening, followed by references to the proud heritage of the Chamorro people in hunting, fishing, canoe building and sailing, respect for elders and ancestors, and other phrases.
The revival of chant was passed on through Chamorro dance groups who began to flourish in the 1990s. Several powerful chanters became popular during that decade, usually associated with their community or school dance group. [Leonard Iriarte](https://www.guampedia.com/leonard-iriarte/ "Leonard Iriarte") spearheaded the development of a chant group in the late nineties, called “*Guma’ Pålu Li’e*” (House of the Seeing Mast). They changed their name to more closely reflect their activities in 2006, to *”I Fanlalai’an”* (The Place for Chant). The term is derived from the indigenous Chamorro root word *lålai* meaning “to sing or chant,” and the affixes ”*fan*” and “*an*,” meaning “place where.”
This group approached re-creation of chant from a more regional, Micronesian reflection of lifestyles and body language. Iriarte composed chants that he taught to the group, based on pre-Spanish vocabulary and Austronesian language structure (on which the Chamorro language is still framed). Chanters advance in status as they learn to compose their own chants.
Their group chants are usually structured with a lead chanter who calls the tone and cadence with a beginning phrase. The group joins in with a repetition of the leader’s phrase or a group response. The rhythm is Micronesian in style, with body slapping, stomping, and repeated vocal sounds to create the cadence.
Chants refer to legendary people and traditional lifestyles. The choice of subject is varied, according to the theme selected by the composer. The overriding rule is to render the chant in pre-colonial Chamorro words.
Several dance groups have incorporated the style and compositions created by Iriarte, as revealed in both the Festival of Pacific Arts presentations in Palau in 2004 and the 2008 delegation to American Samoa. Most chanters have adopted the dress used by Chamorro dance groups, or the pan-Pacific, three-to-six yard length of material wrapped around the body.
*I Fanlalai’an* selected colors that are traditional and valued in Micronesia. Orange symbolizes the Spondylus shell that was valued for high status and wealth. The colors red, white, and black were obtained from their environment and used to color canoes. Head garlands of these colors in shells, flowers, and feathers top off an orange or yellow body wrap that starts at the waist to ankle for men and above the breasts to ankle for women. A prominent belt of shells or other natural construction provides contrast. Like other dancers and chanters, pendants, necklaces, armbands, and ankle bands of natural materials complete the dress.
Starting about 2005, Jay Pascua developed presentations of re-created Chamorro chants based on his observations of the nasal quality and high-pitched monotones he heard recited by elder women prayer leaders. He believes that ancient chants revealed themselves through these intonations.
Pascua begins his presentations dressed in a black, ankle-length wrap, tied at the waist, and carries a rolled-up woven mat (*guåfak*), which he rolls open and lays down to create a sacred space. He explains the significance of each of the items he used, such as the blowing of the conch (*kulu*) to call people together, the sprinkling of powdered quicklime, called *åfok*, (used as an ingredient in betelnut chewing) around the edge of the mat.
Pascua’s presentations include the story of his search for the Chamorro chant sound that led him to the intonations of the old *techas*. He carries a large book, bound with a pandanus-woven cover, which he opens to recite various chants he had composed. His presentations are a popular form of heritage education at schools and cultural events.
Chamorro chant has become an accepted contemporary tradition that has become a part of official cultural welcoming rituals and other cultural sharing events.
***[By Judy Flores, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/ "Judy Flores")***
## For further reading
Driver, Marjorie G. *The Account of Fray Juan Pobre’s Residence in the Marianas, 1602*. MARC Miscellaneous Series No. 8. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1993.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Historic Eras of Guam, Performance Arts
**Tags:** Chant
---
### [Agad'na: Canoe Builders](https://www.guampedia.com/agadna-canoe-builders/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The ancient CHamorus who were skilled at canoe building and navigation were called agad’na. Early European accounts regularly marveled at these CHamoru vessels, William Dampier.
**Content:**
# Agad’na: Canoe Builders
View more images for the Agad’na: Canoe Builders entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622353764917/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Impressive craftsmanship
The ancient CHamorus/Chamorros who were skilled at canoe building and navigation were called *agad’na*. Early European accounts regularly marveled at these Chamorro vessels, [William Dampier](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-william-dampier/), saying in 1681 for instance that:
> One cannot stop talking about their great velocity, craftsmanship and lightness, because in the whole universe I do not believe there is a thing equal to them in nimbleness and swiftness.
Another visitor, [Woodes Rogers](https://www.guampedia.com/adventurer-woodes-rogers/) in 1711, said:
> The Governor presented us with one of their flying prows, which I shall describe here because of the oddness of it. The Spaniards told me it would run twenty leagues per hour, which I think too large; but by what I saw they may run twenty miles or more in the time, for when they viewed our ships, they passed by us like a bird flying. These prows are about thirty foot long, not above two broad, and about three deep. They have but one mast which stands in the middle, with a mat sail, made in the form of a ship’s paddle to steer her, so that when they go about, they don’t turn the boat as we do to bring the wind on the other side, but only change the sail, so that the Jack and sheet of the sail are used alike. The boat’s head and stern are the same, only they change them, as occasion requires, to sail either way. For they are so narrow that they could not bear any sail, were it not for booms that run out from the windward side, fastened to a large log shaped like a boat, and nearly half as long, which becomes contiguous to the boat. On these booms a stage is made above the water on a level with the side of the boat, upon which they carry goods or passengers.
They were called “flying proas” because of their speed, and possessed three technological innovations which made this label well-deserved:
- Their hull was asymmetrical to counter the drag of the outrigger float.
- Chamorros used triangular sails to increase speed and allow for a closer sail to the wind.
- The *proas* tacked by moving the sail from one end of the canoe to the other. This is called shunting and is done because the outrigger float must always be to windward.
So fast were these vessels that one voyage from Guam to Manila reportedly took only four days, which means they traveled more than 20 miles per hour.
These canoes were vital to the survival of Chamorros because they facilitated transport and trade among islands and allowed them to fish beyond the reef.
Ancient Chamorros had at least six types of canoes: *sakman, leklek, duding, duduli, panga,* and *galaide*. The *sakman* was the largest and most impressive, regularly measuring more than 40 feet, some reportedly holding 100 men, ideal for long voyages, and deep sea fishing. *Leklek*, *duding*, and *duduli* were smaller vessels for shorter voyages. The *panga* is a *duduli* without a sail. The *galaide*, also without a sail, is a small vessel. Both the *panga* and *galaide* were used within the reef.
Canoe construction and navigation were considered men’s tasks, and most likely specialized to a select few. The learning of these skills were either passed down from father to son, or a part of a young man’s education in the *[guma’ uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/ "Guma’ Uritao")* or men’s house.
After a suitable tree was cut down, usually *dokdok* or breadfruit, a skilled carver would begin to shape the canoe using a *higam* or shell adze as well as fire. If the canoe was to be longer than 18 feet, more than one tree trunk would be needed, and one of the most difficult tasks was making sure that different sections of the hull would fit securely. These sections were lashed together and then sealed using plant fibers and tree sap.
In addition, pieces such as the *pålu* or mast, the outrigger, and the *umulin* or rudder would have to be carved and attached. The hulls would be colored in white, black, red, or orange by using red dirt, *åfok* or lime, coconut oil, and soot, which both beautified them and offered protection from bad weather. Women were responsible for the construction of the *layak* or sail. They would weave together small sections of *åkgak* or pandanus mats, to form a huge triangle which would then be attached to the *pålu*.
Ancient Chamorros, like other Micronesian islanders, used an impressive array of skills to navigate their magnificent vessels. Most important was the use of the rising and setting of stars to plot their course, but also vital were the abilities to discern differences in wave patterns, sea life, ocean color, and cloud formations.
***[By Michael Lujan Bevacqua, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-lujan-bevacqua-2/ "Michael Lujan Bevacqua")***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Diaz, Vicente M., director. *Sacred Vessels: Navigating Tradition and Identity in Micronesia*. Moving Islands Production, 1997.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Agad'na: Canoe Builders
---
### [Division of Labor by Age, Class, Gender](https://www.guampedia.com/division-of-labor-by-age-class-gender/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** From ancient times to modern CHamoru society, CHamorus have used age, gender, placement within the family (e.g. first born), abilities, and social status to some degree, as ways to divide labor—the roles, duties and types of work a person would be expected to fulfill.
**Content:**
# Division of Labor by Age, Class, Gender
 *Manma'gas*, 2020. Illustration by Baltazar Bell.
#### Table of Contents
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## Roles defined by age, gender and status
From ancient times to modern CHamoru/Chamorro society, Chamorros have used age, gender, placement within the family (e.g. first born), abilities, and social status to some degree as ways to divide labor—the roles, duties, and types of work a person would be expected to fulfill.
One of the first things written about Chamorro society was that *[manåmko](https://www.guampedia.com/manamko/ "Manåmko’")* (elders) were highly respected and held a lot of power. An early Spanish visitor to Guam [Fray Antonio de los Angeles](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-antonio-de-los-angeles/ "Fray Antonio de Los Ángeles") in 1596 said the elders gave orders and everyone obeyed them–completely. It was family elders who ruled their clans and thus ancient Chamorro society.
As adults aged, they became more honored and respected, eventually becoming exempt from manual labor, but still contributing by passing on their knowledge to the younger members of the community.
## Sisters and brothers
In ancient times, Chamorros had clear divisions of male and female areas of authority as well as different, but ultimately complimentary, roles in their families and society. Some of these divisions have blurred over time, though there are areas where strong delineation still occur—where people can see the patterns formed by *i mananiti* (ancestors) alive and thriving today.
In ancient times, it was formally recognized that it was the oldest daughters and sons within a clan who would typically make the important family decisions and be eligible to be titleholders of the clan–*[maga’håga](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-haga-2/ "Maga’håga: Highest Ranking Daughter")* and [*maga’låhi* ](https://www.guampedia.com/maga-lahi-highest-ranking-son/ "Maga’låhi: Highest Ranking Son")(female and male titles, respectively). They settled disagreements and made key decisions such as where clan members would live and to whom they could have committed relationships (comparable to what we call being married today). Up until recent decades, issues such as courtship and the introduced concept of marriage required family elders’ approval. Nowadays however, children have a greater voice in these types of decisions that affect them.
## Gender-determined duties
For thousands of years, *famalao’an* (women) were responsible for creating pottery, preparing food, and performing much of the weaving. *Lalåhi* (men) were expected to carry out tasks such as making tools and protecting the village. Those with enough social standing or recognized ability would be accorded the right to learn navigation and build canoes. Certain activities however, were shared by both genders, such as child rearing, farming, fishing, and roof thatching. While fishing outside of the reef was the men’s domain, both men and women fished and secured other marine resources within the reef. When thatching roofs, the entire village joined in with women preparing the food and weaving the thatch, while men climbed up and secured the thatch to the roof.
## Children's tasks
At a certain age, *famagu’on* (children) would be initiated into the tasks of their parents, learning from and working alongside older family members. Girls would be trained with the women of their clan, while *[uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/uritao/ "Uritao: Bachelor")* (young single men), would be taught skills by their male clan members in *[i guma’ uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/ "Guma’ Uritao")* (the house where young men would live and learn) and elsewhere.
During the [Spanish colonial times](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) and in early US education programs, these patterns continued in many ways. In the local schools, girls might go to a separate school or session, being taught cooking, sewing, and weaving. At home, girls did household chores like the ironing and the washing and stayed around the women. Boys however, learned different subjects in school—farming, carpentry, making copra (dried coconut meat), as well as some weaving. These subjects were meant to help them fulfill their work at home and in island life.
## Core values remain today
Though certain aspects of Chamorro culture and society appear different today, many core values are still recognized as having been passed on from ancient times through the generations. For example, the extended family or clan, continues to be the core of Chamorro society.
Responsibility and authority to manage family and family affairs still belongs to elders. A time-honored pattern has been that women by and large ruled the household while men have been more likely to represent the family in the public realm. Over the years however, Chamorro roles have adapted due to natural shifts in indigenous culture and influences from Spanish and US colonial culture and institutions. Other influences such as globalization and modernization are being adapted too.
Chamorro women have been recognized leaders in island cultural, social, and religious organizations. They have been strong custodians of Chamorro culture through hundreds of years of challenge and change, and have largely been responsible for their children’s religious upbringing. Though more men have held political offices and other positions of public authority since they were introduced as such to the island, modern-day Chamorro women can be found in all levels of authority in education, business, government, and the professions.
On the other hand, Spanish and US patrilineal family practices have been introduced, some of which have been incorporated into Chamorro culture, which in turn has impacted the roles that males play in Chamorro society. Mothers and fathers now head Chamorro families and most would consider both sides of the family equally as important. Farming, fishing, and rearing children among other responsibilities continue to be shared activities. Long-standing male family obligations have long included such things as woodcutting, tending the cooking fire, butchering chicken, pig, deer and the like, putting up tents or making *palapåla* (pole and thatch structure), or hunting.
For Chamorros, younger family members are expected to respect elders, especially family elders, and seek and follow their wisdom. One of the first things taught to the young is to show respect to elders by performing [*mannginge’*,](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/ "Nginge") bowing with a sniff to the hand, or placing a kiss on the cheek. Elders still direct younger members in family tasks, there is always something *famagu’on* can be doing to help—running errands, preparing for an event, or helping with the cleaning afterwards.
Although it is the general responsibility of children to listen to and take care of older people, the responsibility for caring for elderly parents is generally taken up by the oldest daughter in the family.
## *Inafa'maolek* (making life good)
Indeed, a family’s reputation partially rests on how well its members fulfill these obligations. In this way, Chamorros perpetuate their cultural value of *[inafa’maolek](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/ "Inafa’maolek: Striving for Harmony")* or making life good for their family and society, through mutual cooperation, support, and recognition of the collective interest.
***[By Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano")***
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Driver, Marjorie G. “The Account of a Discalced Friar’s Stay in the Islands of the Ladrones.” *Guam Recorder* 7, no. 1 (1977): 19-21.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Hattori, Anne P. “[Culture of Guam](https://www.everyculture.com/Ge-It/Guam.html).” In *World Culture Encyclopedia*.
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
*Inafa’maolek: Chamorro Traditions and Values*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Kasperbauer, Carmen A. “The Chamorro Culture.” In *Kinalamten Pulitikåt: Siñenten I Chamorro (Issues in Guam’s Political Development: The Chamorro Perspective)*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1996.
Poehlman, Joanne. “Culture, Change and Identity Among Chamorro Women of Guam.” PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 1979.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Labor, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage
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### [Theater](https://www.guampedia.com/theater/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Performing theaters on Guam became a home to many plays and playwrights, both international and local. As an island that continues to emphasize and perpetuate the custom of story-telling about local history, performing theaters on Guam are havens and are great venues through which stories and cultural thoughts are expressed.
**Content:**
# Theater
#### Table of Contents
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## Storytelling through theater
Performing theaters in Guam became a home to many plays and playwrights, both international and local. As an island that continues to emphasize and perpetuate the custom of storytelling about local history, performing theaters in Guam are havens and great venues through which stories and cultural thoughts are expressed. Although originally a western idea, the people of Guam have adopted theater as a home for CHamoru/Chamorro plays, many of which are unpublished.
## Chamorro theater
Many plays written in the Chamorro language and by Chamorros were presented in the community and were central to parish churches’ activities. However, details such as who wrote them, what the play was about, why it was written, and for what occasions are questions that only generate ambiguous answers.
Most Chamorro plays performed in earlier times were not documented. The only play that was documented in the *Territorial Sun* on 27 July 1969 (predecessor today’s *Pacific Sunday News*) was *The White Lady on the Bridge of Maina*, an opera by Linda Cruz, performed by the Guam Symphony. It was a love story between a [*taotaomo’na* ](https://www.guampedia.com/taotaomona-taotaomona/)(spirit) girl and a Chamorro man.
Appearing in another issue of the local newspaper on 4 October 1975 was a comic love story written by Jesus Naputi entitled *To Build an Island*. In addition, a printed announcement of the play *The Bells of St. Joseph Cathedral* was found. It recounted a story of a village church and the inner turmoil of a girl heroine.
*Guahu Taotao Tano*’, (I am a Person of the Land) written by [Dr. Robert Underwood](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-underwood/), was the first full-scale Chamorro production known. It incorporated long-forgotten chants and had original dances portraying various Chamorro eras and traditional costumes. This production became an official part of the fourth Festival of the Pacific in Papeʻetē, Tahiti in 1985.
Although involvement in theatrical performances was considered to be *babarias* (nonsense) in the early days, it became an avenue for the rise of consciousness whose core principles are the revival of Chamorro culture and language.
## Venues
One of the most commonly-used theaters is the University of Guam Island Theater. This theater is a part of the University of Guam Fine Arts Theater with about a 200-seat capacity. Although it is often used for plays produced by the theater department, local community plays are also often held in this theater.
The Gifted And Talented Education (GATE) Theater in Tiyan in central Guam exemplifies the community’s support and nurturance of budding and promising talents. GATE, part of the Guam Public School System, is an organization that continues to recruit and nurture young students who show potentials in the areas of art, music, and theater. In an effort to provide an avenue for young theater performers, the GATE Theater was built, and just like other established performing theaters in Guam, it has become a venue for many events from musicals to plays.
The most recently built state-of-the-art performance arts theater is located on a public school campus in the village of [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/) in southern Guam. Southern High School Performing Theater, which seats 500, is a part of a $1 million school. This theater was the venue for many international and classical shows including Puccini’s *La Boheme* in 2001 and the popular Broadway hit *The Lion King* in 2002. However, due to lack of funding to maintain the Southern High School facility, the theater is often unavailable for its intended use.
## Chamorro language plays
[Peter R. Onedera](https://www.guampedia.com/peter-onedera/), one of the most influential playwrights in Guam, has written, directed, and produced numerous plays, most of which are written in Chamorro. He is currently a full-time Chamorro instructor at the University of Guam College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences.
Onedera found his love of performing arts at the age of seven and got involved in every aspect of the theater, from backstage production to acting over the years. Although the predominant attitude in Guam was that theater was insignificant because it did not support a decent livelihood, Onedera saw the importance of theater as an avenue through which the Chamorro language can be expressed, revived, and perpetuated. Onedera had noticed the lack of written literary work by Chamorros while working for the Chamorro Language Commission early in his career.
As an undergraduate student at the University of Guam, Onedera became active in the theater arts. He began writing his own plays even though a major or a minor in theater was not offered at the University of Guam. He has written 75 plays ranging from one-act to full-length plays in both Chamorro and English. Thirty-five of these plays were produced and presented to an audience. Twenty-seven were also directed by him.
One of the most important and controversial plays was *Ai Hagå-hu!* (Oh! My Daughter). This play about Chamorro comfort women during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) who were forced to provide sexual and other services to the Japanese soldiers became the talk of the town. Onedera became encouraged by the public reaction to pursue his craft and gave him pride in his mission to tell Chamorro stories through this medium.
Onedera sees a tremendous value that performing theaters in Guam can offer. Chamorros can see themselves through this form of storytelling which allows them to identify and apply critical thinking as they laugh, cry, learn, and enjoy portrayals of relevant issues and concerns that show cultural values, politics, legends, beliefs, history, and lifestyle that is unique to being Chamorro.
## The next curtain call
Storytelling is a custom treasured in Chamorro culture. Storytelling can happen anywhere, and on any given time or occasion. However, the theater brings life and more color to these enchanting stories and in turn, the audience’ eyes glisten in excitement as they see a true reflection of their own identity and culture on stage. In this sense, performing theaters in Guam have an immeasurable value and future.
***By Julius Sotomayor Cena***
## For further reading
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
Onedera, Peter R. “Theater in a CHamoru Sense.” Unpublished paper, University of Guam, 1999.
–––. “*Egge’ Gi I Kestumbren CHamoru*.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 2007. (Text is written in the Chamorro language.)
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Performance Arts
**Tags:** Theater
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### [Chenchule': Social Reciprocity](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Chenchule’ refers to the intricate system of social reciprocity at the heart of ancient and contemporary CHamoru society. Chenchule’ is a support system of exchange in which families express their care and concern for each other, as well as a sense of obligation to each other while working together to help each family meet its needs.
**Content:**
# Chenchule': Social Reciprocity
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Social reciprocity
*Chenchule’* refers to the intricate system of social reciprocity at the heart of ancient and contemporary CHamoru/Chamorro society. *Chenchule’* is a support system of exchange in which families express their care and concern for each other, as well as a sense of obligation to each other while working together to help each family meet its needs. It signifies the core CHamoru value of mutuality expressed in innumerable ways and is meant to sustain the integrity of the CHamoru family and community.
*Chenchule’* is further rooted in the core value of [*inafa’maolek*](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/) that promotes interdependence within the community so as to provide for the well-being of the whole, rather than that of the individual.
In the past, *chenchule’* referred to the act of giving, but has come to refer to the contribution itself as well. CHamorus in Guam have begun to use the term *chenchule’* to describe many types of reciprocation. Up until recent times, CHamorus were more likely to use specific terms to distinguish the various types of assistance exchanged.
These terms helped to identify the type of event it was for, described that it was a form of labor, indicated that it was tangible (touchable), or provided other details. For example, the offering at a baptism reception or child’s birthday might have been labeled *regålu*, while assistance at funerals given by close friends of the same generation would have been more commonly called *ika*.
## Help and support system
The central theme of *chenchule’* has remained strong through the years. CHamorus feel compelled to help and support one another through times of both celebration and grieving. CHamorus also gain a sense of social esteem through fulfilling such obligations or through being able to publicly demonstrate the amount of assistance available to them. Part of one’s CHamoru identity rests on the particular system of reciprocal obligation of which one’s family is a part.
In ancient times, certain reciprocation would have taken the form of *ålas*, or traditional turtle shell valuables, given in exchange for some special service performed or favor bestowed. As CHamoru society transformed into a money-based economy, this living practice of reciprocity transformed as well.
*Chenchule’* today is demonstrated most obviously at celebrations of life milestones—taking the form of different types of labor, food, drink or other supply contributions, gifts, or money at occasions such as weddings, childbirth, and funerals. At such events, a *chenchule’* box usually graces the gift table, decorated in a specific design (such as a treasure chest, water well, or theme character), or is otherwise made attractive. Guests insert envelopes of money, labeled with their family names and oftentimes village of residence, through a slot on the box’s top. At weddings, *chenchule’* can also be found on the dance floor during a money dance in which guests line up to dance with the bride or groom and pin paper money onto the newlywed’s garments during their turn.
Over the years, CHamoru life-cycle events have become celebrated more often and have become more elaborate. Money has become a favored form of *chenchule’*, however, the contribution of labor, food, drink, and other supplies for a celebration remain a widely practiced form of *chenchule’*. *Chenchule’* is now often documented in writing among families, recording the date of the contribution and its type and amount. This partially developed as a way to track contributions so that the receiving party would equitably reciprocate the giving party during a future time of need.
Further, this tracking system was developed to recognize all those who have given from the heart–the most valuable aspect of *chenchule’*. *Chenchule’* debts—both those owed and to be paid—are inherited by the next generation. The ongoing nature of *chenchule’* between generations within a family works to strengthen and sustain ties of mutual obligation and support between CHamoru families.
***By [Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/kelly-marsh/ "Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano") and [Julian Aguon](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/ "Julian Aguon")***
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication, and Training Division, 2003.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society.* Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Herman, RDK. “Guam: Inarajan – Footprints: Chenchule’,” 2003. http://www.pacificworlds.com/guam/stories/story5.cfm
*I Ma Gobetna-na Guam: Governing Guam Before and After the Wars.* The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1994.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. “Death: The Expression of Grief.” In *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Division of Resources, Economic Systems, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Chenchule': Social Reciprocity
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### [Governor Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/)
**Published:** August 1, 2012
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Joseph Franklin Ada (1943 -- ) served as the Governor of Guam from 1987 through 1994. Frank Blas Jr. was his lieutenant governor. Ada stewarded Guam's economic expansion and pushed, successfully, for return of land held by the US military. He was the first governor of Guam to be re-elected to a consecutive term in office, after being re-elected in 1990.
**Content:**
# Governor Joseph F. Ada
[Joseph Ada Collection](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157630644906814) and [Ada Family Collection](http://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157630676835230)
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## Governor of Guam 1987-1994
Joseph Franklin Ada (1943 – ) served as the Governor of Guam from 1987 through 1994. Frank Blas Jr. was his lieutenant governor. Ada stewarded Guam’s economic expansion and pushed, successfully, for return of land held by the US military. He was the first governor of Guam to be re-elected to a consecutive term in office, after being re-elected in 1990.
Ada was born 3 December 1943 in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) to Regina Herrero Ada and Jose Torres Ada (*Familian Bodig* and *Ping*). He graduated from John F. Kennedy High School in [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) and then attended the College of Guam, the forerunner of the University of Guam (UOG), for two years. He went on to the University of Portland, Oregon, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Corporate Finance in 1968.
Ada came from a family of entrepreneurs – his grandfather, [Josef Martinez Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/josef-martinez-ada/), owned Ada’s Soap Factory in Anigua from the early 1930s until his death in 1955.
Ada convinced his parents when he was about 11 years old to let him take on his first job as a bag boy at Ada’s Market. Throughout his high school and college years he made an effort to be as self-supporting as possible. He took on various jobs including that of cook, dishwasher, night manager of a small resort, lumberjack, janitor, and scrap yard worker.
Ada served as a senator and treasurer for UOG’s Student Body Association and as captain of the College of Guam’s baseball team. He was president of the International Friendship Clubs of both the College of Guam and the University of Portland. Ada attributes his lifelong sense of regionalism as something he gained by attending the University of Guam. He made friends and played baseball with fellow Micronesian island students, many who later also became leaders of their island nations.
After college he married Rosanna Santos whom he had met earlier while a student at UOG and returned to Guam. Together they had three children, Eric, Tricia and Ester, and have five grandchildren.
As a new college graduate Ada accepted the position of assistant general manager of Ada’s Incorporated, owned by his grandfather’s brother, [Pedro Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/pedro-martinez-ada/). However his passion was public service which eventually drew him into the political arena.
Ada recognized his uncle Pedro Ada and also [Jesus Leon Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/), founder of the Bank of Guam, as two of the people who helped him succeed in his career.
## Governor of Guam
With Sen. Frank F. Blas as his running mate, Ada made a bid for the Republican gubernatorial nomination in 1986 and won. Ada and Blas emerged victorious after a hard fought campaign against Democrat incumbents Gov. [Ricardo J. Bordallo](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) and Lt. Gov. Edward D. Reyes. At 42, Ada became the youngest man to date to hold the office of the Governor of Guam.
When Ada began his first term Guam was in the throes of an economic recession with the government suffering under a crushing deficit. Ada put all his administration’s efforts toward Guam’s economic recovery, and eventually he presided over one of the fastest growing and strongest economies in the island’s history due in part to a growth in tourism from a booming Japanese economy. He launched an austerity program at the start of his term and followed it with a program to encourage investment and trade from Asia. He eliminated the government deficit in three years. Despite a decrease in federal spending, Guam’s economy doubled and some 25,000 new jobs were created. A majority of these jobs were in Guam’s growing private sector. During Ada’s first term, private sector employment outstripped public sector employment in Guam’s economy for the first time in the modern era.
As chairperson of the [Commission on Self-Determination](https://www.guampedia.com/commission-on-self-determination/), established in 1980 to lead the way toward determining a new political status for Guam, Ada presided over the completion of the [Guam Commonwealth Act](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-commonwealth-act/) and presented to the people of Guam for approval in a plebiscite. Upon the Act’s approval, Ada took it to US Congress. A strong advocate for self-government and self-determination for Guam, he called for an end to Guam’s colonial status and pushed for the liberation of Guam’s economy from federal regulations. Congress, however, did not act on the Guam Commonwealth Act and [Guam’s political status](http://www.guampedia.com/guams-political-status/) remains unresolved.
Ada believed that Guam needed to be financially healthy and not dependent on the US government in order to move forward politically. He said the federal government has tied Guam’s hands more than once pointing to postwar security clearance, federal land takings for US bases and the Jones Act which puts Guam at a financial disadvantage for shipping.
To address those concerns Ada said he supported the newly developed qualifying certificate program at the Guam Economic Development Authority to bring in foreign investment, pushed for good fuel rates and port lease fees to bring tuna transshipment to Guam, and worked on getting a visa waiver for visitors to Guam from Korea and Taiwan, all of which helped move Guam away from being dependent on US federal dollars. He also directed floating the first bond for infrastructure rather than ask for more federal funds.
Ada easily won re-election in 1990 and became the first governor to be elected to a consecutive term.
## Second term
In his second term Ada capitalized on the fruits of his economic recovery program and made the largest investment in education in Guam up to that time. He directed the floating of a bond which made some $170 million available for the construction of a new high school in southern Guam (now Guam Southern High School), new elementary schools in Tamuning, [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/) and [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), and reconstruction of schools in Upi and [Ordot-Chalan Pago](https://www.guampedia.com/chalan-pago-ordot/). Additionally many new classrooms were built to relieve overcrowding in schools around the island. Operating budgets for the public schools were increased annually. Under Ada computers and computer classes were introduced in all Guam schools. At the end of his term every grade level in every school had access to computer classes.
Ada also directed the floating of millions of dollars in bonds to the University of Guam for construction of a new library, a new College of Agriculture and Life Sciences building, an English and Communications building, Humanities and Social Sciences building, Micronesian Area Research Center and a computer building.
Ada also obtained land from the federal government for a new Guam Community College campus, and sought additional funding to establish new training programs in the hospitality and visitor industry.
Ada negotiated a contract with US Department of Defense for the reimbursement of Guam’s cost for educating students of federal employees on Guam. The contract put millions of federal dollars into the school system. It funded new teacher recruitment and training programs and paid for supplies and renovation of facilities. Later, however, the federal government created its own Department of Defense school system on Guam due to dissatisfaction with Guam’s public schools, and this source of federal funds was lost.
Ada also oversaw the completion of one of the most ambitious road-building programs including the Hågat-Humåtak highway, reconstruction along Marine Drive and many other roads. Ada made large investments in Guam’s water and power systems which were inadequate for the island’s needs when he came into office. He floated a $60 million bond to fund new water and sewer projects, such as the Ugum River development project to put an end to annual droughts in the south, the Tumon Bay sewage reversal project and new wells, reservoirs, waterlines. He directed the construction of large, much needed emergency power generators. To meet power demands he also funded the building of two new baseload generators and backup generators for all the water wells.
The expansion of [Guam Memorial Hospital](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-memorial-hospital/) and the Guam International Airport and the construction of a new skilled nursing facility and a new Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse building also were initiated during the Ada administration. Altogether Ada directed the investment of more than half a billion dollars in infrastructure improvement throughout the government of Guam.
Housing was also important to Ada. Through the Land for the Landless Program, Ada provided thousands of house lots to qualified people who did not own their own land. He also started a program called CAHAT, to provide low-interest loans to qualified home builders or buyers.
A tourist market from Korea did not exist when Ada took office, but he saw great potential in it. He led several marketing trips to Korea and made Korea an important part of Guam’s tourism industry. Korean Air and Asiana Airlines began service to Guam during the Ada administration. Visa waivers were obtained for Korean and Taiwanese visitors to Guam. Additional flights to and from Japan were also added during his time in office, as well as the services of additional air carriers, such as ANA and United.
Guam suffered from a string of natural disasters during the second Ada administration. Four typhoons, one after another, hit Guam in 1991, with Typhoon Omar causing the most damage. On 8 August 1993 Guam was rocked by one of the most powerful earthquakes ever recorded. The temblor measured an astonishing 8.1 on the Richter Scale. Earthquake damage to Guam ran into millions of dollars though only two buildings were destroyed. These disasters, combined with a recession in Japan, caused the tourism industry to suffer for a time.
Perhaps the greatest accomplishment of the Ada administration was the closure of Naval Air Station Agana (NAS) and the turn over of the land to the government of Guam. Ada raised the idea of turning NAS over to Government of Guam (GovGuam) for airport expansion and other economic purposes at the end of his first term in office. Initially, the idea was dismissed both federally and locally. The Navy refused to discuss it, claiming that the old airbase was still vital to Naval interests. However, if GovGuam wanted to buy it from the Navy they wanted $450 million for the property. Local leaders did not think a base closure and a land transfer could ever be accomplished.
Ada pursued the idea. He enlisted support from leaders of both political parties and coined the name “Team Guam” to reflect their bipartisan approach toward closing NAS and getting back the land for the people of Guam. Team Guam convinced the Base Realignment and Closure Commission to close NAS and turn it over to the Government of Guam.
Since by law governors can only serve two consecutive terms, Ada could not seek a third term in 1994. He left office in January 1995 at the age of 51 after serving the public for more than twenty-five years. Ada is the first person ever to have held the offices of senator, legislative speaker, lieutenant governor and governor of Guam.
Ada wanted to continue to work on gaining consensus with the federal government on the issues of contention in the Guam Commonwealth Act. While he says the Act, already accepted by the people of Guam, was moving along in the federal administration, his term was up and it had not yet made its way to Congress.
He regards the Guam Commonwealth Act’s failure to be approved as the biggest disappointment of his career. Ada said he had moved the document 80 percent of the way toward its passage, including the concept of mutual consent whereby Guam and the US would have to mutually agree on policies that affected Guam, but still had 20 percent more to do, however, he simply ran out of time. Once [Governor Carl TC Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/) took office in 1994 it stopped moving forward. Gutierrez decided to start the process over again on his own terms.
Ada believes Guam needs a new generation of fighters to resolve the island’s political status.
After a four-year break in 1998, Ada ran for Governor again with then Sen. [Felix Camacho](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-felix-p-camacho/) as his running mate but lost to Gutierrez and his running mate [Madeleine Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/). Camacho ran four years later, with Sen. Kaleo Moylan as his running mate, and won to become the governor of Guam. In 2002 Ada ran for Congressional delegate against Democrat Madeleine Bordallo but lost as well.
He currently serves as the Vice-Chairman of the Board of the University of Guam Endowment Foundation. Founded by Jesus S. Leon Guerrero, the foundation is dedicated to promoting the university through academic enhancements, scholarship opportunities, and development of creative fundraising opportunities for overall improvements to the campus.
[***By Shannon J. Murphy***](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)
## Ada family photo album
Ada family in Saipan
Ada family photo collection from Klaus Moeller
## For further reading
Ada, Joseph F. “[State of the Island Address](http://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/120821091753-3025ae20ccfd43e6ad828b19e90766e1?mode=window&viewMode=singlePage).” Legislative Session Hall, Hagåtña, GU, 8 April 1987.
–––”[State of the Island Address](http://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/120821091826-9d7ba0c9197e4f0cb168bc3a0c1ee288?mode=window&viewMode=singlePage).” Legislative Session Hall, Hagåtña, GU, 11 February 1988.
––– “[State of the Island Address](http://issuu.com/guampedia/docs/1990_ada_address?mode=window&viewMode=singlePage).” Legislative Session Hall, Hagåtña, GU, 1990.
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Governor Joseph F. Ada
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### [Lt. Governor Frank F. Blas](https://www.guampedia.com/lt-governor-frank-f-blas/)
**Published:** October 12, 2016
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Lt. Governor of Guam 1987-1995. Frank Flores Blas, Sr. (1941-2016) was a Chamorro politician, businessman and member of the Republican Party of Guam. Blas served as the Lieutenant Governor of Guam from 1987 until 1995 for two consecutive terms under Governor Joseph F. Ada.
**Content:**
# Lt. Governor Frank F. Blas
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## Lt. Governor of Guam 1987 - 1995
Frank Flores Blas, Sr. (1941 – 2016) was a Chamorro politician, businessman and member of the Republican Party of Guam. Blas served as the Lieutenant Governor of Guam from 1987 until 1995 for two consecutive terms under [Governor Joseph F. Ada](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/).
## Early Life
Blas was born 20 March 1941. He attended Father Duenas Memorial School and graduated from St. Augustine High School, in San Diego, California. In 1962, he graduated from the College of Guam with an associate’s degree in accounting. Blas continued his education at the University of Portland in 1965 and earned a bachelor’s degree in business administration. While studying at the University of Portland, Blas became close friends with Joseph Franklin Ada, who would become his running mate in Guam’s gubernatorial election in 1986.
Blas and his former wife, the late Lydia Blas had two children: Senator Frank F. Blas, Jr., and Lynette. In 1971, Blas married his second wife, Tina, and they had three children: Paul, Yvette, and Y’Buena.
## Early Career
Blas worked in the private sector for the Mobil Petroleum Company of Guam from 1965 to 1969. He then became the Director of the Department of Commerce of Guam from 1969 to 1972.
## Make a Wish Foundation
On 17 August 1988, Blas founded the [Make-A-Wish Foundation Chapter on Guam](http://guam.wish.org/). The Guam Chapter grants wishes to the children of Guam, Rota, Tinian, and Saipan, who have life-threatening medical conditions.
There was a very compassionate side of him, according to former Gov. Joseph Ada said of Blas. Making a wish come true for a child touched many people.
## Political Career
Blas was elected to the [Legislature of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-legislature/), where he served as a Senator in the 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th and 18th Guam Legislatures from 1974 to 1984.
The 13th Guam Legislature created the second [Political Status Commission](http://www.guampedia.com/political-status-commissions/) of Guam in 1975. Unlike the first commission, the second Political Status Commission was comprised of members from both political parties and two village commissioners (mayors). Frank Blas, a senator at the time, was selected as Chair of the commission
In 1986, Blas ran for Lieutenant Governor with his best friend from college, Joseph F. Ada, as Governor of Guam. The pair were elected for two consecutive terms, in which Blas served as Ada’s Lieutenant Governor from January 1987 to January 1995. In a 1990 interview, Blas said his main roles as Lieutenant Governor were to be Governor Ada’s right hand and support him, as well as work as a liaison between the Governor’s administration and lawmakers in the Legislature.
In 1992, Lt. Governor Blas established the Great Seal of Guam park at Paseo.
Since Blas and Ada could no longer run together, as Ada had already served two terms as Governor, Blas declared his bid for Governor with [Simon Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/simon-sanchez/) as his running mate. During a debate before the 1994 Republican gubernatorial primary election, Blas said that he received great satisfaction from serving the people of Guam and wanted to continue the tradition of honesty started during the Ada administration. However, Blas and Sanchez lost the 1994 Republican primary election to Tommy Tanaka and Doris Brooks. Democrat[ Carl Gutierrez](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carl-t-c-gutierrez/), with [Madeleine Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/) as his Lieutenant Governor, won the 1994 gubernatorial election.
## Later Career
Blas retired from elected office in January 1995 after finishing his two terms as Lieutenant Governor. He owned and operated Frank Blas & Associates, an insurance brokerage firm based in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/), Guam.
In 2003, Blas was appointed Chairman of the board of directors of the [Antonio B. Won Pat](https://www.guampedia.com/congressman-antonio-b-won-pat/) Guam International Airport Authority, a government agency which operates the airport. Joseph Ada credited Blas for being one of a few officials who pushed for the airport authority to become a more independent agency. The airport now is a very self-sustaining authority, Ada said. It met the demand of the tourists and Guam has benefited tremendously.
In a resolution by the Guam Legislature in 2005, senators commended and congratulated Blas on his appointment to the board of directors of the International Association of Airport Executives, stating that Guam’s airport had thrived under Blas’ leadership, “resolving historic\[al\] issues and aggressively pursuing facility expansion and long-term regional marketing opportunities.” Senators also credited Blas for the airport’s significant cost savings and implementation of higher standards of workmanship.
Blas also was a Civilian Aide to the Secretary of the Army.
Frank Blas died on 1 August 2016, at the age of 75.
[***By Chloe B. Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/chloe-babauta/)
## For further reading
*Make-A-Wish*. “[Make-A-Wish® Guam and CNMI](https://wish.org/guamcnmi).”
**Categories:** Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Guam: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, Politics and Government
**Tags:** Lt. Governor Frank F. Blas
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### [Guinahan Famagu'on: Children's Wealth](https://www.guampedia.com/guinahan-famaguon-childrens-wealth/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Commonly translated as “children’s wealth,” guinahan famagu’on refers to a type of traditional turtle shell valuable, or ålas, used in the highly reciprocal lifestyle of ancient CHamoru. Though it was worn as a necklace, it was not like other turtle shell valuables in that it was also worn by men.
**Content:**
# Guinahan Famagu'on: Children's Wealth
 Guinahan Famagu'on. Illustration by Raph Unpingco.
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## Type of traditional turtle shell valuable
Commonly translated as “children’s wealth,” *guinahan famagu’on* refers to a type of traditional turtle shell valuable, or [*ålas*](https://www.guampedia.com/alas/), used in the highly reciprocal lifestyle of ancient CHamorus/Chamorros. Though it was worn as a necklace, it was not like other turtle shell valuables in that it was also worn by men. *Guinahan famagu’on* was the most highly esteemed of the different forms of *ålas*.
French explorer [Louis Claude de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) visited the Marianas and wrote about the valuable body ornament:
> Normally, its shape approached that of a truncated cone, extremely elongated. It was, in general, approximately six inches in diameter at the broader end, one inch at the other. This was an ornament of great state and within reach of only the wealthy. It was worn round the neck, with the two ends hanging unequally over the stomach.
*Guinahan famagu’on* was the social payment due to anyone who had saved the life of a child, paid by the parents. If the saved child’s parents could not afford to pay with this, the wider, extended family would come to their aid out of a sense of shared social duty and familial pride. The savior could then either choose to accept this as a gift or refuse it, thereby becoming part of that family as a sort of in-law. This ceremony bespeaks the intricate, interdependent nature of ancient CHamoru society.
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/)
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *An Account of the Corvette L’Uraine’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819*. Translated by Glynn Barratt. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2003.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Division of Resources, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Resources
**Tags:** Guinahan Famagu'on: Children's Wealth
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### [Lytico-Bodig on Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/lytico-bodig-on-guam/)
**Published:** December 8, 2013
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Long studied, now disappearing disease. Lytico-bodig is the local name for a complex of neurological diseases (or diseases that affect the nervous system) on Guam that resembles amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS or Lou Gerhig’s disease), Parkinsonism-Dementia (PD) and possibly Alzheimer’s disease.
**Content:**
# Lytico-Bodig on Guam
View more figures for the entry Lytico-Bodig on Guam [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157638716504656/).
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## Long studied, now disappearing disease
Lytico-bodig is the local name for a complex of neurological diseases (or diseases that affect the nervous system) on Guam that resembles amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS or Lou Gerhig’s disease), Parkinsonism-Dementia (PD) and possibly Alzheimer’s disease. Because of its occurrence in a relatively unique and isolated population, lytico-bodig has been widely studied by various groups of researchers in the hopes of finding its cause and possible cures.
Now known formally as ALS-PD complex of Guam (ALS-PDC), its prevalence in the 1950s and 1960s brought a sense of immediacy to working on Guam as patients passed away from the disease. The major research efforts sought to answer the question of whether lytico-bodig is a genetic or hereditary disease, or one caused by some environmental factor or factors? Although numerous theories were brought forward, there is still no definitive set of causes or cures. With advances in medical technology, strides have been made toward understanding lytico-bodig clinically, however, only few have studied its social or cultural impact on the CHamoru/Chamorro people. Although reports of neurological disease resembling lytico-bodig among the Chamorros occurred as far back as the early 1800s, formal study of the disease would not take place until more than a century later.
At its peak in the 1950s, lytico-bodig became the leading cause of death for Chamorros, affecting some 420 per 100,000 Chamorros, at a ratio of 2:1 males to females. ALS was seen more in Chamorros, while PD was seen in both Chamorro and Filipino natives. According to Chris Plato, et al., the incidence of ALS peaked from 1950-1954 in both males and females, but by the late 1950s, the incidence of ALS began to decline. Also, the incidence of PDC in males peaked from 1960 to 1964, and then declined steadily until 1980. The incidence of PDC in females peaked in 1970 to 1974, then rapidly declined in the early 1980s. Ralph Garruto and Richard Yanagihara reported that from 1950 to 1979, the age of onset ranged from 20 years to 72 years old, and increased for both men and women by three to four years. Today, however, lytico-bodig, is extremely rare.
The increase in cases of lytico-bodig after World War II caught the attention of scientists who were also looking at other neurodegenerative diseases. Work was being done in Papua New Guinea on a disease called kuru which affected the Fore people. ALS and PD in the form of lytico-bodig was seen in Guam but a similar occurrence of ALS and PD was reported in five villages in the Kii Peninsula in Japan. According to Garruto and Yanagihara, all these places presented a unique site for research as a “natural experimental model of disease” because of their relative isolation, their concentration of patients with the disease, and unique ecological factors. In addition, they were seen as ideal for studying the global impact of neurodegenerative diseases in ways that would not have been possible with a larger, mixed population. While the causes of kuru were uncovered by the 1980s, the pathogenesis, or causes and development, of lytico-bodig have not been definitively revealed.
## Symptoms
Lytico-Bodig is a neurodegenerative disease. Neurodegeneration is an umbrella term for any condition that results in the progressive loss in the structure or function of the neurons or nerve cells. Diseases like ALS, PD and Alzheimer’s affect nerve cells in the brain. Although lytico-bodig are worded together, they actually represent two different diseases. The term “lytico” comes from the Spanish word paralytico which means weakness. “Bodig” comes from the Spanish word *bodega*, or warehouse. Medical anthropologist Verena Keck wrote that “bodig” came from the nickname of a man who owned a bodega in Saipan during the German colonial administration (1898-1917) who had symptoms of the disease when he returned to Guam. Lytico patients have ALS symptoms, while patients with bodig have symptoms that resemble PD. Some patients, however, may have symptoms of both.
ALS affects motor neurons, which are the nerve cells that control muscles. As the disease progresses, symptoms such as weakness, wasting and eventual paralysis of the legs and arms become apparent. Patients become unable to care for themselves and are usually bedridden, unable to speak and swallow. They also have difficulty breathing. The paralysis of the muscles that control breathing and swallowing is what eventually kills ALS patients. However, even though they are physically debilitated, ALS patients still have memory and are able to think clearly.
On the other hand, Parkinson’s disease is characterized by a slowness of voluntary motor function. Muscles become rigid, and tremors or uncontrolled shaking of the hands and legs also occur. Parkinson’s patients also exhibit a characteristic stooped posture as the disease progresses. Parkinsonism is usually accompanied by an early onset progressive dementia–a loss of cognitive abilities such as memory, language and behavior. Patients with dementia become forgetful, confused and irritable, and may even have hallucinations as the disease runs its course. Some researchers today believe the dementia that occurs with lytico-bodig is similar to Alzheimer’s disease, but this association is still unclear.
Vince Diego, a biological anthropologist at Texas Biomedical Research Institute (TBRI) in San Antonio, says there are two lines of thought on this issue: one is that the lytico-bodig has somehow morphed or changed into a disease that resembles Alzheimer’s, and another that finds lytico-bodig as a distinct neurological disease from Alzheimer’s. The degeneration of brain tissue in Alzheimer’s disease can be seen when examined after the patient has died. The damaged tissue, made up of dead or dying nerve cells, is called a lesion. Patients with lytico or bodig, may also show lesions in the brain, in particular, lesions known as neurofibrillary tangles (NFTs).
However, in the 1960s and 1970s, 70 percent of the Guamanians tested had NFTs in their brains, but without the clinical disease. This led researchers to ask if, perhaps the development of NFTs are a preliminary phase of the disease? In any case, this situation demonstrated the difficulty in identifying true controls for the disease on Guam. Another symptom which seems to be associated with ALS/PDC is linear retinal epitheliopathy, which is a disorder of the eye. The retinal epithelium is the pigmented layer of the retina at the back of the eye that anchors photoreceptors, or the cells that sense light and help with vision. There are no symptoms except for unusual tracks that appear in the retinal layer, but it seems to appear in half of Guamanian Chamorros with ALS and PDC and to precede the onset of the disease.
The onset of lytico-bodig is currently late in life, with symptoms appearing in the 60s or 70s, sometimes not until the 80s. Patients usually die within four to five years, but there have been cases where individuals died within months of diagnosis, and others survived more than 30 years. In the past 50 years the age of onset has increased and the number of cases of the disease has declined.
While lytico is no longer seen and bodig is rare, dementia still occurs among elderly Chamorros. In Guam, lytico-bodig seems to run in families, even among siblings. They might even represent the same disease but different endpoints. Both are late-onset (although there have been reports of individuals as young as fifteen years of age being diagnosed) and always fatal. Earlier studies showed that the sex ratio of the disease was 2:1 and even 3:1 at one point males to females; but by 1982, the ratio was even, at 1:1 males to females.
While the disease seemed to peak after World War II, especially in the southern region of Guam, it also showed a dramatic decline by the 1970s and 1980s. The large concentration of ALS and PD in Guam’s southern villages brought up many lines of inquiry regarding the causes lytico-bodig, including genetic or environmental factors, or a combination of genetics and environment.
## Long search for the cause of Lytico-Bodig
### Genetics
The exact cause of lytico-bodig has eluded researchers for decades. Neuroscientists believe, though, if they can figure out the cause, they may be able to figure out a cure for this and possibly other debilitating neurological diseases. Because the disease was observed to run in families, both generationally and among siblings, researchers believed the cause might be genetic.
In 1957 a case-control registry was developed to allow observation of first-degree relatives (parents, siblings and children) and spouses. The spouses served as the unrelated control group. The studies of these individuals showed that parents, siblings and spouses of patients had a significantly increased risk of developing the disease compared with the relatives of the spouses. Offspring of patients also did not have an increased risk, but this is probably because they were not old enough to develop symptoms at the time of the study. The unrelated spouses getting the disease supported the idea of a “household effect.” When offspring of patients reached the age of risk, they showed an increased risk of the disease compared with offspring of the non-related spouses (control).
[Humåtak](https://www.guampedia.com/umatac-humatak/) had the highest concentration of patients and a pedigree–a diagram, similar to a family tree, that shows the pattern of genetic inheritance (and by extension, diseases or other conditions) of a family–was produced for the village by Chris C. Plato. Plato also led the long-term studies of lytico-bodig in families on Guam. The pattern of clustering of families with disease was also observed in the Kii Peninsula of Japan.
However, despite numerous genetic studies of families on Guam, there was no firm evidence that genetics was a major factor in getting the disease, but rather, something in the environment. Studies of genetics have not revealed any kind of specific mutation for lytico-bodig. Also, the disease was rapidly disappearing–genetic disorders do not necessarily disappear in a generation. The rapid decline of the disease was believed to be associated with development, modernization and the introduction of new kinds of foods. Nevertheless, some neuroscientists continue to pursue the notion that certain individuals may have a genetic predisposition for the disease.
### Metals
In 1961 a team of scientists looking at ALS in the Kii Peninsula of Japan found that the disease occurred in areas where river and drinking water were low in minerals. The team proposed a metal hypothesis whereby a possible mechanism for ALS was the involvement of metals like aluminum, manganese and calcium. Low environmental levels of calcium and high levels of aluminum were reported in Guam, Western New Guinea and the Kii Peninsula.
On Guam, the soil on the southern end of the island was composed largely of a shallow red clay called laterite (which, incidentally, was similar to the soil found in the Western New Guinea villages). In the 1970s and 1980s, various studies on Guam by teams led by Richard Yanigihara, D. Carleton Gadjusek, and Ralph Garruto and their colleagues looked at environmental metals and brain metabolism. It was reported that 37 percent of Guamanians with lytico-bodig showed disturbances in calcium and vitamin D metabolism. Aluminum in the nervous system was also reported in several patients on Guam with ALS and PD. Abnormal deposits of calcium, aluminum and silicon were also found in Guamanians who did not show the disease (“neurologically normal”) but that had NFTs; however, these deposits were not present in those who did not have NFTs.
The presence of these metals, in combination with the mineral calcium, may disrupt the normal function of the nerve cells and eventually lead to cell death. The scientists proposed that individuals with a predisposition, such as a defect in their metabolism, combined with the elevated levels of metals in the environment, and provoked by a period of nutritional deficiency of calcium and magnesium, may have lead to greater absorption of the metals in the neurons. Studies two decades later by MC Hermosura, et al., provided further evidence for this theory, but the exact process is still not known.
### Cycads (*fadang*)
Probably the most well-known proposed cause of lytico-bodig involves neurotoxins in cycad seeds. In the 1960s, early researchers Leonard Kurland and Donald Mulder postulated that poisons in cycad seeds, ingested over time, possibly caused the disease on Guam. Unlike other Pacific islands, the Chamorros on Guam would leech the seeds of the false sago palm (Cycas micronesica, or fadang in Chamorro) to remove the poisons and then ground them into flour for baking.
The three main toxins released by the cycad are β-N-methylamino-L-alanine (BMAA), cycasin and steryl glucosides, and each one has been advocated by different scientists as the cause of lytico-bodig. Chamorros had been consuming fadang for more than 150 years, a practice introduced to them by Mexicans through the [Spanish Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/). However, research over the next decade did not provide any definite link between cycad toxins and ALS or PD.
In the 1980s, however, another team of researchers led by Peter Spencer, found that the toxin BMAA, when given to cynomolgus monkeys (*Macaca fascicularis*) in large amounts, caused the monkeys to develop changes in their motor neurons. The amount of BMAA in cycad fruit is about 1g/kg, so a monkey would have to be fed about 42 kg of unwashed cycad for about 12 weeks to produce a result. An adult human would have to consume about 17.5 kg of unwashed cycad a day, or about 1500 kg in 12 weeks to show the effects seen in the monkey. However, Chamorros process cycad before eating it by washing it thoroughly over several days so only a trace amount is left.
Although Spencer acknowledged that BMAA was probably not the cause of ALS/PD on Guam, he believed there may have been some other yet undiscovered toxin that was responsible. In the early 2000s, the cycad toxin theory was brought up again with Paul Cox and Oliver Sacks who observed a decline in lytico-bodig that paralleled a decline in the fruit bat population on Guam. They proposed that while cycad processed into flour was not toxic enough to produce lytico-bodig, there may be other elements in the Chamorro diet that could magnify the effects of the neurotoxin. Eating fruit bat (*Pteropus mariannus mariannus*, or *fanihi* in Chamorro), for example, a local delicacy, might contribute to the possibility of the disease. The scientists suggested that fruit bats that eat the cycad accumulate the toxins in their tissues but may not themselves be affected by the toxins.
However, if people ate enough of the fruit bats over the course of their lifetime (perhaps beginning in childhood), the toxins could accumulate in their bodies and eventually cause the disease. Cox also suggested that the presence of cyanobacteria in cycads which could produce BMAA naturally, may also be considered a possible cause. Cox and his colleagues also reported that BMAA was found in ALS and PD patients on Guam.
There are several reason for discounting the cycad as the cause of lytico-bodig. First, there are no examples of a natural neurotoxin causing disease decades after exposure. Second, the curve for the decline in fruit bats (which are almost extinct) does not align with the decline in cases of lytico-bodig on Guam. Additionally, Cox’s findings of naturally-producing BMAA cyanobacteria and BMAA in ALS and PD patients on Guam could not be reproduced. Furthermore, in the other two places exhibiting similar conditions to lytico-bodig–the Kii Peninsula and Western New Guinea– only the Auyu of Western New Guinea ate fruit bats, and it was not known if the fruit bats ate cycad.
It was noticed by Gadjusek’s team that with economic development and the introduction of new kinds of foods, there was a decline in the disease. This seems to better support the metal hypothesis and the idea that a rapid environmental change seemed to cause the ALS and PD.
### Gene-Environment interaction
By the 1990s, a new approach to understanding the interaction of genes and the environment as a possible cause for lytico-bodig was pursued using advances in molecular genetics and DNA technology. With 40 years of observation and data collection, it seemed more likely that a combination of genetic and environmental factors increased the risk of getting ALS or PD. One line of inquiry involved looking for genetic mutations in the mitochondrial DNA of Guam ALS and PD patients that affected levels of metal and calcium that could impact nerve cells. Later studies in the 2000s reported genetic mutations in nuclear DNA that affected calcium absorption in nerve cells that could lead to cell death.
These mutations in both nuclear and mitochondrial DNA, coupled with the environmental conditions of the island, are being used to support the theory of a gene-environment interaction for ALS and PD on Guam. The gene-environment interaction theory provides a mechanism for metals linked to lytico-bodig to enter and accumulate in patients.
### Protein transformation
In the 1950s, Gajdusek studied kuru, a disease that affected the Fore people of Central New Guinea. He demonstrated that kuru was passed on through a prion, a kind of “mis-folded protein,” that was ingested through a cannibalistic ritual. When brain tissue of infected patients was injected into monkeys, the monkeys developed the disease. Gajdusek tried to see if ALS, PD and Alzheimer’s also could possibly be transmitted in a similar way, but he was not able to demonstrate this.
However, in 2008, research involving stem cells (cells in the human body that can potentially develop into different cell types) showed that healthy stem cells injected into patients with Parkinson’s disease were transformed and would accumulate the same mis-folded proteins that caused Parkinson’s. Similar experiments with other neurodegenerative diseases were conducted and showed similar transformations, which may suggest that the disease progresses slowly from cell to cell throughout the nervous system.
Although it is not known what could cause the mis-folded proteins to form, they do seem to occur after certain kinds of acute infections, such as post-encephalatic parkinsonism (PEP), which occurs after encephalitis lethargica. Another disease, subacute sclerosing panencephalitis (SSPE) occurs after measles infection. These diseases show no symptoms for a long time after exposure, have a long incubation period, and then show a slow decline.
There has been some speculation that the 1918 influenza epidemic, which killed 858 people in two months, may have some connection to lytico-bodig patients, most of whom were born before 1920. However, there is no hard evidence to support this.
John C. Steele, a neurologist who has worked on Guam and researched lytico-bodig for decades believed that Guam holds the key to understanding the disease. While lytico-bodig has decreased on Guam over the last 50 years, other diseases like ALS, PD and Alzheimer’s have become more common. Steele is currently working with another neurologist, Douglas Galasko, and other researchers to pursue further the connection of lytico-bodig to unique environmental factors or some genetic link. This could be deduced from the observation that in families with multiple sick individuals, younger members seem to suffer from ALS, older members with PD and the eldest members with Alzheimer’s.
There have also been cases of non-Chamorros getting the disease after moving to Guam, and cases of Chamorros getting the disease who had never lived on Guam. These findings suggest both an environmental and genetic connection to lytico-bodig, however, in the coming years, new research focusing on disease transmission caused by an infection of abnormal proteins in the nervous system will likely emerge.
### Seasonality and infectious disease
In a presentation at the Marianas History Conference held on Guam in 2013, biomedical researchers Vince Diego (TBRI) and Frank Camacho (from the University of Guam) discussed another approach to understanding the cause of ALS-PDC: seasonality and infectious disease. In 1972 Gibbs and DC Gajdusek hypothesized that ALS-PDC showed a “seasonality in incidence,” or was related to some kind of seasonal pattern or environmental change that occurred, causing an increase in the number of afflicted individuals. This idea was also supported by Jane Underwood in her demographic research on the disease.
The mosquito-borne Japanese encephalitis virus (JEV) was suggested as an agent that caused ALS-PDC. However, the seasonality of ALS-PDC also coincided with other hypotheses, including the metal hypothesis and the cyanobacterial toxin hypothesis. Diego and Camacho proposed that perhaps poliomyelitis would be a better candidate as an infectious agent because it coincides not only with seasonality, but also with historical events that occurred on Guam and Rota.
In situations involving what has been called “antecedent poliomyelitis,” the polio virus, which is water-borne, was contracted early in life and was shown to cause ALS, PD and Alzheimer’s later in life. That is, there is in these cases an established etiologic link between bouts of encephalitic infection early in life with neurological disorders later (often much later) in life.
Several historical resources report an epidemic of poliomyelitis that occurred in the late 1800s to early 1900s that coincides with the age of exposure to the polio virus and the age of onset of ALS-PDC for individuals later in life. In 1899, a steamer arrived from Manila and a poliomyelitis epidemic broke out shortly afterward. In the same year, the same epidemic was observed in the northern islands, including Rota, which may have been brought there by the same steamer or by infected individuals who traveled from Guam to the northern islands over the course of the epidemic. People from Malesso’ and Humåtak in particular were affected by the epidemic–the same villages that would show the highest incidence of lytico-bodig in the years that followed. Dr. William Hammon, who was widely considered to be among the top three poliomyelitis investigators in the United States (along with Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin), analyzed Guamanian serological data from the 1940s and interpreted these data to support the notion that polio was endemic to Guam since the 1899 epidemic.
Building from Underwood’s data and the historic records, Diego and Camacho propose a birth-month seasonality and secondary sex ratio to help explain the occurrence and pattern of lytico-bodig (ALS-PDC) on Guam. The polio virus generally infects very young children and JEV predominantly infects children between three and six years of age. Diego and Camacho suggest that children on Guam and Rota may have been affected by the polio virus, perhaps as newborns or shortly thereafter, and may also have been affected by JEV later between three and six years of age.
It is also possible that these infections occurred and then a combination of environmental factors–including cyanobacteria toxins or aluminum levels or fadang/cycad toxins–could have triggered the disease as seen later in life.
## Still a mystery
The exact cause of lytico-bodig has eluded the scientific community for decades and likely will remain a mystery for years to come. At its peak after [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/.), there were as many as 60 people suffering from the disease. When the disease was observed in the 1950s and formal study begun, it may have already been in decline.
Questions about who is susceptible to getting these neurodegenerative disease, whether through genetics, environment or a combination of both, are still to be answered. Scientists are pursuing the non-science study of history and society to determine if there were any record of significant events or contact with outsiders that could shed light on health and disease of these relatively isolated populations.
The story of lytico-bodig has largely focused on the medical or clinical aspects of the disease and rarely on the individuals who suffered from it, although Keck’s monograph, which included interviews with patients and their family members, represents a welcome remedy to this trend. The debilitating nature of lytico-bodig as well as the loss of life clearly has an impact on families, especially those families that have had more than one member with the disease.
Although lytico-bodig has recently mostly been seen in older patients, some individuals got sick while relatively young, leaving behind devastated children and relatives. There was not only the sadness of losing loved ones and moving on, but also the fear that one was susceptible to the disease and might get sick, too.
Guam’s unique history of colonization, population changes and cultural practices may have had an impact on the way diseases like lytico-bodig may have been observed to run their course. Perhaps historical epidemics, typhoons or some occurrence of depopulation resulted in a people genetically more susceptible to lytico-bodig. The areas of Guam with the highest occurrence of the disease have similar environmental conditions and lifestyles.
As the disease disappears with the passing of time, it remains a unique feature of Guam and the Chamorro people who have borne the pain of the disease itself and the scientific collection of data and information in the hopes of bringing greater understanding of this and possibly other neurodegenerative diseases in the world.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](https://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
**Editor’s note:** Guampedia thanks Dr. Vince Diego for his kind assistance in completing this entry.
## For further reading
Aoki, Dance. “Local Mystery May be Key to Curing Other Diseases.” *Pacific Daily News*, 10 October 2013.
Diego, Vince P., and Frank A. Camacho. “Birth-Month Seasonality and Secondary Sex Ratio in Guamanian Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis and Parkinsonism-Dementia Complex: Implications for Infectious Disease and Environmental Etiologie.” Paper presented at the 2nd Marianas History Conference, University of Guam, 29 August 2013.
Garruto, Ralph M., and Richard Yanagihara. “Contributions of Isolated Pacific Populations to Understanding Neurodegenerative Disease.” *Folia Neuropathol* 47, no. 2 (2009): 149-170.
Keck, Verena. *The Search for a Cause: An Anthropological Perspective on a Neurological Disease in Guam, Western Pacific*. Mangilao: MARC Publications, University of Guam, 2011.
Plato, Chris C., Ralph M. Garruto, Douglas Galasko, Ulla-Katrina Craig, Meropi Plato, Anthony Gamst, Jose M. Torres, and Wigbert Wiederholt. “Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis and Parkinsonism-Dementia Complex of Guam: Changing Incidence Rates during the Past 60 Years.” *American Journal of Epidemiology* 157, no. 2 (2003): 149-157.
Steele, John C., and Patrick L. McGeer. “The ALS/PDC Syndrome of Guam and the Cycad Hypothesis.” *Neurology* 70, no. 21 (2008): 1984-1990.
**Categories:** Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Health, Health and Medicine, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Post WWII Era, Post WWII Era: Health
**Tags:** guam disease, guam health, guamanian era health, lytico-bodig, post wwii health
---
### [Carving](https://www.guampedia.com/carving/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Carving is a ancient tradition on Guam and in the Mariana Islands. The craft was used for thousands of years to create utilitarian items as well as body adornments.
**Content:**
# Carving
View more images for the Carving entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622498936476/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Long-standing tradition
Carving is an ancient tradition in Guam and the Mariana Islands. The craft was used for thousands of years to create utilitarian items as well as body adornments. Pieces like [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)(monolithic ancient stone structures with capstones used as house supports), shell jewelry, and tools demonstrate the skill of ancient carvers. This skill was important because carving was vital to life in ancient times.
The craft continued to be both utilitarian and artistic through the [Spanish rule of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) beginning the late 17th century. During the second half of the 20th century, carving in Guam moved away from its utilitarian roots and became more of an art form. Modern day carvers, however, continue to incorporate ancient symbols and color, and often use ancient carving techniques to create their pieces.
Although the use for carving has changed, the raw materials used have not. Carvers in Guam typically use materials found in the island including stone, wood, bone, and shell. Working with different materials also means there are many different carving techniques and styles. While some of these techniques have been updated during the 20th century, many carvers continue to employ traditional techniques in honor of their ancestors.
## Ancient carving practices
Carving was an essential craft for the ancient CHamorus. They used carving to fulfill many of their needs including shelter, food preparation, and decoration. One of the most well-known icons of ancient CHamoru culture is the carved stone *latte*. These stone structures were created with two pieces: pillars and capstones carved from land and sea resources including limestone and brain coral. Basalt tools such as adzes were used to chip the stone while rubble was removed with wooden shovels and by hand. The largest *latte* can still be found in Guam’s neighboring island of Tinian where some capstones measure more than eight feet in diameter, with shafts in excess of 12 feet in height.
CHamorus also used stones to carve objects used in every day living. The *lusong* (mortar) and *lommok* (pestle) were typically carved from basalt or limestone. *Se’se’* (knives) were carved from stone as well as bamboo or shells. Slingstones and fishing hooks were also carved during ancient times. Carving was also used to create useful tools. The *gåchai* (adze) was an axe created by carving a wooden handle and using a thick clam shell for the blade.
Many ancient carvers worked with wood. Ancient CHamorus were known as skilled seafarers and their main transportation on the water were carved canoes. European explorers traveling through the Marianas archipelago noted the graceful shape and artistry of the CHamoru canoes. The small crafts were said to have cut through ocean waves like dolphins and fly like birds in the wind. These wooden water crafts, in a variety of sizes, were commonly used throughout the Marianas.
The [canoe carving process](https://www.guampedia.com/canoe-building-2/) began with selecting the proper type and sized tree. Many times, carvers utilized the hard *ifit* tree, monkeypod wood, *nunu* (banyan) tree, or *dokdok* (breadfruit) tree for material. After a tree was chosen and harvested, the bark was stripped and a design was created. Carvers would mark each end of a tree with a V-shape to form the sea-going vessel.
Ancient CHamorus also used animal shells for carving items. Money was carved from turtle shells or Spondylus (spiny oyster) shells. Jewelry was often created from shells found on the beach which are relatively hard and easily workable with stone tools. During ancient times, small disks carved of spondylus were placed on necklaces and represented the wealth and status of a person. This type of jewelry was highly valued because of the difficulty in obtaining the shells.
## Carving to preserve traditions
Many contemporary carvers in the Marianas produce items that represent icons of CHamoru history. The monolithic *latte* are no longer carved of stone, but are depicted in smaller wood carvings or as images on plaques. Small models of CHamoru carabao carts, complete with passengers, cargo, and tools, and model *proas* with sailors, paddles, and sails made from cloth or other materials are popular.
Other traditional items are stories carved into varying pieces of wood. These storyboards range in size and detail, depending upon the artist. Typically the pieces depict an iconic story or legend from Guam’s history. Popular storyboard topics include the Guam legends of two powerful chiefs, [Two Lover’s Point](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-dos-amantes-folktale/), [Sirena](https://www.guampedia.com/sirena/), and the CHamoru story of the [creation of the world](https://www.guampedia.com/puntan-and-fuuna-gods-of-creation/).
Carvers in Guam have (and continue to) produce utilitarian pieces including tables, benches, *mitåti* (flat grinding stone) and *kåmyo* (coconut grinder) stools. In addition to decorative pieces, carvers create other utilitarian pieces including furniture from local woods.
Master Carver Emilio Borja was known for using *ifit* to carve canoes and spear guns. Borja grew up in Palau (formally known as the Republic of Palau, a nearby island in Micronesia) and moved to Guam in the late 1940s. He was trained in carving by his father. This practice has been passed on to his children and extended family. In 1976 Borja, along with [Master Carver Segundo Blas](https://www.guampedia.com/segundo-blas/), were commissioned by then-[Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) to build a canoe for the bicentennial of Guam. The project took six months to complete.
Blas, another well-known and respected master carver, learned how to build canoes as a youth in Saipan and Palau. Blas was also instrumental in preserving the CHamoru culture, sharing his knowledge of carving skills to a younger generation. In the 1990s, Blas mentored and trained Rob Limtiaco and Gary Guerrero as they built their first canoe. The 15-foot outrigger, now displayed at the Guam Museum, is the product of a National Endowment of the Arts and Guam Council on the Art and Humanities Agency funded project.
[Master Carver Robert Taitano](https://www.guampedia.com/robert-taitano/) is well-known in Guam for his ability to create wooden *ifit* pieces for useful and decorative or commemorative items. He is well-known for carving beautiful, stalwart tables and decorative wooden artwork featuring coconut crabs. His carved artistic depictions of *latte*, plaques, and storyboards are often given as gifts to visiting dignitaries to Guam. In 1998, with only a week’s notice, Taitano carved several wooden *ifit* chairs used to seat political dignitaries during US President William Jefferson (Bill) Clinton’s historic visit to Guam. Two of the chairs were later shipped to the president as a gift.
Taitano is also renown for his production of *ifit* clocks, backgammon boards, *chongka* (a game played with shells on a wooden board), cutting boards, ashtrays, and other items from local woods. Taitano owns the “Ifit Shop” in the village of [Yigo](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) located in northern Guam, as well as a shop in the CHamoru Village in the island’s capital, [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
Carving of jewelry has also become a well-recognized modern art form in Guam. Many talented carvers create pieces from shell, wood, or other natural material with symbolic meanings. Pieces are on display at various art galleries and shops. They typically include iconography from ancient CHamoru society including *latte* stones or other icons from ocean living including depictions of fish or other animals. Because certain types of shells, including the spondylus, were initially scarce, some people import these shells from off-island.
Another indicator of how popular the art of carving is in Guam is the “Orange Night, Spondylus Night” event hosted by the Guam Gallery of Art. According to the events organizer [Filamore Palomo Alcon](https://www.guampedia.com/filamore-palomo-alcon/), the event began as a smaller gathering of people who already had spondylus pieces. Since the first event, many people have become interested in carving their own pieces out of spondylus shells.
[***By Tammy Jo Anderson-Taft***](https://www.guampedia.com/tammy-jo-anderson/ "Tammy Jo Anderson-Taft")
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** Carving
---
### [Weaving](https://www.guampedia.com/weaving/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Weaving continues to be an important practice on Guam. For thousands of years CHamorus have used Guam’s abundant foliage to produce useful and unique items.
**Content:**
# Weaving
#### Table of Contents
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## Lasting CHamoru artistry
Weaving continues to be an important practice in Guam. For thousands of years, CHamorus/Chamorros have used Guam’s abundant foliage to produce useful and unique items. Although the art of weaving is not as prevalent in Guam today as it has been in days gone by, or as critical for everyday life, it is still seen as one of the lasting artistries of CHamoru culture.
## Utilitarian weaving and artistry
In [ancient CHamoru society](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/), women completed the majority of the household tasks including most of the weaving. They used various leaves and palms to create items for everyday life including mats, sails, hats, baskets, bags, and decorative pieces.
Many pieces were created from the same material but served different purposes. For example, a mat woven out of pandanus leaves or *åkgak* could be used for sleeping, blankets, funeral preparations, food serving platters, or cloths to clean surfaces.
Typical, everyday woven items included mats, boxes, and hats. Rectangular baskets (*kottot*) were used for presenting gifts of rice. Smaller boxes, some equipped with handles (*ålan måma’*) or complex latches (*salu’u*), were used to carry betel nut. CHamorus wove bags with lids (*balakbak*) equipped with straps to carry items at waist level. There were also larger woven cases (*hagug*) used like a backpack for carrying provisions and food.
In addition to the many types of woven bags, CHamorus also wove mats, plates, and even cradles from leaves. The CHamoru basket weave is noted for its strength provided by a double rim.
Some woven items were more decorative than practical. Many weavers excelled at artistic creations including birds, shrimp, headbands, and floral arrangements. Many of these items were created using a weaving tool known as a *si’i*. The tool is a piece of flat, triangular-shaped metal that measures roughly six inches.
Ancient CHamorus also used their weaving skills to create fish nets, traps, and slings, but less is known about these practices. Some sources indicate the ancient society used bark from the *pågu* (wild hibiscus) tree or bamboo for nets and traps. Some weavers also incorporated coconut husk fibers into rope and bamboo needles and gauges when weaving fishing nets. Slings were typically made from pandanus leaves.
## Weaving techniques
The pandanus plant (*Pandanus tectorius*) is native to Guam and provides fibrous leaves that are good for weaving. The wide leaves grow low to the ground, making them easy to reach by women collecting weaving materials.
The pandanus leaf is typically prepared by cutting it from the plant and by using a *si’i* to remove the hard, sharp thorns along the edge of the leaf. After the thorns are removed, the leaves are boiled and scraped with a shell before being dried in the sun. The dried leaves are rolled up and kept inside for a few days. Finally the leaves are left out in the sun for weeks where they are cured and readied for use. Before using the cured pandanus leaf for weaving, the weaver would drag a shell-tool across the surface of the leaf to make it more pliable.
Other plants found in abundance in Guam like coconut and nipa palm fronds were also used for weaving materials. Both of these trees are found anywhere on island, although the former is more common. Typically, younger leaves were best for baskets. They were left in the sun to cure before use.
## Thatching and trap making
Sturdier leaves from the coconut or nipa palms were used for roof thatching on traditional CHamoru huts. Nipa thatch was preferable because it lasted roughly five years compared to coconut thatch’s two-year lifespan. Nipa and pandanus leaves can last up to eight years as thatching over bamboo slats.
When preparing leaves for thatching, the fronds are typically collected in the drier months. Dry season falls in the beginning of the calendar year in Guam. Once harvested, the fronds are split down the middle. The two spines are then placed on top of one another and the leaves are woven using diagonal plaiting to make a piece of thatch. The pieces are tied together and dried before being placed on the roof of the home.
Another utilitarian form of weaving is trap making. Many times traps were made from bamboo that has been heated over hot charcoal and then stretched into the proper shape. Traps can also be made from coconut leaves.
## Contemporary weaving and culture
Although many woven items have been replaced with modern manufactured items in contemporary Guam, weavers continue to produce mats, bags, novelty items, and decorative pieces that are either used locally or sold to tourists.
One of the most popular areas in Guam to watch and learn weaving is at Gef Pa’go, [Inalåhan](https://www.guampedia.com/inarajan-inalahan/), a cultural demonstration center in Southern Guam. Gef Pa’go employs several master weavers who demonstrate the art to students, tourists, and interested residents. The Gef Pa’go cultural village area also has a small gift shop featuring woven creations by the masters employed there. The gift shop sells small woven animals, fish, and utilitarian pieces created out of dried palm leaves.
Many of the masters working at Gef Pa’go and around the island learned to weave from family members or others living in their village when woven items were crucial to every day life. The tradition was not encouraged by the Japanese during the occupation of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), but resurfaced after the liberation of Guam in 1944.
Although the practice of weaving continued after the war, the number of island residents that wove regularly began to dwindle, as modern items became more available and replaced items that had been woven in the past. In turn, the number of island residents who knew the art of weaving also began to dwindle.
In recent years, however, weaving is increasingly being seen as more of a cultural reminder and decorative art rather than an essential practice for everyday life. Weavers continue to make decorative items for local parties, fiestas, gatherings, or displays. Decorations typically include hanging pieces, table centerpieces, and palms woven in a vertical manner to create a divider are often seen.
Weavers are also beginning to transform the practice into more of an art medium. For example, woven leaves are now being used as a medium for sculpting.
[***By Tammy Jo Anderson-Taft***](https://www.guampedia.com/tammy-jo-anderson/)
## For further reading
*A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition*. Hagåtña: Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency, 2000.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, Traditional Craft
**Tags:** Weaving
---
### [Mestizo (Mestisu)](https://www.guampedia.com/mestizo-mestisu/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** During Spanish colonial rule in the Marianas, the term mestizo (mestisu in CHamoru) referred to a person of mixed parentage. In its original context, as it was used in the Philippines, the term mestizo, denoted people who were of mixed Chinese and Spanish descent.
**Content:**
# Mestizo (Mestisu)
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## Mixed parentage
During [Spanish colonial rule](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) in the Marianas, the term *mestizo* (*mestisu* in CHamoru/Chamorro) referred to a person of mixed parentage. In its original context, as it was used in the Philippines, the term *mestizo* denoted people who were of mixed Chinese and Spanish descent. By the mid-19th Century, however, the term *mestizo* (for males) or *mestiza* (for females) applied to any person of half-Spanish descent in the Spanish-ruled areas.
There was a negative connotation associated with the term *mestizo*, which later evolved to its contemporary acceptance as a term used to refer to people of mixed descent. Philippine Historian Domingo Abella wrote:
> Pigmentation determined the status of Spanish *mestizos* in the Philippines. As long as they approximated the complexion of full-blooded Spaniards, they reminded several shades superior to the *indios* (indigenous). Repeated intermarriage with *indios*, however, eventually resulted in ‘indianization,’ rather than ‘hispanization.’ This process was both physical as well as legal. As evidence of Spanish blood progressively disappeared, so did the privileges that came with it. Those who had any trace of *indio* blood, however, could never become the social equals of the of the pure-bloods. *Los limpios de sangro* (the pure-bloods) always regarded them, along with the *indios* and the Chinese *mestizos*, as *insulares.*
*Insulares* was a term used to refer to Spaniards born in the Philippines or to Spanish-CHamoru *mestizos* born in Guam.
There are also, however, a number of official Spanish historic documents where the term *mestizo* appears to be used merely as a descriptive term for social matters, not as an ethnic category under the Spanish administrative apparatus.
## Evolutionary acceptance
While initially the word *mestizo* denoted a person who was half-Spanish and half-CHamoru, it has evolved over the centuries. In its current use today in Guam, a *mestisu* or *mestisa* (CHamoru variations of the Spanish word *mestizo*) refers to any person of mixed ethnicity, but is usually associated with a person who is part-CHamoru and part-Caucasian.
References to person of such mixed heritage can be ethnic-specific, such as *Mestisan CHamoru yan Tagalu* (female CHamoru and Filipino), *Mestison CHamoru yan Korean* (male CHamoru and Korean) or *Mestison CHamoru yan Amerikanu* (male CHamoru and Caucasian), etc.
## Traje de Mestisa
Another use for a variation of the term *mestisa* is a traditional CHamoru dress for women, characterized by its high and elegant sleeves. The *Mestisa* was widely used in Marianas during special occasions until the 1970s. Today, this form of dress is still occasionally worn.
[***By Carlos Madrid***](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
## For further reading
Abella, Domingo. *From Indio to Filipino: and some historical works*. Manila: M. Romualdez-Abella, 1978.
Arenas, Rafael Diaz. *Memorias Históricas y Estadísticas de Filipinas y Particularmente de la Grande Isla de Luzón*. Manila: Imprenta del Diario de Manila, 1850.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Stratification, Spanish Era, Spanish Racial Hierarchy
**Tags:** Mestizo (Mestisu)
---
### [Natural](https://www.guampedia.com/natural/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Spanish administrative term. This name is given to the primitive Indians with whom the Spaniards settled the peace agreements, although their descendants had mixed by marriage, either female Indians with male Spaniards, or female Spaniards with male Indians, or female Indians with Chinese…
**Content:**
# Natural
 Spanish Era Humåtak (Umatac). Courtesy of the Guam Library System.
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## Spanish administrative term
The term *natural* is defined by the mid of the 19th century by the Spanish administration as follows:
> This name is given to the primitive Indians with whom the Spaniards settled the peace agreements, although their descendants had mixed by marriage, either female Indians with male Spaniards, or female Spaniards with male Indians, or female Indians with Chinese…
The term *natural* was a category used by the Spanish administration, to differentiate CHamoru/Chamorro islanders from other residents such as European, Spanish, Carolinians, or Filipinos.
The term *natural* had no connotation other than to refer the person, either male or female, born in a certain province. *Natural de Marianas* refers to any person born in the Marianas, but nevertheless the term usually applied to CHamorus, so the expression *Naturales de Marianas* meant the indigenous population of Marianas, the CHamorus. It could also refer to a person of Spanish descent, whose birthplace was the Mariana Islands. For a person born in Marianas but whose parents were born in Spain, usually, but not necessarily, a further specification was used: *Español, natural de Marianas.*
[***By Carlos Madrid***](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
## For further reading
Arenas, Rafael Diaz. *Memorias Históricas y Estadísticas de Filipinas y Particularmente de la Grande Isla de Luzón*. Manila: Imprenta del Diario de Manila, 1850.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Stratification, Spanish Era, Spanish Racial Hierarchy
**Tags:** Natural
---
### [Peninsulares](https://www.guampedia.com/peninsulares/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Two terms were used to differentiate the origin of the Spaniards residing In the 19th century colonial Philippines. A Spaniard born in Spain was referred as a peninsular, meaning born in the Spanish peninsula.
**Content:**
# Peninsulares
 Governors Palace, 1898. Photo from Don Farrell's *The Sacrifice of Guam* collection.
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## Spanish colonial term
Two terms were used to differentiate the origin of the Spaniards residing In the 19th century colonial Philippines. A Spaniard born in Spain was referred to as a *peninsular*, meaning born in the Spanish peninsula. In contrast, a Spaniard born in the Philippines was referred to as an *insular* if in the Philippines, or a *Filipino* if in Spain. That difference had consequences in the colonial apparatus, clearly in favor of the *peninsulares* who enjoyed certain privileges and could be assigned to posts of higher responsibility.
Since the independence of the Americas in the first two decades of the 19th century, the Spanish government begun to distrust the *insulares* of her colonies, since they were the ones who, as a social class, commanded the independence processes. In the Philippines, revolts for independence such as the Noval uprising in the 1830s had *insulares* as protagonists.
The term *insular* can be found as a way of self-identification on the side of a particular person. In the Marianas, CHamoru-Spanish mestizos could refer to themselves in certain official documents as *español insular*, meaning “Spaniard born in the islands” or “son of the country.” In such cases, the term was probably used to reinforce their stand before the bureaucracy of the colonial government, which was always represented by *peninsulares.*
[***By Carlos Madrid***](https://www.guampedia.com/carlos-madrid/)
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Social Stratification, Spanish Era, Spanish Racial Hierarchy
**Tags:** Peninsulares
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### [Uritao: Bachelor](https://www.guampedia.com/uritao/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When Chamorro/CHamoru males reached puberty during ancient times, they were sent to live at the Guma’ Uritao, a house for bachelors. The bachelors would live at the Guma’ Uritao of their mother’s family. There were one or two Guma’ Uritao in every village.
**Content:**
# Uritao: Bachelor
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## Young bachelors
When CHamoru/Chamorro males reached puberty during ancient times, they were sent to live at the *Guma’ Uritao*, a house for bachelors. The bachelors would live at the *Guma’ Uritao* of their mother’s family. There were one or two *Guma’ Uritao* in every village.
There the young men would learn skills such as fishing, canoe making, navigation, tool construction and gain other knowledge necessary for his transition into manhood, and at the same time develop close ties with his cousins, uncles and nephews.
These young men were known as *Uritao* (also *Ulitao*), the young bachelors. A *Uritao* was distinguished from other males by the sticks they carried called *tunas* which were four or five feet long and had an eighteen inch tassel of *pokse* (a type of fiberous hybiscus) attached to the end. The bachelors also used a special language, *fino gualafon,* which was only understood by the youth.
The *Uritao* were much discussed in the Spanish Missionary early accounts because the missionaries disapproved of the bachelors’ having sex freely outside of marriage. Young unmarried women, called *Ma’ Uritao*, lived in the *Guma’ Uritao* to provide sexual experience for the young men. The *Uritao* presented the fathers of young women with gifts, usually hoops of iron, to compensate the family for the loss of a daughter’s labor for the time she was away from her family. The missionaries, however, viewed this as prostitution.
***By Brian Muna***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan MH Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Herman, RDK. “[Guam: Inarajan – Native Place: Village](http://www.pacificworlds.com/guam/native/native1.cfm).” *Pacific Worlds*, 2003.
*Hestorian Taotao Tano’: History of the Chamorro People.* The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordinating Commission, 1993.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Russell, Scott. *Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands*. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 1998.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Men's Roles, Our Heritage
**Tags:** Uritao: Bachelor
---
### [Ceramics](https://www.guampedia.com/ceramics/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Marianas archaeological studies indicate that, as a craft, an indigenous form of ceramics dates back to more than 3,000 years. Ancient Chamorros produced a variety of ceramic containers for practical domestic purposes such as serving and storing food and water, and for cooking.
**Content:**
# Ceramics
View more images for the Ceramics entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622353676217/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Ancient Chamorro Pottery
Marianas archaeological studies indicate that, as a craft, an indigenous form of ceramics dates back to more than 3,000 years. Ancient CHamorus/Chamorros produced a variety of ceramic containers for practical domestic purposes such as serving and storing food and water, and cooking. Chamorros used natural resources, specifically red clay, found in abundance on the island to make the essential containers. Potsherds, broken pieces of pottery found at archaeological sites, show similar ceramic designs were used amongst the peoples of the Mariana Islands, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia.
## Craft and design
Archaeological digs have unearthed numerous sherds that serve as testimony of the Chamorros’ ceramic production. The findings show two distinct categories of ceramics on Guam:[ Pre-Latte Period (AD 1 – AD 800) and Latte Period (AD 800 – AD 1521)](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/ancient-guam/). There are stylistic characteristics and formulaic variations that identify the two periods as distinct from one another. Prehistoric pottery from the Mariana Islands took on a basic form, but *åfok* (lime) impressions illustrate a creativity of design and patterns. A potter’s wheel was not used on Guam. Rather, the ceramic pieces were hand-built using the coiling technique, then smoothed with a paddle, and typically did not include handles. Surface ornamentation was applied with fingers, coconut husks, and impression tools. The clay pieces were most likely fired using the open-fire method in which the vessels were placed in the flames to harden.
Pre-Latte ceramics consisted of red clay mixed or tempered with white coral sand and water. The vessels from this period were often wide-mouthed, shallow with a flattened bottom, and most likely used to serve food. Pre-Latte pottery included both decorated and undecorated pieces. The vessels that are not decorated on the exterior are referred to as Marianas Red, due to the color of the clay. The decorated pottery included incised designs along the surface of the pots which were then filled with *åfok*. This category of Pre-Latte ceramics is referred to as Lime-filled Impressed Ware. The most common motifs consist of wave patterns, circles, rectilinear lines, punctuate infilling, lines, half circles, and chevrons.
During the Latte Period, red clay was mixed with dark volcanic sand and water. This provided a different profile and allows archaeologists to identify the time period simply by looking at the colors in a cross-section of the potsherd. Ceramic pieces from this time period were more simply decorated with surface textures along the rims, and were smaller than the Pre-Latte ware. Additionally, the bottoms were rounded or cone-shaped with smaller mouths, suggesting that they were used for cooking.
Potsherds have been found throughout the island, with the characteristic red interior and a black exterior, indicating that they were set above a fire and used for cooking purposes. During the late 17th century, pottery production ceased after the Spanish-Chamorro Wars. Imported ceramics were then used to store, cook, and serve food.
## Contemporary ceramics on Guam
Since the mid-1960s, the University of Guam has offered courses in the field of sculpture/ceramics. Art professors with a specialization in this area who have taught at the University of Guam include Walter Hannula (1960s), David Hall (1970s), Dale Collard (1970s), and Kathleen (Thielen) Montvel-Cohen (1976-late 1980s). Since 1989, Lewis Rifkowitz, a professor with the UOG Fine Arts Department, has provided instruction at the institution and continues to teach innovative and creative approaches to the production of ceramic works.
Contemporary ceramics production on Guam is fairly specialized and features artists who are more interested in producing works of art, with a focus on aesthetics and form in contrast to the ancient Chamorros who produced more functional pieces. There is an abundance of student and faculty interest in the art form, but they are faced with a lack of working resources, most importantly of which are kilns. A lack of financial support inhibits artists’ abilities to nurture their craft by obtaining kilns. Currently, there are only a few kilns on Guam, but there are countless variations of styles of pottery paralleling the ethnic diversity of the artists. The potters create for both function and design with a sensitivity to color and form. Each piece contains a slight twist of hand and a play on color.
Although Guam’s ceramic artists have gone abroad while others remain, their work is well-documented from past exhibitions of the UOG Isla Center for the Arts, including pieces from the “Art of the Pacific Rim: Works by Selected Artists from 2006 and the 2007 Art Faculty Biennial Exhibition.”
***By [Velma Yamashita](https://www.guampedia.com/velma-jean-yamashita/ "Velma Jean Yamashita") and [Nathalie Pereda](https://www.guampedia.com/nathalie-pereda/ "Nathalie Pereda")***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
Dickinson, William R., Brian M. Butler, Darlene R. Moore, and Marilyn Swift. “Geologic Sources and Geographic Distribution of Sand Tempers in Prehistoric Potsherds from the Mariana Islands.” *Geoarchaeology: An International Journal* 16, no. 8 (2001): 827-854.
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Hunter-Anderson, Rosalind L., Gillian B. Thompson, and Darlene R. Moore. “Rice As a Prehistoric Valuable in the Mariana Islands, Micronesia.” *Asian Perspectives* 34, no. 1 (Spring 1995): 69-89. http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/17059/1/AP-v34n1-69-89.pdf
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
Moore, Darlene R. “Measuring Change in Marianas Pottery: The Sequence of Pottery Production at Tarague, Guam.” MA thesis, University of Guam, 1983.
Schuetz, Mardith K. *The Archaeology of the Governor’s Palace: Plaza de Espana, Agana, Guam*. Mangilao: University of Guam Richard F. Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, 2007.
*University of Guam*. “Isla Center for the Arts, University of Guam.” 11 February 2023. https://www.uog.edu/isla-center-for-the-arts/
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises
**Tags:** Ceramics
---
### [Ma Uritao](https://www.guampedia.com/ma-uritao/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ma uritao, an ancient CHamoru term used before Christianity was introduced to the CHamoru people, describes young unmarried women who resided at the Guma’ uritao (bachelor’s house) to sexually train young men as a part of their education to become men.
**Content:**
# Ma Uritao
 *Ma uritao*, Ancient Chamorros illustrated by JA Pellion from Freycinet’s Voyage Autour de Monde, Paris, 1824. Courtesy of the Guam Public Library System.
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## Young women who trained young men
*Ma uritao*, an ancient CHamoru/Chamorro term used before Christianity was introduced to the Chamorro/CHamoru people, describes young unmarried women who resided at the [*guma’ uritao*](https://www.guampedia.com/guma-uritao/) (bachelors’ house) to sexually train young men as a part of their education to become men.
Prior to the 16th century European arrival, CHamoru society was organized into clan settlements. Clans were formed based on familial bonds and obligations on the woman’s family and were a significant source of moral, material, and financial support.
Clans had a few main gathering places, one of which was *guma’ uritao* or the male bachelor house. At puberty, unmarried CHamoru males would leave their mother’s home and live at the *guma’ uritao*. In this setting, *uritaos* (bachelors) learned the life-skills and knowledge of their male elders, such as canoe-making, house-building, sailing, fishing, hunting, farming, and fighting. All of these skills were necessary to sustain the health of the clan.
*Ma uritao* were unmarried young women in a clan, who were chosen to serve an integral role in the cultivation of *uritaos* for another clan’s *guma’ uritao*. Since ancient CHamoru society valued children, *ma uritaos* who got pregnant were equally valued for marriage purposes rather than women who didn’t serve as *ma uritao*. This social practice also increased *ma uritao’s* parents’ social status and resources as well as her chances of a having good marriage.
## Demise of Guma Uritao
From the 17th century, Catholic evangelization lead by Spanish Jesuit missionaries and accompanied by military soldiers for protection, was the beginning of the end of many ancient CHamoru institutions. It was in this century that effective expansion and impact of the Catholic worldview on CHamoru society were assured by the Spanish military.
What was once an ancient social institution–necessary to maintain CHamoru social life and survival–*guma’ uritao* were subjected to Christian moral scrutiny including *ma uritao*. Deemed a moral aberration that encouraged sexual promiscuity, the demise of *guma’ uritao* and the *ma uritao* from the CHamoru social landscape were replaced by the Spanish missions which would become the social centers of a Christianized people.
***[By Antonio Salas, MA](https://www.guampedia.com/antonio-salas/ "Antonio Salas")***
## For further reading
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Society*. Honolulu: Bess Press, 1992.
García, Francisco. *The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis de San Vitores, S.J*. Translated by Margaret M. Higgins, Felicia Plaza, and Juan M.H. Ledesma. Edited by James A. McDonough. MARC Monograph Series 3. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 2004.
Hattori, Anne Perez. *Colonial Dis-ease: U.S. Navy Health Policies and the Chamorros of Guam, 1898-1941*. Pacific Islands Monograph Series 19. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 2004.
Herman, RDK. “[Guam: Inarajan – Native Place: Village](http://www.pacificworlds.com/guam/native/native1.cfm).” *Pacific Worlds*, 2003.
Jorgensen, Marilyn A. *Guam’s Patroness: Santa Marian Kamalen*. N.p., 1994.
Lévesque, Rodrigue. *History of Micronesia: A Collection of Source Documents.* Vol. 20, Bibliography of Micronesia, Ships through Micronesia, Cumulative Index. Québec: Lévesque Publications, 2002.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Gender Roles, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Women's Roles
**Tags:** Ma Uritao
---
### [Contemporary Tattoo](https://www.guampedia.com/contemporary-tattoo/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Tattooing is an art with more visible modern roots than other practices on Guam. Although tattooing is well-documented in other Micronesian cultures including Yap, Palau and the Marshall Islands there is little to no evidence that Chamorros of the Marianas adorned themselves with this type of permanent body art.
**Content:**
# Contemporary Tattoo
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## Symbolic tattooing
Tattooing is an art with more visible modern roots than other practices in Guam. Although tattooing is well-documented in other Micronesian cultures including Yap, Palau, and the Marshall Islands, there is little to no evidence that CHamorus/Chamorros of the Marianas adorned themselves with this type of permanent body art. There has been some research done regarding the possibility of Chamorros having tattoos, but no conclusive evidence.
Local “traditional” tattoo artist [Maria Yatar McDonald](https://www.guampedia.com/maria-yatar-mcdonald/ "Maria Yatar McDonald") conducted research on the question of tattoo in the Mariana Islands by traveling throughout Micronesia to study indigenous tattoo designs. McDonald made connections that she believes link the Marianas with tattoo designs found in Micronesia.
Although written accounts of first contact do not describe any body tattoos on Chamorros of that period, the existence of tattoo in other parts of Micronesia, she believes, indicates that Chamorros may have had tattoos at some time in the past. McDonald has created Chamorro tattoo designs which have specific meaning for the wearer, based on his or her family history.
Tattooing is now a modern art that has been influenced by Guam’s physical geography and the diversity of the island’s population. Before the mid-1990s, most local residents typically received “home-made” tattoos. The few tattooing shops on island before that time were frequented primarily by visitors and military personnel.
Since the late 1990s, the demand for professional tattoos has grown significantly in Guam. The demand began when a few small shops started completing larger pieces of individualized artwork instead of small, pre-fabricated tattoos. These large pieces have become common on the island and are typically full of icons, symbolism, and a personal story relating to their bearer.
## Influence of Pacific traditions
McDonald is one of the most influential tattoo artists on Guam. She stayed in the outer islands of Yap and Palau for months at a time in the 1980s to study tattooing as a Micronesia art form. She drew sketches of the elders of the islands and their tattoos in order to help create a book, *Micronesian Traditional Iconography,* after her stay with a chief on an outer island who taught her how to use traditional, large-needle tattooing techniques.
McDonald found that the common thread connecting the art of tattooing in Micronesia is that tattoos have symbolic meanings for the person wearing the art. Tattoos were always used as a symbolic gesture, a display of love or even a reminder of a respected story or elder who passed away.
Typical Pacific images include repetitive graphics, or very basic line drawings, of birds, fish, waves, dolphins, shark teeth, and other items commonly found in the Pacific. These natural objects are traditionally depicted in very linear formats because of the tools that were used.
Many traditional tattoo artists used a basic tool with a simple handle equipped with a set of needles. Some methods of tattoo involve scraping away areas of skin while others simply rely on traditional needle piercing methods. Traditional tattooing tools are made of bone, wood, or other natural materials.
## Diversity in art
Traditional Micronesian tattoos are often seen in Guam. Chamorros, non-Chamorros, and other Micronesians who have moved to Guam from other islands have tattoos featuring the traditional icons.
But more commonly, people who live in Guam are not using traditional Micronesian designs. Many Chamorros have homemade tattoos of black dots (typically on the hand or knuckles), thick lines, basic figures, or names. These tattoos can be executed with several different methods including a modified guitar string connected to a small motor that moves the needle of the string up and down.
Homemade tattoos were popular during the mid-20th century in Guam when tattoo shops used mostly pre-fabricated drawings for military personnel and visitors. One of the first tattoo shops on Guam was Low Tide Tattoo, opened in April 1981, and owned by U.S. Air Force Seargent Jim Bazter. JD’s Tattoos was second, opening in 1996. Both of these shops employed local artists who had been trained in professional tattooing methods.
During the late 1990s, tattoo shops began to specialize in large, personalized pieces that were similar to storyboards on skin. Storyboards, which originated in Palau, are boards carved with legends on them. These large “story” pieces became popular among various groups in Guam including the Mixed Martial Arts groups, and are typically on the upper part of the body.
The large drawings typically include traditional icons such as dolphins, sharks, tigers, dragons, [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)(a stone pillar with a capstone from pre-historic times found only in the Marianas) representing family and structure and other animals that symbolize people or times in a person’s life. Many Mixed Martial Arts groups or fighters also incorporate their logos or flames into their pieces.
As tattooing has grown in popularity, it is also increasingly seen on women in Guam in recent years. Typically, female tattoos are smaller pieces of body art in comparison to the full, body-encompassing tattoos often seen in men.
In 2008, Guam had 10 professional tattoo shops that featured a variety of artwork. The island sustains these shops because tattooing continues to increase in popularity. It is estimated that seven out of every 10 adults in Guam have at least one tattoo.
***[By Tammy Jo Anderson-Taft](https://www.guampedia.com/tammy-jo-anderson/ "Tammy Jo Anderson-Taft")***
## For further reading
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery.* Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
Fujikawa, Shauna. “[HOPE 4 PAIN TATTOOS GUAM](https://hope4paintattoos.com/home.html).” Last modified 11 December 2024.
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women.* Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
Thomas, Nicholas, Anna Cole, and Bronwen Douglas, eds. *Tattoo: Bodies, Art and Exchange in the Pacific and the West.* Durham: Duke University Press, 2005.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Contemporary Tattoo
---
### [Inafa'maolek: Striving for Harmony](https://www.guampedia.com/inafamaolek/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Interpretive essay: Striving for harmony is the foundation to CHamoru culture. The phrase inafa' maolek (pronounced e-na-fah mao-lek) describes the CHamoru concept of restoring harmony or order. The literal translation is ‘to make’ (inafa’) ‘good’ (maolek).
**Content:**
# Inafa'maolek: Striving for Harmony
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## Interpretive essay: Striving for harmony is the foundation of CHamoru culture
The phrase *inafa’maolek* (pronounced e-na-FAH mao-lek) describes the CHamoru/Chamorro concept of restoring harmony or order. The literal translation is “to make good.” Here, there is the assumption that there was once a state or condition that was somehow altered, perhaps by an act of commission or omission, that must be restored to its original state or condition. Dr. Robert A. Underwood first wrote about six traditional values that make up *inafa’maolek* in the late 1970s. Other CHamoru scholars have examined the concept as well.
Dr. Katherine Aguon explained that the concept of *inafa’maolek* is the foundation of the CHamoru culture. Dr. Aguon elaborates it is this concept of restoring harmony that espouses the six CHamoru traditional values of:
1. *Respetu* – the provision of respect afforded to our elderly and other significant individuals within the family and community
2. [*Manginge’*](https://www.guampedia.com/nginge/) – an expression of respect given to elders and persons of authority; likened to a kiss, this expression of reverence is displayed by the motion of a slight touch of the nose to be back part of a person’s right hand
3. [*Mamåhlao*](https://www.guampedia.com/mamahlao-shame/) – to be shamefaced, embarrassed, or ashamed
4. [*Chenchule’* ](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)– present (money) donation, thing that is given away, gift not specifically associated with any particular even.
5. [*Che’lu*](https://www.guampedia.com/chelumanelu-siblings/) – relationships with siblings
6. *Påtgon* – children are valued and raising them is everyone’s responsibility
Dr. Lawrence Cunningham, another scholar, views *inafa’maolek* as a key or central value of the CHamoru people, stating that it depends on a spirit of cooperation. He believes that this concept is the core from which everything in the CHamoru culture revolves. Cunningham notes the concept of *inafa’maolek* is a powerful concern for mutuality rather than individualism. He emphasizes the significance of the social context in which this concept is practiced, specifically that it is practiced by the community and is not limited to the nuclear family setting.
Here is another viewpoint from which *inafa’maolek* can be understood: Focus on the social support system adds further detail to the practice “to make things right.” Reciprocity among CHamoru families and their networks of social support can be viewed as a method of providing their membership with prescribed avenues of social interaction. Here, both kin and kith, relations and friends, function as a social network by with members engage in social exchange and effectuate a sense of social support.
*Inafa’maolek* is described in the context of reciprocity. Specifically, reciprocation can be accomplished with the provision of food, material goods, money, and labor. Overall, reciprocation does not occur immediately and is undertaken over the course of several events constituting a form of incremental payment.
It is understood that reciprocation of a lesser amount received translates into a continued indebtedness. To reciprocate with a larger amount than what was received not only constitutes complete payback, but also creates an indebtedness of the receiver to the donor. What remains critical in the provision, acceptance, and reimbursement of support is the maintenance of positive relationships, a condition termed *inafa’maolek*.
Modern day reference to the phrase *inafa’maolek* is now sometimes associated with a group of (young) adults who promote conflict resolution. Founded in 1994, the organization – Inafa’ Maolek, founded by Patrick Wolfe, has been the lone voice on Guam for restorative justice. Here, the concept remains intact with a new venue for restoring order.
***By Lilli Perez-Iyechad, PhD***
## For further reading
Chiang, Lan-Hung Nora, John Lidstone, and Rebecca Stephenson, eds. *The Challenges of Globalization: Cultures in Transition in the Pacific-Asia Region.* Lanham: University Press of America, 2004.
Cunningham, Lawrence J. *Ancient Chamorro Kinship Organization*. Agat: L. Joseph Press, 1984.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. “Death: The Expression of Grief.” In *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam.* Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Concepts and Beliefs, Historic Eras of Guam, Indigenous Lenses, Interpretive Essays, Our Heritage, Value Systems
**Tags:** Inafa'maolek: Striving for Harmony
---
### [Painting](https://www.guampedia.com/painting/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The work of some of Guam’s contemporary painters can be found right off the tarmac as travelers arriving or departing through the AB Won Pat International Airport will discover what is probably one of the largest collections of paintings produced by some of the island’s most established artists.
**Content:**
# Painting
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## Two-dimensional artists
The work of some of Guam’s contemporary painters can be found right off the tarmac as travelers arriving or departing through the AB Won Pat International Airport will discover what is probably one of the largest collections of paintings, produced by some of the island’s most established artists.
## Artists of the 1980s and 1990s
During Guam’s economic boom of the late 1980s and early 1990s, artists came and went, but a few emerged and left their mark throughout the island. Painter Sal Bidaure’s massive two-story mural, commissioned by the Bank of Hawaii, continues to strike awe with its audience in the lobby of the financial institution’s main[ Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) branch.
Bidaure, who is no stranger to commissioned work, has numerous large scale paintings highly reminiscent of Mexico’s master muralist Diego Rivera, that still grace the lobbies of several prominent hotels and resorts throughout the island. One of his most popular works span approximately 70 feet of concrete retaining wall near the Guam Hilton in Guam’s tourist district of [Tomhom (Tumon)](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
## Creative art venues
Most people would be hard-pressed to find major art venues in which to view the local arts, but Guam’s airport is a great repository of culture in the form of monumental-sized works. Art work on permanent display throughout the departure and arrival gates were created by Guam’s most well known artists.
Of the airport group, a few of the more established artists still practicing their craft on island include [Adriano Pangelinan](https://www.guampedia.com/adriano-pangelinan/), [Jose Babauta](https://www.guampedia.com/jose-j-babauta/), Jeff Skvaril, David Sablan, and [Greg Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/greg-b-flores/). Other unique two-dimensional installations at the airport from artists off-island include Carrie Brewster, and a pair of large murals by Edward Crisostomo and internationally known marine artist John Wyland.
Without the existence of a Guam museum or permanent public art gallery at this point, local artists have found creative means in which to showcase their work. Local galleries are very few in number. For this reason, locations in which to find major exhibitions of contemporary painting vary from restaurants, showrooms in car dealerships, hotel lobbies, banking institutions, local cafes, and the University of Guam atrium.
## Artists of the 1970s and early 1980s
During the 1970s and early 1980s, one of the island’s foremost art critics, and an established artist in his own right, was the late Marvin “Monty” Montvel-Cohen. Through his writings and association with the University of Guam, Montvel-Cohen paved the way for many self-taught contemporary painters and emerging artists alike returning from abroad after receiving a westernized style of art training. Many contemporary Pacific Island artists gained exposure and popularity from his published art reviews in the Pacific Daily News.
Artists such as Adriano Pangelinan carried on Montvel-Cohen’s stylistic tendencies through his Fauve-like color scheme, intermingled with rich imagery depicting the island’s cultural traditions.
Other frontrunners during this prolific period included David Sablan, Jon Medina, Jose Babauta, [Ron Castro](https://www.guampedia.com/ron-castro/), Arman Germar, and batik painter [Judy Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/judy-selk-flores/), who early on were some of Guam’s most sought after artists.
## Contemporary progressive styles
Around this time, four other Pacific Island artists with contemporary progressive styles emerged. [Mark Dell’Isola](https://www.guampedia.com/mark-dellisola/), Vivian Chargulaf, [Monica Baza](https://www.guampedia.com/monica-d-baza/), and Ric R. Castro had full-scale exhibitions of their works that can be described as bio-morphic, non-objective, and abstract expressionist in style, giving island audiences new experiences that they were not used to see coming from CHamoru/Chamorro artists.
Traditional nostalgic images of representational work and modern abstract painting are now seen side-by-side, and both would convey a sense of the island culture.
One of the broadest collections of modern works can be found at the University of Guam’s business college. Here one will find canvas paintings that fill the skylight atrium with some of the islands top artists with several triptychs spanning 22 feet in length, such as Ric Castro’s trompel’oeil scene of Guam’s economic history from ancient Chamorro society to Spanish era to post-WWII, painted to appear like a giant carved storyboard. Robert Sajnovsky’s fascinating silkscreen box installation also discombobulates the viewer by creating an ambiguity of colored layers that merge as one.
Two contemporary painters, Jeff Skvaril and Ron Castro, have large canvases displayed in the main lobby of First Hawaiian Bank in [Maite’](https://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-toto-maite/). Both artists depict the human element in figurative works performing various tasks such as fishing and weaving, but it is Skvaril’s work that attempts to abstract his figures into faceless, simplistic forms using a modernist approach that borders on Cubism.
One of the most enduring collections of paintings is by self-taught artist David Sablan. A collection of his work is hung in, of all places, a McDonald’s fast food restaurant in Harmon. Medium-sized gems that are barely noticeable at first are framed in heavy, dark mahogany with images that illustrate the day-to-day life of ancient Chamorro society. Sablan paints with precision that resembles a cross between primitive outsider art and one who’s mastered the skill of modeling the forms with a photo real surface quality.
Another consistent supporter of the local arts community is the Hilton Guam Resort and Spa. Aside from having occasional rotating exhibits, audiences will discover a permanent display of colorful acrylic paintings occupying the Tumon hotel’s Marianas Ballroom by Guam’s own Jeff Harris, who is now a renowned cartoonist, syndicated by Gannett newspapers across the U.S. mainland.
Other unconventional venues in which to discover outstanding collections of contemporary painting done by locals can be found in another Tumon hotel, the Pacific Island Club’s lobby, the Internet Business Center, and the Shell headquarters skylight atrium located near Guam’s Greyhound Racetrack in Tamuning. Bank of Guam’s main branch lobby in Hagåtña and the Garden Villa Hotel in Tumon also showcase Guam’s contemporary artists.
***[By Ric R. Castro, MFA](https://www.guampedia.com/ric-r-castro/ "Ric R. Castro")*** Associate Professor of Art, University of Guam
## For further reading
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
*Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Council.* “[OFFICIAL WEBSITE | Guam CAHA](https://www.guamcaha.org/).”
*Isla Center for the Arts*. “[Isla Center for the Arts | University of Guam](https://www.uog.edu/isla-center-for-the-arts/).”
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam
**Tags:** Painting
---
### [Photography](https://www.guampedia.com/photography/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Photography as an art form is relatively new on Guam. There have been visiting photographers on Guam since the early 1900s. However, the evolution of photography as a form of artistic expression of the island residents has only happened within the last half a century.
**Content:**
# Photography
View more images for the Photography entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157696417247131/).
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## Began in the 20th century
Photography as an art form is relatively new in Guam. There have been visiting photographers in Guam since the early 1900s. However, the evolution of photography as a form of artistic expression of the island residents has only happened within the last half-century.
## Used to document CHamoru life
Travelers who visited Guam, along with the military, used photography to document CHamoru/Chamorro life. Helen Paul, a US Navy officer’s wife and a schoolteacher in Guam in the early 1900s, was one of the earliest known persons to document early CHamoru life and Guam.
In July 1927, the father of the religion of Scientology L. Ron Hubbard lived in Guam as a military dependent. At the age of 16, Hubbard learned photographic techniques from Thomas Mayhew, a photographer living in Guam, and started a lifelong interest in photography. In May 2007, the L. Ron Hubbard Foundation exhibited his work from that time, including portraits of CHamorus and images of the villages of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and [Tumon](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
L. Ron Hubbard continued to pursue his career as a professional photographer and journalist throughout his life. He would later become famous for his science-fiction writings and for founding Scientology, partly based on his experiences in Guam.
US Navy combat photographers and personnel kept archives of black and white photography taken in Guam of the CHamoru people, some of which are displayed in public buildings and used in history books. However, pre-World War II family photos and portraits are rare due to poor storage conditions caused by Guam’s humid climate and typhoons. Many photographs, along with other family mementos, were also destroyed during the ravages of [WWII](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
In 1944, visiting renown photographer Horace Bristol came to Guam and photographed scenes of daily life of Guam, after CHamorus experienced 31 months of Japanese occupation during WWII, and tried to piece together their lives and homes during the [post-war](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) recovery period.
Bristol was a *Life* magazine photographer known for his photos of migrant workers during the Great Depression. He then became a US Navy photographer during WWII, and after the war, freelance assignments brought him back to the Pacific and Asia. In 2004, the Guam Humanities Council presented “Guam 1944: The Photography of Horace Bristol” exhibit which included 24 vintage photographs showcasing the people and scenes during the recovery after the war.
## Guam notable photographers
Joseph Delgado, considered to be the father of Guam photography, is a retired portrait and commercial photographer. He was the first known formally-trained Guam photographer. He studied at the Brooks Institute of Photography in Santa Barbara, CA from 1957-1960 while on the GI Bill after serving as an US Air Force reconnaissance photographer. He operated Delgado’s Studio in Hagåtña for 35 years.
Several other prominent photographers worked for Delgado including Phil Noble, Julian Ereno, and Eduardo Siguenza. Two of Delgado’s career highlights were photographing the inauguration of [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/) in 1975 and later Catholic Pope John Paul II during his [1981 visit to Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/pope-john-paul-iis-historic-visit-to-guam/).
In news photography, Jerry Alvarez of [Sånta Rita-Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-rita/) worked at the *Guam Daily News* in the 1960s documenting daily news events.
During the 1970s, a new demand for photography in the tourism industry provided opportunities for local photographers. Notable photographers of the 1970s included Mitchell Warner, Manuel Perez, and Eduardo Siguenza.
Warner arrived in Guam in 1968, and through the lens of his camera began the documentation of Guam and Micronesia. For more than 40 years, Warner produced a library of more than 50,000 images taken on land, in the air, and underwater. As a freelance photographer, he has mastered aerial, underwater, product, and large format photography. He has been chosen by the many clients of the Guam Percentage for the Arts Committee to provide Photo Art Decor for public places such as the Superior Court of Guam, the CHamoru Village—both in the island’s capital of Hagåtña—and Guam hotels.
Tim Rock started his career as a television news photojournalist in 1972, working mainly for WOWT-TV in Omaha, Nebraska. A lover of the sea, he traveled often to the Yucatan and the Bahamas. In 1976, Tim Rock established his company Marine Images, a photography, motion picture, and stock photo agency, and worked to produce underwater and travel imagery. Along with a couple of *National Geographic* staffers, he was one of the first contracted underwater photographers for *Animals, Animals,* a now well-established agency New York based agency. His first written diving article was published in the magazine *Skin Diver* in 1980. His love for diving and the marine world led him to look for work in the Pacific.
Rock came to Guam as the chief photographer for Guam Cable TV News in September 1981. He worked as photo chief, reporter, and weekend sports anchor. In 1985, he took over as editor of the *Pacific Sunday News* magazine, *Islander*, a position he held for a decade. During this time, he self-published the first diving guide book to Guam and Micronesia. Four updated volumes of that book were printed over a the years. He also started the magazine *Pacific Below* with Richard Biolchino and Stefanie Brendl in 1995. Rock has since produced the TV Series *Aquaquest Micronesia*, authored more than a dozen *Lonely Planet* diving guides, and has his own web-based book store offering over 30 of his print books on diving and travel. He is considered a premier underwater photographer in Guam and is published worldwide.
Manuel Perez started the photo department of the *Pacific Daily News* where he worked from 1971 to 1997. In 1991, Perez won the Guam Press Club award for lifetime achievement. His good friend Eduardo Siguenza also worked as a photojournalist at the now defunct newspaper *Guam Tribune* in 1979, and later as a freelancer for *Reuters*. Siguenza also worked for Guam Governor Carlos Camacho as his official photographer. Siguenza, along with brothers Manny and Edwin Crisostomo, credits Perez as his mentor.
The Crisostomo brothers Herman, Manny, and Ed, all photographers, have had a great influence on Guam photography as an art.
[Herman Crisostomo](https://www.guampedia.com/herman-crisostomo/) is a commercial photographer and cinematographer. He specializes in fashion and glamour work in print and television advertising. Herman Crisostomo is known for photographing beautiful women with impeccable lighting, and is the only Guam photographer with a Masters of Fine Arts degree.
[Manny Crisostomo](https://www.guampedia.com/manny-crisostomo/) is a multimedia photojournalist at the *Sacramento Bee* newspaper. An extensive list of awards is highlighted by his being awarded the 1989 Pulitzer Prize for feature photography for a 12-page article “A Class Act: The Life and Times of Southwestern High School” while working as a photojournalist at the *Detroit Free Press*. In 1991, he took a sabbatical and returned to Guam to document the island and the CHamoru people in a coffee-table book of black and white images *Legacy of Guam: I Kustumbren Chamoru.*
Manny Crisostomo published *Latte Magazine* in Guam from April 1995 to August 2000, and operated the Manny Crisostomo Gallery at Guam Premier Outlets in Tamuning where he displayed and sold his work, as well as those of other Guam artists. During this time, he also published a book of aerial photographs *Guam from the Heavens.*
Ed Crisostomo, also an award winning photojournalist who currently works in Riverside County, California at the *Press Enterprise* newspaper, has an art photo installation hanging at the AB Won Pat Guam International Airport Authority in the check-in area. The installation is a collage of multimedia prints of historical photos, documents, paintings and portraits.
A former photo assistant of the Crisostomo brothers, Victor Consaga became one of Guam’s leading art photographers beginning with his exhibit in 1998 titled “Historical Perspective.” The show, supported by a National Endowment of the Arts grant through the Guam Council of Arts and Humanities Agency, featured cultural imagery of Guam in the form of black and white infrared hand-colored prints. The subjects of the images were local models wearing [Spanish Period](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) clothing at historic sites on Guam. Cultural icons such as the [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)(stone pillars with capstones) and pictographs were also shown using this technique. The resulting images have been printed as a poster series promoting the preservation of CHamoru culture and Guam’s environment. Consaga and fellow photographer J.R. Manuel teamed up while producing the coffee table book *Portrait of Guam, U.S.A.*, released in July 2008.
Former US Navy photographer John “Ike” Eichensehr was an influence in the fashion and glamour photography scene during the late 1990s. He produced several calendars of beautiful women, two of which were black and white nude photos and portraits, usually in an island setting such as a beach or waterfall, but sometimes in his studio. He then moved to Hong Kong where he is now a well-published editorial and commercial fashion photographer. His recent book *Oriental Eye*, published in 2007, features several black and white photos of Guam models along with Hong Kong celebrities and Asian models.
## Digital photography
With the emergence of digital photography technology in the 1990s and almost total acceptance in the new millennium, a new group of photographers have become players in Guam’s art photography market. Many of the new photographers are former graphic artists with computer skills such as Steve Hardy, J.R. Manuel, and Josie Moyer.
The more experienced photographers such as Herman Crisostomo, David Castro, Roel Santiago, Grant Paul, and Norman Taruc have brought their lighting skills and art direction to enhance their art while using the new technologies such as Adobe Photoshop software and digital SLR cameras. Inkjet and dye sublimation printing has replaced the black and white darkroom.
[***By Victor Consaga III***](https://www.guampedia.com/victor-consaga/ "Victor Consaga")
## For further reading
Crisostomo, Manny. *Guam from the Heavens.* Tamuning: Manny Crisostomo Publications, Inc., 1998.
–––. *Legacy of Guam: I Kustumbren Chamoru*. Hagåtña: Legacy Publications, 1991.
Flickr- Photo Sharing. “[Guam Flickr Groups](https://www.flickr.com/search/groups/?q=Guam).”
Palomo, Tony, ed. *Portrait of Guam, U.S.A*. Hagåtña: Guahan Resources Unlimited, 2008.
Rock, Tim. “[Double Blue Photography](http://timrock.photoshelter.com/#!/index).”
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, Photography, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Photography
---
### [Printmaking](https://www.guampedia.com/printmaking/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Many private print collections on Guam center around authentic Japanese woodblocks including a sizable patronage of French artist Paul Jacoulet. Jacoulet worked out of Japan with master woodblock carver, Kazuo Yamagishi, in the early 1930s and created a body of work based on Pacific cultures, Korea and Japan. Some of his subject matters were Pacific island natives of Micronesia, which provided an affinity with many local collectors on Guam.
**Content:**
# Printmaking
View more images for the Printmaking entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622498294740/).
#### Table of Contents
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## Isla collection
Many private print collections in Guam center around authentic Japanese woodblocks including a sizable patronage of French artist Paul Jacoulet. Jacoulet worked out of Japan with master woodblock carver Kazuo Yamagishi in the early 1930s, and created a body of work based on Pacific cultures, Korea, and Japan. Some of his subject matters were Pacific Island natives of Micronesia, which provided an affinity with many local collectors in Guam.
One of the most important public collections by far is held in the archives of the Isla Center for the Arts, located on the University of Guam campus in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/). The gallery has prints acquired from private donations and re-strikes from the original plates including etchings by Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rij and William Hogarth, woodcuts by Albrecht Durer and A. Malloil, engravings by William Blake, a lithograph by Honoré Daumier, and a substantial body of aquatint prints by Spanish master painter Francisco Goya, with a complete suite of Los Caprichos.
## Art form in its infancy
Contemporary printmaking in Guam is virtually in its infancy when it comes to local artists who consider it their primary medium of choice. Only a handful of artists are known for works on paper. Many of these artists, though their prints are in private Guam collections, no longer reside on island.
Some of Guam’s first printmakers came out of the University of Guam which introduced lithography, silkscreen, woodcut, and intaglio to students and local artists alike. In the early 1970s, the University of Guam art faculty included Joe Kagle, Keith Gum, and Robert Sajnovsky. In contrast to their personal forte of painting and sculpture, each contributed to exposing the community to some of the earliest exhibits that established prints as an exclusive medium in and of itself. Another artist Apolinar “Gabby” Medina, fresh from Parsons School of Design, returned to the island to show exquisite and highly detailed intaglio prints.
Intaglio is a family of printmaking techniques in which the image is cut into a surface or plate. Normally, copper or zinc plates are used. To print an intaglio plate, ink is applied to the surface and then rubbed with tarlatan cloth to remove the excess ink. The final smooth wipe is often done with newspaper, leaving ink only in the incisions. A damp piece of paper is placed on top and the plate and paper is run through a printing press that, through pressure, transfers the ink from the recesses of the plate to the paper.
Today, the university continues to encourage the discipline of printmaking in all aspects to local art students through University of Guam Associate Professor [Ric Castro](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-ric-castro/ "Richard “Ric” Castro"), a painter who also produces works in the woodcut, intaglio, and mono-type mediums, and Phil Noble, a photography instructor at the university who also teaches intaglio printmaking. On his own, Noble has been able to merge traditional printmaking with modern digital imaging, and continues to experiment by superimposing a combination of computer techniques that include photography, digital graphics, and found imagery.
Although new crops of printmakers continue to emerge from on- and off-island, many artists have not gravitated to the discipline full-time. One local artist who has been able to make the transition successfully is [Monica Baza](https://www.guampedia.com/monica-d-baza/ "Monica D. Baza") who–ironically, may be considered more of an image-maker–established a following of collectors for her relief block prints, while also remaining a prolific painter.
Baza’s woodcuts and linoleum prints capture the succinct sensibilities of island life and culture. Her graphic uses of pattern accentuate larger compositions that present a dialogue of mythological legends and stories. These images also take inspiration from the island’s cultural icons such as the [*latte* ](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/)(monolithic stone structures composed of a pillar and capstone) and other symbolic references Baza has adopted into her own unique visual vocabulary.
***[By Ric R. Castro, MFA](https://www.guampedia.com/richard-ric-castro/ "Richard “Ric” Castro")*** Associate Professor of Art, University of Guam
## For further reading
Feldman, Jerome, and Donald H. Rubinstein. *The Art of Micronesia: The University of Hawaii Art Gallery*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Department of Art and Partners, 1986.
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
–––. “Paul Jacoulet’s Vision of Micronesia (review).” *The Contemporary Pacific* 20, no 2 (Fall 2008): 513-516.
Kihleng, Kimberlee S., and Nancy P. Pacheco, eds. *Art and Culture of Micronesian Women*. Mangilao: Isla Center for the Arts and Women & Gender Studies Program, University of Guam, 2000.
Spennemann, Dirk H.R., ed. “[Paul Jacoulet: List of Prints](http://marshall.csu.edu.au/Marshalls/html/art/Jacoulet_printlist.html).” *Digital Micronesia–Marshall Islands–An Electronic Library and Archive*, 2005.
*University of Guam*. “[Isla Center for the Arts](https://www.uog.edu/isla-center-for-the-arts/).”
**Categories:** Art, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Art, Contemporary Guam Era, Creative Expressions, Historic Eras of Guam, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Printmaking
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### [Matatnga: Fearless](https://www.guampedia.com/matatnga/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Matatnga is defined as “strong personality or fearless.” Chief Hurao, a CHamoru leader during the Spanish-CHamoru wars in the late 1600s, was the living embodiment of the word.
**Content:**
# Matatnga: Fearless
 Rendering of Hurao, 1671 by Jose "Malet" Garrido
#### Table of Contents
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## Homage to Chief Hurao
*Matatnga* is defined as “strong personality or fearless.” Chief [Hurao](https://www.guampedia.com/chiefs-hurao/ "Hurao"), a CHamoru/Chamorro leader during the Spanish-Chamorro wars in the late 1600s, was the living embodiment of the word. *Matatnga* is a specific form of courage. Someone who is *matatnga* stands up for himself or herself with a certain fierce determination.
Examples of *matatnga* can be seen today. Despite the socio-cultural upheaval in the Marianas due to colonialism, Thomas McGrath argues that:
> Throughout these years of change, a persistent substratum remained with some modifications focusing on food sharing, language, kinship, politics, patriotism, and reverence for the dead.
The concept of *matatnga* is an important aspect of these persistent Chamorro core values. Across the turbulent course of three centuries of antagonistic interaction with Western powers, Chamorros have never lost a characteristic fundamental to them, that of being *matatnga*.
Chief Hurao is an appropriate symbol of *matatnga* because of his role as a leader, fighting for the Chamorro way of life. Chief Hurao survived the first two battles of 1671, the first as a prisoner of the Spanish, the second as the leader of a 13-day siege. He lived to fight again that same year and then died in battle. He fought against oppressors who threatened several freedoms: cultural, religious, and political.
***By Vincent P. Diego, PhD***
## For further reading
McGrath, Thomas B. “Change and Persistence Among the People of Guam.” *Journal de la Société des Océanistes* 40, no. 79 (1984): 257-264.
Perez-Howard, C. “Thoughts and Confession of a Chamorro Advocate.” *Hale’-ta- Hinasso’; Tinige’ Put Chamorro: Insights; The Chamorro Perspective*. Hagåtña: Political Status Education Coordination Commission, 1993.
Sellman, James D. “Chamoru Social-Moral Philosophy.” *Asian Culture* 22, no. 5 (1994): 23-31.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Practices, Value Systems
**Tags:** Matatnga: Fearless
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### [Karabao: Water Buffalo](https://www.guampedia.com/karabao-water-buffalo/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Karabao or carabao are water buffalo introduced to Guam from the Philippines during the Spanish occupation (1668 – 1898) for farming. In and since colonial times, the picture of this animal pulling a two-wheeled cart has evolved into one of the most vivid visual images of the collective social imagination of the CHamorus that recalls that era.
**Content:**
# Karabao: Water Buffalo
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## Carabao
*Karabao* or carabao are water buffalo introduced to Guam from the Philippines during the [Spanish occupation](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/spanish-era-of-guam/) (1668 – 1898) for farming. In and since colonial times, the picture of this animal pulling a two-wheeled cart has evolved into one of the most vivid visual images of the collective social imagination of the CHamorus that recall that era. Besides dominating land transportation in Guam in the 1700s and early 1800s, this creature served as an important member of the “farming family” and is largely recollected as such.
The image of a carabao brings to mind a lifestyle of hard outdoor work but also a time when Guam was less populated and slower paced, specifically prior to [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
[***By Julian Aguon***](https://www.guampedia.com/julian-aguon/)
## For further reading
Herman, RDK. “[Guam: Inarajan – Memories: Carabao Days](http://www.pacificworlds.com/guam/memories/memory1.cfm).” *Pacific Worlds*, 2003.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Era, Symbolism
**Tags:** Karabao: Water Buffalo
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### [On the Question of Tattoo by Ancestral Chamorus](https://www.guampedia.com/on-the-question-of-tattoo-by-ancestral-chamorros-2/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Interpretive essay: No evidence of CHamoru tattoo from ancient times. Tattoo is often thought to have been a universal cultural practice in the Pacific islands. However, that probably isn’t true. Archaeologists have found no evidence that the CHamoru people of the Mariana Islands used tattoo.
**Content:**
# On the Question of Tattoo by Ancestral Chamorus
#### Table of Contents
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## Interpretive essay: No evidence of CHamoru tattoo from ancient times
Tattoo is often thought to have been a universal cultural practice in the Pacific Islands. However, that probably isn’t true. Archaeologists have found no evidence that the CHamoru/Chamorro people of the Mariana Islands used tattoo.
Many Pacific islanders practiced tattooing, as documented by European explorers and adventurers such as Captain James Cook in the late 18th century. Published accounts of these exploratory voyages include drawings of elaborately tattooed adults, as well as the architecture, artifacts, and other aspects of aboriginal life in the tropical islands, albeit seen through European eyes.
Some of the most dramatic tattoo designs were recorded among the Marquesans of eastern Polynesia and the Maori (indigenous peoples) of Aotearoa (New Zealand).
Highly distinctive, if less well-known among scholars, and rarely publicized in popular media, are the tattoos of higher-ranking Caroline Islanders of Micronesia. Intricate tattoos were worn by residents of the coralline islands of the Marshalls and Kiribati (previously called the Gilberts) as well.
While tattooing was nearly universally practiced in the Pacific Islands, the culture of the indigenous residents of the Marianas, known as CHamorus, appears exceptional in this regard. While tattooing may have existed among the ancestral CHamorus, there are no records of this in early travelers’ accounts, nor has evidence for tattooing been recognized in the archaeological record. In order to explore this issue further, it is important to consider the potential sources of information on the subject of body modification practices in the Marianas, including tattooing.
There are three relatively direct sources of information about ancestral CHamoru body modification: linguistics, archaeological findings, and early historic period accounts written by foreigners who visited the Mariana Islands and took the trouble to make observations on the local culture (not all visitors did).
Each of these information sources have their strengths and weaknesses. For example, linguistic studies can determine whether a language contains terms referring to a specific cultural practice such as tattooing. If the CHamoru language once had but has lost all the words referring to tattooing because the custom ceased during the early European contact period, then the vocabulary recorded after it had ceased would not reveal the past existence of tattooing.
An absence of words that refer to tattooing does not prove that such words did not once exist in the CHamoru language, but the likelihood that the custom once existed but ceased (along with the terms associated with it) during the early European contact period needs to be considered in light of other lines of evidence, such as late prehistoric archaeology and written accounts from the early European contact period.
The archaeological record, composed of physical remains, can be trusted implicitly because it has no deliberate or unintended bias. It doesn’t lie, misconstrue, purposely omit, or embroider the truth; it has no agenda. Archaeological remains objectively represent many past events and processes, yet they are subject to deterioration in the ground and are often fragmentary. The meaning of archaeological materials as we find them today is not obvious; these ancient records of an ancient culture are difficult to “decode” or interpret.
As anthropologists of the past, archaeologists try to make sense of the fragments of pottery, stone, and bone that they find through excavations. To do this, they imagine how those items once participated in human activities, and how they finally came to rest in the ground. In addition to understanding the cultural and natural processes of loss, burial, and deterioration that form the archaeological record, archaeologists need theories about how human activities and their associated physical remains likely were organized within the cultural system that produced those remains. In the young science of archaeology, reliable theories about these matters are scarce, and there is much yet to be learned.
Ethnographic descriptions can be useful in archaeological interpretation, especially if they pertain to the time period and location under study. However, no ethnographer visited the Marianas until the 20th century, long after ancestral CHamoru culture had evolved far from its 16th and 17th century organization and content. In addition, what an ethnographer decides to record does not always help answer archaeological questions. That is why some archaeologists these days do their own “ethnography” in the locations where they work, when it is clear that there is much continuity between the prehistoric past and the present.
Historic accounts, on the other hand, may be biased and inaccurate, as well as incomplete, regarding subjects of interest to us now. Some accounts contain eyewitness information of relevance, but care must be taken in evaluating the suitability of such information for our present inquiries. This is an acknowledged problem faced by historians and other scholars. One of the ways to establish the reliability of older texts is to compare each with the others, for consistency in what they describe. The more consistent the information on a given subject, the more likely the accounts reflect a past reality. If linguistic, archaeological, and written sources agree, we can be more confident in our inferences about the past.
## Linguistic study on tattoo
The word tattoo as used in English nowadays appears to derive from languages spoken in Polynesia, such as Tahitian and Samoan. First written in 1769 as *tattow* in the diary of the English sea captain James Cook, while he was in Tahiti, tattooing there was defined by Cook as, “inlaying the Colour of Black under their skins, in such a manner as to be indelible.”
Were there terms for tattoo in the ancestral CHamoru language? Written accounts of CHamoru began nearly 150 years after [Magellan](https://www.guampedia.com/ferdinand-magellan/) had reached the Marianas, with the work of Jesuit missionary [Luis Diego de San Vitores](https://www.guampedia.com/father-diego-luis-de-san-vitores/). According to linguist Donald M. Topping, San Vitores’ records, “are too sketchy to give a very clear picture of what the language was like in his day,” which was c. 1668. The priest was concerned mainly with communicating religious ideas with the CHamorus, not in recording ethnographic information about them.
Some two hundred years later, a Spanish grammar of CHamoru, *Grammatica Chamorro* by Luis de Mata y Araujo was published in Manila by Giraudier in 1865. This work also lacked a comprehensive CHamoru vocabulary, being focused upon the structure of the language. It was too late as a document of ancestral CHamoru cultural practices because by the mid-19th century, the CHamoru language included many borrowed terms from Spanish and from the languages of immigrants who had come with the Spanish, mainly from the Philippines but also other countries such as Mexico.
Half a century after the Spanish grammar of de Mata y Araujo came [William E. Safford’s](https://www.guampedia.com/william-safford-2/) *The Chamorro Language of Guam*, published in 1909. This work focused upon CHamoru language structure and gave example sentences using common vocabulary words. Terms related to tattooing are absent from Safford’s study.
Nearly a century passed before CHamoru vocabulary was systematically codified in *Chamorro-English Dictionary* by Donald M. Topping, Pedro M. Ogo, and Bernadita C. Dungca, published in 1975. This work lists *tatu* as the CHamoru word for tattoo and *tahu* meaning cut, cutting, slice, incision. In the Philippine language, Tagalog, the verb to tattoo (“to mark the skin in patterns by pricking it and putting in colors”) is given as *magtatú, tatuhán*, or *itatú* (from Eng.)” in the *English-Tagalog Dictionary* by Leo James English, published in 1977 by Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, in Makati, Manila. According to this dictionary entry, Tagalog terms for tattooing came into the language from English.
As can be seen from the available sources, written records of CHamoru vocabulary were sparse and unsystematic until several centuries after Spanish colonization and since many cultural changes, including the absorption of several words from Spanish and other languages, had occurred in the Marianas. It is not clear whether the similarities between Tagalog words for tattoo and the contemporary CHamoru term for tattoo indicate recent borrowing by CHamoru from English or Tagalog, or whether it is an ancient word that was present in the language prior to European contact times. More research into this topic is certainly warranted in the CHamoru case.
In the Caroline Islands, despite over a century of foreign rule, terms referring to tattooing are present in the languages whose speakers practiced tattooing until it was banned by colonial administrations in the 20th century. Not only are the terms for the action of tattooing still known, but also the terms for specific tattoo designs and knowledge of where they should be placed on the body (for example, see *Woleaian-English Dictionary* by Ho-min Sohn and Anthony F. Tawerilmang in 1976; *Ponapean-English Dictionary* by Kenneth L. Rehg and Damian G. Sohl in 1979; *Yapese-English Dictionary* by John T. Jensen, published in 1977). These terms do not resemble the Polynesian terms and appear to derive from a different source or sources.
Given the sparse documentation of early European contact period CHamoru language and especially its vocabulary, we can turn to another kind of information, foreigners’ eyewitness accounts of the physical appearance of the CHamorus during the time in history when the ancestral CHamoru cultural system was still intact.
## Early written accounts of body modifications
Beginning in the 16th century, European explorers and their associates penned the first written descriptions of the CHamorus. These accounts were written nearly 200 years before the Spanish formally colonized the Marianas. Antonio Pigafetta, who was a passenger on the first trans-Pacific voyage to be undertaken by Europeans, under the leadership of the Portuguese navigator Ferdinand Magellan, produced the earliest document. Magellan’s three ships arrived in the Marianas in March 1521. The landing spot was likely either at Guam or Rota. The discussion by Robert Rogers and Dirk Ballendorf “Magellan’s landfall in the Marianas,” 1989 *Journal of Pacific History*, favors a landing in Guam’s west central coast.
The three-day encounter between Europeans and CHamorus began and ended badly. We know this because it was recorded by Pigafetta. Evidently no CHamoru oral histories of Magellan’s arrival in the Marianas have survived.
Although brief, Pigafetta’s account is detailed. It tells how hundreds of CHamorus surrounded the European ships in their canoes and were eager to obtain anything made of iron from the Europeans, and how the latter badly needed fresh water and produce. Both sides gained some of what they desired but the losses were very uneven: the Europeans lost a skiff (later retrieved) and suffered no casualties, while the CHamorus experienced painful death by cross bow and musket and the fiery destruction of several of their houses and sailing canoes. In between the violent interactions that occurred on land and sea, Pigafetta and others went ashore and observed some of the local customs. They could communicate only by gestures.
Pigafetta’s account of these brief visits to the villages mentions several types of body modification, but not tattoos.
Later reports and commentaries about the CHamoru people and their way of life were produced by European clerics and other foreigners prior to the turbulent decades preceding Spanish colonization in 1668 and conquest in 1700. These accounts contain obvious biases, usually promoting the Europeans’ goals and often denigrating and/or misunderstanding local customs. Some accounts contain information that can be evaluated for consistency in their descriptions of CHamoru body modification and related practices and beliefs. Of those accounts that are consistent in describing the types of modification of the body, as well as styles of dress, tattooing is not among them.
The earliest European visitors to the Marianas, those arriving between 1521 and 1700, were not trained anthropologists or journalists, and they rarely made drawings (of course they had no cameras or tape recorders). Most of these visitors were intent upon converting the CHamorus to the Catholic faith and had no respect for (and little understanding of) indigenous customs, regarding them as inferior to their own beliefs and traditions.
Some writers appear to have been less condemning, if not more objective, than most others. For example, the Catholic lay brother [Juan Pobre de Zamora](https://www.guampedia.com/fray-juan-pobre-de-zamora/) wrote a detailed and empathetic account of his nine-month stay with a chiefly family in Rota in 1602. This account remains one of the best sources of information about pre-colonial (though not pre-[Manila galleon](https://www.guampedia.com/manila-galleon-trade-route-la-nao-de-china-a-legacy-in-the-marianas/)) CHamoru culture as practiced in this small island just north of Guam.
The process of Hispanization of the CHamoru culture was well under way by the late 18th and early 19th century, the time when European scientific expeditions began to visit the islands. For example, in 1819 the French expedition led by [Louis de Freycinet](https://www.guampedia.com/louis-claude-de-freycinet/) arrived with illustrators and trained naturalists and stayed in the Marianas for three and a half months. Only “memory culture” of prehistoric times had been passed on through certain families, such as that of Luis de Torres, a high-ranking government officer. The cultural memories retained by the Torres family and imparted to Freycinet pertained to practices from well over a century earlier.
This kind of information is subject to many of the same problems as other secondary sources. While its accuracy in this case may be relied upon to a great extent, its comprehensiveness is lacking since only certain cultural practices were recalled and recorded. Nonetheless, Freycinet’s richly illustrated reports, especially the *Atlas historique*, are important contributions to the documentation of Marianas material culture and demographic status in the early 19th century. They reflect the incorporation of Spanish and Carolinian traditions into a CHamoru base that had begun a millennium or more earlier. It is perhaps not insignificant that tattooing was not mentioned by Freycinet’s CHamoru informants, nor were any CHamoru tattooing instruments collected or illustrated.
## Descriptions of ancestral CHamoru body modifications
According to several 16th and 17th century sources, compiled and quoted from Lévesque’s translations by archaeologist Robert York, the CHamorus of that time modified their bodies in a variety of ways. Among the adult men, these modifications included blackening of the teeth; sharpening of the teeth; anointing the body and hair (always described as black) with coconut oil; wearing long beards; having very long hair (down to the waist-line) worn loose or tied with one loop at the back or with a knot at the crown, some with two knots; having mustaches but all other facial hair removed; shaving the head entirely except for a small tuft at the top; and scarring of the skin caused by love bites. Men wore garlands and headbands of very fine tree bark and various kinds of necklaces, some of red shells, in a style worn over the back rather than over the chest. Hats and sandals were also worn.
Adults of both sexes carried a small, finely woven basket that contained betel nuts, pepper leaves, and lime. A consequence of habitual betel nut chewing was a reddish-brown stain on the teeth, differentiated in these accounts from deliberate blackening produced by the use of dark soil and other ingredients.
Women are described as wearing their hair very long and loose, sometimes reaching the ground, or tied and braided; bleaching the otherwise black hair blond to white, either entirely or in streaks or at the tips; coloring the hair with yellow streaks (possibly with turmeric?); blackening the teeth; scarring of the skin caused by love bites; beating the outside of the lower legs to raise a desired pattern of welts; and tracing images on the face and upon various parts of the body (no indication of how these images were made but they were not called tattoos in these accounts). Dress was more elaborate among women than men; the pubes were covered with tree leaves, mats, or narrow strips made from the inner bark of the palm tree, turtle shells, or other “plate-like” objects; and young women wore a red string around the waist. Like the men, women wore hats and sandals; for special occasions various skirts or mats were worn along with jewelry and flower wreaths and garlands.
One observer, Fr. Martin Ignacio de Loyola, in 1581, stated that the CHamorus were, “well proportioned, without any tattoos nor other ugliness, but just as God made them.” This is the only known direct statement averring the absence of tattooing among the CHamorus. By stating what was not observed, it shows an awareness of (and a negative attitude toward) the practice of tattooing among other people known to the writer at that time.
It is possible that tattooing existed in the Marianas during early European contact times but was a custom restricted to a few individuals who happened not to have been observed by any of the foreign visitors. However, some of these foreigners stayed for several weeks and interacted frequently with the CHamorus. If the visitors were able to describe other types of body modification during their stays, it seems likely that they would have noted any tattoos had they been present.
Another possibility is that CHamoru tattoos were very small and/or placed on the body where they were not easily seen. Hidden tattoos seem unlikely since all who wrote descriptions of the islanders at this time mentioned the consistent absence of clothing and noted several other types of body modification. If CHamoru tattoos were small and deliberately concealed, this would contrast with the general pattern among Pacific Islanders who are known to have practiced tattooing. Their tattoos were relatively large and were placed on the body so they could be displayed to others. Among these groups, the two main “reasons” for receiving tattoos were to mark an individual’s inherited social rank or achieved status (for example, as a warrior or a navigator) and to prove ethnic affiliation, as among the I Kiribati (Gilbertese).
Tattooing was actively discouraged and eventually outlawed by colonial administrations in Micronesia. Perhaps as a result of this, there was a trend toward the use of smaller and more sparsely distributed tattoos on the body, particularly during the 20th century. In the island cultures where tattooing was traditional but had been banned for many years, a few individuals continued to obtain tattoos, and these tended to be placed in small groups on the arms and legs. Coverage of the face, torso, and back declined or ceased entirely.
As with many customs involving social information, aesthetics played an important role in Pacific Island tattoo designs, which often reflected naturalistic elements such as birds and fish. These permanent markings on the skin evoked admiration for their beauty and symmetry as well as for the courage and stamina of the bearers for undergoing the painful experience of receiving the tattoos. The tattoo artists were compensated for their work, a sign of its importance to the community, and its high value to the individuals who acquired these skin markings at great personal cost.
In the Marianas by the early 19th century, CHamorus had adopted many European practices and had rejected several indigenous ones, such as deliberate tooth blackening and the distinctive hairstyles described in early accounts. Concepts of individual attractiveness were changing. Tattooing indeed occurred in the Marianas, as recorded by the Freycinet expedition, but seemingly only among the pagan Carolinian people who, by this time, occupied small settlements in Guam and Saipan with permission of the Spanish governor. CHamoru notions of modesty were derived from Catholic teachings, and simple Spanish-style clothing, similar to that also worn in the Philippines then, was favored, along with European-style ornaments such as crosses and rosary beads.
## Archaeological findings
Archaeology rarely provides direct information about past cultural practices, but ancient artifacts can reflect certain activities associated with those practices. For example, if the instruments used to apply tattoos were found at an archaeological site, it could indicate that this activity had taken place in the past.
Information about what tattooing equipment may have looked like is absent in written accounts of the ancestral CHamorus, but information is available for neighboring islands such as Yap and Palau since descriptions of tattooing equipment and how it was used have been recorded and examples exist. Where tattooing has continued as part of the indigenous culture, such as among the Maori, study of the methods and equipment used can help archaeologists in their search for evidence among ancient remains.
According to other Micronesian and Polynesian tattooing customs, tattooing instruments in the Pacific were and are made of organic materials. They consist of two main parts, a lightweight hammer and a puncturing device attached to a lightweight handle. The hammer is usually a narrow length of wood, heavier at the hammer end. The puncturing device consists of a short row of tiny barbs forming a rake, attached to the end of a slim wood or bamboo handle. The puncturing device is attached to its handle by delicate fiber lashing through one or more small holes. The barbs are created by filing a short row of sharp points along the edge of a small, flat piece of bone or marine shell.
Other materials said to be used to make barbs include citrus thorns, sea bird bones, and shark teeth. Only the more durable of the organic materials used to make tattooing instruments, such as marine shell, bone, and teeth, could survive for centuries buried in the ground where artifacts are subject to periodic wetting, and then only if the soil is not very acidic. Acidic soil can destroy even these hard materials, as well as wood, which can rot quickly from exposure to heat and moisture. So far, no tattooing instruments or parts of them have been recognized at archaeological sites dating to late prehistoric times in the Marianas, called the Latte Period by archaeologists.
The Latte Period refers to the time in the prehistoric past when stone pillars, each topped by a hemispherical capstone, both called [*latte*](https://www.guampedia.com/latte-structures/), were used to support dwellings and canoe houses. Tattooing instruments may have existed during the Latte Period, but have not survived due to adverse preservation conditions. Soil acidity in the Marianas is not always high, especially at coralline beach locations, yet no tattooing instruments have been recognized in those or any other cultural deposits.
Two types of body modification are directly indicated in the late prehistoric Marianas archaeological record: marking of the adult front teeth with incised designs and tooth staining. Incised designs on front teeth were not described by any of the European observers, but several accounts mention the practice of tooth staining and some give details on the methods used. Dark brown staining is often observed on the teeth of Latte Period adult burials, both men and women (but not children). Staining of the teeth appears to have resulted from years of betel nut chewing; another cause could be deliberately applied black soil or other coloring agents as described in early historic accounts.
Relatively few adult burials dating to the Latte Period have been observed with tooth incising. This kind of body modification consists of geometric designs and short lines on the outer surface of the front teeth. The designs were fashioned by cutting straight lines onto the tooth surface that was previously stained. The shallow incisions did not actually penetrate the tooth enamel, they just removed a small amount of the staining. This delicate technique caused the whiteness of the tooth beneath the staining to make a patterned contrast. Such tooth marking may have had to be repeated periodically in order to stay effective, if the person continued to chew betel nuts.
## A puzzle
The evident lack of historic documentation of tattooing among the ancestral CHamorus presents a puzzle. If tattooing was practiced, why didn’t observers who noted and wrote about other kinds of body modification among the CHamorus of the 16th and 17th centuries make mention of it? Why is there no linguistic or archaeological evidence for tattooing in the Marianas?
If tattooing was truly absent, what might be the reasons for such a difference between the ancestral CHamoru and other Pacific Island cultures, many of whom practiced tattooing? To answer this question anthropologically requires a different approach than one taken by those searching only for cultural similarities while ignoring cultural differences.
Scientifically minded anthropologists try to explain cultural similarities and cultural differences, and in Micronesia there are both. According to early European contact period accounts and the findings of linguistic and archaeological studies, ancestral CHamorus shared several practices with their neighbors in the Carolines, including growing many of the same tropical food plants (for example, taro, bananas, breadfruit, coconuts), holding regional festivals, and exchanging raw and prepared foods as well as shell bead and turtle shell valuables. According to linguistic research, all Pacific Islanders speak languages that have been classified as belonging to the same family, Austronesian (formerly called Malayo-Polynesian).
Linguists propose that these languages derive from a common ancestor far into the past. Some researchers have supposed that a common origin also accounts for similarities in many other aspects of Pacific Island cultures, but common ancestry does not explain the long persistence of these similarities over many centuries of life in the islands, as the archaeological record shows. A more likely cause is that common cultural elements (for example, similarities in plants cultivated and fishing equipment) have been retained over time because they proved successful under similar environmental circumstances (for example, tropical climate, pan-Pacific flora and fauna, small land masses, volcanic or coralline geology, etc.).
Anthropologically intriguing are the cultural differences among Pacific Island groups. Their study can lead to new insights regarding the causes of cultural variations, a major scientific goal in this field. Anthropologists have found that while speaking related but separate languages, Micronesians differ in their architecture, settlement pattern, and social organization. These differences exist despite longstanding interactions among these island cultures. It is apparent that the Pacific Ocean and its winds have not been so much a barrier to communication as a means of movement and exchange among seafaring peoples and their islands. With people move ideas, but not all ideas are adopted and differences are retained.
Differences reflect choices made by people, given their own particular circumstances, both environmental and social. Since tattooing has been practiced by many Pacific Island groups, including the Caroline Islanders from Palau to Kosrae, it is reasonable to ask what were the particular circumstances that gave rise to and sustained this practice in those islands, and conversely, it is reasonable to ask, did these circumstances also apply to the ancestral CHamorus?
## Comparing local circumstances
In prehistoric Micronesia, very high human densities were achieved by the tropical farmers/fishers of the Carolines, probably because their islands were positioned within a zone of high annual rainfall and were relatively free from the frequent droughts and typhoons that trouble the Marianas. With reliable harvests and dense populations came competition for the limited arable land in these small islands.
Complex political systems of ranked lineages and clans arose to socially regulate this competition.
Hierarchical social systems distinguish between the privileged, who have access to desirable croplands and rarely suffer deprivation, from the less privileged, whose lands are sometimes inadequate, depending upon mismatches between local supply and demand. Rank is generally inherited, but in some cases can be altered through political negotiations. While Pacific Island cultures all have a sharing ethos, in hierarchical social systems, obligations to help others are more narrowly channeled along pre-determined lines, and, in times of shortage or imbalance between resources and people, lower ranked groups receive less and suffer more. Typically, higher-ranking families tend to marry and adopt only those of equivalent or higher rank, and other measures are taken to lessen any ambiguity regarding who are the members of the privileged ranks, and who are not. Tattooing identifies these individuals directly. In addition to making the body beautiful in the eyes of others, culturally prescribed tattoos convey important social information about the wearer.
In strongly hierarchical societies, this kind of information is critical to the maintenance of the status quo; it reflects stability and predictability in social relations, at least in the upper ranks.
In some Pacific Island cultures, sub-population membership that was conveyed by tattoos. For example, among the I Kiribati and Marshallese, everybody, even children, was required to be tattooed. In these tiny islands, productive land was at a premium, and the designs indicated where an individual came from and with whom he or she was socially affiliated. Pressure to acquire tattoos can be very strong because a person lacking them could not fully participate in society. In times of intense competition, which can arise from time to time, such identifiers are critical to survival of the individual and his or her social group.
From this brief overview, we can see that the particular circumstances in which tattooing has been practiced in Micronesia include dense human populations, whether due to highly productive agricultural systems that could support large numbers of people, or to chronic land shortage on very small islands where nearly every inch of ground was some sort of garden and population quickly reached natural limits. Competition was endemic in these societies, flaring up occasionally, and customary means were invented to prevent or at least minimize violent and destructive conflict; this included hierarchical social organization and group identifiers. In hierarchical social organizations, it is important to those with the most to lose, namely, the highest-ranking groups, to maintain the status quo.
Among the several ways this was done was to assert existing social ranking by tattooing members of the elite ranks, as in the Carolines.
In less hierarchical societies, such as the Kiribati (formerly Gilbertese) and Marshallese tattooing developed as a means to identify the members of a local population with claims to contested lands, such as an entire island. In all these societies, moving from one island group to another to relieve crowding was not an option for most since regional population densities were high.
Were the environmental and social circumstances in the Marianas the same as in the Carolines, Marshalls, or Kiribati? The answer is no, they were not. First, the geographic setting of the Mariana archipelago guarantees that droughts and typhoons occur frequently. This causes great year-to-year fluctuations in agricultural production, and overall population densities were low. The ancestral CHamoru farming system probably included techniques that minimized the effects of these environmental factors. Examples are planting several kinds of gardens in different locales and during productive years storing part of the harvest against future crop losses.
Latte Period archaeology reflects such a subsistence system. For example, in Guam, *latte-*supported dwellings housing one or two families were dispersed throughout the interior while coastal settlements were generally larger. It is not known how long people lived at each site but the lack of deep midden suggests short stays. Large pottery jar fragments at many of these sites, as well as at coastal locations, suggest food storage was practiced. That coastal and inland dwellers were socially connected is indicated in Juan Pobre’s account; he observed that those living at the coast were considered of higher status, and the latter regularly exchanged fish for plant foods provided by lower-status inland farmers. Evidently these exchanges were not entirely economically motivated, at least from the standpoint of coastal residents, since Pobre’s chiefly host maintained his own gardens.
A settlement system of dispersed inland dwellings occupied for short times near farm plots and larger coastal settlements where residents moved less often is an adaptation to uncertainties in harvests, with food exchanges helping to even-out shortages and to maintain positive social relations. The ancestral CHamoru social organization distinguished higher ranking families from middle and lower ranked ones, indicating social controls were in place to regulate competition, but it appears that this system was somewhat flexible and movement via sailing canoes between islands was swift and unrestricted.
This flexibility promotes wide kinship and friendship networks that increase the number of people from whom those temporarily in need may ask for help in times of food shortages, effectively spreading out the risk and the burden of social obligations. Choosing spouses and making good friends from locations widely separated in space helps to create these social networks, as does adoption of children across long distances, such as between islands. Frequent visits among friends and relatives and periodic regional festivals with many participants help to familiarize individuals with their distant neighbors and indicate the availability of spouses.
In this kind of social organization, personal generosity and willingness to share resources with friends and relatives are expected and admired, while behavior that excludes individuals, especially those related through kinship or friendship is, considered inappropriate. Conventions of personal attractiveness among adults, such as distinctive hairstyles and other decorative effects, as we have seen were part of ancestral CHamoru culture, are highly developed. An individual’s freedom to form social ties across a wide area translates into a kind of social security because when local conditions change for the worse, say, due to typhoon damage, those ties can be lifelines to safety, for an individual and his or her associates. It would make no sense to permanently align oneself only with one or two social groups. This is why it is unlikely that ancestral CHamorus practiced tattooing. Permanent markers of social affiliation, such as tattoos, would have been too restrictive.
Future research may reveal evidence that tattooing was indeed practiced in the Marianas, but there is another reason besides the lack of linguistic, historical and archaeological evidence to doubt that it was. The local environmental and social circumstances in this part of the Pacific made tattoo unnecessary. The ancestral CHamoru culture was similar in many ways to that of other Pacific Islanders, but it also provided unique and appropriate solutions to the challenges of life north of latitude 12 along the 145th meridian.
***[By Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson, PhD](https://www.guampedia.com/rosalind-hunter-anderson/ "Rosalind Hunter-Anderson")***
## For further reading
Freycinet, Louis Claude Desaulses de. *Uranie et Physicienne Voyage*. Paris: Chez Pillet Aîné, 1825.
Omori, Emiko, dir. *Skin Stories: The Art and Culture of Polynesian Tattoo*. 2003, Honolulu: Pacific Islanders in Communications and PBS.
Spennemann, Dirk H.R., ed. “[Tattooing in the Marshall Islands–Introduction](https://marshall.csu.edu.au/Marshalls/html/tattoo/t-intro-test.html).” *Digital Micronesia–Marshall Islands–An Electronic Library and Archive*, 1998.
Yatar, Maria Santos. *With the First Canoe: Traditional Tatu of Micronesia*. 1992.
**Categories:** Ancient Guam Era, Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Body Adornment, Early Historic Accounts, Historic Eras of Guam, Interpretive Essays
**Tags:** On the Question of Tattoo by Ancestral Chamorus
---
### [Techa: Traditional Prayer Leader](https://www.guampedia.com/techa-traditional-prayer-leader/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** In the Mariana Islands, the techa is the traditional prayer leader who directs and recites the prayers and hymns for various religious activities within the Catholic Church, including rosaries or lisayo, novenas or nobena, and other devotions and special occasions.
**Content:**
# Techa: Traditional Prayer Leader
#### Table of Contents
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## A ministerial role
In the Mariana Islands, the *techa* is the traditional prayer leader who directs and recites the prayers and hymns for various religious activities within the Catholic Church, including rosaries or *lisåyo*, novenas or *nobena*, and other devotions and special occasions.
The word *techa* comes from the CHamoru/Chamorro verb *tucha*, which is translated as “to recite out loud,” or “to lead or start a prayer.” To be recognized as a *techa* one must demonstrate the ability and confidence to direct others through the different prayer rituals as well as be accepted officially by the parish pastor and faith community. The *techa* is not an ordained position within the Catholic Church, but rather, is seen as “an extension of the ministerial role of the parish priest or pastor.” Like a priest, the *techa* is committed to a life of service and a promise to lead prayers upon request.
Although most *techas* are elderly women, the role is not limited to them, and indeed, there are a small number of men and young people who are *techas*. But the majority of *techas* have been and are elderly women, and because of this, it is largely perceived as a “woman’s role.” In addition, there are families of *techas*, whereby younger female relatives—usually eldest daughters or interested individuals—are trained to become prayer leaders through practice and encouragement.
## Musical interchange
Perhaps the most distinctive feature of the more traditional image of a *techa* is the style of prayerful recitation, which is often characterized by high-pitched nasal, virtually monotonous vocalization, and a fairly rapid but steady pace that the congregation must follow in order to respond appropriately. What is heard is an almost musical interchange between the *techa* and the congregation as she solemnly leads the prayers phrase by phrase, and the people reply in turn. A skilled *techa* is able to keep this rhythm while successfully directing the others through a meaningful experience of prayer.
A *techa* generally carries out her role without set fees, but when she is called upon to lead, she is usually compensated for her services either with gifts of food or money. The amount is often left to the discretion of the family she is helping, but presumably it is based on the level of esteem the family may have for the particular *techa*, and the number of days the family has availed the *techa* of her services.
The money for the prayer leader is represented as a portion of the *[chenchule’](https://www.guampedia.com/chenchule/)* or *ika’*, which are reciprocal gifts of money, support, or assistance that are given in the event of a death or other occasion to defray expenses. Some prayer leaders choose to donate a portion or all of the money she receives back to the parish church. A highly regarded *techa* may receive continued accolades and gifts of prayers and thanks from the community when she dies, in honor of her prior service to them as a prayer leader.
## Likened to traditional chanting
The origin of the *techa* has never been extensively documented. However, it is generally accepted as a role that extends at least as far back as the Spanish occupation of the island in 1668, perhaps even further. Indeed, the characteristic monotonous nasal style by which a *techa* recites prayers, especially in the repetition of phrases in the rosary and the litanies, has been likened to the [traditional chanting](https://www.guampedia.com/chant/) and weeping described in [ancient CHamoru funeral practices](https://www.guampedia.com/ancient-chamorro-burial-practices/).
Perhaps it can never be known what is the true origin for the role of the *techa*, but it is a role that continues in CHamoru culture because it effectively fulfills the needs of the Catholic faith community.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
Iyechad, Lilli Perez. *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Souder-Jaffery, Laura Marie Torres. *Daughters of the Island: Contemporary Chamorro Women Organizers on Guam*. 2nd edition. MARC Monograph Series No. 1. Mangilao: Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, 1992.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Saipan: The Ethnology of a War-Devastated Island*. 2nd ed. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Catholic Changes, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Techa: Traditional Prayer Leader
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### [Bistek: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/bistek-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Bistek: Recipe
##### Share This
## Stir-fried steak
**Ingredients**
- 3 lbs steak, sliced while frozen into short, thin strips
- 2 large onions, sliced
- 2 cloves garlic, chopped
- 2 tbsp cooking oil
- ¼ cup vinegar (or lemon juice)
- ¼ cup soy sauce
- 1 cup water
Sauté onions and garlic in hot oil until softened. Add beef and stir-fry until the meat is about half-cooked. Add soy sauce and vinegar (or lemon juice). Cover and simmer for 5 minutes.
Add hot water and continue simmering on low heat for another 20 minutes, or until beef is tender. (Beef should almost be dry).
If gravy is desired, add 2 or 3 cups of water (instead of 1 cup) and, when the beef is tender, thicken the broth with cornstarch and cook for a few more minutes, stirring constantly. (Very thinly sliced carrots and celery can be added to the beef just before making the gravy.)
***By Lupe C. Reyes***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Bistek: Recipe
---
### [Chalakiles: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/chalakiles-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Chalakiles: Recipe
##### Share This
## Red cream of rice soup
**Ingredients**
- 1 chicken fryer, cut into small pieces
- 2 tbsp cooking oil
- 1 medium onion, chopped
- 2 garlic cloves, chopped
- ½ cup of *achote* water (*Achote* or annatto. Mix seeds with water to produce red-colored water.)
- 5 cups chicken broth (or water)
- 1 cup rice, toasted and ground (or cream of rice browned in a skillet)
- 1 cup coconut milk (optional)
- Salt and black pepper, to taste
Sauté garlic in hot oil, then discard garlic. Add onions to oil, along with chicken and *achote* water. Bring water to a boil, adding chicken broth. Gradually add toasted rice, mixing it in as it is added.
Continue boiling for about 5 minutes until the mixture thickens to desired consistency. Add coconut milk, if desired.
Serve with white rice or serve as a soup.
***By Josephina D. Chaco***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Chalakiles: Recipe
---
### [Chicken Tinaktak: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/chicken-tinaktak-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Chicken Tinaktak: Recipe
##### Share This
## Chicken with coconut cream
**Ingredients**
- 2 cups chicken meat (liver, gizzard and white meat, etc.), finely chopped
- ¼ cup onions, chopped
- 1 lemon, squeezed for juice
- 8 cherry tomatoes (or 1 medium-sized tomato), diced
- ½ cup green pepper, chopped
- ½ cup coconut cream
- Salt, to taste
Combine above ingredients, except coconut cream, in a saucepan and cook until meat is well done. Then, add coconut cream and turn off the heat.
Makes 2-4 servings.
***By Candelaria T. Rios***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Chicken Tinaktak: Recipe
---
### [Eskabeche: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/eskabeche-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Eskabeche: Recipe
##### Share This
## Fish with vegetables in vinegar sauce
**Ingredients**
- 1 lb fish
- 6 tbsp vinegar
- 2 ½ cups water
- ½ tsp salt
- ½ cup salad or coconut oil
- 2 garlic cloves
- 2 medium-sized yellow ginger (*mango’*), grated
- 1 large onion
- ½ lb green vegetables (each):
- eggplant
- pepper leaves
- *kadagan* (chaya) \[leafy vegetable, similar in taste to broccoli\]
- cabbage
- bell pepper
- green beans
Clean the fish, slice in several places and add salt to cuts. Fry fish in oil. Cook the vegetables separately. Place a layer of vegetables and a layer of fish in a dish. Repeat until all of the vegetables and fish are used. Put the oil in pan and heat. When hot, add ginger, onions, and garlic. Fry. Add vinegar and water. Let boil for about five minutes. Pour over vegetables and fish, and let stand for about five to 10 minutes for the seasoning to permeate the vegetables and fish. Serve hot or cold.
***By Magdalena Taitano and Sonia Rodriquez***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Eskabeche: Recipe
---
### [Estufao: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/estufao-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Estufao: Recipe
##### Share This
## Pork with soy sauce and vinegar
**Ingredients**
- 2-3 lbs pork cut into cube size chunks
- 6-10 garlic cloves, crushed
- 1 large bay leaf
- 2 tbsp soy sauce or salt, to taste
- ½ cup white cider vinegar (or ¾ cup *tuba* vinegar)
- 2 ½ cups water
Place all ingredients in a large saucepan. Bring to a boil, cover, and turn heat to simmer. Cook over low heat slowly until the pork is very tender (Cooking it too fast will make the pork stringy and tasteless).
Remove the pork and garlic, discarding garlic. Drain well and lightly fry in hot oil just to crisp the outside of the pork. Dilute the broth with ½ to 1 cup of water, bring to a boil, thicken with cornstarch, and add salt. Add gravy to pork or serve separately.
***By Lupe C. Reyes***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Estufao: Recipe
---
### [Gollai Hågon Suni: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/golai-hagon-suni-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Gollai Hågon Suni: Recipe
##### Share This
## Taro leaves with coconut milk
**Ingredients**
- 20-30 taro leaves
- 1 cup coconut milk
- 1 tsp salt
- ½ onion, chopped
- ½ tsp black pepper
- 2 pieces (yellow) ginger (*mango’*)
Boil 4 cups of water in a 4 quart pan. Chop taro leaves and add to boiling water.
Add seasoning, salt, black pepper, onions, and ginger. Continue cooking for about 5 minutes.
Add coconut milk and reduce heat. Let simmer for about 3 to 5 minutes.
Add CHamoru hot pepper, if desired.
***By Tina Burch***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Gollai Hågon Suni: Recipe
---
### [Governor's Fish in Coconut Milk: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/governors-fish-in-coconut-milk-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Governor's Fish in Coconut Milk: Recipe
##### Share This
## Fish in coconut milk
**Ingredients**
- 2 lbs fish (skipjack, mullet, mahimahi, or any island fish), sliced about 2 inches thick
- ½ onion, sliced
- ¼ cup vinegar
- ½ water
- 1 garlic clove, mashed
- 1 green pepper, sliced
- 1 ½ cups rich coconut milk
- Salt and pepper, to taste
Put all of the ingredients in a kettle and cook for about 20 minutes on medium heat.
Add coconut milk last and remove from direct heat. Do not allow to come to a boil.
Serve hot with steamed rice.
[***By Madeleine Z. Bordallo***](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/ "Madeleine Zeien Bordallo")
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Governor's Fish in Coconut Milk: Recipe
---
### [Kådun Gåmson: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/kadon-gamson-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Kådun Gåmson: Recipe
##### Share This
## Octopus with coconut cream
**Ingredients**
- 1 octopus, cut into bite-sized pieces
- ½ onion, chopped
- 1 lemon (squeezed for juice)
- 1 ½ cups coconut milk
- 5-6 cherry tomatoes
- salt, to taste
- 1 cup water
Place all ingredients, except for coconut milk, in a pot. Cook for about 10 to 12 minutes or longer if you want *gåmson* (octopus) tender. Reduce heat, add pumpkin tips and coconut milk, bring to a boil, and remove from heat.
***by Mae G. Cruz***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Kådun Gåmson: Recipe
---
### [Kådun Guihan: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/kadon-guihan-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Kådun Guihan: Recipe
##### Share This
## Fish Stew
**Ingredients**
- 1 medium-sized fish (or 1 box of frozen fillets)
- 1 teaspoon salt
- 1 large onion, chopped
- ½ large sweet green pepper, chopped
- 1 cup coconut milk
Cut fish into small pieces. Place in a flat saucepan with salt, onions, and green pepper. Let it cook in its own juice on medium heat until tender. (About 5 minutes)
Add coconut milk and simmer about 5 minutes just below the boiling point.
If you wish to add pepper leaves, wash and chop them well, adding them to the stew after the coconut milk is hot. Remove from heat, cover, let stand a couple of minutes, and serve.
***by Lupe C. Reyes***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Kådun Guihan: Recipe
---
### [Get Involved](https://www.guampedia.com/get-involved/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia, Guam's online encyclopedia, is striving to help preserve and promote Guam's history and culture and help educate children, residents and visitors alike; but we need your help.
**Content:**
# Get Involved
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Guampedia, Guam’s online encyclopedia, is striving to help preserve and promote Guam’s history and culture and help educate children, residents, and visitors alike; but we need your help.
Guampedia’s goal is to be self-sufficient, but at the moment we rely on donations, grants, and help from businesses and the government. Guampedia is a non-profit federally recognized charitable organization, under section 501 (c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code under section 170 of the Code. We are qualified as a public charity to receive tax deductible bequests, devises, transfers, or gifts under section 2055, 2106, or 2544 of the Code. Our Employer Identification Number is 66-0721758 for your tax records.
By making a small donation to Guampedia, you will help us weather these tough times, and help us continue to produce great content about Guam and our culture, so that we can pass this on to the next generation, and share valuable information about our island to the world at large.
We believe this is a crucial mission. While we embrace the global community that has emerged from the rise of technology, we also believe it’s more important than ever to preserve our culture, to make our history and information about Guam’s unique and beautiful people available to everyone; from schoolchildren to adults, from local residents to newcomers, to people living around the globe. Without efforts like this, this might all become lost, and we believe that would be a tragedy.
Help us help Guam’s culture survive. Help us keep our people informed and educated. Help us bring what is beautiful about Guam to the world’s attention.
## How to Help
1. With just a small donation, you can keep us up and running as we move towards being self-sufficient. Click on one of the PayPal buttons below to make whatever donation you can afford—even small ones are appreciated!
2. Spread the word! Share the link to this page to your friends and family via email, Facebook, MySpace, Twitter, blogs, or just plain old word of mouth. Ask them to help us as well.
3. Use and contribute to Guampedia. Share this valuable resource with students, visitors, new residents, and old residents. Take advantage of the content we’ve created for you. And if you’d like to contribute to the content, you’re welcome to do so! Here’s how: [Contact Us](https://www.guampedia.com/contact-us/ "Contact Us") to suggest a correction or addition.
Guampedia needs your support. Take the pledge:
*We believe that the future of our island is dependent upon an informed, educated citizenry. Scarce resources result in limited opportunities to learn and understand about Guam’s unique history, culture, environment, and present-day society. Guampedia exists to provide a comprehensive, accessible, quality resource about Guam that will increase opportunities for the enlightenment of our people, allowing us to chart our destiny.*
## Donate to the cause
So please help us with a donation! Your contributions will only be used for the Guampedia project. Choose from one of these donation levels:
**$10 donation**
**$25 donation**
**Or donate any amount you like**
## Corporate Sponsors
To become a corporate sponsor contribute $500
For more information about supporting Guampedia contact us at or by mail:
Guampedia
303 University Drive
UOG Station
Mangilao, GU 96923
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources
**Tags:** Get Involved
---
### [Our Sponsors](https://www.guampedia.com/our-sponsors/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia, Guam’s Online Encyclopedia, is a comprehensive, informational resource intended to spur critical thinking about the island’s complex history.
**Content:**
# Our Sponsors
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Guampedia, Guam’s Online Encyclopedia, is a comprehensive, informational resource intended to spur critical thinking about the island’s complex history. The primary objectives of Guampedia project revolve around preservation, access, and education:
- Preservation of Guam’s history and culture through conveyance of important events and people in encyclopedia entries
- Access to text with photographs, audio, and video
- Education through locally-produced and focused material on the island’s heritage for schoolchildren and for a worldwide public in order to strengthen global knowledge of Guam with accurate and well-written texts
## Support Guampedia
If you would like to contribute support to Guampedia contact us at or by mail:
Guampedia
303 University Drive
UOG Station
Mangilao, GU 96923
You can also donate now. Your contributions will only be used for the Guampedia project.
Donate
## Project sponsors to date include
- National Endowment for the Humanities
- Guam Preservation Trust
- Bank of Guam
- US Department of the Interior, Office of Insular Affairs
- A & B Foundation
- Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency
- Gannett Foundation
- Guam Women’s Club
- Guam Naval Officers’ Spouse Connection
The founder of the Guampedia project is the Guam Humanities Council. Guampedia is an independent non-profit organization incorporated on Guam. Guampedia is a tax-exempt organization, both on Guam and federally.
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources
**Tags:** Our Sponsors
---
### [Band Ensembles](https://www.guampedia.com/band-ensembles/)
**Published:** October 1, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** When Lt. Commander William Sewell served as the third American Governor of Guam beginning in 1903, he reacted poorly to the Spanish flavor of the music on island.
**Content:**
# Band Ensembles
View the images for the Band Ensembles entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622566704366).
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## From Spanish to American styles
When Lt. Commander William Sewell served as the third American Governor of Guam beginning in 1903, he reacted poorly to the Spanish flavor of the music on island. He soon issued an order stating:
> They (CHamorus/Chamorros) are to learn to read music..and play (band) instruments instead of maracas, mandolins, castanets and Spanish guitars.
Guam and the rest of the Mariana Islands were colonized by Spain since 1668. The Americans took the island from the Spanish in 1898 in the Spanish-American War though it would be the following year before they came to stay. The Navy brought musicians to Guam along with its first American Governor, Capt. Richard P. Leary.
A few years later, Sewell ordered all children between the ages of eight and 14 to attend school and that the curriculum include music and “a brass band that would attract the young.” US Navy men, stationed on the island at the time and who were musicians, also formed a Guam Band at this time.
These musicians included Marcello Giuseppe Sgambelluri, an Italian immigrant to America, who enlisted in the US Navy as a musician in 1897 and was stationed on Guam in 1900, along with his two Italian American fellow musicians, Ermette Pallacani and Guiseppi D’Angelo.
Sgambelluri was sent to Mare Island, California to procure instruments for the band and brought back saxophones, trumpets, tubas, trombones, coronets, clarinets, flutes and the like. He gave lessons to Guam students twice a day. The first concert by the native CHamoru brass band was held in the kiosk in the Plaza de España with Governor Sewell and his entire staff in attendance.
Sgambelluri applied for citizenship in 1914, married Joaquina Deza Camacho, retired from the Navy in 1918 and stayed on Guam. The other two Italian musicians also married CHamorus and stayed on Guam. Pellacani married Ana Sablan Reyes and D’Angelo married Luisa Untalan.
The Insular Force Navy Band, also called the Guam Band, was made up of a mixture of mostly CHamorus, a few Filipinos and the three Italian immigrants. The band played regularly at Dorn Hall School, one of the first American schools to open on Guam in 1913, located on the Plaza de España between the cathedral and the Governor’s Palace. Governor Robert Coontz directed that there would be one public reception and two dances each month here where military personnel and local leaders could learn to know and respect each other.
A US Navy Band was founded in 1918 on Guam for enlisted men only. Non-enlisted musicians continued to play in the Guam Insular Band up until World War II. When the [Pan Am Clipper](https://www.guampedia.com/first-pan-american-flights/ "First Pan American Flights") first visited Guam in 1935, the reception included lively march music from the Insular Force Navy Band made up mostly of CHamoru Navy enlisted men between 1916 and 1918.
During the [whaling](https://www.guampedia.com/whaling-influence-in-the-marianas/ "Whaling Influence in the Marianas") era of the 1800s CHamoru women would compose verses in honor of a ship’s visit. They sang these verses to the melody of “*Gumupu si paluma*” (As the bird flies). International seamen incorporated the melody into their sea songs. Ivan Carlyle claims to have found this melody as he sailed through the South Pacific and he wrote the last nine measures of the melody into his composition “The Earl and the Girl.” On Guam, bandmaster Wagstaff arranged it for the Insular Forces Navy Band in 1925 as a tribute to the CHamoru song.
Other occasions for band music on Guam were at Christmas pageants by high school students beginning in 1924 until the beginning of WWII in 1941 under the direction of [Agueda Iglesias Johnston](https://www.guampedia.com/agueda-iglesias-johnston/ "Agueda Iglesias Johnston"). The pageant’s central focus was the singing of Christmas carols by the entire high school student body, band music and the presentation of the birth of Christ in the traditional nativity scene.
The Insular Forces Navy Band also took part in the annual [Santa Marian Kamalen](https://www.guampedia.com/santa-marian-kamalen/ "Santa Marian Kamalen") procession in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña"), marching just in front of the statue in the 1930s.
## High school bands add to the mix
In 1966, several music lovers on Guam, including [Madeleine Z. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/madeleine-z-bordallo/ "Madeleine Zeien Bordallo") and high school band teacher George Toal were charter members of the newly formed [Guam Symphony Society](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-symphony-society/ "Guam Symphony Society"). The first performing groups of the Symphony Society included the Symphony Chorale, and the Guam Symphonic Wind Ensemble (band).
That same year saw the music program began in the brand new Dededo Junior High School, since renamed [Vicente Benavente Middle School](https://www.guampedia.com/namesake-school-v-s-a-benavente-middle/ "Namesake School: VSA Benavente Middle"). Bill Stolte was the first band director. It was directors such as Stolte, George Toal of George Washington High School and Martin Graves at John F. Kennedy High School that gave today’s top CHamoru jazz musicians and music teachers their start. Musicians from that era include Larry Franguez, Joey Franguez, Mike DiAmore, Ching Batamana, Patrick Palomo, Carlos Laguana, and Carol Flores.
In 1975, the Guam Youth Band was formed. The band’s creation was inspired by former [Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-ricardo-j-bordallo/ "Governor Ricardo J. Bordallo") who tapped George Toal of George Washington High School to be its first director. It was truly a youth band and, as such, it set the standard for this musical organization. In 1982, its name was changed to the Guam Territorial Band.
Governor Bordallo sent the Guam Youth Band to march in the Inaugural Parade of US President Jimmy Carter in January 1977. After the drum majorette, three members carried the Guam flag, followed by the band.
Inalåhan High School’s first music department was formed under the direction of William G. Maracino in 1983-1984, about the same time that the Guam State Band was formed.
William Maracino, director of the Guam State Band, recalled that the Guam Territorial Band (Youth Band) had floundered after the retirement of George Toal. The re-elected Governor Bordallo wanted Guam to have a band that could both entertain and perform at official functions. He authorized the Insular Arts Council to fund the Guam State Band. During these years, Guam’s political status was being debated and the band’s name seemed to make a statement about the island’s intentions to become a state.
Milton Crotts took over the band from Maracino, who retired in 1986. In 1989 Governor Joseph Ada proclaimed the Territorial Band the official band of Guam. The Guam Territorial Band played for President William Jefferson Clinton in 1998, during his visit to Guam.
In 2007, a concert by the Guam Territorial Band ended a two-week competition between the islands bands and choirs. A highlight of the concert was Junior Taijeron’s arrangement of “The Earl and the Girl.” Michael Clement found the manuscript at the Bishop Museum in Honolulu while visiting Laura Thompson in 1997. This was the first known performance of the composition since the Insular Force Navy Band played it in about 1925.
Charles Hardy took over the band’s direction from 1993 until 2000 and Cheryl Bay was its director in 2000. After a three year hiatus Maximo Ronquillo, Jr. began leading the band in 2003.
Since 1993, the Guam Territorial Band participated in fifteen international music competitions and celebrations, representing the island of Guam and garnering gold, silver and bronze medals. It has given young musicians the opportunity to travel to Japan, South Korea, China, Australia, Palau, Hawaii, and New York. Star-studded venues have been the Sydney Opera House in Australia, Carnegie Hall in New York and the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, China.
The Guam Territorial Band continues the tradition started by Sgambelluri, Pellacani and D’Angelo in the early 1900s. It is a community band reinforced with high school musicians from all over the island. It brings recognition to Guam as a tourist destination and territory of the United States.
The official US Navy Band left Guam in 1995-1996. At about the same time the US Department of Defense schools were started on Guam. The schools have band music programs to the island’s agenda at the middle and high school levels. In addition, over the past two decades, private, middle and high schools have formed band programs.
## Chronology of Guam Territorial Band International Performances
YearLocationVenue/Event1993Sydney, AustraliaSydney Opera House, Australian International Music Festival1995Honolulu, HawaiiPacific Basin Music Festival1995Seoul, KoreaLion’s Club International Convention1997Republic of Palau5th Anniversary, Palauan Independence1998England, Scotland, WalesUnited Kingdom Tour1999Honolulu, HawaiiPacific Basin Music Festival1999Yaizu City, JapanFriendship Tour2000Honolulu, HawaiiPacific Basin Music Festival2003 US/Japan Relations, 150th Anniversary2004Honolulu, HawaiiPacific Basin Music Festival2005Sydney, AustraliaSydney Opera House, Australian International Music Festival2005Saipan, Commonwealth of the
Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI)Anastasia Musical Production2006Honolulu, HawaiiPacific Basin Music Festival2006Saipan, CNMIBeauty and the Beast Musical Production2007New YorkCarnegie Hall, New York Band and Orchestra Festival2008Beijing, China2008 Olympics
The Annual Tumon Bay Music Festival, founded by Maximo Ronquillio, brings all these public, private and Defense Department bands together in ten days of concert performances, organized under the auspices of the Guam Territorial Band. Most recently, the Army National Guard has authorized a band for Guam and is recruiting musicians. Thus concert and marching band organizations are gaining even more strength and recognition.
[***By Michael R. Clement, Sr.***](https://www.guampedia.com/michael-r-clement-jr/ "Michael R. Clement, Jr.")
## For further reading
Flores, Judy. “Art and Identity in the Mariana Islands: Issues of Reconstructing an Ancient Past.” PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1999.
McClain, Ernest G., and Robert W. Clopton. “Guamanian Songs: Collection of Songs Commonly Sung on Guam and Not Hitherto Notated.” *Journal of American Folklore* 62, no. 245 (July-September 1949): 217-229.
Scott, Mico, and Stevie Scott. *Jazz on Guam: An Oral History*. Hagåtña: Guam Humanities Council, 2005.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Contemporary Guam Era, Contemporary Music, Creative Expressions, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Island Life, Modern Guam Rises, Music, People and Places, US Naval Era, Villages, Heritage Sites and Island Life
**Tags:** Band Ensembles
---
### [Åhu: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/ahu-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Sweet coconut dumpling soup dessert
**Content:**
# Åhu: Recipe
##### Share This
## Sweet coconut dumpling soup dessert
**Ingredients**
- 12 medium-sized young coconuts
- 1 package tapioca starch (16 oz)
- 1 ½ cups sugar
- 4 quarts water
Boil water and add sugar.
Extract coconut meat from shell and grind into chunk-sized pieces. Add tapioca starch to coconut meat and mix thoroughly.
Slowly add coconut mixture to the pot of boiling sugar water, stirring constantly. Allow contents to reach a rolling boil and then immediately remove the pot from heat.
***By Betty Ann Onedera***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Åhu: Recipe
---
### [Buñelos Aga': Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/bonelos-aga-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Buñelos Aga': Recipe
##### Share This
## Ripe banana doughnuts
**Ingredients**
- 2 lbs ripe bananas
- 4 tbsp sugar
- 1 cup flour
- 1 pint vegetable oil
- 1 tsp baking powder
Peel and mash the bananas. Add flour and mix together. Add sugar and mix well.
Heat oil and, when hot, drop the mixture by the spoonful into the oil, turning frequently.
Cook until golden brown on both sides.
***by Magdalena S. Taitano***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Buñelos Aga': Recipe
---
### [Privacy Policy](https://www.guampedia.com/privacy-policy/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia, Guam’s Online Encyclopedia, recognizes the importance of protecting the privacy of personal information that may be provided to us by users or readers of Guampedia content. Accordingly, we have adopted a privacy policy to govern how we treat such information.
**Content:**
# Privacy Policy
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
Guampedia, Guam’s Online Encyclopedia, recognizes the importance of protecting the privacy of personal information that may be provided to us by users or readers of Guampedia content. Accordingly, we have adopted a privacy policy to govern how we treat such information.
## Information Collected
When you visit Guampedia, we may collect information about which pages and how many pages you visit, and which links you use from the site. We may also record the type of browser you use (Safari, Firefox, or Internet Explorer for example), and the type of operating system you use for access to Guampedia.
## Use
Data is collected in order to determine which areas of the site are viewed most often by users. This information is helpful in the ongoing development of Guampedia.
### Disclosure and Security
We will not disclose any personally identifiable information collected online. Nonpublic information is available only to authorized Guampedia staff.
If you have any questions about our privacy policy please [**Contact Us**](http://www.guampedia.com/contact-us/).
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources
**Tags:** Privacy Policy
---
### [Buñelos Dågu: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/bonelos-dago-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Buñelos Dågu: Recipe
##### Share This
## Yam doughnuts
**Ingredients**
- 5-10 lbs *dågu* (yam) peeled
- 2 ½ cups flour
- 2 ½ cups water
- 4-6 young coconuts, grated
- 1 cup sugar
Grate *dågu* into a pan or bowl. Add flour, water, coconut, and sugar.
Mix ingredients thoroughly and shape into round balls.
Fry in hot cooking oil for 10 to 15 minutes or until golden brown.
***by Silvia Weakley***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Buñelos Dågu: Recipe
---
### [Champulådu: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/champulado-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Champulådu: Recipe
##### Share This
## Chocolate rice pudding
**Ingredients**
- ½ cup rice, uncooked (or 1 cup of cooked rice may be used)
- 2 cups water
- 1 small can condensed milk
- 8 tbsp Hershey’s chocolate powder
- 2 tbsp sugar
- ½ cup water
In a medium-sized pot, rinse (uncooked) rice until the water is clear. (Drain water from the pot).
Pour in water and let boil until the rice is cooked and very soft, stirring consistently. Mix milk, chocolate, sugar, and water. Blend into the soft rice, stirring constantly. Reduce heat. Continue stirring until the water starts to boil. Set aside until it has cooled.
Can be served warm or cold.
Serves 6.
***By Carmen Nededog***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Champulådu: Recipe
---
### [Coconut Candy: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/coconut-candy-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Coconut Candy: Recipe
##### Share This
## Sweet coconut treats
**Ingredients**
- 2 coconuts, grated
- 1 cup granulated sugar
- 1 can condensed milk
- 2 tbsp Hershey’s chocolate powder
Combine all of the ingredients and cook over high heat until the mixture boils, stirring consistently.
Reduce heat to low and continue cooking until the mixture reaches a caramel consistency.
When cooked, form into balls.
Yields 25-30 candies.
***By Lupe C. Reyes***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Coconut Candy: Recipe
---
### [Terms of Use](https://www.guampedia.com/terms-of-use/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Copyright 2022 Guampedia. All rights reserved. All written content, photographs, video, audio, graphics, illustrations, the design and software of this site are protected by copyright and trademark laws and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, published, or broadcast without the prior written permission of the Guampedia, except as described under these terms of use.
**Content:**
# Terms of Use
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Legal terms of use and conditions
**Copyright 2025 Guampedia. All rights reserved.**
All written content, photographs, video, audio, graphics, illustrations, design, and software of this site are protected by copyright and trademark laws and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, published, or broadcast without the prior written permission of the Guampedia Foundation, except as described under these terms of use. Photographs and illustrations are copyrighted by their respective owners, as noted in the credits.
## Fair use of materials
Fair use of copyrighted material includes the use of protected materials for noncommercial educational purposes. The use of text and images from Guampedia for such purposes does not require express permission from the Guampedia Foundation.
By downloading, printing, or otherwise using content from Guampedia, users agree that they will limit their use of such materials to fair use and will not violate Guampedia Foundation’s or any other party’s proprietary rights.
## Commercial use of materials
If you wish to use content from Guampedia for commercial use, publication, or any purpose other than fair use as defined by law, you must request and receive written permission from Guampedia. Such requests may be directed to [**Contact Us**](http://www.guampedia.com/contact-us/) or by US mail to:
Guampedia
303 University Drive
UOG Station
Mangilao, GU 96923
**Categories:** Guampedia Resources
**Tags:** Terms of Use
---
### [Latiya: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/latiya-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Latiya, custard sponge cake.
**Content:**
# Latiya: Recipe
##### Share This
## Custard sponge cake
**Ingredients**
- 8 inch sponge cake
- 1 ⅔ cups water
- 1 large can condensed milk
- ¼ cup cornstarch
- 2 eggs
- 6 tablespoons sugar
- 2 teaspoons vanilla extract
- ¼ cup butter
- ½ teaspoon cinnamon
Slice the sponge cake and spread the pieces on a platter. Set aside.
Place water, milk, butter and sugar in a one-quart saucepan. Bring to a boil. Add well beaten eggs, vanilla, and cinnamon. Bring to a boil, stirring constantly.
Mix ⅓ cup of water with cornstarch, stirring until it reaches a smooth consistency. Add the mixture to the milk mixture, stirring until it thickens. Remove from heat and spread over the sponge cake pieces.
Sprinkle cinnamon over *latiya*.
May be served like a custard.
***By Josephine P. Cruz***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Latiya: Recipe
---
### [Ambrosio Torres Shimizu](https://www.guampedia.com/ambrosio-torres-shimizu/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ambrosio Torres Shimizu (1909 – 1988) is well known on Guam for he and his family’s success in business. His Japanese father, Jose Katsuji Shimizu, moved to the Mariana Islands in the early 1900s and has been credited for making rice a staple food on Guam.
**Content:**
# Ambrosio Torres Shimizu
##### Share This
## Business pioneer
Ambrosio Torres Shimizu (1909 – 1988) is well-known in Guam for his and his family’s success in business. His Japanese father Jose Katsuji Shimizu moved to the Mariana Islands in the early 1900s and has been credited for making rice a staple food in Guam. Jose married a CHamoru/Chamorro woman and established a copra and sugar trade route between Togcha, Yo’ña in Guam and Japan. He also imported fabrics, food, and other supplies to sell at the Shimizu general store. He was given a CHamoru clan name *“Kåcha”* (husking the coconut) for his copra plantations.
Although Ambrosio Shimizu never finished high school, exposure to his father’s businesses at an early age helped him to become one of Guam’s most prominent businessmen.
In the late 1940s, Shimizu partnered with Vance O. Smith and Vicente R. Palomo and founded Ambros Incorporated. The company got its start selling surplus military products and beer to civilians. They had wanted to sell Budweiser, but the beer’s distributor Anheuser-Busch initially turned them down. They obtained distributorship with Hamms Beer and kept inquiring about Budweiser. Finally, in 1948, Anheuser-Busch sent them 500 cases of beer on a trial basis. That shipment sold out in two days, so another 1,500 cases were shipped to Guam, and thus began Ambros’ Budweiser distributorship.
Palomo sold his share in the company and moved to California in 1949 to start another business. Meanwhile, Ambros kept growing. The company opened a warehouse in [Assan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/) and started selling whiskey, wine, and cigarettes. In 1961 Ambros began distributing Brown & Williamson products including Kool, Lucky Strike, Kent, Pall Mall, and other cigarettes. The warehouse was destroyed by Super Typhoon Karen in 1962, and Ambros relocated to a bigger warehouse on Ypao road in [Tamuneng](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/).
Ambros obtained a Hiram Walker distributorship in 1973 and sold Ballantine, Canadian Club, Courvoisier, Kahlua, and other spirits. They eventually added Wente Vineyards and Louis Martini Wines to their growing list of liquor products.
Smith retired in 1973 and Shimizu invited his sons Joe and Frank to help him run the business. The alternative for Shimizu was to sell the company and retire. The two sons agreed and Ambros became a family-owned company. Paul, the youngest son, joined Joe and Frank in 1979.
In 1974, Ambros spread its market to include Saipan, where the Shimizus founded Marianas Pacific Distributors. Three years later, they opened a branch in Yap, then in Pohnpei and Palau in 1980, and in Chuuk in 1982. That year, they were also recognized for being the first Anheuser-Busch international wholesaler to sell more than a million cases of beer.
They also opened SHIMBROS Audio/Productions and provided promotional entertainment and concerts to Guam. Their first concert was held at Paseo Stadium that summer with Elvin Bishop of San Francisco and notables such as Hawaiʻi’s Cecilio and Kapono, the Doobie Brothers, UB40, and Santana soon followed. SHIMBROS is now Guam’s leading sound reinforcement company and music store.
In 1983, a branch of Ambros in Majuro, Marshall Islands opened. That year, the company’s sales surpassed $10 million for the first time, and a year later they were recognized as Anheuser-Busch’s Export Wholesaler of the Year. The Shimizus then founded Ambros Micronesia Inc. in Palau and the Western Caroline Islands.
Ambros began to expand beyond the distribution of beer, spirits, and tobacco. They obtained other product lines, increasing the amount of products they sold in local stores.
Ambrosio Shimizu passed away in 1988, but his business continues to live on and prosper. Shimizu showed his sons how to run the business correctly, exercise patience, think everything through, and be very careful when giving out credit. Ambrosio Shimizu was a conscious businessman, and his sons work hard to follow in his footsteps.
Ambros Incorporated continues to be a leading business in Guam and Micronesia.
[***By Victoria-Lola Leon Guerrero, MFA***](http://www.guampedia.com/victoria-lola-leon-guerrero/)
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Ambrosio Torres Shimizu
---
### [Pistachio Cake: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/pistachio-cake-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A Pistachio Cake recipe provided by Tita Alvarez in the Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook, 1985.
**Content:**
# Pistachio Cake: Recipe
##### Share This
## Local favorite
**Ingredients**
- 2 ½ cups all-purpose flour
- 1 ½ cups sugar
- 3 ½ teaspoon baking powder
- 1 teaspoon salt
- 1 box pistachio pudding mix
Combine all the above ingredients and mix well.
- 4 eggs
- 1½ cups evaporated milk
- 3 ½ tsp baking powder
- 1 teaspoon almond extract
- 4-5 drops green food coloring
Add to dry ingredients and beat at medium speed for 3 minutes. Fold in the chopped nuts. Bake at 350 degrees until cake springs back at center when touched.
Serves 10-12.
***By Tita Alvarez***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Pistachio Cake: Recipe
---
### [Poto (Potu): Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/poto-potu-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Poto (Potu) recipe. Potu (also spelled poto) are white rice cakes, distinctly flavored with a local coconut toddy or fermented sap called tuba (known as aguardiente in Spanish).
**Content:**
# Poto (Potu): Recipe
##### Share This
## Tuba rice cakes
**Ingredients**
- 5 pounds long grain rice
- 1 pint sweet *tuba* (fermented coconut sap)
- 1 pint water
- 5 pounds sugar
Add water to cover the level of rice. Let rice soak for two hours, then rinse and drain. Grind rice to a powder. Mix the remaining ingredients and allow to soak overnight. Stir three times during the night. Pour into *poto* cups and steam for 10 minutes. May be baked at 350 degrees for 10 minutes or until golden brown. Serve with butter.
(*Poto* cups are individual stainless steel cups. A cupcake tray may be used to substitute individual cups.)
***By Belle H. Gumataotao***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Poto (Potu): Recipe
---
### [Rosketi: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/rosketi-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Content:**
# Rosketi: Recipe
##### Share This
## Cornstarch cookies
**Ingredients**
- 2 boxes corn starch
- 1 cup flour
- 3 eggs
- 1 ½ cups sugar
- 1 cup shortening
- 1 teaspoon salt
- 1 teaspoon baking powder
- ½ teaspoon vanilla extract
- ½ teaspoon lemon extract
Cream shortening and blend in sugar. Add eggs, salt, and flavoring. Beat well.
Sift two boxes of corn starch with flour and baking powder. Add to the first mixture, blending well.
Turn dough out on a board covered with corn starch until the dough is smooth and firm.
Pinch off pieces of dough to make balls about 1 – 1 ½ inches in diameter.
Roll the dough into a pencil-sized rope. Coil and place on greased cookie sheet.
Bake in 325 degree oven until light brown.
Makes 6 to 8 dozen.
*Rosketi is a traditional Guamanian treat for all occasions.*
***By Dolores Tuncap***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Rosketi: Recipe
---
### [Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)](https://www.guampedia.com/nobena-novena-catholic-devotional-prayers/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** The nobena, or novena, is a series of devotional prayers said over the course of nine days that are associated with the various feasts of the Catholic Church year. The purpose of a novena is to make a particular request through the intercession of the honoree for whom the novena is named.
**Content:**
# Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)
#### Table of Contents
##### Share This
## Nine-day rosary and devotional prayers
The *nobena*, or novena, is a series of devotional prayers said over the course of nine days that are associated with the various feasts of the Catholic Church year. The purpose of a novena is to make a particular request through the intercession of the honoree for whom the novena is named. Novenas traditionally were performed both as public and private devotions for the nine days preceding the feast day of the Mystery, saint or aspect of Mary or Jesus being honored.
The devotional novena, a product of the popular piety of the Middle Ages, reached a climax within the Catholic Church in the 1800s, and many different kinds of novenas emerged with special plenary indulgences granted by the Pope. Novenas, though, were also useful for teaching people prayers in preparation for important liturgical celebrations and enhancing the faith experience. Of all the rituals in Catholicism, it can be argued that the novena was so acceptable among the CHamorus because of its potential for familial solidification and strengthening of family ties, even between generations.
The first *nobenas* prayed by CHamorus/Chamorros seem to have been mainly in the Spanish language. Later, the German Capuchins in Saipan and the Spanish [Capuchins](https://www.guampedia.com/capuchins/) in Guam translated many European novenas into CHamoru, with *Påle’* (*Padre* or Father) [Roman Maria de Vera](https://www.guampedia.com/father-roman-de-vera-2/), a Spanish Capuchin missionary in Guam, translating the vast majority of CHamoru *nobenas*.
The prayers of a *nobena* basically include the rosary and devotional prayers to the novena’s honoree. A rosary is a group of prayers to the Virgin Mary that are counted on a set of special beads. The formal practice of praying a novena, along with the celebration of mass, saints’ feast, days and solemn processions, was introduced to the CHamorus by the Spanish Jesuit missionaries following the conquest of the Marianas. The relocation of CHamorus from their homes to six villages facilitated the indoctrination of the surviving CHamorus with the Catholic faith. The liturgical celebrations of the Catholic calendar was then incorporated into the daily lives of the CHamoru people, most notably through their participation in the *nobena* and fiesta activities.
The more public *nobenas* are closely tied to fiestas offered in celebration of village patron saints’ feast days. Almost every village in Guam has a patron saint whose feast day is celebrated each year. For example, the people of the village of [Barrigåda](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) celebrates the feast day of San Vicente, their patron saint, on April 21st, and the village of [Dedidu](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) celebrates the feast of Santa Barbara on December 4th.
## Led by a techa
The nine days of public prayer and rosaries are led by a *[techa](https://www.guampedia.com/techa-traditional-prayer-leader/)*, or prayer leader, and end with a formal procession and a Mass, usually on a Saturday, with the traditional sharing of a meal called the *na’taotao tumano*. The people of the host village provide the food which is served on the church grounds in the social hall or nearby community center. Nowadays, many families will hold their own fiesta dinners within their homes to celebrate with relatives and friends, including those visiting from other villages.
The more personal *nobena* offered in the private spaces of the family home is the *nobenan i promesa*. These novenas are offered to honor saints from whom favors were granted. Some families hold these individual *nobenas* every year. They usually are passed on from mother to eldest daughter and are a sign of continuity, faith and devotion to the honoree of the *promesa*.
## Favored nobenas
When anthropologist [Laura Thompson](https://www.guampedia.com/laura-thompson/) studied CHamoru culture in Guam in the 1930s, she documented four solemn novenas celebrated by the CHamorus every year, the two most important ones being the *Nobenan Promesa pat i Nobenan i Linao*, or novenas of security or earthquake. These novenas originated following destructive earthquakes in April 1858 and September 1902, and were offered in thankfulness and hope for continued protection from natural disaster. The other two novenas were the All Saints’ novena on November 1st, and the *Nobenan la Purisma* in honor of the Immaculate Conception on December 8th.
Today, the more popularly celebrated novenas include the Lenten novena in the spring in commemoration of Jesus’ death, resurrection, and ascension into heaven, the *Kurason de Jesus*, or Heart of Jesus, a summertime novena, the *Nobenan Sånta Maria* in December for Guam’s patron saint, the Virgin Mary, and the *[Nobenan Niño](https://www.guampedia.com/nobenan-i-nino-jesus-novena-to-the-christ-child/)*, also in December, in honor of Christ’s birth.
The *Nobenan Niño* is held during the Christmas season with the last day ending on either Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, New Year’s Eve, New Year’s Day, or on Three King’s Day in early January. It is most often celebrated within individual family homes. Like other *promesas*, this *nobena* is generational and often passed through the female line from mother to daughter.
Preparing for the *nobena* may also involve the construction within the household of a *belen*, or nativity scene, depicting Christ’s birth. Sometimes the *belen* is quite elaborate, with statues of farm animals, shepherds, and the three kings in addition to the main figures of the Baby Jesus, Mary, and Joseph surrounded by a lush setting of natural and artificial materials. The *Nobenan Niño* is said for nine days, and unlike the village church fiestas, is actually much simpler.
## Teaching opportunities
The *nobena* is seen by CHamoru Catholic families as a good opportunity to teach children prayers and songs important to their faith, but the responsibility for following through with the yearly devotional lies largely with the women. Though sometimes individuals may be overwhelmed by the familial obligations associated with novenas, or even dislike the idea of “praying to statues,” the yearly observance of the *nobena* overall helps to unite and strengthen familial ties, and are an important part of CHamoru Catholic religious life.
[***By Dominica Tolentino***](http://www.guampedia.com/dominica-tolentino/)
## Nobenan e-Publications
### Nobenan I Niño Jesus, 1948
### Novena: The Christ Child, 1928
### Nobenan I Sagrada Familia, 1953
### Nobenan I Sagrada Familia, 2024
### Nobenan San Antonion Padua, 2024
### Nobenan San Fransiskon Asis, 1953
### Nobenan San Juan Bautista, 1953
## For further reading
*Chamorro Heritage, A Sense of Place: Guidelines, Procedures and Recommendations For Authenticating Chamorro Heritage*. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Department of Chamorro Affairs, Research, Publication and Training Division, 2003.
Crumrine, N. Ross “Praying and Feasting: Modern Guamanian Fiestas.” *Anthropos* 77, no. 1-2 (1982): 89-111.
Perez-Iyechad, Lilli. “Novenas and Fiestas: Gratitude Portrayed.” In *An Historical Perspective of Helping Practices Associated with Birth, Marriage and Death Among Chamorros in Guam*. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001.
Spoehr, Alexander. *Saipan: The Ethnology of a War-Devastated Island*. 2nd ed. Saipan: Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands Division of Historic Preservation, 2000.
Taves, Ann. *The Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America*. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1986.
Thompson, Laura M. *Guam and Its People. With a Village Journal by Jesus C. Barcinas*. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1947.
**Categories:** Chamorro Culture, Funeral Practices, Historic Eras of Guam, Our Heritage, Spanish Catholic Changes, Spanish Era
**Tags:** Nobena: Novena (Catholic Devotional Prayers)
---
### [Tropical Fruit Salad: Recipe](https://www.guampedia.com/tropical-fruit-salad-recipe/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** A sweet mixture of various fruits in a thick sweet cream. The concept of fruit salad was probably introduced during the US Naval Era, perhaps in the early 1900s. While ancient CHamorus/Chamorros ate mangoes, papayas, young coconuts (månha), bananas, and other native fruits, the mixing of a variety of fruits with a sweet sauce is distinctly Western.
**Content:**
# Tropical Fruit Salad: Recipe
##### Share This
## Chilled fruit dessert
**Ingredients**
- 1 medium-sized watermelon
- 1 medium-sized cantaloupe
- 1 medium-sized honeydew melon
- 2 large cans of fruit cocktail
- 2 small cans of mandarin orange
- 2 packages of meat of young coconut (frozen)
- 1 jar “kaong” (fruit of palm) – optional
- 1 small tub of Cool Whip (whipped cream)
Scoop out melons with melon baller. Reserve watermelon shell to serve finished fruit salad.
Drain fruit cocktail and mandarin oranges. Reserve liquid for use in jello or any other dessert.
Thaw out frozen young coconut. Never use while still frozen!
Mix all ingredients together, except cool whip. Chill at least three hours.
Before serving, mix in cool whip.
Delicious as appetizer (before any meal) or as a dessert.
***By Jennean Sablan***
**Editor’s note:** This recipe is from *Lepblon Fina’tinas Para Guam: Guam Cookbook*, 1985. Reprinted with permission from Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo, *Y Inetnon Famalao’an*\* (Women’s Association).
\* *Y Inetnon Famalao’an* was a women’s organization composed of cabinet wives and women executives in the government of Guam.
**Categories:** Art, Architecture, Body Adornment, Music and Food, Chamorro Dishes, Food
**Tags:** Tropical Fruit Salad: Recipe
---
### [Anthony A. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/anthony-a-leon-guerrero/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Guampedia Director and Author. Anthony “Tony” A. Leon Guerrero (1952 – 2005): President and Chairman of the Board of the Bank of Guam, cultural advocate and visionary.
**Content:**
# Anthony A. Leon Guerrero
##### Share This
## Businessman and cultural advocate
Anthony “Tony” A. Leon Guerrero (1952 – 2005): President and Chairman of the Board of the Bank of Guam, cultural advocate, and visionary.
## Bank of Guam
Leon Guerrero became the second president of Guam’s first locally-chartered full-service banking institution in 1995 when he succeeded the bank’s founder, his late father, [Jesus S. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/).
The Bank of Guam made history under his leadership when it became the first Guam-established business to be traded on the New York Stock Exchange in 2000.
Leon Guerrero’s entry into the banking world began at a young age when he accompanied his father as he went door-to-door selling stock in the bank. Groomed from an early age to eventually take the helm of the bank, he attended the University of Guam and the University of London’s school of Economics where he majored in Monetary Economics. In 1985, he received his masters degree in Business Management from Stanford University.
At 18 years of age while attending school, he started working at the Bank of America in San Francisco California as a general helper and loan interviewer. In 1974, he returned to Guam and started working for the Bank of Guam as a commercial loan officer. He quickly rose through the ranks holding various positions from manager of the bank’s San Francisco branch to Senior Vice President. In 1985, he was named Vice Chairman of Board, President and Chief Executive Officer. In 2002 he was named Chairman of the Board.
## Community and civic contributions
Leon Guerrero’s commitment to the Pacific region and the advancement of its people manifest itself in his contributions to regional economic initiatives as chairman of the Guam Economic and Development Agency (now GEDA) and leadership roles in regional organizations such as Pacific Islanders in Communications and the University of Guam where he served on numerous committees as well as the Board of Regents.
Leon Guerrero’s vision for the island of Guam included advancement of its people and economic growth. Not one to take a back seat, his commitment to his vision and the island of Guam was demonstrated by the leadership positions he held with various civic, public, and charitable organizations ranging from membership on the Board of Directors of the Guam Waterworks Authority, to membership on the Guam Catholic Education Council, and the Board of Trustee’s of Goodwill Industries, Inc., and the American Cancer Society.
Leon Guerrero had a keen interest in politics and was an active member of the Guam Political Status Commission and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute.
## Cultural advocate
Although Leon Guerrero was active in numerous civic, charitable, and commercial organizations, he had a special interest in the history and culture of Guam. Combining this interest in culture and history with economics, he served on the first Board of Directors of the Agana Restoration & Redevelopment Corporation as well as the Hagåtña Restoration and Redevelopment Authority. Following in his father’s footsteps, he also was a member of the Chamorro Historical Society.
His interest in culture and history prompted him, along with Rosa Palomo and George Boughton, to found the [Guam Humanities Council](https://www.guampedia.com/guam-humanities-council/) in 1991. He went on to serve a total of 12 years on the Board of Directors and elected as Chairman of the Board four times.
He was instrumental in the expansion of the Council from a small grant-making organization to an organization with a variety of multi-faceted programs. His support included offering office space for the Council at the Bank of Guam’s building in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to soliciting support from island business for Council programs. He played a significant role in the establishment of the Public Forum series, the Motheread Family Literacy Program, and [Guampedia](https://www.guampedia.com/about-guampedia/), the island’s online encyclopedia.
He served as the initial project director of Guampedia and went on to become the Chairman of Guampedia’s Development committee. He was a strong advocate for the program until his death in 2005.
Leon Guerrero was a philanthropist whose generosity not only benefited the Guam Humanities Council but other civic, community, and charitable organizations. In 1991, the Council recognized Leon Guerrero and the Bank of Guam with a special Philanthropist Award for a decade of support to the Council as well as to other community projects including the Ayuda Foundation, the Chuuk Library Book Drive, Rainbows for Children, and the [American Red Cross](https://www.guampedia.com/american-red-cross-guam-chapter/). His generosity also extended to individuals who also sought to better the island. No matter how busy his day was, he would often make time to offer guidance, support, or introductions to those who sought his counsel.
His public persona as a powerful leader belied a generous soul who loved to tell stories and make people laugh. He loved animals, was an avid reader, and a fan of the Discovery Channel. He also took great pleasure in riding his Harley Davidson motorcycle. But his greatest love was his children with whom he spent most of his free time.
Leon Guerrero is the son of Eugenia Aflague Leon Guerrero and the late, Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero. He has has three children with his wife Mari Flor Herrero: daughters, Maria Eugenia and Alexandra and son, Jesus. He has two siblings, a brother Jesse Leon Guerrero and a sister, [Lourdes Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/). His sister, Lourdes, took his place leading the bank after his death until she became the Governor of Guam in 2019.
[***By Jillette Leon-Guerrero***](http://www.guampedia.com/jillette-leon-guererro/)
## Guampedia entry by Anthony A. Leon Guerrero
- [Early American Economic History](http://www.guampedia.com/early-american-economic-history/)
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Economics and Commercial Development, Guampedia Authors, Guampedia Staff and Contributors, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Anthony A. Leon Guerrero
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### [Chester Carl Butler](https://www.guampedia.com/chester-carl-butler/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Chester Carl Butler (1884 – 1952) founded Butler’s Inc. in 1915, along with his wife Ignacia Bordallo Butler. It survives today as the oldest family business on Guam.
**Content:**
# Chester Carl Butler
View more images for the Chester Carl Butler entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622409208685).
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## Brought Coca-Cola to Guam
Chester Carl Butler (1884 – 1952) founded Butler’s Inc. in 1915, along with his wife [Ignacia Bordallo Butler](https://www.guampedia.com/ignacia-bordallo-butler/). It survives today as the oldest family business in Guam. Butler is best known for opening the first Coca-Cola franchise outside the continental United States. He also owned and operated the popular Butler’s Soda Fountain and Butler’s Emporium in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/). He and his wife, two of Guam’s earliest business pioneers, were inducted as laureates in the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame in 1996.
Butler came to Guam as a sailor from Texas, purchasing a soda-making machine after getting out of the Navy and starting a carbonated soft-drink business in 1915. He manufactured and bottled fruit-flavored seltzer drinks, root beer, and ginger ale which became very popular in Guam.
He then met Ignacia Pangelinan Bordallo when she was only 17 years old. A year later the two were married. They had five children: James, Beatrice (Sister Martha of Jesus and Mary), Clara Mae, Benjamin, and Dorothy, known as “Dolly” (Sister Carmencita of the Infant Jesus).
Together the two entrepreneurs started Butler’s Incorporated and made it a success for many years.
The reputation for Butler’s great-tasting soda pop grew throughout the island, and the bottling company became a success. In 1923, Chester Butler traveled to Atlanta, Georgia and obtained a franchise for a new brand of cola drink known as Coca-Cola. The Coca-Cola Company was young and eager to introduce its product into new markets, and thus Butler was granted the first license to manufacture and sell the product outside the continental US.
The Coca-Cola franchise brought even more success to Butler’s, and they upgraded their original bottling plant and installed modern equipment, including Guam’s first automated conveyor assembly line. Within a few years, Butler’s became synonymous with the popular Coke brand.
In the early 1930s, they added to their growing business the Butler’s Merchandise Retail Store in Hagåtña, several warehouses, and the Gaiety Theater also in Hagåtña, one of only two movie theaters in Guam at the time.
In 1936, the couple opened Butler’s Emporium in Hagåtña, a dry goods store featuring major US franchises such as the popular picture weeklies Life, Post, Collier’s, Newsweek, and Time magazines, General Electric, and Hamm’s Beer. Butler’s Soda Fountain, located inside the Emporium, was the most popular ice cream spot in Guam before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/).
The Butlers also started Guam’s first commercial radio station, K6LG. It only operated a few hours a day, with their son Benny at the microphone. He entertained his small audiences with music and commentary and sometimes had his aunt, popular singer and pianist Rosalia Pangelinan Lanford, perform live. The station didn’t last long as most people didn’t have radios.
## POW in Japan
When World War II started in 1941, Chester Butler was one of the American citizens taken to Japan as a [prisoner of war](https://www.guampedia.com/wwii-prisoners-of-war-sent-to-japan/). He was interned in a prison camp in Japan. When he returned to Guam after the war, his businesses were in ruins. The bottling plant, movie theater, and Butler’s Emporium were completely destroyed during the American bombardment of Hagåtña in 1944, and the re-established American naval government took possession of most of his property in Hagåtña.
The Coca-Cola Company, by then a powerful corporation, also tried to take back its franchise from the Butlers, but Chester Butler filed a suit against the company and won the settlement out of court. He retained the franchise but didn’t regain his businesses. His health had also been failing since his long internment in Japan, and he died on 14 February 1952.
Chester Butler was active in the community during his time in Guam. In 1924, he organized and was a founding member of the Guam Chamber of Commerce. He was also a charter member of the Elks Club and the Charter President of the Rotary Club of Tumon in 1939.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Historic Eras of Guam, People, People and Places, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Chester Carl Butler
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### [Earl Edward Kloppenburg](https://www.guampedia.com/earl-edward-kloppenburg/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** After serving in the European theater in World War II, Earl Edward Kloppenburg took advantage of the federal government’s offer granting tax-free income to people who would help in the rebuilding of Guam.
**Content:**
# Earl Edward Kloppenburg
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## Visionary tourism pioneer
After serving in the European theater in [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), Earl Edward Kloppenburg took advantage of the federal government’s offer granting tax-free income to people who would help in the rebuilding of Guam. At the age of 28 years, he signed a one-year contract with the Pomeroy Construction Company to assist in the building of the Glass Breakwater in [Apra Harbor](https://www.guampedia.com/apra-harbor/).
## Dining opportunities
After completing his contract with Pomeroy, Kloppenburg decided he was not quite ready to give up the island life and sought other opportunities in Guam. Taking on a job as a salesman, he saved up his resources. In 1950, he opened Guam Factors, an import business focusing in specialty foods from the United States. He then opened Guam’s first Western-style, fine-dining restaurant called The Office in the Anigua section of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
The new dining experience quickly became one of the most popular restaurants on island and a meeting place for politicians and businessmen. Riding on the success of The Office, Kloppenburg expanded his interests with the opening of more restaurants including the Specialty House, Earl’s Hut Restaurant, the 40–unit Earl’s Hut motel in Tamuning, the Hideaway in [Hågat](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/), the Coffee Pot in Hagåtña, Crow’s Nest in [Sinahåñna](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) and the Tapa Room in the Royal Lanes Bowling Alley. In 1964, he consolidated all his businesses and founded Kloppenburg Enterprises, Inc.
With the lifting of the security clearance in Guam by the US military in the early 1960’s and the Vietnam War, there was an increase in the number of air flights coming in and out of Guam. These long trans-Pacific flights did not include food service and Kloppenburg seized the opportunity. Working with Pan American Airways, he opened Guam’s first flight catering service called Pacific Island Caterers. The catering service became one of the largest employers in Guam as it expanded once again to service the US military flights on stopovers during the Vietnam War. This once little island catering service has transformed into LSG Skychefs servicing seven major airlines and generating nearly 5,000 meals a day.
In 1963, Typhoon Karen devastated the island, destroyed the Hideaway restaurant, and wreaked havoc on a number of Kloppenburg retail food and beverage establishments. With his main focus now on airline catering service, Kloppenburg began to realign and consolidate his varied business interests.
## Turtle Tours born from busing need
One morning in 1968, his children waited for a local school bus that never came. The kids walked home and called to tell their father about the missing buses. Kloppenburg discovered that a cruise ship had pulled into Apra Harbor and with no private buses available, government school buses were contracted to transport the passengers of the cruise ship. He immediately recognized that a privately-owned bus company was sorely needed for tourism to grow in Guam, and Turtle Tours, Inc. was born.
A huge supporter of tourism for Guam, Kloppenburg concentrated on his new tourism-related business, and Turtle Tours soon became Guam’s primary tourist transport and charter company. By this time the Crow’s Nest in Sinahånña had become the largest restaurant in Guam. Further expanding on his tourism vision, he opened Paradise Piers, a water sports and beach bar in [Malesso’](https://www.guampedia.com/merizo-malesso/) as well as a 60-unit A-frame cabin facility called Turtle Cove along Ylig Bay in [Yo’ña](https://www.guampedia.com/yona-yo-na/). Both facilities were destroyed in May 1976 by Supertyphoon Pamela.
Undaunted, Kloppenburg continued to push tourism as a main economic driver and was instrumental in the creation of the Guam Tourism Commission, Guam’s first visitor’s bureau.
Kloppenburg’s businesses were not limited to Guam. In Saipan, he opened Turtle Tours Micronesia, Inc., establishing water-related recreational facilities, a hotel, and The Office restaurant.
Kloppenburg was actively involved in many organizations including the Guam Chamber of Commerce, the Air Force Association of Guam, the Navy League, Guam Visitors Bureau, and the Japan Guam Travel Association. In 1990, he was awarded one of Guam’s most prestigious honors–the Ancient Order of the Chamorri–for his numerous contributions to the island and its economy by [Governor Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/). He was also named Honorary Ambassador-at-Large.
Kloppenburg married his wife, Lois, at the St. Francis Church of Assisi in Yo’ña in 1950 and together they raised six children until his death in 1991.
Kloppenburg’s legacy continues in the businesses that are now being operated by his sons, Bruce, Tom, and Travis. Kloppenburg Enterprises Inc. is comprised of development companies, real estate holdings, and four tours–a sunset cruise, a semi-submersible submarine, a riverboat cruise, and a dolphin-watching cruise. Turtle Tours operates three divisions of transportation for tourism, the military, and Guam Mass Transit. Kloppenburg was recognized as a Guam Chamber of Commerce Business Hall of Fame Laureate in 1997.
[***By Victoria-Lola Leon Guerrero, MFA***](https://www.guampedia.com/victoria-lola-leon-guerrero/)
## For further reading
*Congratulating the Kloppenbburg Family for Being Named the 2008 Family-Owned Business of the Year on Guam*. 110th Cong. *Congressional Record* 154, pt. 3: 4447.
Guam Legislature. [*Relative to Congratulating Kloppenburg Enterprises, Inc.*..](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Resolution-No.-129-LS.pdf). Resolution 129 (LS). 29th Guam Legislature. 13 March 2008.
*Kloppenburg Enterprises, Inc.* “[About Us](https://www.turtletoursguam.com/about-us).”
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era
**Tags:** Earl Edward Kloppenburg
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### [Frank D. Perez](https://www.guampedia.com/frank-d-perez/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Francisco Duenas Perez (1913 – 1997), better known as Frank D. Perez, is known for many things: a farmer who pioneered the raising of hens for the local sale of eggs; a long-time political leader who helped found three political parties on Guam; the founder of the Guam Economic Development Authority; and a successful businessman in concrete manufacturing who helped build many homes in Guam today.
**Content:**
# Frank D. Perez
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## Father of Guam Economic Development Authority
Francisco Duenas Perez (1913 – 1997), better known as Frank D. Perez, is known for many things: a farmer who pioneered the raising of hens for the local sale of eggs; a long-time political leader who helped found three political parties in Guam; the founder of the Guam Economic Development Authority; and a successful businessman in concrete manufacturing who helped build many homes in Guam today.
Perez was born in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) to Jesus Flores Perez and Margarita Mendiola Duenas on 5 July 1913. He attended Guam Elementary School and began his career with the US Navy’s Bureau of Yards and Docks, where he got a coveted job as a steno-typist at the age of 15. He worked at the job for 13 years, until Japanese forces invaded Guam in 1941.
He graduated from Guam Evening High School in 1933 and had hopes of becoming an engineer and going abroad to pursue his education. He was awarded a full scholarship to the University of California at Davis and had saved money from his job with the Navy and from work at the family farm. But he remained in Guam to help care for his ailing mother.
## Fresh eggs came first
In the late 1930s, Perez became the first CHamoru/Chamorro farmer to import fertilized chicken eggs from the United States in order to sell locally-produced eggs to stores throughout Guam. He eventually began to export fresh eggs, avocados, and other agricultural commodities throughout the islands, including Midway. He continued to own and operate his commercial farm and piggery and raise cattle throughout the Japanese occupation of Guam.
It was during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) that Perez became famous for his courage. He risked his life during the Japanese occupation by operating a secret radio, listening to American news reports about the war and relaying the news to trusted friends. The radios were strictly prohibited by the Japanese, and the news reports differed greatly from the reports given to the CHamorus by the Japanese. Perez and other secret radio operators shared the truth with others they trusted, as such an activity could cost them their lives. Perez was also among those who helped American escapees, harboring two of the six American navy men who didn’t surrender to the Japanese in 1941.
## Construction companies next
When the Americans retook the island in 1944, Perez was named administrator for Agricultural Development under the Bureau of Naval Intelligence. In 1947, with his brother Greg Perez, and Jose Salas, Jesus Crisostomo, and Van Smith, Perez founded the Pacific Construction Company and was president of the company until 1951. He then started Frank D. Perez & Brothers, a construction company, concrete business, and a hardware store. The concrete business still survives today as Perez Bros. Inc.
In the early 1950s, when Guam was in dire need of a civilian hospital under [Governor Carlton Skinner](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-carlton-skinner/), Perez sold 48 acres of his land in [Tamuneng](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) for the construction of a new Guam Memorial Hospital in 1956. In 1951, he used his company to develop Guam’s first modern housing subdivision in Oka, Tamuneng called Perezville. It was the island’s first subdivision that applied the concept of protective covenants. In 1955, Perez’s company reconstructed the Dulce Nombre de Maria Cathedral-Basilica in Hagåtña after it was destroyed during the war, completing the structure in 1958.
Just as he was successful in business, Perez was also a major force in Guam politics. He was first appointed to the House of Assembly in 1937, and served in the seventh, ninth, and 10th Guam Congresses. He was part of the 1949 Guam Congress walkout that attracted national attention and eventually led to the passage of the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) and US citizenship for Guam residents. Perez was then elected to *I Mina’ Uno na Liheslaturan Guåhan* (the first Guam Legislature), which was created by the Organic Act, helping found the Popular Party of Guam–the island’s only political party at the time, and predecessor of the Democratic Party of Guam.
## Political career
He was Vice Speaker of *I Mina’ Dos na Liheslaturan Guåhan* (the second Guam Legislature) and also served in *I Mina’ Tres na Liheslaturan Guåhan* (the third Guam Legislature), and *I Mina’ Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan* (the eighth Guam Legislature). In 1956, Perez helped found Guam’s second political party, the Territorial Party of Guam, and helped found the Territorial Party’s successor the Republican Party of Guam in 1966.
Perez is best known in his role as a senator for his legislation in *I Mina’ Ocho na Liheslaturan Guåhan* that created the Guam Economic Development Authority, which offered economic incentives such as tax rebates (called “Qualifying Certificates”) aimed at promoting and attracting new businesses to Guam. His law, known today as the “Frank D. Perez Economic Revitalization and Enhancement Zone Act,” is credited with much of the economic boom that followed in the late 1960s, into the 1970s and 1980s, and stands out as a major catalyst of the tourism industry.
Perez was one of four founders of the Guam Contractors Association and was a founding director of the Guam Savings & Loan Association board. He continued to be active in his business into the 1990s, and in 1995 was inducted as a laureate in the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame. Perez received an honorary doctorate degree from University of Guam in 1984. He was an active member of several community and religious organizations, including the Young Men’s League of Guam, Helping Hands of Guam, Knights of St. Sylvester, Knights of Christ the King, and Knights of Columbus.
Perez was married to Carmen Sirena Camacho Duenas, and they had 10 children: Frank, Joseph, Gregory, George, Thomas, Daniel, John, Mary, Carmen, and Margarita. Perez died on 22 December 1997 at the age of 84.
[***By Leo Babauta***](https://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Frank D. Perez
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### [Governor Joseph Flores](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-flores/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Joseph Flores (1900 – 1981) was the first CHamoru to serve as governor of Guam. He also founded Guam’s first locally owned newspaper and financial institution, and was one of Guam’s most prominent post World War II businessmen.
**Content:**
# Governor Joseph Flores
View the Flores’ photo collection [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622525080562).
#### Table of Contents
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## Governor of Guam 1960-1961
Joseph Flores (1900 – 1981) was the first CHamoru/Chamorro to serve as governor of Guam. He also founded Guam’s first locally-owned newspaper and financial institution, and was one of Guam’s most prominent [post-World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/post-wwii-era/) businessmen.
## Early Life
Flores was born 12 August 1900 in Guam, the son of Lagrimas Flores and an Englishman, Dr. Cromwell, whom she met on a whaling ship returning from Manila in 1899. His grandparents were Carmen Baza Esteban and Jose Aguon Flores.
Flores was educated at the old Almacen school next to the Governor’s Palace. He first worked as a messenger for the Naval government in Guam for 25 cents a day and later as an operator for the Navy’s cable station as a teen. In 1917, in the middle of World War I, he was one of the few CHamorus who were allowed to enlist in the US Navy and shipped out of Guam, hoping to become a part of the adventure of the war. While he did not see combat, serving as a steward, he served on maneuvers in Cuba and British West Indies after the war was over.
After his Navy stint, Flores settled in San Francisco for 30 years, where he married his wife Angela Perez. The couple had one son Edward and raised him there. Joseph Flores worked at various companies, including a grave-registration agency, a direct-mail advertising company, and the Santa Fe Railroad Company.
While he made waybills (shipping documents) for the railroad, he used his spare time to open a print shop in his San Francisco home and start a four-page weekly newspaper called the *South of Market Street Tribune*, which was distributed for free. The paper was profitable in the 1920s but was wiped out by the Great Depression and a printers’ strike. Flores stayed in San Francisco where he prospered in the 1930s. By the end of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) he had five weekly newspapers in the area.
Flores decided to return to war-ravaged Guam in 1947 to help his two brothers Joaquin and Jesus. Their company, named “Flores Brothers,” opened an import business and general merchandise store that operated where BankPacific now sits in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
## Career
When the US Navy decided to sell its publishing business three years later, Flores was awarded the bid for $37,000. Flores was not the highest bidder but the Navy sold it to him anyway because of his publishing background and business success. The [*Guam Daily News*](http://www.guampedia.com/newspapers/) was born in Navy Quonset quarters in [Agana Heights](https://www.guampedia.com/agana-heights/), making Flores the first local newspaper publisher.
Flores published the Daily News for 20 years and also founded the *Territorial Sun*, a Sunday newspaper. In 1970, he sold the printing and newspaper business to Chin Ho, publisher of the *Honolulu Star Bulletin* for $1.2 million. Ho sold the company to publishing giant Gannett Corporation a year later. In 2021 it was purchased by Kaleo Moylan, a local businessman.
Flores also went into a joint venture to found Guam Savings and Loan on 7 July 1954, now BankPacific, currently run by his grandson Phillip Flores. His partners were [Pedro Martinez](http://www.guampedia.com/pedro-pangelinan-martinez/), [Pedro M. Ada,](http://www.guampedia.com/pedro-martinez-ada/) [Ignacia Bordallo Butler](http://www.guampedia.com/ignacia-bordallo-butler/), [Frank Perez](http://www.guampedia.com/frank-d-perez/), Joaquin Guerrero, Felix M. Camacho, and [Eduardo T. Calvo](http://www.guampedia.com/eduardo-jake-calvo/). They sold about 125 shares to start the first financial institution chartered in Guam and the first to be locally owned. It was also the first to sell shares to the public.
Flores and his associates also opened the first loan company in Guam that same day, the [Marianas Finance Corporation](http://www.guampedia.com/banking/), and an insurance company, Pacific American Insurance Corporation. The insurance company went out of business after Typhoon Karen in 1962. Flores, however, paid the outstanding claims out of his own pocket.
He and his brothers also opened the first airline in Guam, Guam Air Lines. Flores had a car dealership as well, selling English Sunbeam Alpines and Hillman autos in the 1950s in [Tamuneng](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) where BankPacific and Marianas Finance are now.
## Governor of Guam for one year
In 1960, US President Dwight D. Eisenhower, a Republican, appointed Flores as the first locally-born governor of Guam. Flores was not sure he wanted the position, as he and his brothers were busy growing their businesses, but he finally agreed to the proposal. Flores was sworn in to office on 9 July 1960. He was the kind of man the Republicans were looking for–reliable, conservative, successful in business, and active in the community.
Flores saw his appointment as a testing of the CHamoru people. In his inaugural address he said:
> There is no doubt in my mind that from this time on, the eyes of the nation will be upon us, watching and probing step by step to evaluate our integrity and our ability in the discharge of those responsibilities which are inherent in self-government…
>
> The placing in office of the first Guamanian governor paves the way toward the last lap on our journey to self-government, a God-given privilege engendered only by freedom-loving people. We are all aware, of course, that the price of freedom here as elsewhere is eternal vigilance and that unless we are constantly alert, we stand to lose what we hope to keep…
>
> You will note that less than ten years have elapsed between the effective date of the Organic Act and the inauguration of the first Guamanian governor of the territory. As history goes, this is a very short period of time. It speaks well for Guam that within so short a time the people of the territory, by their conduct, have so inspired confidence that our Nation felt we were ready for the big step, we, as a people, are taking today. I can only hope and pray that during the years ahead we will continue to advance and will continue to demonstrate that the faith and confidence of the government of the United States have not been misplaced…
>
> Today we begin the crucial test of our political maturity. From this day forward our ability to govern ourselves will be measured in terms of deeds rather than words. As your Chief Executive, it is my desire and my pledge to do everything in my power to provide to the people of Guam an effective and efficient government service that is well within our financial ability to undertake.
>
> It is expected, of course, that sometime during my administration, there will be differences of opinion on particular issues among various branches of our government and between the government on the one hand and perhaps some individuals on the other. We are only human! But, I would like to think that when the chips are down and the welfare of the community is at stake, we will put aside our personal differences and aggrandizement to rally behind the common good. In this spirit, the affairs of the territory will not be placed in jeopardy and the ability to govern ourselves will not be questioned.
Flores kept the previous department and agency heads on, only making new appointments as vacancies came up. He named [Dr. Pedro Sanchez](https://www.guampedia.com/dr-pedro-sanchez/), Dean of the Territorial College of Guam, as his executive assistant. [Manuel FL Guerrero](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-manuel-f-l-guerrero/), later to be named Governor of Guam, retained his position as assistant secretary of Guam.
Because of Flores’s efforts, the University of Guam became a land-grant college a few years later. He had earlier supported the appointment in 1957 of the first CHamoru, Dr. Pedro Sanchez, to be dean of the then Territorial College of Guam. Sanchez, a PhD in educational administration from Stanford University, also co-authored with Paul Carano *A Complete History of Guam*, first published in 1964, providing the island with its first comprehensive history of the island.
The college moved in 1960 to its present location along the cliff-line in [Mangilao](https://www.guampedia.com/mangilao/). Flores laid the ground work for administrative control of the College to be transferred from the Department of Education to a five-member governing Board of Regents in 1963 when it became a four-year degree granting institution.
As governor, Flores advocated self-rule for Guam, opened his doors to all residents, and established new public health centers in Mangilao, [Piti](https://www.guampedia.com/piti-piti/), [Talo’fo’fo](https://www.guampedia.com/talofofo-talofofo/), and [Assan](https://www.guampedia.com/asan-maina-assan-maina/). He also saw to it that the Department of Public Works paved the Hågat-Humåtak Road for the first time. The road (an old pathway) had been widened and surfaced by the Seabees just after World War II but never paved. Once completed, it finally became possible to drive all the way around the island (80 miles) on a paved road.
Another issue Flores faced during his term as governor was with alien laborers who had been brought to Guam by the Department of Defense. A US immigration ruling in 1960 permitted certain categories of non-immigrant alien workers admitted to Guam prior to December 1952 to build the military bases, to remain on island as permanent US residents. By February 1962, 1,700 Filipino workers obtained permanent-resident status in Guam, most of who eventually became American citizens by applying for a “green card,” and subsequently petitioning for their family members to move to Guam to become US citizens as well.
The ruling was controversial at the time because while some people welcoming the new residents, others were concerned about their influence in the newly developing democracy. Because of this ruling, Filipinos are now the second largest ethnicity in Guam, right behind CHamorus.
Pan American Airways inaugurated east west jet airliner service across the Pacific via Guam in Boeing 707 airliners in 1960 while Flores was governor. That same year, the US Congress extended the Social Security system in Guam by PL 86-778. In addition, Bank of Hawaiʻi was licensed to do business in Guam in 1961, providing competition with the Bank of America and Guam Savings and Loan.
When President John F. Kennedy, a Democrat, won the election for president in 1961, Flores submitted his courtesy resignation. [Bill Daniel](http://www.guampedia.com/governor-bill-daniel/), from Texas became Guam’s next governor for three years, but then Manuel FL Guerrero succeeded him, and Guam has had a CHamoru governor ever since.
Flores was one of the founders of the [Republican Party of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/republican-party-of-guam/) in 1966 after its predecessor, the Territorial Party, lost all its seats to the Democrats in that year’s elections.
He also owned several office buildings and Casa de Flores, a motel-apartment complex in Agana Heights.
Flores also served as chairman of the University of Guam Board of Regents, chairman of the Territorial Planning Commission, and a member of the Guam Chamber of Commerce, the [Young Men’s League of Guam](http://www.guampedia.com/young-mens-league-of-guam-ymlg/), the Rotary Club, and the Elks Club. He was also quite proud of being a Knight of St. Sylvester. This honorary title, awarded by the Pope, recognizes Catholic laymen who are actively involved in the life of the church, particularly as it is exemplified in the exercise of their professional duties.
He was inducted into the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame in 1992 as one of the first laureates.
***[By Leo Babauta](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=692) and [Shannon J. Murphy](http://www.guampedia.com/shannon-murphy/)***
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Rogers, Robert. *Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam*. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Governors, Governors of Guam, Guam's Civilian Governors, Guamanian Era, Guamanian Era: Politics, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Politics and Government, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Governor Joseph Flores
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### [Ignacia Bordallo Butler](https://www.guampedia.com/ignacia-bordallo-butler/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Ignacia Bordallo Butler (1897 – 1993) was a CHamoru entrepreneur and business partner with her husband, Chester Butler, who together successfully ran Butler’s Inc. She is also remembered for her strength in dealing with Japanese soldiers during World War II in Guam.
**Content:**
# Ignacia Bordallo Butler
View more images for the Ignacia Bordallo Butler entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157622533692808/).
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## Hard working, long enduring
Ignacia Bordallo Butler (1897 – 1993) was a CHamoru/Chamorro entrepreneur and business partner with her husband [Chester Butler](https://www.guampedia.com/chester-carl-butler/), who together successfully ran Butler’s Inc. She is also remembered for her strength in dealing with Japanese soldiers during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) in Guam. The Japanese soldiers eventually came to respect Butler for her quiet determination and dignity.
In her later years, Butler established a reputation as the ‘‘grand lady’’ of Guam’s business circle. She was also a respected benefactor of the Catholic Church.
## First generation Bordallos in Guam
Ignacia Bordallo Butler was born on 13 November 1897 to Baltazar Bordallo and Rita Pangelinan Bordallo, a daughter of Guam’s large “Kotla” clan. Baltazar Bordallo, from Saucelle, Spain, took up residency in Guam, started a cattle ranch, and married Pangelinan of [Sumai](https://www.guampedia.com/sumay-2/). The couple had five children–Ignacia, Baltazar Jerome (“BJ”), Delfina, Carlos, and Tomas. They were fluent in CHamoru, Spanish, and English since childhood.
Ignacia was adored by her father, who vowed on the day she was born that his daughter would never be made to wash a dish in her life. For her part, Ignacia acted as an attentive “little mother” towards her younger siblings.
As per Spanish custom, the elder Bordallo allowed his children to drink wine with their dinners. He would vary the individual serving amount of the wine according to his child’s age. While Ignacia originally harbored a strong dislike for the full-bodied taste of the wine, she eventually became accustomed to the drink; her granddaughter, Donna Champion, related.
Ignacia Bordallo went to school in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) and was then sent to the Philippines for high school and to earn a teacher’s certificate. She returned to Guam at age 17, and soon met Chester Carl Butler, a former sailor from Fort Worth, Texas, who years later became an importer/exporter for the Pacific Islands Trading Company (PITCO).
The romantic match between Ignacia and Chester was not an easy one as Butler was a Baptist and the Bordallos were Catholic. Family stories recount how her younger brothers would purposefully embarrass her whenever Butler would visit the family. Revealing his devotion to his future wife and business partner, Chester converted from the Baptist faith to Catholicism to marry Ignacia.
When Ignacia turned 18, she and Chester were wed on 8 January 1916 at Mt. Carmel Catholic Church in [Hågat (Agat)](https://www.guampedia.com/agat-hagat/). As a wedding gift, Baltazar Bordallo purchased a building in downtown Hagåtña, which he originally intended for his daughter to turn into a school house, since she had been educated as a teacher. However, instead of a school, this building became Butler’s Emporium, a dry goods store which was a part of Butler’s Incorporated.
Ignacia and Chester Butler had six children–James, Beatrice (Sister Martha of Jesus and Mary), Clara Mae, Benjamin and his twin Harry (Harry died as an infant), and Dorothy (Sister Carmencita of the Infant of Prague).
## Introduced Coca-Cola to the island
The two worked hard to grow their business. They received a boost when Chester Butler went to Atlanta, Georgia and obtained a franchise for Coca-Cola, then a new soft drink. Their Coca-Cola bottling venture was a success, and they added modern machinery and Guam’s first automated conveyor assembly line to their soda-making plant. Soon, Butler’s became synonymous with Coca-Cola.
In the early 1930s, the couple added to their growing business the Butler’s Merchandise Retail Store in Hagåtña, several warehouses, and the Agana Theatre (near the Navy Yard) in Hagåtña, one of only two movie theaters in Guam at the time.
The couple fell into their respective roles as business partners. Ignacia relied on her attention to detail, a trait which influenced her responsibility to the business’s paperwork. The two had a unique relationship, differing greatly from the standard expectations of a married couple during the time.
In 1936, they opened Butler’s Emporium in Hagåtña, a dry goods store featuring major US franchises such as the popular picture weeklies *Life*, *Post*, *Collier’s*, *Newsweek*, and *Time* magazines, as well as General Electric and Hamm’s Beer. Butler’s Soda Fountain, located inside the Emporium, was a popular ice cream spot in Guam at the time. They also started Guam’s first commercial radio station, K6LG, which was operated only a few hours a day by their son Benny.
## Took charge during WWII
The Butlers saw [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) coming and knew it would affect Guam, though not to what extent. As a precaution, they sent their unmarried daughters to California to live with their married daughter Clara Mae Champion, and sent their money to a bank in San Francisco for safekeeping.
When World War II broke out, Chester Butler was one of about 550 Americans taken to Japan as a prisoner of war. Ignacia Butler continued to operate the family business with her son James during the Japanese occupation.
When Japanese soldiers asked her to make Coca-Cola, she told them she had run out of syrup, although in reality she had plenty in stock hidden in her warehouse. Both James and Ignacia Butler were interrogated various times by Japanese soldiers who wanted to know where she was keeping the business’s money. James Butler was forced to learn Japanese and act as an interpreter for the Japanese in Guam.
Ignacia Butler helped to support the operators of secret radios, at great risk to herself, to help the CHamorus stay in tune with American news reports of the war. She was physically abused, beaten with a rubber hose for her resistance during the war. She was also forced to sell her goods for Japanese yen. The yen currency was a worthless form of payment on island during the war.
In time, though, the Japanese came to respect her strength. Butler’s granddaughter Donna Champion writes of her grandmother’s position during World War II:
> I understand that the Japanese assigned an identification number to every person in Guam when they took over the island; however, my grandmother was never given a number. They *knew* who she was. She was indomitable and, I think, they respected this quality in her.
## Business in ruins
The Butler’s businesses were in ruins from the American bombardment of Hagåtña in 1944. Most of their family land in Hågat and [Yigu (Yigo)](https://www.guampedia.com/yigo/) was taken by the reestablished American naval government for military bases. Chester never regained his health after his internment and died in 1952 of pancreatic cancer.
Ignacia took over the running of the business, reconsolidating Butler’s holdings and relocating Butler’s store to its present location in [Sinahånña (Sinajana)](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/). She ran Butler’s as its president until 1982, when ill health finally forced her into retirement. She moved to California to live with her daughter Clara Mae, and died there on 18 April 1993 at the age of 95. She and her husband are buried together at Holy Sepulcher Cemetery in Hayward, California.
## Legacy of generosity and civic leadership
Ignacia Butler was known among the religious community as a benefactor for her numerous financial contributions to the church, and set an example for all CHamoru women as a loving mother, successful business woman, and civic leader.
Butler had many stories of her life during wartime. She once hid $3,000 in a coffee can, burying the can under a coconut tree in order to protect the money from Japanese soldiers. After the war, the landscape was bombed and unrecognizable. Butler couldn’t remember where the coconut tree had been.
After wartime, Butler’s generosity blossomed. She quietly helped others with interest-free loans so that they, too, could pick up and start over again.
She also became a world traveler in her later years. She visited Europe and visited her cousins in Spain among other places. She traveled to throughout Asia, including India and China, South America (also visiting cousins in Argentina), as well as the Caribbean (cousins in Puerto Rico). She visited the Holy Land and North Africa, and made religious pilgrimages to Lourdes (France) and Fatima (Portugal).
She and her husband, two of Guam’s earliest business pioneers, were inducted as laureates into the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame in 1996.
***By [Leo Babauta](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/) and [Samantha Marley Barnett](http://www.guampedia.com/samantha-marley-barnett/)***
## For further reading
Guam Legislature. *[Relative to Commending and Congratulating Butler’s, Inc….](https://www.guampedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/R011-33-LS.pdf)* Resolution 11-33 (LS). 33rd Guam Legislature. 16 February 2015.
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, Women in Guam History, WWII/Japanese Era
**Tags:** Ignacia Bordallo Butler
---
### [Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero (1927 – 2002) founded the Bank of Guam, Guam’s first locally chartered full-service banking institution.
**Content:**
# Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero
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## Bank of Guam founder
Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero (1927 – 2002) founded the Bank of Guam, Guam’s first locally-chartered full-service banking institution. He served as the bank’s president and Chairman of the Board, leading it to become one of Guam’s most successful businesses in the last 30 years. The founding of the bank was considered a landmark for CHamorus/Chamorros entering the world of big business in the 1970s. Leon Guerrero was inducted into the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame in 1992.
Leon Guerrero went to work for the Naval Government’s Bank of Guam after graduating from George Washington High School in 1947. The bank had been established by the Naval Government long before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/) , and after the war, it was re-opened under the re-established Naval Government. When the [Organic Act of Guam](https://www.guampedia.com/organic-act-of-guam/) was passed in 1950, it established civil government in Guam, and the Bank of Guam was then taken over by Bank of America. Leon Guerrero worked for both banks, beginning as a bookkeeper and working his way through the ranks.
## Began with 13 employees
He later attended the American Institute of Banking and was eventually named assistant vice president of the Bank of America. He worked for Bank of America from 1950 until 1972 when he quit his job. Leon Guerrero realized his dream of starting his own bank by soliciting capital from local businessmen, the majority from the Calvo family, and founded the Bank of Guam with capitalization of slightly over one million dollars. The bank started in a modular building in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/ "Hagåtña") with 13 employees.
The opening of the Bank of Guam coincided with the economic boom in Guam that resulted from the removal of the naval security clearance in 1962 that had been required of anyone entering Guam. New businesses were opening, new homes were being built, and the tourism industry was just in its infancy. The bank became an instant success, earning a small profit in just its first year, as Guam residents by the hundreds opened checking and savings accounts.
Under Leon Guerrero’s leadership as president and chairman, the Bank of Guam expanded its branches to [Dedidu](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/), [Tamuneng, and Tomhom (Tamuning, and Tumon)](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/). The bank went on to buy out Bank of America branches in Chuuk, Palau, and Saipan and opened new branches in Pohnpei, and in Ebye and Majuro in the Marshall Islands. The bank continued to expand internationally, opening offices in San Francisco in 1983 and Tokyo in 1985. It was during the 1980s that Leon Guerrero served as the first civilian aide to the Army Secretary General.
By 1985, only 13 years after opening, the bank had become one of the top banks in Guam. As of the end of 2001, the Bank of Guam had total declared assets of $669 million and almost 400 employees. The bank made history in August 2000 when it became the first Guam-established business to be listed on a national stock exchange.
Leon Guerrero was succeeded as president and chief executive officer by his son, [Anthony Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/anthony-a-leon-guerrero/), although he continued to be involved in the bank’s affairs until his death in 2002. His daughter [Lourdes “Lou” Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/lourdes-a-lou-leon-guerrero/) took over as President and CEO after Anthony passed away in 2005. She stepped down to run for Governor in 2018 and Joaquin Cook, Lou Leon Guerrero and Jeff Cook’s son, is now the president of the Bank of Guam.
Leon Guerrero was also one of the first chairmen of the Guam Economic Development Authority board of directors. He was on the Board of Regents of the University of Guam and the board of directors of the Guam Chamber of Commerce, and he was an officer of the Guam Rotary Club.
He was married to Eugenia Leon Guerrero and had three children: Jesse, Anthony, and Lourdes.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/?p=692)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
Sanchez, Pedro C. *Guahan Guam: The History of Our Island*. Hagåtña: Sanchez Publishing House, 1987.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places
**Tags:** Jesus Sablan Leon Guerrero
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### [Josef Martinez Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/josef-martinez-ada/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Josef Martinez Ada (1885 – 1955) founded Ada’s Soap Factory, which was Guam’s most successful soap factory from the early 1930s until his death and Guam’s first locally owned and operated soap factory. His soap was made from coconut oil using recipes and techniques he learned in Germany as a student.
**Content:**
# Josef Martinez Ada
[Ada Family Collection](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157630676835230)
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## Maker of coconut soap
Josef Martinez Ada (1885 – 1955) founded Ada’s Soap Factory, which was Guam’s most successful soap factory from the early 1930s until his death, and Guam’s first locally-owned and operated soap factory. His soap was made from coconut oil using recipes and techniques he learned in Germany as a student. Ada is the grandfather of former [Governor Joseph F. Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/governor-joseph-f-ada/), whose son Eric revived the soap business as Hafa Adai Soap, Inc. in recent years.
Born in Guam, Josef Ada moved to Saipan when he was young, as his father Pedro was in charge of copra-producing coconut groves throughout the Marianas. The northern islands were under German administration, and Pedro Ada worked as an interpreter for the Germans. Through his affiliation with the German administration, Pedro secured rights to produce copra in the northern Marianas, and formed the successful Pagan Copra Company.
Josef also learned German and served as a translator, and he and his brother Antonio were selected by the German governor in 1906 for schooling in Germany. Josef went to study bookkeeping, and later studied baking, photography, and soap-making. He stayed in Germany for 18 months with a family that owned and operated a soap mill, where he learned the skill of soap-making. He then returned to Saipan and opened a soap factory.
He encountered some difficulty at first, as the climate differences between Saipan and Germany led to problems with the quality of his soap. He didn’t give up, corresponding with friends in Germany and finding the necessary adjustments to produce quality soap.
When Pedro Ada died in 1911, Antonio returned to Saipan to help Josef run the now-successful soap business. The soap was not only sold locally, it was exported to the Caroline Islands and even Shanghai. After World War I, however, the business saw a decline in sales. Antonio passed away in 1928, and the Ada family returned to Guam.
Josef established Ada’s Soap Factory in the Anigua district of [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/), but faced stiff competition from other manufacturers, especially Vives Coconut Oil Mill. But with the help of his sons, Josef turned his factory into a thriving business. The family was especially proud to be the first soap-making business owned and operated by CHamorus/Chamorros, and this fact along with the reputation “for high-quality soap” helped sales to grow.
Ada’s soaps eventually surpassed the other leading brands, jumping from sales of 679 to 2,400 bars in just one year (1933-34). The factory produced and sold the bulk of all soap used in Guam, and was increasingly popular in areas such as the Caroline Islands, Marshall Islands, and New Guinea.
The success of the local soap-making opened a large market for producers of copra, which is dried coconut meat that yields pure coconut oil. The soap factory relied heavily on many small farmers who produced copra at their ranches. The people of Guam became so heavily dependent on Ada’s soap that when the factory was destroyed in 1944 during [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), soap became very scarce.
With the help of his sons, Josef worked hard to rebuild the factory with materials salvaged from war rubble and to meet the large demand for soap. The factory was nowhere near its pre-war condition, and soap had to be made by hand as machinery was destroyed during the war. Copra was also scarce, as most of the island’s coconut trees were destroyed in the bombing of 1944. “Tun Josef,” as he was also known, was often seen combing the island in search of copra during the early morning hours.
Island leaders made an effort to step up soap production, and villages were asked to fulfill quotas of copra each month. Tun Josef also found his sugar cane crusher machine, taken by the Japanese during the war and abandoned in the jungle. With the increased copra and this machine, the factory again became a successful business. However, when Tun Josef died in 1955, the factory shut down with him.
Tun Josef, the son of Maria Martinez and Pedro Pangelinan Ada, was married to the former Maria Perez Torres. The couple had 10 children.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History.* Vol. 1. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1995.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era
**Tags:** Josef Martinez Ada
---
### [Maria Palomo Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/maria-palomo-ada/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Maria Palomo Ada (1903 – 1996) also known as “Tan Maria” to the many in the community who knew her, co-founded a series of business ventures along with her husband, Pedro Ada, or “Tun Pedro” as he was more affectionately known.
**Content:**
# Maria Palomo Ada
View more photos for the Maria Palomo Ada entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/albums/72157633445427892/).
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## One of Guam's first millionaires
Maria Palomo Ada (1903 – 1996) also known as “Tan Maria” to the many in the community who knew her, co-founded a series of business ventures along with her husband [Pedro Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/pedro-martinez-ada/) or “Tun Pedro” as he was more affectionately known. The two of them ran their businesses together for more than 50 years. Through their retail, wholesale, and market businesses, the couple became well known in Guam and throughout Micronesia. Ada’s Markets became a household name in the 50s, 60s, and 70s. The duo also became Guam’s first millionaires while developing real estate and acquiring new properties through their company Ada’s, Inc.
Just as they are known for their business success, the Adas are noted for their humble beginnings. The former Maria Roberto Palomo was born in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) on 10 February 1903, the daughter of Vicente Ada Palomo and Ana Ramirez Roberto. She became a school teacher and worked as a clerk at the JM Torres Store in Hagåtña as a second job, carefully saving any additional earnings. She met her husband, who was born and raised in Saipan, after he finished his studies at the Jesuit-run Sophia University in Tokyo, and then moved to Guam.
When Joaquin Leon Guerrero, father of Bank of Guam founder [Jesus Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/), offered to sell Leon Guerrero’s retail store in Hagåtña to Tun Pedro for $500, it was Tan Maria’s savings that allowed them to take advantage of the opportunity. She was reluctant to part with her hard-earned savings, but eventually agreed. The story of Tun Pedro and Tan Maria became inseparably intertwined from that moment.
The store was located in Hagåtña, and through sheer hard work, the two were able to make enough money to open a second store near where the Julale Shopping Center stands in Hagåtña today. Tan Maria efficiently managed the store’s finances and inventory, while Tun Pedro was skilled at forming good business relationships with their customers.
Construction of a third store in [Maite](https://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-toto-maite/) began shortly before the outbreak of [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), but the Japanese occupation put a halt to all business activity. Their stores were destroyed during the war, and when the American forces retook control of the island, the two were among the first entrepreneurs allowed to resume their business.
## Founder of Ada’s Market
They opened a grocery store in an old residence in Hagåtña, and soon moved the store to their own home, using the basement as a warehouse. Eventually, they were able to build a concrete building to house Ada’s Market, and from there, their business took off.
In the late 1940s, they took over ownership of Tun Ben Palomo’s Barrigada store, and in 1949 formed a joint venture to open Food City in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/) (they eventually bought out their partners to gain sole ownership).
In 1958, they opened a new market in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/), constructed the Ada Plaza Center near the Hagåtña post office in 1964, and opened a new Ada’s Market in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/) in 1969. In 1973, they left the retail business to focus on real estate developments and other businesses, selling their stores to Seiyu of Japan.
Throughout their success in business, Tan Maria and her husband were well-known benefactors in the community, quietly giving scholarships to young seminarians and donating money to the University of Guam and Catholic parishes. They were devoted Catholics and maintained a strong family unit throughout their lives. They had two children, Agnes and Pete, and many grandchildren.
In 1993, Tan Maria and Tun Pedro were both inducted into the Guam Chamber of Commerce Business Hall of Fame.
Tan Maria died on 2 September 1996, almost a year after her husband died.
[***By Leo Babauta***](http://www.guampedia.com/leo-babauta/)
## For further reading
*I Manfåyi: Who’s Who in Chamorro History*. Vol. 2. The Hale’-ta Series. Hagåtña: Political Status Education and Coordinating Commission, 1997.
**Categories:** Business Pioneers: Economics, Civic Society, Contemporary Guam Era, Economics and Commercial Development, Guamanian Era, Historic Eras of Guam, Modern Guam Rises, People, People and Places, Post WWII Era, US Naval Era, Women in Guam History
**Tags:** Maria Palomo Ada
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### [Pedro Martinez Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/pedro-martinez-ada/)
**Published:** September 29, 2009
**Author:** Nathalie Pereda
**Excerpt:** Pedro Martinez Ada (1903 – 1995) founded numerous enterprises with his wife, Maria Palomo Ada, including a general store, supermarkets throughout the island, warehouses, a bowling alley, and numerous commercial and residential buildings throughout Guam.
**Content:**
# Pedro Martinez Ada
View photos for the Pedro Martinez Ada entry [here](https://www.flickr.com/photos/guampedia/sets/72157622533695208).
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## Real estate and investment pioneer
Pedro Martinez Ada (1903 – 1995) founded numerous enterprises with his wife [Maria Palomo Ada](https://www.guampedia.com/maria-palomo-ada/) including a general store, supermarkets throughout the island, warehouses, a bowling alley, and numerous commercial and residential buildings throughout Guam. Ada and his wife built a company structure from an initial capitalization of $500 into a multimillion-dollar family-owned real estate and investment corporation.
Ada was the first CHamoru/Chamorro millionaire and was named to the Guam Chamber of Commerce Hall of Fame, along with his wife Maria in 1993.
Among companies owned by “Tun Pedro” and “Tan Maria,” as they were known to friends and relatives, are Ada’s Inc. and Ada’s Markets.
Born on 3 March 1903 in Garapan, Saipan, Tun Pedro came from one of the families originally from Guam who moved to Saipan in search of better business opportunities. Ada’s family was one of the Guam families that eventually became prominent in Saipan. His parents were Pedro Pangelinan Ada and Maria Crisostomo Martinez.
After completing school in Saipan, Ada earned a college education at the Jesuit-run Sophia University in Tokyo, where he learned Japanese. He then moved to Guam, where he met his wife Maria Roberto Palomo, a schoolteacher who also worked as a clerk at J.M. Torres Store in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/).
Shortly before [World War II](https://www.guampedia.com/wars-and-factors-of-peace/wwii/), the young couple took advantage of an offer from Joaquin Leon Guerrero, father of Bank of Guam founder [Jesus S. Leon Guerrero](https://www.guampedia.com/jesus-sablan-leon-guerrero/), and bought his retail store in [Hagåtña](https://www.guampedia.com/hagatna/) using $500 from Tan Maria’s savings. She was reluctant to part with her carefully-saved money, but eventually consented, and the two became an inseparable partnership. Tun Pedro’s talent was in forming business relationships, while Tan Maria was efficient at managing the store’s finances and inventory.
With hard work, the two managed to earn enough money to open a second store that stood next to where the Julale Shopping Center is today. When they began construction of a third store in [Maite](https://www.guampedia.com/mongmong-toto-maite-mongmong-toto-maite/), World War II broke out and the Japanese occupation stalled the completion of the store.
During the occupation, Tun Pedro was imprisoned in Guam for a time because he had worked as an interpreter for the [American Naval Government](https://www.guampedia.com/historic-eras-of-guam/us-naval-era-of-guam/).
After the war ended in 1944, Tun Pedro and Tan Maria were one of the few local entrepreneurs allowed by the Naval government to resume their business, and they began to reconstruct their enterprise. They opened a grocery store on the first floor of the old Takano residence in Hagåtña and then soon moved the store to their own home. Eventually, they were able to build a concrete building to house the blossoming Ada’s Market.
New opportunities soon arose, and in the late 1940s they bought Tun Ben Palomo’s store in [Barrigada](https://www.guampedia.com/barrigada/) after Tun Ben moved to the States. In 1949, they opened Food City in [Tamuning](https://www.guampedia.com/tamuning/), next to where Docomo headquarters is located, along with partners Lucas San Nicolas and Tommy Tanaka, Sr. San Nicolas and Tanaka later left the partnership to the Adas’ sole proprietorship. In 1958, they opened a new market in [Sinajana](https://www.guampedia.com/sinajana/) and constructed the Ada Plaza Center next to the Post Office in Hagåtña in 1964. In 1969, they opened another Ada’s market in [Dededo](https://www.guampedia.com/dededo-dedidu/).
Tun Pedro and Tan Maria left the retail business in 1973 to focus on real estate development and other investments, selling the markets to Seiyu of Japan. In 1974, at the age of 71, Tun Pedro retired, a